Project 1

Gender and Crime
Author(s): Candace Kruttschnitt

Source: Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 39 (2013), pp. 291-308
Published by: Annual Reviews
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43049637
Accessed: 20-11-2019 20:55 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Annual Reviews is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Annual
Review of Sociology
This content downloaded from 198.72.8.15 on Wed, 20 Nov 2019 20:55:33 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Gender and Crime
Candace Kruttschnitt
Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario M5S 2J4, Canada;

email: c.kruttschnitt@utoronto.ca
Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013. 39:291-308

Keywords
The Annual Review of Sociology is online at
http://soc.annualreviews.org female offending, criminological theory, feminist research
This article's doi: Abstract

10.1 146/annurev-soc-0713 12-145605
Beginning with the last review of gender and crime that appeared in th
Copyright (c) 2013 by Annual Reviews.
All rights reserved Annual Review of Sociology (199 6), I examine the developments in th
more traditional approaches to this subject (the gender ratio problem
and the problem of theoretical generalization), life course research, an
feminist research (gendered pathways, gendered crime, and gendered
lives). This review highlights important insights that have emerged
this work on gender and crime, and it considers how this work might b
further enriched by drawing on sociological theories that can addres
how gendered lives shape the impetus and opportunities for offen
ing. This includes work on the context of offending, the learning an
expression of emotions, and identity theory.
29 1
INTRODUCTION youth who provide annual self-reports of their
offending. I discuss sex-based trends in offend-
Almost two decades ago, Steffensmeier &
ing only in the context of my assessment of how
Allan (1996) summarized the state of research
this area of research has grown relative to other
on gender and crime for the Annual Review of
areas in the study of gender and crime; that is, I
Sociology. Their review focused heavily on the
treat these data as part of the larger question of
gender gap in crime and the problems inherent
what advances have been made in the research
in the gender equality or liberation hypothe-
on gender and crime.
sis generated in the 1970s to explain the rise in
My approach to assessing developments in
female offending (Adler 1975, Simon 1975).1
this field was as follows: I extracted articles on
They also highlighted findings they thought
women and crime or gender and crime from
would be important for scholars in this field.
25 journals and 2 annual reviews, starting with
For example, they noted that many mainstream
the year Steffensmeier & Allan published their
criminological theories' relevance for explain-
review and concluding in 201 1 (1996-201 1).2 1
ing female offending is more salient in stud-
grouped the articles according to the most com-
ies of minor offending than serious offending.
mon approaches to studying women and crime
They also noted that the context of female of-
prior to 1996 and the most common themes
fending, which could explain why women's of-
that have appeared in feminist research in crim-
fenses often involve relational concerns, was
inology since that time. Daly & Chesney-Lind
rarely addressed. Focusing on these and other
(1988) identified a twofold focus in the early
concerns that they identified in the research,
research on women and crime: (a) the gender
they put forth a "gendered theory of crime."
gap or gender ratio problem, which attempts
As I show in this review, developments in the
to explain the sex difference in offending rates,
field of gender and crime suggest that at least
and ( b ) the generalizability problem, which ex-
three aspects of their gendered theory of crime
amines whether the same theoretical constructs
were prescient: (a) gendered pathways to crime;
can be used to explain male and female of-
(b) the importance of the contexts in which
fending. More recent developments in feminist
males and females offend; and (c) how the or-
criminology3 focus on "gendered pathways" to
ganization of gender deters or shapes crime by
women and encourages it by men. The purpose
of this review is not to rehash the scholarly work
that Steffensmeier & Allan (1996) reviewed,
2 The following journals were reviewed: American Journal of
Sociology , American Sociological Review , British Journal of Crim-
which was vast then and has continued to prolif-
inology , British Journal of Sociology, Contemporary Criminology ,
erate. Rather, it is to examine and critically eval-
Crime & Delinquency , Criminal Justice and Behavior , Criminal
uate research on gender and crime Justice

that hasReview , Criminology,
been Feminist Criminology , Gender ér
Society y Homicide Studies, Journal of Criminal Justice, Journal of
published since their review, much of which
Quantitative Criminology, Journal of Research in Crime ér Delin-
has followed from the areas theyquency,
identified as
Justice Quarterly, Law ér Society Review, Probation Jour-
nal, Punishment
important to developing a gendered theory of ér Society, Social Forces, Social Problems , Socio-
logical Perspective, Theoretical Criminology, Women ér Criminal
crime. It is perhaps more common for reviews
Justice, Youth ér Society. The two annual reviews were Annual
of gender and crime, or women and crime,
Review to
of Sociology and Crime and Justice : An Annual Review
of Research.
devote considerable attention to assessing This
sex- group of journals and annual reviews were
based trends in crime derived fromselected because (a)

the Uniform they include the most influential journals
in sociology and criminology and ( b ) research on women and
Crime Reports, the National Crime Victimiza-
crime has been dominated by sociological criminology.
tion Survey, and various longitudinal studies
3 Feminism of
does not refer to a uniform theory. In the study
of crime, second-wave feminism encompassed five perspec-
tives (liberal feminism, radical feminism, Marxist feminism,
socialist feminism, and postmodern feminism), all of which
^he liberation hypothesis argues that as women focused onparity
gain understanding the sources of gender inequalities.
Third-wave
with men in all aspects of social life, their rates feminism, however, has used research on gen-
of offending
will also approach parity with men's rates of der to reconceptualize some of the traditional approaches to
offending.
2 g 2 Kruttschnitt
Figure 1
Articles
I fir
offendi
sessm
initiate
has
crime" g
we
male anh
sear
(how ge
in focu
ways
view
offend
crime a
sequ
the are
min
link
(includ
ular
recidiv
sugg
into th
anyvanc
sys
and
over in
crim
endeavo
the pri
what th
ASSESSING A NEW COHORT
search
OF STUDIES ON GENDER
is inclu
AND CRIME
the vic
lence,
Collectively, I found 273 articles on the topic of s
gender and crime. As can be seen in Figure 1,
most of these fell into the area of feminist crim-
studying crime through biography and life course (in the
inology (95 articles and 35% of the research).
work on pathways), in the situational and organizational
contexts of offending (in the work on gendered crime),the traditional questions that guided
Although
and through social stratification (in the work on gendered
lives and intersectionalities) (see Burgess-Proctor 2006, 2013;
Miller & Mullins 2006).
of works or are pieces of scholarship that are particularly im-
portant
4 Owing to both page and citation limitations, not all theto advancing the field. In some cases, this also refers
ar-
ticles I reviewed could be included in this article. Thus, I of publications outside of the identified jour-
to the inclusion
nalsof
selected those that are particularly representative anda reviews.
group
www.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 293
power - most notably race and class. Among
these domains of feminist research, the work on
gendered crime is most pronounced; including
the work on the processing of offenders, it rep-
resents one-half of the scholarship in feminist
criminology. Gendered lives (and the corollary
work on intersectionality) comprise almost
one-third of this research. Studies of pathways
to offending appears to be relatively sparse,
representing only about one-fifth of the femi-
nist research. We turn now to the contributions
that have emerged both from traditional work

on gender and crime and from contemporary
directions that have been put forth.
The Gender Gap or the Gender

Ratio Problem
Males have long dominated crime statistics, and

in absolute terms they still do. However, rem-
iniscent of the 1970s when scholars began to
question whether women were making inroads
Figure 2
into the male-dominated arena of crime (Adler
Feminist research, 1996-201 1. In the field of gendered crime, there is a subset
1975), some scholars continue to focus on the
of work on the processing of female offenders in the criminal justice system
(20 out of 46 articles). The same holds true for the field of gendered lives and
question of whether, and if so how, the sex dis-
the subset of intersectionality (17 out of 3 1 articles). These subsets are tribution of crime has changed. However, un-
highlighted in light blue. like their predecessors who charted changes in
female property offending, scholars today focus
criminological work on women and crime since much of their research on violent crime. Offi-
the late 1970s are still prominent - the gender cial arrest data (Uniform Crime Reports) sug-
ratio and generalizability problems (represent- gest that female violence is increasing and the
ing together 2 5 % of the work in this field) - it gender gap may be closing, although this con-
appears to be the work on gendered pathways, vergence depends on the specific offenses and
gendered crime, and gendered lives that is mov- time periods examined (see, e.g., O'Brien 1999,
ing the field forward. Figure 2 illustrates how Steffensmeier et al. 2006). Because evidence of a
these specific areas of feminist criminology are gender convergence in violent crime is derived
developing. I included articles that addressed primarily from official arrest data, some schol-
the processing of female offenders as a subset of ars turned to victimization and self-report data
gendered crime because what happens to men to assess the reliability of these trends. Find-
and women in adjudication and sentencing can ing no evidence of a convergence in the gender
have substantial effects on their subsequent of- gap in violent crime in these data, they con-
fending lives. cluded that changes in enforcement patterns,
I also included work on intersectionality rather than changes in women's behavior, are
as a subset of the gendered lives category. driving the convergence (Steffensmeier et al.
Intersectionality research explicitly attends to 2005, Schwartz & Rookey 2008, Feld 2009).
the complexity of women's lives and the ways Others, however, argue that victimization data
in which they are shaped not only by gender do provide evidence of a decline in the gender
but also, simultaneously, by other systems of gap in violent crime but that it is driven not by
294 Kruttschnitt
greater rates of female offending (as reported parents provide for their children as a result
by victims) but by greater declines in male of- of their power in the workplace. The theory
fending relative to female offending (Lauritsen initially focused on explaining the effects of
et al. 2009, Rennison 2009). maternal workplace authority on girls' propen-
Some insights into both the absolute sex dif- sity for risk taking and delinquency (Hagan
ferences in crime and the sex-based differences et al. 1987), but more recently it has shifted
in declining rates of offending may be found attention to the effect of this maternal role
in work that focuses on whether middle-range on boys' propensity for delinquency. Here we
crime theories can account for these sex-based find that when women have more workplace
disparities. First, as to the absolute differences, authority and personal agency their sons
a growing body of research emanating from adopt more critical views of traditional gender
tests of general strain theory (GST; Agnew schémas, and delinquency among these boys is
1992) provides some evidence that emotions more likely to be discouraged (McCarthy et al.
are gendered in ways that may suppress female 1999, Hagan et al. 2004).
offending or aggravate male offending. GST
posits that strain produces negative emotions
that in turn fuel delinquency. Tests of this Generalizability
theory have shown that males and females who Can we use the same theoretical constructions
are exposed to strain react with both anger and to explain male and female offending or do
other emotions (guilt and depression), but how we need to derive separate theories? Scholars
the combined effects of these emotions are who have tried to answer this question have
approached it in three different ways. First,
displayed results in more delinquency among
males than females (Broidy & Agnew 1997, some De work with multiple middle-range theo-
ries examines what are considered to be core
Coster & Zito 2010). A second line of research,
conceptions from each theory (e.g., parental
emanating from learning theory, focuses on the
attachment in control theory or delinquent
most proximal cause of offending - delinquent
peers in the case of differential association
peers - to explain the gender gap in offending.
Although early research repeatedly found that
theory). The bulk of this research suggests that
although there are level differences in male
males have greater exposure to delinquent peers
than do females and that such exposure has a female offending, the causal mechanisms
and
driving the offending behaviors are generally
greater effect on them than on females (Heimer
& De Coster 1999, Liu & Kaplan 1999), a more
gender neutral (Fleming et al. 2002, Bell 2009,
recent study has shown that this relationshipFans
is & Felmlee 2011).
conditioned by neighborhood context. Neigh-A second approach focuses on the gener-
borhood disadvantage increases exposure to alizability of a specific theory. Over the past
decade, GST and, to a lesser extent, Gottfired-
peer violence for both sexes, but in this disad-
son & Hirschi's (1990) self-control theory
vantaged context it seems to have a stronger
impact on girls' violence because females have
have been the most frequently tested theories.
more intimate peer relationships and peers
From a feminist perspective, both theories are
are more influential when they are intimate
conceptual hybrids, as they address the gender
(Zimmerman & Messner 2010). This research
gap in crime while trying to determine whether
reminds us that we must be sensitive to the gender-neutral mechanisms drive offending.
For example, Broidy & Agnew's (1997) expo-
ways in which local contexts impact sex-based
sition of GST laid out several hypotheses that
patterns in offending. Third, and particularly
generated considerable research. Succinctly,
relevant to the sex-based declines in offending
rates, is the research emanating from power
they asked whether there are differences in the
control theory. Power control theory draws
types of strains males and females experience
and in their emotional responses to these
attention to the different gender schémas that
strains. Tests of these hypotheses produced (Hochschild 1979) but also the importance of
mixed results. When the strain-crime rela- understanding the context of gendered lives
tionship is measured with the presence onlyfor the development of criminological theory.
of adverse life events, the relationship holds
for general delinquency regardless of the
Life Course
respondent's gender (Agnew & Březina 1997,
Mazerolle 1998). However, when emotional Relatively few scholars focus on the ways gen-
responses to negative life events are modeled der shapes patterns of offending across the life
as mediating variables, both emotional and course. Nevertheless, research in this vein that
has been attentive to gender has followed the
behavioral responses to strain vary significantly
by gender (Piquero & Sealock 2004, Jang 2007, mainstream developments on male offending
Kaufman 2009). Tests of the generalizability by (a) examining criminal career trajectories
of Gottfredson & Hirschi's (1990) theory and of ( b ) extending and elaborating on Sampson
social control also produced mixed findings. & Laub's (1993) age-graded theory of informal
The theory of self-control posits that crime social control.
occurs when individuals have low self-control The question of whether there are sig-
and the opportunity to offend. Although resultsnificant differences in the criminal careers
of males and females is difficult to answer
vary somewhat depending on the measures of
self-control and antisocial behavior, there is ev-
because relatively few investigations have been
undertaken and there is considerable diversity
idence of gender invariance in the effects of low
self-control on criminal offending (Tittle et al.among the data sets used for this type of
2003, Shekarkhar & Gibson 2011). However,investigation. Results from at least three data
how self-control interacts with opportunities
sets (Dunedin Birth Cohort Study, the Boricua
for offending may differ by gender (BurtonYouth Study-Puerto Rican youth in the
et al. 1998, Higgins & Tewksbury 2006). Bronx and San Juan, and the Criminal Career
A final group of research focuses on ag-and Life Course Study in the Netherlands)
gregate level data and examines whether thesuggest that the number of groups and the
patterns of trajectories (e.g., low-, medium-,
same structural covariates explain rates of male
and female offending. This research suggests and high-frequency offenders) are similar for
that structural disadvantage (poverty, income males and females, although there is some
inequality, joblessness, female-headed house-variability in the degree to which women are
holds, and percent Black) and gender-specific as prevalent as men among high-rate offenders
measures of unemployment and marriage-to-(Piquero et al. 2005, Block et al. 2010, Jennings
divorce ratios have largely the same effects,et al. 2010). An important predictor of these
albeit with differing magnitudes, on male andtrajectories is thought to be the age at which
female crime rates (Steffensmeier & Hayniean individual begins offending, with, as Moffitt
2000, Lo & Zhong 2006). (1993) argues, an early age of onset predicting
Do we need separate theories to explain "life course persistent" offending. There is no
male and female offending? The researchclear evidence that an early onset of offending
suggests that some formative experiences that(usually operationalized as before age 14) has
are conducive to crime (e.g., poor parental the same effect on male and female trajectories
relationships, low self-control, delinquent of offending; some scholars find that an
peers, economic disadvantage) are gender early onset predicts high and diverse rates of
invariant but that the emotional mediators of offending in the teens and into early adulthood
these experiences and the opportunities forregardless of sex (Mazerolle et al. 2000, Odgers
offending may not be. This underscores not et al. 2008), whereas others find this prediction
only the sociological axiom that the displayholds only for males (Piquero & Chung 2001,
of emotions are both learned and gendered D'Unger et al. 2002). But few studies have
296 Kruttschnitt
investigateci how an adult onset of offending desistance such as education, employment, and
might influence subsequent criminal trajecto- illegal drug use, e.g., Uggen & Kruttschnitt
ries. Although Moffitt and colleagues (2001, 1998, Simons et al. 2002). The absence of
pp. 84-85) maintain that adult onset cannot be the marriage-desistance relationship among
measured with certainty and that it is extremely women is thought to be related to women's
rare, there is mounting evidence that women, greater likelihood (compared with men) of
on average, have a much later offending onset marrying another offender, or, as some put
than men (Eggleston & Laub 2002, Block et al. it, women offenders have little chance of
2010). This finding has important theoretical "marrying up" (King et al. 2007, p. 55). This
implications as it contradicts the notion that hypothesis is consistent with the literature
stable traits that shape offending probabilities on assortative mating among offenders and
are formed well before adulthood (Gottfredson its influence on offending stability across the
& Hirschi 1990, Moffitt 1993). Rather, as life course (Simons et al. 2002). Furthermore,
Sampson & Laub (1993) argue, it suggests because the criminogenic effects of having an
that experiences in adult life have a substantial antisocial partner are amplified by marital hap-
impact on offending probabilities even when piness among both male and female offenders
such stable traits are taken into account. (Giordano et al. 2007), desistance may rely
Sampson & Laub's (1993) age-graded less on the quality of a marriage or partnership
theory of informal social control examines the than on the prosocial qualities of one's partner.
factors that predict continuity and change in of-
fending over the life course. Using the Gluecks' FEMINIST CONTRIBUTIONS
data - a sample of white male offenders who TO THE STUDY OF GENDER
matured into adults in the 1950s - they found AND CRIME
that marital attachment and job stability were
both critical determinants of desistance from
In 1998, Daly posited that in order to move
beyond mere analyses of the gender gap in
crime in adulthood, but they emphasized that
crime and advance theoretical development
it was the quality of these experiences that mat-
on gender differences in offending, we need to
tered. Their analyses highlight the importance
unpack the biographical, contextual, and struc-
of solid jobs and so-called good marriages,
tural factors that affect women's (and men's)
which require investments of time and energy,
offending. Directing attention to these areas, as
in pushing offenders toward desistance (Laub
Steffensmeier & Allan (1996) did in their gen-
& Sampson 2003). Questioning the utility of
dered theory of crime, produced a conceptual
this finding for females and minorities who
scheme that focuses on gendered pathways to
came of age at the end of the twentieth century,
a number of scholars have demonstrated the
lawbreaking, gendered crime, and gendered
lives.
importance of bringing gender to bear on this
theory. Particularly notable is the research
of Giordano et al. (2002). On the basis of a Gendered Pathways to Offending
longitudinal study of serious male and femaleResearch on gendered pathways to offending
considers the factors that influence the initia-
delinquents first incarcerated in the 1980s,
they found that neither marital attachment nortion (and the termination) of male and female
employment was a significant predictor of adultoffending and the ways in which they might
desistance from crime for either sex. Others,be gendered. Daly's (1992) qualitative analysis
of pre-sentence reports on 40 women and 40
focusing only on marriage, have found that it is
beneficial for men but has no crime-reducingmen in felony court is commonly recognized
potential for women (King et al. 2007, Bersanias the most important conceptual formulation
et al. 2009; significant gender differences of this approach to studying crime. Mapping
have also been found in other predictors of the life experiences that lead to offending, she
wwTV.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 297
documented five pathways for women: (a) delinquency (Moffitt et al. 2001, Zahn et al.
"street women" were severely abused in 2010), some evidence of a gendered pathway to
childhood and subsequently turned to the crime can be found in prospective studies of the
streets, engaging in various hustles to survive; association between child maltreatment and
(b) "harmed and harming women" were adult crime and drug use (Wilson & Widom
also abused and had a chaotic family life, 2009, Topitzers et al. 2011). These studies
which led to abusing drugs and alcohol; (c) suggest that how and when the effects of child
"drug-connected women" used or sold drugs abuse are manifest in criminal offending or
in connection with family or partners, but illicit drug use may depend on the gendering
they were not addicted to drugs and did not of other aspects of the life course and the
have extensive criminal histories; ( d ) "battered development of more generalized behavioral
women" were in violent relationships and their problems that may include problems in school,
criminal activities consisted of striking back at homelessness, and prostitution.
abusive partners; and ( e ) "other women" had The pathways concept also draws attention
no difficult family histories and their crimes to social contexts that are relevant to the initi-
were economically motivated.5 Unfortunately, ation of offending and the ways in which these
subsequent research on this topic has not been might be gendered, but relatively little work
as informative. Although childhood maltreat- of this type has been undertaken. A notable
ment and sexual abuse, family chaos, poverty, exception is Davis's (2007) investigation of why
school failure, and alcohol and substance abuse a sizeable number of female status offenders
problems have all been touted as critical factors have ended up in juvenile institutions since
in females' pathways to offending and, in some the passage of the 1974 Juvenile Justice and
cases, in their pathways to recidivism (Salisbury Delinquency Prevention Act aimed at diverting
& Van Voorhis 2009), there is no evidence that status offenders from the justice system. Davis's
these factors are in fact gendered, given that participant observation study of girls detained
males are routinely left out of the studies (see, and released from a facility housing minor
e.g., Bloom et al. 2003, Cook et al. 2005, Green offenders reveals a process of relabeling status
et al. 2005). When males' experiences are sys- offenses that arose in the context of parental
tematically compared with those of females, conflicts. These girls were predominantly
either the effects of abuse, and many of the from African American and Latino families
other predictors of serious juvenile offending, that had few resources for addressing their
do not vary significantly by sex of the offender family problems other than calling the police.
(Belknap & Holsinger 2006, Johansson & Once in the juvenile justice system, minor
Kempf-Leonard 2009, Topitzers et al. 2011) acts of disobedience against parents were
or the variations are related to the extent and treated as probation violations, which caused
timing of the life trauma rather than to its the offenders to become further enmeshed in
presence or absence (Leigey & Reed 2010). the justice system. In unraveling how social
Although this comports with the more general disadvantage, in combination with traditional
finding of gender overlap in the risk factors for gender schemes about the appropriate behavior
for adolescent females, facilitates entry into the
juvenile justice system, Davis gives us a nuanced
5 Importantly, Daly also documented some overlap between understanding of how particular social contexts
women's and men's pathways (harmed and harming men,
shape offending trajectories and are gendered.
drug-connected men, and street men), but the distribution
of offenders differed by gender: More women were found
Gendered Crime
in the harmed and harming and drug-connected categories
and more men were located in the street category. The men
Research on gendered crime is focused on the
also displayed an additional subset of pathways that were not
present for the women: explosively violent men, bad luck situational contexts and qualities of criminal
men, and men who engaged in various games and con acts. activity, drawing attention to both the contexts
298 Kruttschnitt
favorable to and the environments that impede to be dominated by men - a situation that
female offending. This area of research has encourages a blurring of prevailing notions
grown dramatically over the past 15 years in of masculinity and femininity and gender-
part because of criminologists' increasing con- stratified offending rates (Peterson et al. 2001).
cern with the situational correlates of crime. Third, and related, gendered expectations
Although this research includes contributionsabout women's activities still prevail when it
by both mainstream and feminist criminolo-comes to their use of violence (Esbensen et al.
gists, here I draw particular attention to the1999, Miller & Decker 2001). In the context of
work by feminists who consider how womendrug sales and gangs, women report deploying
maneuver in the gender-stratified arena ofviolence when they need to but preferring
crime and how they "do gender" in the processto avert it by drawing on other resources
of committing crimes (see, e.g., Messerschmidtand skills such as "acting bad," cultivating a
1993, Miller 1998). Such work draws attention trusted reputation, and confining connections
to the fluidity of gender identities rather thanto family members and specific neighborhoods
to the view that they are firmly grounded in (Denton & O'Malley 1999, Laidler & Hunt
particular social structures or social roles. 2001). Additionally, by careftdly selecting
Research on women's involvement in drugtheir targets (females) and relying on gender
sales/distribution, gangs, and violent crimestereotypes (e.g., men's reluctance to use
has been particularly prolific and points toviolence against women), they are able to
a number of important findings. First, thereeffectively reduce their exposure to violence,
appears to be considerable gender overlap inparticularly in male-dominated arenas such as
the motivations - control, respect, revenge,robbery and retaliatory violence (Miller 1998,
and economic survival - for engaging in these Mullins et al. 2004). What these studies show,
offenses (Morgan & Joe 1997, Miller 1998, then, is the fluidity of gender roles, as women
Esbensen et al. 1999, Kruttschnitt & Carbone-and men reaffirm them in some contexts and
Lopez 2006).6 Second, if the motivations ofsituations and transcend them in others.
male and female offenders are similar, are their Research on the gendering of adult crime
actions in the commission of the crimes the within the criminal justice system (processing)
has been somewhat less informative. At a mini-
same? The answer may depend on the partic-
mum, it counsels us that one of the main reasons
ular skills involved in the crime and its gender
composition. There is no evidence that womenmale and female offenders are sanctioned differ-
are making inroads in the sales and distributionently is because of the differences in the nature
of crack cocaine (Dunlap et al. 1997), but thereand extent of their crimes and criminal histories
is such evidence in methamphetamine sales,(see Daly & Tonry 1997 for a review of this
human trafficking, and shoplifting (Morgan &
literature). In its most progressive form, this re-
Joe 1997, Zhang et al. 2007, Caputo & King search points to the gendered assumptions and
2011). These are all crimes in which womenstatuses that may have more subtle influence
have been able to exert their own business on courtroom decisions (see, e.g., Thompson
acumen or establish a need for services and 2010). One such status thought to have favored
skills that are perceived to be stratified by female offenders is their responsibilities for
gender (i.e., in accordance with gender stereo-dependent children. With the invocation of
determinate sentencing, it was assumed that
types). They are also crimes that are less likely
women would lose this penalty discount.
Evidence suggests both that the imposition
6 A notable exception may be white-collar offenses where men of sentencing guidelines had little effect on
are more likely to report that their offenses were in fact "ac-
women's sentences and that the presumed
ceptable business practices" and women were more likely to
mitigating
indicate that their crimes were motivated by economic ne- effects of children on their sentences
cessity (Klenowski et al. 201 1). may be influenced more by regional norms than
by widespread judicial norms (Koons-Witt relevance for, but may not be directly linked
2002, Griffin & Wooldredge 2006). to, crime. As such, an important component
Empirical work on juvenile offenders is of this work, but one that is underdeveloped,
increasingly moving to the front end of the is the scholarship on intersectionality. Because
criminal justice system, focusing on questions research on gendered lives systematically
of how gender influences arrest and charging considers the familial and social experiences of
decisions rather than sentencing outcomes. In women and men that either facilitate or protect
a creative use of Emerson's (1983) notion that against offending, it can be seen as overlapping
individual cases are influenced by the stream with the work on gendered crime. Neverthe-
of cases an agency handles, McCluskey et al. less, at its best, this research offers considerable
(2003) found that increases in sex crimes (1989- insight into the individual and structural ex-
1999), which produced more organizational periences that may shape gender differences in
concern about the victimization of girls, were offending and in official reactions to offenders.
related to increases in arrests of girls for status Here I draw attention to studies that are
offenses. Others have also found an increased particularly illustrative of this perspective and
willingness to control young female offenders'to the range of approaches used to investigate
behaviors, but it appears to have shifted fromintersectionality.
controlling their sexuality to controlling their Böttcher (2001) conceptualized gender
aggression; the number of girls (especially blackas an active social process consistent with
girls) charged with assault increased substan-Giddens (1984) and a feminist approach to
tially over the last two decades of the twentieth "doing gender" (e.g., West & Zimmerman
century (Stevens et al. 2011). At the back end1987). To examine how gender practices and
of the system, we find probation officers stillprocesses facilitate or inhibit delinquency,
relying on gendered scripts of girls who are de- she interviewed a group of high-risk youth
scribed not as criminally dangerous but as needy (siblings of incarcerated youth), using their
victims (Mallicoat 2007) (such appellations, ofactivities as the unit of analysis. Böttcher found
course, also have a long and continuing historythat the activities assigned to girls - child care
with adult female offenders; see, e.g., Turnbulland other parental responsibilities - and the
& Hannah-Moffat 2009). The experiences ofmale domination of most adolescent activities
delinquent girls who are taken out of theireffectively curtailed girls' opportunities for en-
communities and subjected to group homesgaging in delinquent activities (see also Miller
or placed on probation may be quite variable,2007). From this perspective, she argues, crime
however. Casting doubt on the homogeneousis not a resource for doing masculinity, as
picture some feminists paint of state-sponsoredMesserschmidt (1993) suggests, but instead "it
approaches to young female offenders, Haneybecomes such a resource through the practice
(1996) provides a vivid account of two disparateof gender" (Böttcher 2001, p. 925; Messer-
views of and tactics for addressing these girls'schmidt 1993 argued that although structures
problems: One attacks private patriarchy (men)define gender, action reproduces it and crime
and the other public patriarchy (welfare). Inis one way of reproducing masculinity).
so doing, she draws our attention back to the Other scholars also draw attention to
importance of understanding how differentthe related concept, and importance, of male-
contexts can fundamentally alter the experi-dominated networks and how women negotiate
ences and subsequent lives of female offenders.these networks - via their sexuality or by be-
coming accomplices - to engage in offending
(Maher & Daly 1996, Mullins & Wright 2003).
Gendered Lives
Less researched but equally interesting are the
Research in this tradition draws attention toresults from studies that examine how gender
gendered experiences in social life that havealters taken-for-granted social processes when
500 Kruttscbnitt
females are able to dominate a peer network. WHAT HAVE WE LEARNED AND
The effect is to reduce property offending WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?
among both females and males or to exert some
In summarizing the research on gender and
influence over the activities of males (McCarthy
crime that they had reviewed, Steffensmeier
et al. 2004). This suggests that in particular & Allan (1996) raised a number of issues and
contexts the activities and norms of females,
questions for future research. Here, I briefly
which are presumed to have been developed note advances made since their review as well
in the home and extended to friends, may
as remaining gaps in the study of gender and
be as important as, or more important than,
crime. I close by considering some of the
males' for determining the likelihood of of-
challenges scholars in this field face today.
fending. Whether this finding can be extended
First, there is growing evidence that many
to other types of crime and different racial (but not all) of the central theoretical correlates
groups remains an important area for future
of crime (poor parenting, low self-control,
research.
delinquent peers, and economic disadvantage)
Research on intersectdonality is most
are gender invariant but that the mediators of
pronounced in studies on the ways in which
these experiences, which may include opportu-
racialized gender expectations shape the nities for reacting to these stressors, may not be.
interactions that youth and adults have with
Second, and consonant with this finding, some
the criminal justice system.7 For example,
of the factors that were thought to be uniquely
although there is evidence that the police
important to female offending (e.g., child mal-
response to black youth is conditioned by treatment, substance abuse, and mental health
gender - such that males are more frequently
problems) may not be (Moffitt et al. 2001,
stopped and harassed than females (Brunson &
Johansson & Kempf-Leonard 2009, Zahn et al.
Miller 2006) - this disadvantage may not apply
2010). However, whether gender moderates
once they get to the juvenile court. Instead, the
the relationship between victimization and
court appears to put considerable weight on
crime remains unclear. Examining the role of
the family status of white youth, and especially adolescent and adult victimization in the onset
of white females, who appear to be perceived
of offending and in the apparent lagged effect of
as being particularly vulnerable if they come
child abuse on adult female offending (see, e.g.,
from single-parent households (Leiber & Cernkovich et al. 2008, Topitzers et al. 2011)
Mack 2003). The hypothesized focal concerns
might explicate some of the observed gender
of the court - protection of the community,
variations in age of onset, including adult-onset
blameworthiness, and the consequences of
offending. Third, studies of female criminal
removing an offender from his/her family and
careers have grown tremendously, producing
community (Steffensmeier 1980) - have also
increasing evidence of a similar range of
been linked to racialized gender expectations.
offending trajectories (low-, medium-, and
Adult female offenders, regardless of race, seem
high-frequency offenders) for both males and
to be deemed less blameworthy or dangerous
females. Fourth, the development of a more
than male offenders, especially black and His-
gendered life course perspective on offending
panic male offenders (Spohn & Spears 1997,
(cf. Sampson & Laub 1993) has shed light on
Steffensmeier & Demuth 2006, Doerner &
how the process of desistance varies for men
Demuth 2010).
and women and on how it is influenced by the
historical context in which offenders live out
7 Several important monographs have contributed to the their lives (Giordano et al. 2002, 2007). Finally,
work on intersectionality but are not reviewed here. we have also discovered that the motivations
See, e.g., Miller (2008), Jones (2010), and, more gener-
ally, Burgess-Proctor (2006) for an excellent discussion of for enlisting in gangs, selling drugs, and even
intersectionality. committing some violent crimes are gender
www.annmlreviews.org • Gender and Crime 301
neutral, but the activities of men and women We have long known that deviant peers
who engage in these offenses can vary depend- are the most proximal cause of delinquency,
ing on the gender composition of the offense but until recently little was known about
and the fluidity of gender roles in particular how neighborhood context would affect
contexts. Such variation may also depend on the this association. As discussed in this review,
interaction of gender with other dimensions in extremely disadvantaged neighborhoods
of power such as race and class (Kruttschnitt peer group experiences appear to be more
& Carbone-Lopez 2006), but this is an area of intense and particularly deleterious for girls
scholarship that remains woefully underdevel- (Zimmerman & Messner 2010). But how is this
oped (see Burgess-Proctor 2006, 2013). effect altered by the sex composition of the peer
Steffensmeier & Allan (1996, p. 483) group? We know that in the context of high
also drew attention to what they called the school students (some of whom reported gang
"gender-related conditions of life." Succinctly, affiliations) and street youth, sex-integrated
they argued that the principal shortcoming peer groups can serve to dampen or heighten
of traditional theories of crime is their failure offending depending on their composition
to consider how the gendering of social life (see, e.g., Peterson et al. 2001, McCarthy
contributes to the variations we observe in the et al. 2004), but we do not know whether
criminality of men and women. Today, there is these effects would extend to youth residing in
a growing, albeit uneven, body of work on the high-crime, economically disadvantaged con-
differences in the lives of women and men. Fem- texts. Such disadvantaged contexts also figure
inist criminologists have made gendered lives a strongly in shaping females' probabilities of
priority area of research along with "pathways" being funneled into the criminal justice system.
and gendered crime, but they have not clearly A breakdown of parental controls in the context
demonstrated that these are each unique areas both of traditional gendered expectations for
of inquiry. Gendered lives shape women's behavior and of the few available resources
pathways into and out of offending and they for reinforcing these expectations results in
have a substantial influence on the nature and increasing vulnerability to formal sanctioning
extent of female offending (or gendered crime). for girls, especially minority girls (Davis
Clearly, then, although research on gendered 2007). Collectively, these findings remind us
lives holds considerable theoretical promise for that girls' (and boys') experiences have to be
advancing our understanding of sex differences contextualized. Just as individuals are shaped
(and similarities) in crime, it will need to be by their particular gender, race, and social class
more fully developed. This will require drawing configuration, so also are they shaped by the
more directly on sociological insights that can contexts in which they live out their lives.
contribute to a deeper understanding of how Although neighborhoods leave their own
structural contexts, socialization practices, and imprint on youth, the family - a mainstay of
identity salience coalesce to produce differences criminological research - has long been ac-
in the experiences of women and men that have corded the first and primary role in socializing
implications for involvement in crime. Little males and females. We have seen that the
work of this type exists, but notable and impor- ways in which activities are gendered in this
tant examples have appeared in this review not socialization process are critical for under-
only from the work on gendered lives but also standing girls' opportunities for engaging in
from mainstream approaches to the subject delinquency (Böttcher 2001), and we have also
of gender and crime (gender gap, generaliz- seen, more generally, that the gender schémas
ability, and life course research). Here I draw that parents provide for boys and girls signifi-
attention to a few of these findings, noting cantly influence their perspectives on offending
their natural affiliations with these sociological (McCarthy et al. 1999). This latter body of re-
frames. search deserves far more attention, and it should
502 Kruttschnitt
be directed toward youth growing up in single- to furthering our understanding of gendered
parent, severely disadvantaged households. lives, is the learning of emotions. Despite soci-
In households where girls' and boys' mothers ologists' growing interest in emotions, this area
are offending, or where they have no stable is not well developed in criminology. Tests of
male parental figure, what kind of a gender GST indicate considerable gender variation in
schema is imprinted on the youth? In addition emotional responses to negative life events, but
to the family, school also plays a role in gender virtually all of this research focuses on negative
socialization through the gender-differentiated emotions (anger, depression, anxiety) as a cata-
application of normative expectations and con- lyst for offending. Far less research has consid-
trol (Thorne 1993). Yet relatively few scholars ered how the development of positive emotions
have examined gendered lives in the context such as empathy and caring can inhibit offend-
of school socialization (see, e.g., Booth et al. ing (see, e.g., Broidy et al. 2003). Although this
2008, Payne 2009). If we assume that gendered is not a new point (Simpson 1989, Steffens-
controls established early on in the family are meier & Allan 1996), its salience for furthering
reinforced in the school environment, we would our understanding of gendered lives cannot be
do well to pay more attention to the gendered underestimated. Recent additions to life course
socialization processes in this environment. theory indicate that emotions have a substantial
Finally, we have also seen findings in this impact on trajectories of offending, and this is
review that are ripe for cross-fertilization especially true for disadvantaged youth whose
with sociological research on identity salience. emotional lives are central to their identities,
Both gender-typical and -atypical behaviors given that they lack many of the skills and at-
emerge in different crime situations that are tributes found among middle-class youth whose
often contextualized by the sex composition identities are tied to college and employment
of a particular criminal activity. In highly opportunities (Hagan & Foster 2003, Giordano
gender-structured offending activities, some et al. 2007). What emotions girls and boys ex-
women use their feminine traits, but others perience, and how they perform these emotions
adopt masculine attitudes, as resources to (Hochschild 1979), may then be critical to fur-
accomplish their goals (Miller 1998, Miller thering our understanding of how the gender-
& Decker 2001). This fluidity of gender roles ing of social life affects propensities to offend.
points to the importance of expanding this Over the past two decades, we have gained
research in the context of identity theory that numerous important insights into the world of
looks to our multiple identities (or our ability gender and crime. Although these insights have
to cross gender scripts) and links them to roles flowed from a range of criminological perspec-
and behaviors that are situationally meaningful tives, the development of the concept of gen-
(Stryker & Burke 2000). Further, because iden- dered lives (Daly 1998, p. 98) and the work that
tity theory also considers the social structures is contributing to this line of scholarship will
in which identities exist and are played out, it have an enormous payoff. This research can ex-
facilitates research on serious, as well as more pand our understanding of the structural, social,
minor, offenders and the ways that situations and interpersonal factors that affect the proba-
of disadvantage impact the offending careers bility of offending for both males and females.
of racially diverse groups of males and females. In so doing, it will enrich all theoretical devel-
Another component of socialization inte- opments in criminology, not just the feminist
gral to both family and school experiences, and perspective.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holding
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
LITERATURE CITED
Adler F. 1975. Sisters in Crime. New York: McGraw-Hill
Agnew R. 1992. Foundation for a general strain theory of crime and delinquency. Criminology 30:
Agnew R, Březina T. 1997. Relational problems with peers, gender, and delinquency. Youth Soc. 2
Belknap J, Holsinger K. 2006. The gendered nature of risk factors for delinquency. Fern. Crimino
Bell KE. 2009. Gender and gangs: a quantitative comparison. Crime Delinq. 55:363-87
Bersani BE, Laub JH, Nieuwbeerta P. 2009. Marriage and desistance from crime in the Neth
gender and socio-historical context matter? J. Quant. Criminol. 25:3-24
Block CR, Blokland AAJ, van der Werff C, van Os R, Nieuwbeerta P. 2010. Long-term patterns of
in women. Fem. Criminol. 5:73-107
Bloom B, Owen B, Rosenbaum J, Deschenes EP. 2003. Focusing on girls and young women: a gendered
perspective on female delinquency. Women Crim. Justice 14:117-36
Booth JA, Farrell A, Varano SP. 2008. Social control, serious delinquency, and risk behavior: a gendered
analysis. Crime Delinq. 54:423-56
Böttcher J. 2001 . Social practices of gender: how gender relates to delinquency in the everyday lives of high-risk
youths. Criminology 39:893-932
Broidy L, Agnew R. 1997. Gender and crime: a general strain theory perspective./. Res. Crime Delinq. 34:275-
306
Broidy L, Cauffman E, Espelage DL, Mazerolle P, Piquero A. 2003 . Sex differences in empathy and its relation
to juvenile offending. Violence Vict. 18:503-16
Branson RK, Miller J. 2006. Gender, race, and urban policing: the experience of African American youths.
Gend. Soc. 20:531-52
Burgess-Proctor A. 2006. Intersections of race, class, gender, and crime: future directions for feminist crimi-
nology. Few. Criminol. 1:27-47
Burgess-Proctor A. 2013, Feminist criminological theory. In Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice,
ed. G Bruinsma, D Weisburd. New York: Springer-Verlag. In press
Burton VS Jr, Cullen FT, Evans TD, Alarid LF, Dunaway RG. 1998. Gender, self-control and crime. 7. Res.
Crime Delinq. 35:123-47
Caputo GA, King A. 2011. Shoplifting: work, agency, and gender. Fem. Criminol. 6:159-77
Cernkovich SA, Lanctot N, Giordano PC. 2008. Predicting adolescent and adult antisocial behavior among
adjudicated delinquent females. Crime Delinq. 54:3-33
Cook SL, Smith SG, Tusher CP, Raiford J. 2005. Self-reports of traumatic events in a random sample of
incarcerated women. Women Crim. Justice 16:107-26
Daly K. 1992. Women's pathways to felony court: feminist theories of lawbreaking and problems of repre-
sentation. Rev. Law Women's Stud. 2:1 1-52
Daly K. 1998. Gender, crime and criminology. In The Handbook of Crime and Punishment , ed. M Tonry,
pp. 85-108. New York: Oxford Univ. Press
Daly K, Chesney-Lind M. 1988. Feminism and criminology. Justice Q. 5:497-538
Daly K, Tonry M. 1997. Gender, race, and sentencing. In Crime and Justice: An Annual Review of Research, ed.
M Tonry, 22:201-52. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press
Davis CP. 2007. At-risk girls and delinquency: career pathways. Crime Delinq. 53:408-35
De Coster S, Zito CR. 2010. Gender and general strain theory: the gendering of emotional experiences and
expressions. J. Contemp. Crim. Justice 26:224-45
Denton B, O'Malley P. 1999. Gender, trust and business: women drag dealers in the illicit economy. Br. J.
Criminol. 39:513-30
Doerner JK, Demuth S. 2010. The independent and joint effects of race/ethnicity, gender, and age on sen-
tencing outcomes in U.S. federal courts. Justice Q. 27:1-27
D'Unger AV, Land KC, McCall PL. 2002. Sex differences in age patterns of delinquent/criminal careers:
results from poisson latent class analyses of the Philadelphia Cohort Study. J. Quant. Criminol. 18:349-75
Dunlap E, Johnson BD, Mäher L. 1997. Female crack sellers in New York City: who they are and what they
do. Women Crim. Justice 8:25-55
304 Kruttschnitt
Eggleston EP, Laub JH. 2002. The onset of adult offending: a neglected dimension of the criminal career.
J . Crim. Justice 30:603-22
Emerson RM. 1983. Holistic effects in social control decision-making. Law Soc. Rev. 17:425-55
Esbensen FA, Deschenes EP, Winfiree LT Jr. 1999. Difference between gang girls and gang boys: results from
a multisite survey. Youth Soc. 31:27-53
Faris R, Felmlee D. 201 1 . Status struggles: network centrality and gender segregation in same and cross gender
aggression. Am. Sociol. Rev. 76:48-73
Feld BC. 2009. Violent girls or relabeled status offenders? An alternative interpretation of the data.
Crime Delinq. 55:241-65
Fleming CB, Catalano RF, Oxford ML, Harachi TW. 2002. A test of generalizability of the social development
model across gender and income groups with longitudinal data from the elementary school developmental
period. J. Quant. Criminol. 18:423-39
Giddens A. 1984. The Constitution of Society. Berkeley: Univ. Calif. Press
Giordano P, Cernkovich S, Rudolph J. 2002. Gender, crime, and desistance: toward a theory of cognitive
transformation. Am. J. Sociol. 107:990-1064
Giordano PC, Schroeder RD, Cernkovich SA. 2007. Emotions and crime over the life course: a neo-Meadian
perspective on criminal continuity and change. Am. J. Sociol. 1 12:1603-61
Gottfredson M, Hirschi T. 1990. A General Theory of Crime. Stanford, CA: Stanford Univ. Press
Green BL, Miranda J, Daroowalla A, Siddique J. 2005. Trauma exposure, mental health functioning, and
program needs of women in jail. Crime Delinq. 51:13 3-5 1
Griffin T, Wooldredge J. 2006. Sex-based disparities in felony dispositions before versus after sentencing
reform in Ohio. Criminology 44:893-923
Hagan J, Boehnke K, Merkens H. 2004. Gender differences in capitalization processes and the delinquency
of siblings in Toronto and Berlin. Br. J. Criminol. 44:659-76
Hagan J, Foster H. 2003 . S/he's a rebel: toward a sequential stress theory of delinquency and gendered pathways
to disadvantage in emerging adulthood. Soc. Forces 82:53-86
Hagan J, Gillis AR, Simpson J. 1 987. Class in the household: a power-control theory of gender and delinquency.
Am. J. Sotiol. 92:788-816
Haney L. 1996. Homeboys, babies, men in suits: the state and the reproduction of male dominance. Am. Sociol.
Rev. 61:759-78
Heimer K, De Coster S. 1999. The gendering of delinquency. Criminology 37:277-317

Higgins GR, Tewksbury R. 2006. Sex and self-control theory: the measures and casual model may be different.
Youth Soc. 37:479-503
Hochschild AR. 1979. Emotion work, feeling rules and social structure. Am. J. Sociol. 85:551-75
Jang S. 2007. Gender differences in strain, negative emotions, and coping behaviors: a general strain theory
approach. Justice Q. 24:523-53
Jennings WG, Maldonado-Molina MM, Piquero AR, Odgers CL, Bird H, Canino G. 2010. Sex difference in
trajectories of offending among Puerto Rican youth. Crime Delinq. 56:327-57
Johansson P, Kempf-Leonard K. 2009. A gender-specific pathway to serious, violent, and chronic offending?
Exploring Howell's risk factor for serious delinquency. Crime Delinq. 55:2 16-40
Jones N. 2010. Between Good and Ghetto : African American Girls and Inner-City Violence. New Brunswick, NJ:
Rutgers Univ. Press
Kaufman JM. 2009. Gendered responses to serious strain: the argument for a general strain theory of deviance.
Justice Q. 26:410-44
King RD, Massoglia M, Macmillan R. 2007. The context of marriage and crime: gender, the propensity to
marry, and offending in early adulthood. Criminology 45:33-65
Klenowski PM, Copes H, Mullins CW. 201 1. Gender, identity, and accounts: how white collar offenders do
gender when making sense of their crimes. Justice Q. 28:26-69
Koons-Witt BA. 2002. The effect of gender on the decision to incarcerate before and after the introduction
of sentencing guidelines. Criminology 40:297-328
Kruttschnitt C, Carbone-Lopez K. 2006. Moving beyond the stereotypes: women's subjective accounts of
their violent crime. Criminology 44:32 1-5 1
ivww.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 505
Laidler KJ, Hunt G. 2001. Accomplishing femininity among the girls in the gang. Br. J. Criminol. 41:656-78
Laub J, Sampson R. 2003. Shared Beginnings , Divergent Lives : Delinquent Boys to Age 70. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard Univ. Press
Lauritsen JL, Heimer K, Lynch JP. 2009. Trends in the gender gap in violent offending: new evidence from
the National Crime Victimization Survey. Criminology 47:361-99
Leiber MJ, Mack KY. 2003. The individual and joint effects of race, gender, and family status on juvenile
justice decision-making. J. Res. Crime Delinq. 40:34-70
Leigey ME, Reed KL. 2010. A woman's life before serving life: examining the negative pre-incarceration life
events of female life-sentenced inmates. Women Crim. Justice 20:302-22
Liu X, Kaplan HB. 1999. Explaining the gender difference in adolescent delinquent behavior: a longitudinal
test of medicating mechanisms. Criminology 37:195-216
Lo CC, Zhong H. 2006. Linking crime rates to relationship factors: the use of gender-specific data. J. Crim.
Justice 34:317-29
Maher L, Daly K. 1996. Women in the street-level drug economy: continuity or change? Criminology 34:465-
91
Mallicoat SL. 2007. Gendered justice: attributional differences between males and females in the juvenile
courts. Fem. Criminol. 2:4-30
Mazerolle P. 1998. Gender, general strain, and delinquency: an empirical examination. Justice Q. 15:65-91
Mazerolle P, Brame R, Paternoster R, Piquero A, Dean C. 2000. Onset age, persistence, and offending
versatility: comparisons across gender. Criminology 38:1143-72
McCarthy B, Felmlee D, Hagan J. 2004. Girl friends are better: gender, friends, and crime among school and
street youth. Criminology 42:805-36
McCarthy B, Hagan J, Woodward TS. 1999. In the company of women: structure and agency in a revised
power-control theory of gender and delinquency. Criminology 37:761-88
McCluskeyJD, McCluskey CP, Huebner B. 2003 .Juvenile female arrests: a holistic explanation of organization
functioning. Women Crim. Justice 14:35-51
Messerschmidt JW. 1993. Masculinities and Crime. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield
Miller J. 1998. Up it up: gender and the accomplishment of street robbery. Criminology 36:37-66
Miller J. 2008. Getting Played: African American Girls, Urban Inequality, and Gendered Violence. New York: NYU
Press
Miller J, Decker SH. 2001 . Young women and gang violence: gender, street offending, and violent victimization
in gangs. Justice Q. 18:11 5-40
Miller J, Mullins CW. 2006. The status of feminist theories in criminology. In Taking Stock : The Status of
Criminological Theory. Advances in Criminological Theory , ed. FT Cullen, J Wright, K Blevins, pp. 217-50.
New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction
Miller K. 2007. Traversing the spatial divide: gender, place, and delinquency. Fem. Criminol. 2:202-22
Moffitt TE. 1993. Adolescence-limited and life-course-persistent antisocial behavior: a developmental taxon-
omy. Psychol. Rev. 100(4):674-701
Moffitt TE, Caspi A, Rutter M, Silva PA. 2001. Sex Differences in Antisocial Behavior. Cambridge, UK: Cam-
bridge Univ. Press
Morgan P, Joe KA. 1997. Uncharted terrain: contexts of experience among women in the illicit drug economy.
Women Crim. Justice 8:85-109
Mullins CW, Wright R. 2003. Gender, social networks, and residential burglary. Criminology 41:813-40
Mullins CW, Wright R, Jacobs BA. 2004. Gender, streetlife and criminal retaliation. Criminology 42:91 1-40
O'Brien RM. 1999. Measuring the convergence/divergence of "serious crime" arrest rates for males and
females 1960-1995. 7- Quant. Criminol. 15:97-114
Odgers CL, Moffitt TE, Broadbent JM, Dickson N, Hancox RJ, et al. 2008. Female and male antisocial
trajectories: from childhood origins to adult outcomes. Dev. Psychopathol. 20:673-716
Payne AA. 2009. Girls, boys, and schools: gender differences in the relationships between school-related factors
and student deviance. Criminology 47:1 167-200
Peterson D, Miller J, Esbensen FA. 2001. The impact of sex composition on gangs and gang member delin-
quency. Criminology 39:41 1-A0
306 Kruttschnitt
Piquero AR, Brame R, Moffitt TE. 2005. Extending the study of continuity and change: gender differences in
the linkage between adolescent and adult offending. J. Quant. Criminol. 2 1(2):2 19-43
Piquero AR, Chung HL. 2001. On the relationship between gender, early onset, and the seriousness of
offending. J. Crim. Justice 29:189-206
Piquero NL, SealockMD. 2004. Gender and general strain theory: a preliminary test of Broidy and Agnew's
gender/GST hypotheses. Justice Q. 21:125-58
Rennison CM. 2009. A new look at the gender gap in offending. Women Crim. Justice 19:171-90
Salisbury EJ, Van Voorhis P. 2009. Gendered pathways: a quantitative investigation of women probationers,
paths to incarceration. Crim. Justice Behav. 36:541-66
Sampson R, Laub J. 1993. Crime in the Making : Pathways and Turning Points Through Life. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard Univ. Press
Schwartz J, Rookey BD. 2008. The narrowing gender gap in arrests: assessing competing explanations using
self-report, traffic fatality, and official data on drunk driving, 1980-2004. Criminology 46:637-71
Shekarkhar Z, Gibson CL. 2011. Gender, self-control, and offending behaviors among Latino youth.
J. Contemp. Crim. Justice 27:63-80
Simon R. 1975. The Contemporary Woman and Crime. Washington, DC: Natl. Inst. Mental Health
Simons RL, Stewart E, Gordon LC, Conger RD, Elder GH Jr. 2002. A test of life course explanations for
stability and change in antisocial behavior from adolescence to young adulthood. Criminology 40:401-34
Simpson SS. 1989. Feminist theory, crime, and justice. Criminology 27:605-3 1
Spohn CC, Spears JW. 1997. Gender and case processing decisions: a comparison of case outcomes for male
and female defendants charged with violent felonies. Women Crim. Justice 8:29-59
Steffensmeier D. 1980. Assessing the effect of the women's movement in sex-based differences in the handling
of adult criminal defendants. Crime Delinq. 26:344-57
Steffensmeier D, Allan E. 1996. Gender and crime: toward a gendered theory of female offending. Annu. Rev.
Sociol. 22:459-87
Steffensmeier D, Demuth S. 2006. Does gender modify the effects of race-ethnicity on criminal sanctioning?
Sentences for male and female white, black, and Hispanic defendants. J. Quant. Criminol. 22:241-61
Steffensmeier D, Haynie D. 2000. Gender, structural disadvantage, and urban crime: Do macrosocial variables
also explain female offending rates? Criminology 38:403-38
Steffensmeier D, Schwartz J, Zhong H, Ackerman J. 2005. An assessment of recent trends in girls' violence
using diverse longitudinal sources: Is the gender gap closing? Criminology 43:355^406
Steffensmeier D, Zhong H, Ackerman J, Schwartz J, Agha S. 2006. Gender gap trends for violent crime,
1980-2003: a UCR-NCVS comparison. Fem. Criminol. 1:72-98
Stevens T, Morash M, Chesney-Lind M. 20 1 1 . Are girls getting tougher, or are we tougher on girls? Probability
of arrest and juvenile court oversight in 1980 and 2000 .Justice Q. 28:719^44
Stryker S, Burke PJ. 2000. The past, present and future of an identity theory. Soc. Psychol. Q. 63:284-97
Thompson M. 2010. Race, gender, and the social construction of mental illness in the criminal justice system.
Sociol. Perspect. 53:99-126
Thorne B. 1993. Gender Play: Girlsand Boys in School. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press
Tittle CR, Ward DA, Grasmick H. 2003. Gender, age, and crime/deviance: a challenge to self-control theory.
J. Res. Crime Delinq. 40:426-53
Topitzers J, MerskyJP, Reynolds AJ. 201 1 . Child maltreatment and offending behavior: gender-specific effects
and pathways. Crim. Justice Behav. 38:492-510
Turnbull S, Hannah-Moffat K. 2009. Under these conditions: gender, parole and the governance of reinte-
gration. Br. J. Criminol. 49:532-51
Uggen C, Kruttschnitt C. 1998. Crime in the breaking: gender differences in desistance. Law Soc. Rev. 32:33 9-
66
West C, Zimmerman DH. 1987. Doing gender. Gend. Soc. 1:125-51

Wilson HW, Widom CS. 2009. A prospective examination of the path from child abuse and neglect to illicit
drug use in middle adulthood: the potential mediating role of four risk factors. J. Youth Adolesc. 38:340-54
Zahn MA, Agnew R, Fishbein D, Miller S, Winn D-M, et al. 20 1 0. Causes and correlates of girls1 delinquency. Bull.
Girls Study Group Ser., April, NCJ 226358. US Dep. Justice, Off. Juv. Justice Delinq. Prev., Washington,
DC. https://www.ncj rs.gov/pdffiles l/ojjdp/22 63 5 8.pdf
Zhang SX, Chin KL, Miller J. 2007. Women's participation in Chinese transnational human smuggling: a
gendered market perspective. Criminology 45:699-733
Zimmerman GM, Messner SF. 2010. Neighborhood context and the gender gap in adolescent violent crime.
Am. Sociol. Rev. 75:958-80
308 Kruttschnitt

Project 1

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Project 1

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Gender and Crime

Author(s): Candace Kruttschnitt

Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario M5S 2J4, Canada;

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013. 39:291-308

This article's doi: Abstract

uate research on gender and crime Justice

based trends in crime derived fromselected because (a)

www.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 293

that have emerged both from traditional work

The Gender Gap or the Gender

Males have long dominated crime statistics, and

www.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 295

wwTV.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 297

www.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 299

www.annmlreviews.org • Gender and Crime 301

www.annmlreviews.org • Gender and Crime 505

Adler F. 1975. Sisters in Crime. New York: McGraw-Hill

Heimer K, De Coster S. 1999. The gendering of delinquency. Criminology 37:277-317

ivww.annualreviews.org • Gender and Crime 505

West C, Zimmerman DH. 1987. Doing gender. Gend. Soc. 1:125-51

www.annmlreviews.org • Gender and Crime 507

Você também pode gostar