The United Nations Human Rights Council :

2001 – Background Guide.

Letter from the Director

Greetings delegates and an immense apology for the agenda brief being released so late. As the Director
of the UNHRC : 2001 and on behalf of the Assistant Director, I would like to welcome you to CHSMUN
2014 .

My name is Sivan Chakravarthy and I’m going to be the Director of the United Nations Human Rights
Council : 2001 at Cathedral High School Model United Nations 2015. I’m a II PUC (12th Grade) Science
student with Electronics as my elective at Christ Junior College. As for my previous MUN experience, I
have participated at several local, national and international conferences and served as an executive
board member at the Cathedral High School Model United Nations 2014.

The MUN circuit in our country is huge. A MUN happens every weekend in some part of the country and
the circuit only gets more competitive with each passing day. Keeping this in mind, we at CHSMUN
wanted to provide you with a different experience and that is precisely what the Human Rights Council :
2001 is all about. This council is research based and constructive in nature.

The background guide gives you an outline of the committee and helps you to kick start with your
research. Please note that this guide isn’t the end of your research. It’s just the beginning. However, the
Executive board believes that your research shouldn’t be restricted and encourages you to go above and
beyond your study guide.

On that note, I wish each and every one of you an excellent MUN experience, and hope that your
research will be sincere and detailed. I look forward to interacting with you all at conference and I
promise you an unforgettable MUN experience.

My contact details are as follows:

1. Mobile Number – +91 9448928290

2. E-Mail Address – sivan.sundar@gmail.com

Feel free to contact me at any time.

Cheers.
Introduction
The name of the Great African War has been done justice to with it involvement of 9 major countries.
Angola, Chad, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Sudan and the Democratic Congo Republic were on one side of the
equilibrium opposed by Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. This issue had been an offspring of the First
Congo War. This had begun by an invasion in 1996 of the state Zaire (now the Democratic Congo
Republic) led by Laurent-Désiré Kabila to usurp Leader, Mobutu Seko. He had lead the Tutsi ethnic group
into replacing the Hutu Government. At this period of time Kabila had the support of Uganda, Rwanda
and Burundi. However with time, Kabila removed his Rwandan and Ugandan allies. To reduce chances of
a rebellion, Kabila expelled all Rwandan and Ugandan forces from the Congo that had been placed
during the first Congo war. After gaining control of the capital Rwandan presence in the capital also
raised questions amongst the Congolese, who were dissolving their relations with Kabila in fear of his
manipulation of foreign. For this reason Kabila had decided to remove all foreign presence in the nation
while creating an undercurrent of purges amongst the chief of staff and other leader’s who were
foreign. The Banyamulenge’s disapproval was evident with their rebellion’s which had gained support
by the Ugandan and Rwandan government’s which had now introduced their armies into the picture
while also creating the Rallie for Congolese Democracy. To help remove the occupying Rwandans,
President Kabila enlisted the aid of refugee Hutus in eastern Congo and began to push away from the
equilibrium while demoting Tutsi power. With the succeeding events increasing the rebel control the
Ugandan government implemented the Movement for the liberation of the Congo.
The Second Congo war had been termed as a Genocide. During the cross fire statistics had proven
that approximately 45,000 causalities were found every month. With this in hand, malaria, diarrhea,
pneumonia and malnutrition also continued to claim thousands of lives. Majority of this had been
caused by the rebel side as they were found to constantly raid town’s and kill civilian’s not involved
in the conflict. While at the same time with the casualties most of the infrastructure had been
damaged which had exposed such illnesses. However one may observe at the same time that the
Zimbabwean army that had been placed in the region had also created a high death toll.
$600,000,000 for fighting vehicles had been spent that had been deployed in Congo which had
further accentuated the number of deaths.

OVERVIEW
The initial rebel offensive threatened the Kabila government in a matter of weeks. The government was
only saved through the quick intervention of a number of other African states. As rebel forces were
pushed back, it appeared for a time that an escalation in the conflict to a conventional war among
multiple national armies loomed. Such an outcome was avoided as battle lines stabilized in 1999. After
that, the conflict was fought for much of the time by irregular proxy forces with little change in the
territories held by the various parties.

On 2 August 1998 the Banyamulenge in the town of Goma erupted into mutiny. Rwanda offered
immediate assistance to the Banyamulenge and early in August a well-armed rebel group, the Rally for
Congolese Democracy (RCD)—composed primarily of Banyamulenge and backed by Rwanda and
Uganda—had emerged. This group quickly came to dominate the resource-rich eastern provinces and
based its operations in Goma. The RCD quickly took control of the towns of Bukavu and Uvira in the
Kivus. The Tutsi-led Rwandan government allied with Uganda, and Burundi also retaliated, occupying a
portion of northeastern Congo. To help remove the occupying Rwandans, President Kabila enlisted the
aid of refugee Hutus in eastern Congo and began to agitate public opinion against the Tutsis, resulting in
several public lynching’s in the streets of Kinshasa. On 12 August a loyalist army major broadcast a
message urging resistance from a radio station in Bunia in eastern Congo: "People must bring a
machete, a spear, an arrow, a hoe, spades, rakes, nails, truncheons, electric irons, barbed wire,
stones, and the like, in order, dear listeners, to kill the Rwandan Tutsis."

The Rwandan government also claimed a substantial part of eastern Congo as "historically Rwandan".
The Rwandans alleged that Kabila was organising a genocide against their Tutsi brethren in the Kivu
region. The degree to which Rwandan intervention was motivated by a desire to protect the
Banyamulenge, as opposed to using them as a smokescreen for its own regional aspirations, remains in
question.

On 5 April 1999 RCD moved their base from Goma to Uganda. Furthermore President Yoweri Museveni
of Uganda and Kabila signed a ceasefire accord on 18 April but both the RCD and Rwanda weren’t
planning to do the same.

On 8 June rebel factions met to try to create a common front against Kabila. Despite these efforts, the
creation of Ituri had created a sub-war due to the introduction of Ethnic conflicts.

In July 1999 the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement was signed by the six warring countries (Democratic
Republic of Congo, Angola, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Rwanda and Uganda) and, on 1 August, the MLC (the
RCD refused to sign). Under the terms of the agreement, forces from all sides, under a Joint Military
Commission, would co-operate in tracking, disarming and documenting all armed groups in the Congo,
especially those forces identified with the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Few provisions, however, were made to actually disarm the militias. The United Nations Security Council
deployed about 90 personnel in August 1999 to ensure ceasefire. However his proved to be ineffective
with the constant firing still taking place.

Tensions of the rebel side rose as units of the Uganda People's Defense Force and the Rwandan
Patriotic Army clashed . In November government-controlled television in Kinshasa claimed that Kabila's
army was able to ensure their "mission to liberate" the country.

By 24 February 2000, the UN authorized a force of 5,537 troops, the United Nations Organization
Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to monitor the cease-fire. However, fighting continued
between rebels and government forces and between Rwandan and Ugandan forces. Conflicts were rife
and occurred throughout the country,

On 9 August 2000 a government offensive in Equateur Province was stopped Libenge by MLC forces.
diplomatic efforts made by the UN failed t0 be successful,

Zimbabwe

Zimbabwean strategy revolved around defending the person of Laurent Kabila alone with allied forces -
as Congolese forces were thought to be unreliable - retake important settlements, and expel the rebels
from the Kinshasa region. Mugabe's initial buildup in Kinshasha comprised special forces along with
some paratroops, reportedly numbering between 600 and 1,000. By August 1998, two more battalions
had been dispatched. They were accompanied by some Soviet-manufactured T-54/55 tanks, Crocodile
armored personnel carriers, and EE-9 Cascavel scout cars flown into the capital on Angolan Air Force
planes. The contingent grew to 3,800 around November, and peaked at 12,000 in January 2001. The
Zimbabweans began departing in 2002 and had completely withdrawn by the end of the year. Prior to
this deployment, Zimbabwe had built up an apparently potent brigade-sized, combined arms, reaction
force with efficient air support and professional competence; however the prolonged operations in the
Congo are said to have damaged its credibility.

Nambia

Under the direction of its president Sam Nujoma, Namibia became involved in the Congo on behalf of its
commitment to the Southern African Development Community. Nujoma, a longtime ally of Kabila,
claimed he could not refuse the requests for military assistance from Zimbabwe and Angola. Windhoek's
ruling SWAPO party had interests in Kinshasa similar to those claimed by Mugabe, including lucrative
fish exports and a valuable stake with the Societé Minière de Bakwanga. In February 1999, Namibian
Defense Force personnel in the Congo numbered barely 1,000: likely a single infantry battalion with
staff, artillery, and logistics support. Between 2000 and 2001 this figure may have fluctuated between
1,600 and 2,000, though Namibian troops remained of little importance to the conflict. They were
withdrawn by 2002, by which point 30 servicemen had been killed in action and the war effort was
costing Namibia $150,000 a day.

Angola

The Angolan government had fought against Mobutu Sésé Seko in the First Congo War because of his
support for rebel UNITA in the Angolan Civil War. The Angolan government wanted to eliminate UNITA
operations in southern Congo, which exchanged diamonds extracted from rebel-held Angola for foreign
weapons.
Angola had no confidence that a new president would be more effective than Kabila and feared that
continued fighting would lead to a power vacuum that could only help UNITA. The intervention of the
experienced Angolan forces was essential in deciding the outcome of both wars.

Chad

Kabila had originally discounted the possibility of support from Francophone Africa but after a summit
meeting in Libreville, Gabon, on 24 September, Chad agreed to send 2000 troops. France had
encouraged Chad to join as a means of regaining influence in a region where the French had retreated
after the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Nevertheless, Chadian intervention resulted in a fiasco. Its forces
were accused of serious human rights violations and looting virtually from their arrival in the country.
They withdrew very quickly under international and national pressure and shame.

Sudan

Unconfirmed reports in September indicated that forces of the government of Sudan were fighting
rebels in Orientale Province, close to the Sudanese and Ugandan borders. However, Sudan did not
establish a significant military presence inside the DRC, though it continued to offer extensive support to
three Ugandan rebel groups—the Lord's Resistance Army, the Uganda National Rescue Front II and the
Allied Democratic Forces—in retaliation for Ugandan support for the Sudan People's Liberation Army.

HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION

The Government and its allies such as Zimbabwe had been equally brutal. Girls associated with armed
groups were often assaulted, raped, and infected with HIV/AIDs by the government.

Transnational Government security forces additionally were found with a plethora of violations.
Government forces arbitrarily arrested, raped, tortured, and summarily executed or otherwise killed
civilians and looted villages during military actions against armed groups the government conducted
some trials for abuses committed in the context of internal conflicts in the east. In general, the trials
were flawed, and sentences were not always enforce. Rape by security forces had tragically been in
abundance. Military perpetrators enjoyed almost total impunity. Police, army and navy personnel, and
ex-soldiers allegedly raped 32 women and two girls and systematically looted 120 homesteads in Waka,
Equateur Province only. Three suspects were arrested in June; the rest remained free and unrested.

The Child Soldier phenomenon was also evident on the government side who had at the same time
recruited children to participate as soldiers. MONUC identified 22 children among soldiers of the Fifth
Integrated FARDC Brigade in Katanga Province. It found that FARDC Captain Mulenga in South Kivu
Province had eight children in his ranks. He and his troops had also allegedly abducted five girls that
month.

While looking at violations from both sides, the growing threat of IDP’s were in excess. The UN
estimated there were approximately 1.1 million IDPs, concentrated in the east, particularly in North Kivu
Province

Military operations conducted by the FARDC with MONUC support against armed groups outside
government control led to internal displacement of many persons. Attacks on local populations by
armed groups also led to movement.

The Transitional government cooperated with the UNHCR in assisting refugees and asylum seekers
however authorities did not provide adequate security to refugees.

DEATH TOLL
The Human Security Report Project of Simon Fraser University has challenged the toll of 5.4 million war-
related deaths between 1998 and 2008. It states that of the IRC's five periodical estimates two that
comprise a period from 1998-2001 are flawed, and the reported 2,6 million deaths within should not be
included in the total death toll. Regarding the other three periodical IRC estimates - which comprise a
period from May 2001-April 2007, and in which 2.83 of the total 5,4 million deaths were reported - the
HSRR argued that the estimates were built on a general death rate that was far too low for Congo, and
that most of those people would have most likely died anyway. Thusly, the HSRR states, the IRC figure
should be revised to 860,000 total war-related excess deaths.

Regarding the HSRR claims, one of the authors of the IRC report said that even though there may have
been small statistical discrepancies in the original study, the IRC report had been widely peer-reviewed
and was judged to be an accurate estimate of the war-related excess deaths.

NOTE
Delegates are expected to be well versed with their foreign policy and have a basic knowledge about the
UNHRC declaration.

Also note that this guide gives you an overview of the war and only directs you to a specific point. The
events which happen later will be governed by you, delegates. There is something much more to this
guide.

Any questions and queries are most welcomed.