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A couple of weeks ago, in a piece entitled “Votes Matter,” we looked at the history of
Mississippi’s last forty years of governor’s elections, and tried to draw some conclusions about
what might happen in the race between Tate Reeves and Jim Hood. I suggested in that column
that if voter turnout on Election Day exceeded 800,000 votes, Tate Reeves would be elected
Governor of the State of Mississippi. Unofficial totals from yesterday’s results show that more
than 860,000 votes were cast in the governor’s race, and of those, over 850,000 were cast for
Reeves or Hood.
The key historical premise of that earlier piece was that Democrats running for governor
have never been able to gather more than a few votes over 400,000, no matter the circumstances.
Prior to yesterday, only William Winter (1979), Bill Allain (1983) and Ronnie Musgrove (2003)
had cracked the 400,000-vote mark, and only by the barest margin in each of those elections.
Jim Hood barely topped 400,000 votes yesterday. With all precincts reporting, his
Adding yesterday’s results to the charts published two weeks ago only serves to make my
earlier point even more strongly: no matter what they do, who they run, or how well they finance
their campaigns, Democrats running for governor in Mississippi cannot break the 400,000-vote
1
A first look at Chart 1 might lead to the quick, and inaccurate, conclusion that Democrats
have turned it around in Mississippi. Because the lines representing vote totals of the candidates
appear to be converging after yesterday’s election, some optimistic Democrats might be tempted
to read the data to mean that “we’ll get them next time.”
Chart 1
But when seen for what they are, yesterday’s numbers only return us to the historic range
in which vote totals were running in gubernatorial races before the highly uncompetitive election
Chart 2 shows results for Democratic nominees for governor for all elections since 1975,
and again, Jim Hood’s marked improvement in number of votes over the Democratic nominees
2
Chart 2
But the elections of 2007, 2011 and 2015 were not competitive races and the results from
those years skew the trend line in a way that can lead to bad conclusions. When we take the
totals from those three races out of the mix, as reflected in Chart 3, and compare Hood’s totals to
races from 2003 and before, we see that he ended up right where we expected – hovering just
3
Chart 3
And, the converse is true for Tate Reeves’s winning total yesterday. Unofficially, Reeves
When viewed against the totals earned by Republican Phil Bryant in his two successful
races for governor (2011 and 2015), Reeves’s total yesterday might appear to be a pull back for
4
Chart 4
But if we drop out the results from those two election years, and also from 2007, though
Reeves polled higher yesterday than Haley Barbour did in his reelection bid in 2007, we see that
the Republican standard bearer’s total yesterday was almost exactly where we would have
expected it to be based on history, and comes quite close to Barbour’s total in the last
competitive race for governor (2003) before this year’s. Chart 5 shows Republican-only vote
totals for elections up to 2003, plus 2019, but the three elections of 2007, 2011 and 2015 omitted:
5
Chart 5
Those who will point to yesterday’s results as a basis for building a Democratic strategy
for the future will find themselves disappointed. And the false narrative that Tate Reeves could
not unite Republicans in a race against a popular, populist Democratic opponent was just that –
false.