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teach the ropes of the school. One may support planning for all the big firsts of a new teacher,
including first days, first parent conferences, and first assessments. And one might ensure the
new teachers feel supported year-round with access to great lessons, assessments, and
expertise. From day one, all teachers know that their responsibility goes beyond the walls of the
classroom they are assigned. • Collective responsibility means our teachers learn and work
together systematically on a regular basis to collectively ensure higher quality instruction in all
classrooms and better results for all students. In our schools, teachers look forward to the time
they have for collaborative learning and problem solving. They are deliberate in establishing
their learning agenda and develop together the knowledge and skills they need to promote
student success. As they gain powerful new evidence-based strategies, they design new
lessons and assessments to be used in all classrooms. They make plans for visiting and
observing as time permits, and they commit to future sessions focused on reflecting on the
strengths and areas for improvement in each lesson they develop together. Over time they
develop a rich bank of lessons and strategies that enable them to address individual student
needs as they surface. • Collective responsibility means our principals have a strong rationale
for advocating for team-based professional learning embedded in teachers’ work schedule.
Authentic collective responsibility cannot be achieved through mandate. Teachers need time to
achieve this goal. They need time to conduct the work essential to the intended outcomes of
collective responsibility. As a result of spending consistent time together, they build trust, learn
to take risks, and recognize the value of reflecting on mistakes. At our school, time is scheduled
during the workday for teams to meet to do this important work. Teacher leaders use the cycle
of continuous improvement to guide the work of the team. They ensure the team takes
advantage of every second it is allotted. In addition to scheduled workday time for team
meetings, our school faculty meetings are used for learning as well. Each meeting is led by a
different team where they seek help with a particular challenge they are facing or share an
instructional strategy that has been successful. In addition, the early release days on our
schedule are used for cross grade-level teams to build and implement plans that continue to
promote a successful education experience for all students. Establishing collective responsibility
is not easy, but it is essential if we believe that our responsibility is to the success of every
student in the school. This is how we achieve this goal in our school.
It is often heard that two brains are better than one. And the idea of such makes perfect sense.
One would suppose that by working together, more will be accomplished. But does this apply to
a school, its administrators and teachers, and its students? As stated in this article, data was
provided, hypotheses were assumed, and studies were completed to see if, in fact, collective
responsibility does have promising impacts. Throughout the course of this essay, the
importance of collective responsibility within a school and its effects on gains in achievement for
early secondary school students will be examined, tested, and discussed.
The purpose of this research was to study the correlation between teachers’ work lives and the
extent to which their students learn. Three hypotheses were presumed relating to the following
subjects: responsibility and demographics, the teacher and his or her work life, and the
teacher’s work life and equity. (Lee and Smith, 1996). The first hypothesis suggested that
“schools where teachers assume responsibility for learning enroll students who typically do
better in school” (Lee and Smith, 1996). These schools are said to be those with more privileged
students according to their race, social class, or ability. Understandably, teachers would be
more likely to accept acknowledgment for their students’ achievements if they are learning well.
Conversely, teachers would be less like to accept blame for their students’ failures and pass the
responsibility onto the children and their families. (Lee and Smith, 1996). The second
hypothesis theorized that “in schools where teachers take more responsibility for the results of
the teaching students learn more. In schools characterized by high levels of staff collaboration
and teacher control, students also learn more”. (Lee and Smith, 1996). And the third hypothesis
suggested that “features of teachers’ work live may either facilitate or debilitate the learning of
disadvantaged students. Specifically… high levels of responsibility for learning are associated
with learning that is equitably distributed within the school according to students’ social
background.” (Lee and Smith, 1996). These hypotheses were tested.
Following are detailed descriptions of the method used to conduct this study. The sampling
design was derived from a sample used in the “first and second waves of the National
Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88)” (Lee and Smith, 1996). NELS:88 was
sponsored by the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) and is an all-purpose analysis
of United States students and schools. The article discloses that one thousand middle grade
schools (about 25 students in the eighth grade from each school) were tested in 1988. These
same students (tracked through questionnaires) were tested again in 1990. (Lee and Smith,
1996). This sample included all NELS sophomores the fit the following criteria:
Students must have full cognitive test data from the base year and the first follow up,
Data must be available from their high schools and their teachers,
Students had to be enrolled in public, Catholic, or elite private high schools, and
Students must have been attending high school with at least four other NELS sampled students.
(Lee and Smith, 1996).
After the conditions were applied, 11,692 students from 820 different schools were studied.
These schools consisted of 650 public schools, 68 Catholic schools, and 47 independent
schools. (Lee and Smith, 1996). There were also certain criteria for the teachers of the students.
In the base year the teacher sample was comprised of “either the eighth grader’s mathematics
or science teacher and either the English or social studies teacher” (Lee and Smith, 1996). The
teachers were subject-matched when the students reached the tenth grade in the first follow up
according to the base year. Below is a pie chart of how the subjects mathematics, science,
English, and social studies were distributed as a major subject area amongst the teachers.
(Lee and Smith, 1996). Four measures were assessed as part of the teachers’ professional
community. They are 1) collective responsibility for student learning, 2) the standard deviation of
teachers responsibility for student learning, 3) cooperation and support among teachers and
administrators, and 4) teacher control. (Lee and Smith, 1996). The outcomes from the base test
and the follow up test were altered with item response theory (IRT) methods and ultimately
compared to see the difference between the two tests. This difference was referred to as the
gain score.. In science and social studies, the outcomes were equal from the base test to the
follow up test. However, in mathematics and English, the follow up tests had to be adjusted to fit
the students’ capabilities. Demographic measures included the students’ social class, minority
status, and gender and the schools’ average social class, minority concentration, ability level,
academic emphasis, and sector. (Lee and Smith, 1996). The analytic approach provided a
descriptive analysis of teachers’ work lives. The schools were grouped into three categories: 1)
high levels of collective responsibility for learning, 2) average levels of collective responsibility
for learning, and 3) low levels of collective responsibilities for learning, based on the standard
deviation above, within, or below the mean. (Lee and Smith, 1996). After the research had been
completed, the results were presented.
To understand the results, one must observe the tables presented in the article. When
considering the descriptive differences among students in schools with differing levels of
collective responsibility for student learning, note that the students are categorized into three
groups based upon the levels of collective responsibility structure throughout the school they
are attending: high-responsibility, average responsibility, and low responsibility (Lee and Smith,
1996). The students attending high responsibility schools calculate to a total of 1,226 students,
or 10.5%, while the students attending average responsibility schools is a much greater total of
8,801 students, or 75.3%. Lastly, students attending low responsibility schools fall between high
responsibility schools and average responsibility schools with 1,665 students, or 14.2%. (Lee
and Smith, 1996). These outcomes can be found in table one in the article. Table two in the
article display information regarding descriptive differences among schools with differing levels
of collective responsibility for learning (Lee and Smith, 1996). Again, the levels of collective
responsibility are sorted into three groups: schools with high levels of collective responsibility,
schools with average levels of collective responsibility, and schools with low levels of collective
responsibility. The number of schools filed in the high levels of collective responsibility is 134, or
16.3%, whereas the number of schools sorted into the average levels of collective responsibility
is a significantly larger number of 548 schools, or 66.9%. The schools with low levels of
collective responsibility rest slightly higher than those with high levels but considerably lower
than those with average levels of collective responsibility at 138 schools, or 16.8%. The tables
go on to show that
6. My own opinion is that academic freedom for those individualssatisfying the criteria cannot be
restricted by the institution, except fornon-academic matters (such as punctuality, attendance,
submission ofgrades on time, wearing of uniforms). Inside the classroom, academicallyfree professors
should be able to do whatever they want, as long as it is inthe area of their expertise.Why? Because
that is the whole point of academic freedom. Thereshould be individuals allowed to think unthinkable
thoughts, teachunteachable things, and publish unpublishable ideas. These are theindividuals that
really are at the cutting edge of knowledge. Without them,the human race is doomed. Without them,
we will stagnate, unable toproduce ideas that change the world.
2. UNICEF has developed a framework for rights-based, child-friendly educational systems and schools that are
characterized as "inclusive, healthy and protective for all children, effective with children, and involved with families
and communities - and children" (Shaeffer, 1999). Within this framework:
The school is a significant personal and social environment in the lives of its students. A child-friendly shool
ensures every child an environment that is physically safe, emotionally secure and psychologically enabling.
Teachers are the single most important factor in creating an effective and inclusive classroom.
Children are natural learners, but this capacity to learn can be undermined and sometimes destroyed. A child-
friendly school recognizes, encourages and supports children's growing capacities as learners by providing a
school culture, teaching behaviours and curriculum content that are focused on learning and the learner.
The ability of a school to be and to call itself child-friendly is directly linked to the support, participation and
collaboration it receives from families.
Child-friendly schools aim to develop a learning environment in which children are motivated and able to learn.
Staff members are friendly and welcoming to children and attend to all their health and safety needs.
A framework for rights-based, child-friendly schools
All social systems and agencies which affect children should be based on the principles of the Convention on the
Rights of the Child. This is particularly true for schools which, despite disparities in access across much of the world,
serve a large percentage of children of primary school age.
Such rights-based — or child-friendly — schools not only must help children realize their right to a basic education of
good quality. They are also needed to do many other things — help children learn what they need to learn to face the
challenges of the new century; enhance their health and well-being; guarantee them safe and protective spaces for
learning, free from violence and abuse; raise teacher morale and motivation; and mobilize community support for
education.
It is a child-seeking school — actively identifying excluded children to get them enrolled in school and included in
learning, treating children as subjects with rights and State as duty-bearers with obligations to fulfill these rights,
and demonstrating, promoting, and helping to monitor the rights and well-being of all children in the community.
It is a child-centred school — acting in the best interests of the child, leading to the realisation of the childés full
potential, and concerned both about the "whole" child (including her health, nutritional status, and well-being)
and about what happens to children — in their families and communities - before they enter school and after
they leave it.
Above all, a rights-based, child-friendly school must reflect an environment of good quality characterized by several
essential aspects:
Promotes good quality teaching and learning processes with individualizd instruction appropriate to each child's
developmental level, abilities, and learning style and with active, cooperative, and democratic learning methods.
Provides structured content and good quality materials and resources.
Enhances teacher capacity, morale, commitment, status, and income — and their own recognition of child rights.
Promotes quality learning outcomes by defining and helping children learn what they need to learn and teaching
them how to learn.
It is healthy and protective of children — it:
Ensures a healthy, hygienic, and safe learning environment, with adequate water and sanitation facilities and
healthy classrooms, healthy policies and practices (e.g., a school free of drugs, corporal punishment, and
harassment), and the provision of health services such as nutritional supplementation and counseling.
Provides life skills-based health education.
Promotes both the physical and the psycho-socio-emotional health of teachers and learners.
Helps to defend and protect all children from abuse and harm.
Provides positive experiences for children.
It is gender-sensitive — it:
So what exactly does education free you from? It frees you from ignorance. It
frees you from not knowing how things are and how things work. It gives you
an edge over those who would seek to use their knowledge to harm you or
otherwise hinder your growth and your well-being. Knowing prevents you
from being taken advantage of; it also protects you from being deceived and
swindled. This is how education sets you free. It allows you to follow your
own path and make your own decisions so that you may live as you want.
Now that we are on the same page, what does it all mean in terms of
teaching? Teachers need to be critical of what they do, how they act, what
they tell their students. We need to remember that we are there to educate, to
guide, not oppress. We need to learn from our students and yet not be afraid
that by opening ourselves up to such learning we are somehow losing that
authority in the classroom. Learning, for the student, is a journey. We, as
teachers, need to be there for them and to help them on their journey. Telling
them what to think or how to do things the way we would like to see it done
is not helping them on THEIR journey. It is THEIR journey, not ours: their
liberation; not our oppression. We just have to remember that.