FILIPINO

Value
System
A Cultural
Definition
F. Landa Jocano
UP EDUCATION

ED007853

Punlad Research House, Inc

Metro Manila, Philippines

 Philippine Copyright © 1997
by F. Landa Jocano and PUNLAD Research House, Inc.

All rights reserved:

This publication may not be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in whole
or in part, in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or
otherwise, without the prior written
permission from the author
and the publisher.

ISBN 971-622-004-9

Second Printing, 1999

PUNLAD Research'House, Inc.

P.O. Box 121 UP Post Office
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 Contents

Page
Preface

1. Introduction 1

2. Notion of Value in Filipino Culture 15

3. Halaga: The Evaluative Core 29

4. Asal: The Expressive Core 51

5. Diwa: The Spiritual Core 85

6. Epilogue 119

Further Readings 121

 PREFACE

Some of the materials included in this book appeared in previous publications.

The rest are new data gathered recently from the field. Our research on Filipino
values began in 1966 and is still continuing (1997).
In pursuing this study, we were assisted by a number of persons and
institutions. We wish to acknowledge the assistance of former dean of the Asian
Center, Dr. Josefa Saniel, for giving us all the time for fieldwork; Ms. Lilia
Marquez and Mamerta Caguimbal for typing the earlier drafts; and Ms. Edna
Madriaga and Belva Mirto for staff assistance during the final phase of this work.
Special thanks goes to C.O. Ricafort, Jr. for preparing the manuscript for
publication and Mr. Jay Dominguez for printing the book..
We wish to thank the PUNLAD RESEARCH HOUSE, INC. for funding
the research, preparation and publication of this work.

F. Landa Jocano
Tierra Bella Homes
Tandang Sora, Quezon City
22 October 1997
 1
INTRODUCTION
THIS BOOK IS ABOUT THE COMMONLY SHARED and traditionally
established system of values underlying Filipino behavior. This system
forms only part of the larger Filipino cultural system. Thus, it is a sub-
system. But unless this sub-system is understood in its proper cultural
context, it would be difficult to appreciate its influence on Filipino individual
or group behavior.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The purpose of this study is twofold: First, to describe the core elements of
Filipino traditional value system. Second, to propose alternative
interpretations 9f these core values in a manner consistent with local
knowledge and cultural experiences.

The current way of looking at Filipino traditional values does not give us a
better understanding of the nature of the value system itself'. Many
interpretations of the system are not Consistent with local knowledge and
traditionally defined code of conduct that provides behavior its proper
framework, context, and meaning.

Many critics, for example, see Filipino traditional values as something we

should not have valued in the first place (An inconsistent but popular
view!). They say that these values have "damaged" our culture, brought
about "the ills in our society," given rise to our "undesirable traits," brought
about "weaknesses in our character" as a people, and have caused the
"moral breakdown" of our institutions.

Some critics, particularly the foreigners, even see our conformity to

traditional norms as "passivity, subservience, and lack of initiative." The
high premium we place on reciprocal obligations is described by them as
"scheming," our concern for consensus as "lack of leadership," our silence
borne out of deference or sensitivity to feelings of others as "concealed
dishonesty," our firmness and discipline as "authoritarianism," our kinship
loyalties as "nepotism," our gift-giving, as "bribery" and our utang na loob
(debt of gratitude) as "cumbersome system of patronage and the major
source of corruption."

There are many other examples. Suffice it to say, at the outset, that these
critical views, while intended to enlighten us about ourselves as Filipinos,
were never helpful in broadening our appreciation of our traditional life-
ways. On the other hand, these views have succeeded in confusing us and
in producing incongruities in our perception of our society and culture.
They have likewise succeeded in creating a perspective that defines our
values as "negative" and our character as "weak," thus undermining our
confidence in our native abilities to excel.
 HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

In large measure, our difficulty in appreciating the positive functions of our

traditional values lies in our vague understanding of the value system itself.
This condition was brought about by our unfortunate encounters with
colonial history.

Historically, the Philippines was colonized several times—first by the

Spaniards and later by the Americans. It was invaded and ruled by the
Japanese during the Second World War. Previous to these events; it had
long years of contact with the great traditions of Asia and the Middle East,
accounting for the introduction of Islam in southern Philippines.

Several changes took place during these encounters with exogenous

cultures. The most dramatic ones, however, took place during the Spanish
and American colonial regimes.

During these regimes, the colonizers imposed their religious, social and
political systems on the Filipinos. For the Spaniards, colonization was part
of their desire to "Christianize" us; for the Americans, it was their plan to
establish a politico-economic foothold in Asia, disguised as "benevolent
assimilation." Punitive measures accompanied these impositions. Filipinos
who refused to accept the new systems were punished as heretics and
insurrectos. Those who embraced them were rewarded with good jobs and
high positions in the government service.

The colonizers also passed laws and formulated civil service rules to govern
private and public behavior and to insure the legitimacy of their regimes.
They likewise introduced their values as standards for what is desirable,
good, true, and beautiful in society.
On the other hand, native customary ways were set aside as "primitive."
Conventional practices were labeled as "barbaric." Indigenous values were
described as "backward" and "corrupt." Native character was seen as
"uncouth" and local beliefs were called "superstitions." Thus viewed, local
knowledge, beliefs, and practices became undesirable. They were said to
be "barriers to modernization." Therefore they had to be changed.

Ultimately, the values and practices of the colonizers, presented as

desirable alternatives to the native ones, were "accepted" as the new
standards for recognizing, expressing and evaluating social realities in the
environment. They were also used as models for managing social behavior.

RE-UNDERSTANDING FILIPINO VALUES

Several decades have passed since the colonizers left. Yet many of us are
still devoted to the colonizers' ideas and models on how to view and
describe our cultural traits and institutions. Many of us are still convinced
that our traditional values are "irrational" and "negative." Many of us
continue to believe that it is our values that have "let us down," "retarded
our economic growth," and prevented us from moving our nation forward.

Are these judgments correct?

Our answer is NO! These judgments are not correct. They have to be
challenged. We have more data now than before to do so. Our values are
not irrational; neither are they negative. They are only different from the
values of foreign observers, particularly the colonizers, who earlier wrote
about them.
By definition, values refer to something desirable. We cannot value
something that is not desirable. Even common sense tells us that.
Desirability is culture-bound. It is one of the mechanisms by which society
enables its members to share common standards so that they can interact
without much conflict—so that they can order their lives within the realm of
personal and community experiences.

Seen in this context, it is valid to argue that there are no negative Filipino
values, as some writers aver. There are only wrong uses of the values
because our models for value-analysis are western—particularly those used
by former colonizers and foreign observers.

In challenging the established interpretations of Filipino values, we are not

questioning the competence of other scholars or of the past scholarship.
Rather, we are suggesting new ways of looking at our traditional values, of
re-understanding them so that we can harness them to work for us.

To do this, we need to free our minds from the biases of the old colonial
value-models and to build new ones that reflect the best in us. We need to
shift our value paradigms—to recast our mindsets and to redefine our
perspectives from one which sees our traditional values is sources of social
ills to another which sees them as sources of inner strength and moral will
to survive and excel

To achieve this goal, we have "to romance our culture." That is, we
have to re-inquire into the nature of our traditional values and to re-
emphasize their original and functional meanings in our daily lives so that
we can appreciate the nuances of our experiences and bring our analysis of
the logic of Filipino behavior closer to Filipino grounds. In this way, we can
generate a new sense identity with, pride in, and commitment to our
national goals.
In endorsing "romancing the culture" as an approach to value-paradigm
shift, we are not suggesting doing away with exogenous ideas. Neither do
we advocate the total rejection of those foreign-derived institutions, like
the bureaucracy, which have already become part of our social system.
This will isolate us from the rest of the modern world. It will also lead to
parochialism, which is inimical to progress.

What we are suggesting, on the other hand, is fine-tuning these borrowed

ideas to our culture. This will enrich our local knowledge and cultural
experiences, and help us translate the vague notion of modern
development into crisp strategic objectives for change. This will also
prevent us from becoming too Westernized!

In turn, let us also fine-tune our traditional values, particularly those which
are dear to us, to modern realities. In this way, they become part of the
basic foundation for modernization. This will also lead us to be more
systematic in handling our value priorities, as well as to be selective in
what we borrow from other cultures.

In this way, too, we can root our modern institutions deeply into native
grounds and provide them with strong foundations to become effective
instruments for economic development and nation building. Modernization
can be used as a means to reaffirm the moral authority of our cultural
traditions. Let us prosper without losing our identity as Filipinos.

ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES

To fine-tune modern ideas to Filipino traditional culture, or vice-versa, we

have to do two things: (1) to go back to the basics of our value system
itself and (2) to
start looking at our ethnic similarities rather than at our differences.

1. Back to basics. — "Going back to basics" means relearning over again

our traditional values and practices. The fundamental elements of these
traditional values must be re-examined in the light of their functions in the
real world of Filipino experiences. Our long years of exposure to foreign
cultures, particularly the American, have alienated us from our indigenous
grounds. We have to regain our lost confidence in our cultural system. The
following initial steps are necessary:

First, the myth that the exogenous models are superior to our indigenous
models must be dispelled or de-bunked. It is the strength of our native
models which enabled us to survive the damaging onslaught of colonialism
and modernization. We have to appreciate this fact. Unless we do this, we
will never be proud of ourselves as a people, neither can we recover our
lost confidence in our cultural system.

Second, we have to free ourselves from the current "exogenous blinders"

which, in the guise of modernity, have degraded our values and prevented
us from harnessing our traditional institutions and practices for
development and nation building.

Third, let us look at our traditional values in a more positive light. It is only
our negative judgment, shaped by the biases of our colonial past and
modern scholarship, which has influenced us to use them wrongly. We
must remember that:

Habang pinapanatili natin sa ating kamalayan ang negatibong pananaw,

lalong hihigpit ang yakap ng kahirapan sa ating huhay.
(Rough translation: For as long as we hold on to negative view, so shall the
grip of poverty in our life tighten.)
Fourth, we must examine the functions of our value system in terms of the
logic and moral authority of our tradition. We should not rely solely upon
the logic and legal authority of our exogenous models. They have already
damaged our culture.

Fifth, we must focus our academic and civic endeavors at discovering the
inner strength of our culture instead of continuously looking for its
weaknesses. Admittedly, our traditional system has its weaknesses. But if
we persistently load our consciousness with ideas of weakness [or even
search for one in everything we do], we will never realize our real strength.
Moreover, our past negative self-criticism has never been helpful. Let us try
another approach.

Sixth, we must release our hidden potentials (diwa) and inner strengths
(bisa) from the trap of historical neglect and apathy by deliberately using
our traditional values to positively define what is ethically proper and
morally right in our ways of thinking, believing, and doing things.

Let us be reminded that these potentials and strengths are imbedded in

our traditional values, and are, therefore, intrinsic in each one of us. They
represent our basic drives for quality and excellence. They also constitute
the essence of our commitment to peak performance.

Thus, when clearly understood and properly observed, these values can
enhance effective communication, promote teamwork, encourage
cooperation, insure unity and harmony, restore our identity with our
cultural heritage, deepen our pride in Filipino capabilities, and strengthen
our commitment to excellence.

It is also in proceeding on these grounds that we can hasten the

institutionalization of our regional and ethnic traits into national patterns,
thereby paving the way for national unity and progress.
2. Emphasize similarities. — To put this approach on firmer ground, we
should also start emphasizing our socio-cultural similarities rather than our
ethnic differences. We have stressed these differences for so long now,
and this has not been helpful. Perhaps, this is one of the reasons why we
have difficulty developing a sense of national community. The resistance is
within us.

It is true that there are differences in our ethnic life-ways. But these are
few. And most of them are linguistic and tribal specializations and/or
community adaptations to specific local ecological conditions, like meal
preparation and food taste.

Underneath this apparent diversity are structural and cultural similarities.

For example, we all share the same bilaterally structured kinship system
and family-oriented social organization. We give higher premium to family
interests than to other community interests. We also frown at individualism
of any kind. We do not approve of kanya-kanya (to each his/her own) trait.
In its stead, we emphasize groupism as seen in the importance we attach
to kinship and barkada (peer group; gangmates) relationships. Even our
definition of personalism does not equate with individualism. Instead, it is
relationship-oriented, whereby what others say about what we do is often
a very important consideration in decision making. Leadership, either in
politics or in business, is always effective when given a personal touch.
This is expected and valued. The Filipino phrase "kulang lang sa pansin"
Lack of attention or concern) captures the essence of personalism in
leadership and in other relations.

Psychologically, we are a highly sensitive people, whether one is a Christian

Ilocano, Tagalog or Bisaya; or Muslim Tausug, Maranaw or
Maguindanaonon. We reason more with "our hearts than with our minds."
As observer puts it "Filipino objectivity is ninety per cent (90%)
subjectivity.” In fact, our word for understanding is unawa—meaning "to
empathize with those
who arc in need." The point of reference is feelings—feelings with reasons.

Of course, all human beings are sensitive. The difference is that we labor
under a heavier psychological burden than, say, the Americans who, with
greater job mobility, can leave their embarrassment behind. In our case,
we stay, until very recently, in the same community all our lives and
interact with the same kinsmen, neighbors, and peers. Thus, it is very
difficult to evade the consequences of our actions. We therefore take extra
care not to hurt feelings and to get along with others, if necessary, in order
to preserve group harmony. It is also for this reason that we give emphasis
on pakikisama (getting along), hiya (embarrassment, shame, losing face),
and utang na loob (reciprocal obligations; sense of gratitude), among other
norms, when relating to one another.

If we emphasize these similarities instead of differences, we can help

create an idea environment conducive to the development of national
consciousness and unity. We can instill in the minds and hearts of every
Filipino a deeper sense of pride in and commitment to the nation because
we share a common national identity and heritage. We can also hasten the
formation of a new moral consensus on which we can embed our collective
will to make our nation move forward, or sustain whatever progress we
have gained in the process.

Similarly, if positive meanings were attributed to our traditional values,

positive work attitudes and ethical behavior can be generated in our
bureaucracy and corporate organizations. Institutionalizing the positive in
our values can also enhance the development of "passion for excellence" in
our individual and organizational behavior.
 METHODOLOGY

This study is part of the continuing and larger ethnographic research we

have been doing among the different lowland ethnolinguistic groups in the
country since 1967. The ethnic groups included in the study are: Ilokano,
Pangasinense, Kapampangan, Tagalog, Bicolano, Waray, Cebuano,
Hiligaynon, Aklanon, Tausug, Maranaw and Maguindanao.

The method of data-gathering followed the standard anthropological

approach. It includes the following:

(1) Ethnographic description.—This approach focuses on detailed or

"thick descriptions" of local life-ways. This is particularly true with respect
to traditional values which we have almost forgotten or, if not, continue to
take for granted. Our aim in doing this is to record as much information as
possible about community life and to discover new insights into the
dynamics of our traditional value system.

It is true that modernization has altered many of our traditional values.

Some of them are already dysfunctional in the new urban environment. But
most of them continue to serve as ethical ideals we look for from each
other and moral precepts we hope to instill in each one us—particularly the
young—and for all of us to use as guiding principles in everyday life.

Because of this focus, this work must be read not only as an empirical
study but also as a "passionate ethnography" of values. It is romancing
the Filipino culture .This is deliberate. As we said earlier, it is only in
romancing the culture that we can realize the positive us, appreciate
our traits, strengthen our character, and d moral inspiration from our
traditional values.

In pursuing this objective, however, we have observed with care the canon
of scientific research. We
have described as closely as possible the functions of Filipino values in
terms of local knowledge and experience of our informants.

(2) Use of native categories. — Capturing the functional realities of

values is still a major problem in research. Generally, the advice one
receives from professional fieldworkers is: use the natives' own categories
to identify, describe, and analyze their local knowledge, values and
experiences. It is from these vocabularies that we can probe into their
worldview, gain better insights into their values, and understand better the
peculiarities or nuances of their behavior.

This is sound advice. We agree with it. But in a multi-ethnolinguistic setting

like the Philippines, which native categories shall we use? There are twelve
dominant lowland language groups and hundreds of subgroups. The
situation is even more complex among the hinterland groups, the so-called
"cultural communities." Each ethnic group has its own dialect and set of
native categories to describe their lifeways.

For the present study, we have chosen the Tagalog-based National

Language categories. Members of other language groups will certainly
disagree with this choice. They will protest. They had already done so
during our past presentations of papers on Filipino values in various
seminars and conferences. They argued that the categories and concepts
we used were not found in their own respective languages.

These objections have merit. But a decision has to be made as to which set
of native categories we shall use when describing and speaking of
commonly shared national traits. After struggling with the problem, we
opted for the Tagalog-based National Language known as Filipino.

Two reasons influenced our decision. First, the Tagalog-based National

Language is the one currently being
developed, encouraged and disseminated by the government. It is
beginning to be understood throughout the country. Eventually, if this
trend continues, its vocabulary will be used as categories in describing the
commonly shared national values and traits.

Second, while it is true that each ethnic group has its own special
terminology to describe its value-concepts, the meaning and content of this
terminology are the same throughout the archipelago. For example, the
term for politeness/embarrassment/shame is hiya in Tagalog. It is bain in
Ilocano, supog in Bicol, ulaw or o-waw in Cebuano, huya in Ilongo, and
maratabat among the Muslim groups.
A similar condition holds true with other concepts. The terms may be
diverse but the meanings and moral sentiments are the same. That is why,
those who have misgivings about the scope of this study need not fear that
we favored the Tagalogs. Some of the terms we use here are from other
language groups. Thus, the Tagalogs need not also complain "but this term
is not Tagalog." We are using the national language vocabularies.

(3) Mode of presentation. — The key concepts we use in this study are
expressed in Filipino (i.e. the National Language). However, our discussions
are in English. The purpose of doing this is to reach a wider audience,
namely, the readers who need to understand our cultural values but who
do not speak the national language.

Also, unless otherwise stated, all quoted phrases are of local informants.
We did not cite individual names because the values expressed in their
testimonies shared standards. Our translations of local phrases are literal,
others are rephrased by us for purposes of clarity.

A discerning reader will probably notice that we have with conflicts, as

though Filipino traditional
society is all that pleasant. This is also done deliberately. We held in
abeyance any discussion of tensions and conflicts associated with Filipino
values. They deserve a separate and full-length study and not just a
passing commentary. Moreover, many authors have already written about
them in available publications. But what has not been examined in detail
are the positive functions of Filipino values.

The discussion throughout this study is in the present tense. Readers who
are not familiar with this style are likely to complain. They need not worry.
This style is in keeping with the anthropological tradition of field reporting
called "ethnographic present."
 2
THE NOTION OF
VALUE IN FILIPINO
CULTURE
THE NOTION OF VALUE IN FILIPINO CULTURE has not yet been clarified.
Even a cursory glance at what has already been written about it reveals the
absence of a working definition of the concept in the context of Filipino
culture, i.e. in terms of local knowledge and practices. Many writers simply
went ahead and wrote about Filipino values. In the process, even
traditional norms and coping mechanisms had been described by them as
"values." This has caused much of our current confusion and
misunderstanding of Filipino values and practices.

WHAT IS 'VALUE'?

The New Webster's Dictionary (1986 ed.) defines value as "(1) that which
is desirable or worthy of esteem for its own sake; (2) things or quality
having intrinsic worth; degree of excellence (3) the worth of a thing in
money or goods at a certain time; market price." These three definitions
point to a common reference: "the
broad tendency to prefer certain states of affairs over others" (Hofstede,
1980, p. 19).

This 'broad tendency' enables us to choose what to value personally and

yet remain within the bounds of group standards. It also allows us to act
independently, as well as interdependently, without much conflict, thereby
enabling us to find common ground for teamwork and cooperation.

Values are made up of assumptions and beliefs which our culture endorses
as appropriate bases for responses to events, facts, and states. It is our
assumptions and beliefs that influence us to see things the way we do. As
one of our informants puts it:

Kung ano ang tanaw ay siyang nakikita;

Kung ano ang nakikita ay siyang nararamdaman;
Kung ano ang nararamdaman ay siyang ginagawa.

(Translation:
How you look is what you see;
What you see is how you feel:
How you feel is what you do.)

Often, we are not conscious about our assumptions and beliefs because we
have internalized them in the process of growing up, as deeply revered
values or as part of community standards of the desirable. That is why a
leading scholar in human values defines value as "an enduring belief"
(Rokeach, 1973, p. 5).

Values are sources of reasons why we see and do things the way we do.
They are ''the guiding principles in our lives with respect to personal and
social ends we desire—such as salvation or peace—and with respect to
moral conduct and personal competence such as honesty and imagination"
(Kouzes and Posner, 1993, p. 60).
The classic and universally accepted definition of value is that of
anthropologist Clyde Kluckhohn:

"A value is a conception, explicit or implicit, distinctive of an

individual or characteristic of a group, of the desirable which
influences the selection from available modes, means, and ends of
actions.

Source: Towards a General Theory of Action, edited by Talcott Parsons

and Edward Shils. Cambridge. Harvard University Press, 1959, p. 395.

As standards, values are always positive in function) We cannot value

anything that is socially undesirable. We reject it. In fact, we distance
ourselves from people with undesirable character.

What we often label as “negative values" are actions violating the standard
of proper behavior but are rationalized in the context of existing values. For
example, a person who, along with others, is caught stealing or taking
drugs, will always say "napasama lang ako" (I happened to be with them)
or "nakisama lang ako" (I simply went along [with them]).

In this context, pakikisama is used as an explanation why undesirable acts

are committed. This is not correct. It is not the concept of pakikisama
which is wrong in this case; it is the way it is used which is not correct.

We repeat: there are no negative Filipino values. There are only wrong
uses of the values. That is why we label as crimes the misuse of values or
violations of value principles, particularly the legal ones.

To say then that a person has a value is to say that he/she positively
believes that certain patterns of behavior or modes of conduct are
personally and socially preferable to other patterns or modes of conduct.
This preference serves as his/her guide for making decisions or choices.
What is experienced by individuals as values have these qualities: (1) They
have a conceptual element—they are more than sensations, emotions,
reflexes or so-called needs. Values are abstraction drawn from the flux of
the individual's immediate experience. (2) They are affectively charged;
they represent actual or potential mobilization. (3) Values are not the
concrete goals of actions, but rather the criteria by which goals are chosen.
(4) Values are important, not "trivial" or of slight concern.

Source: Robin Williams, American Society, New York: Alfred A. Knopf,

1960, p. 440.

Values are best expressed in actions we do and understand in events we

experience. We do things the way we do because we accept certain
standards or degrees of excellence as valid and legitimate reasons for
doing so. 'Moreover, we are punished if we violate the standards, especially
the legal ones, and are rewarded if we observe them.

Valuing involves numerous individual and group decision-making activities:

preference, selection, desires, interests, dislikes, wants, needs, ethical
principles, and moral obligations. This broadness in scope of values, as we
pointed out earlier, provides us with wider latitude in making choices and
in interpreting behavior. Such latitude also makes us more tolerant and
understanding of other people's lifeways.

If we restrict or narrow the scope of values to only one area of

preference—say, religion or politics—they tend to generate bigotry and
intolerance. They also give rise to biased conclusions called "value
judgments." They prevent us from adjusting to one another or coming to a
common agreement, thereby discouraging us from working together
harmoniously.

Agreements are necessary to sustain group life. The group cannot remain
as a group if disagreements, particularly on fundamental issues of
community affairs, remain conflictual for a long time. Neither can we enjoy
certain levels of self-satisfaction if there are no agreements on basic issues
of organizational commitment, particularly ethical and moral ones.

Thus, we define values as:

· standards of excellence
· ideas of the desirable, characteristics of the individual or the
group, which people use to make decisions and guide their
actions, and
· ideals people want to achieve.

In sum, values are concepts which we use as points of reference or criteria

for recognizing, expressing, and evaluating social realities in the
environment in terms of their desirability, importance, significance, worth,
quality, merit, price, and usefulness to us.

WHAT IS THE FILIPINO TERM FOR VALUE?

The most popular and currently accepted Filipino term for value is
kahalagahan. We also used this term in our earlier writings on values. The
usage is correct because halaga refers to merit, significance, worth or price
we give to objects, ideas, sentiments, and actions.

But when we returned to the field during the school-breaks of 1988 and
1989 and again in 1990 and 1991, our informants suggested the word
pamantayan as the "most appropriate term for standard" A further field
check on this suggestion during the school-breaks of 1993 and 1995
confirmed its widespread use. Kahalagahan is only one aspect of
pamantayan.
We accept the term pamantayan in this study. We are using it to refer to
the generic concept of value system. The reason is simple, If we define
value as a standard on the basis of which we recognize, express, and
evaluate behavior as right or wrong, correct or incorrect, appropriate or
inappropriate just or unjust, etc., then pamantayan
is the more accurate term than kahalagahan which constitutes only one of
its aspects—the evaluative core.

THE MEANING OF PAMANTAYAN

The term pamantayan comes from the root-word pantay, meaning "at the
same level," "aligned," "to put in a straight line" This "line" serves as the
basis for measuring the level of quality, excellence, or sameness in
grouping things together. It is also used to evaluate the propriety of
behavior in certain situations. Behaving "in line" or in conformity with what
is acceptable is much preferred to deviating from it. This preference is
made because there is a standard to follow. See accompanying diagram.

Figure 1. Diagram showing informants' perception and use of

pamantayan as the standard against which the level of quality
of things or behavior is measured or assessed as acceptable or
desirable

In the diagram, it is clear that following the prescribed rule of pamantayan

is to be "nasa tamang katayuan sa pananaw ng madla" (on right or proper
in the eyes of the people). That is, the behavior is neither labis (more) nor
kulang (less)—it is "on line." Being "on line" means observing good
manners and right conduct, publicly or privately.
For example, praising one's own ability, figuratively known as nagbubuhat
ng sariling bangko (lifting his/her own bench) is considered yabang
(boastful), a very bad trait. Extreme timidity (napakamahiyain) is also
frowned upon. Even if a person is intelligent but cannot express
himself/herself well, particularly in group discussions, he/she is called
tanga (dull; lacking in intelligence, a dunce). Thus, to behave accordingly
or in conformity with the pamantayan is to be appreciated or accepted by
the group.

There are four ways of looking at pamantayan: (1) as code of meanings,

(2) as sets of internal rules, (3) as directive force of actions, and (4) as a
system of relationships.

1. Pamantayan as code of meanings. — Functionally, pamantayan

embodies the internal code of meanings we use to know, understand,
experience and describe the world around us. This code consists of
assumptions, postulates, and premises which serve as sources of
meanings, as standards for appreciating what is true, good, and beautiful.

For example, when we say that an object is maganda (beautiful), we do so

because we recognize that the object has the quality or elements which are
commonly identified and accepted as pleasing to our culturally-conditioned
senses. People who belong to another culture may not find the object
beautiful at all. They may have different aesthetic standards and modes of
appreciation. Similarly, when we consider an idea mahalaga (important) we
do so because we understand it to be relevant to our undertaking(s) or
need(s). Again, what is relevant to us may not necessarily be so to others,
particularly to those who belong to another culture.

When we enter another culture, without sharing that culture's standard

ways of thinking, believing, and acting, we suffer from what social
scientists call "culture shock." The term "culture shock" refers to a form
of anxiety that results from our inability to predict the
behavior of others or to act appropriately in a cross-cultural situation.

By definition, meaning refers to the purpose we intend an object, idea or

action to express or signify. It is the background against which we find
answers to much of what we want to know. Without meanings, for
example, we cannot interpret what we observe or feel; we cannot know
their significance. As an experienced traveler would tell us "it is difficult to
operate in an environment whose meaning system you do not understand."

It is difficult because we do not share the local meaning of things; we

cannot read the guiding symbols for proper action or communication, like
gestures or language; hence, we cannot react normally, communicate
effectively, or behave properly.

This is one of the reasons why foreigners find it hard to appreciate many
Filipino traits. Even our own countrymen who were educated abroad or
who had stayed there very long also tend to see local ways differently from
the way we local residents do. They do not share our meaning system any
more even if they are Filipinos. The result: they misread the nuances of
local behavior and misinterpret the rationale of behavior they observe.

It is for this reason that we must exert more effort to know our
pamantayan system. We have to re-understand it. We have to define
things in terms of local knowledge, beliefs and practices. If not, we would
be interpreting our values outside of their cultural context, as we had done
in the past.

2. Pamantayan as internal rules. — More specifically, pamantayan

refers to a body of traditionally established principles and rules governing
behavior. Adherence to these rules standardizes actions into modes of
behavior which enable members of the group to interact with consistency
and without much conflict: Observance of these rules also standardizes
sentiments and ideals into strongly held ethical principles or paninindigan
and deeply revered moral ideals or karangalan. Without
these standardized sentiments and ideals, it would be difficult to relate to
one another as members of the same community or organization.

Standardization of ideas and sentiments into codes of conduct does not

mean one-on-one agreement among the members of the group as to
"what is and what is not" acceptable or desirable. It does imply, however,
the presence of a consensus among majority of the members of the group
about the level of quality or degree of excellence which is desirable or
acceptable.

3. Pamantayan as directive force. — As the basis for choosing

goals, evaluating behavior, and making decisions, parnantayan gives order
and direction to sentiments and thoughts as these relate to behavior. This
directive function of pamantayan comes from the fact that as a value
concept, it embodies the appropriate definitions, premises and postulates
of shared meanings underlying what are acceptable ways of thinking,
believing, and doing things.

4. Pamantayan as system of relationship. — Finally, pamantayan is

a system of relationships. It is a system because it draws its ethical and
moral "suasion" from the different aspects of community life. This includes
the intellectual, emotional and physical aspects of behavior as these
aspects interrelate with one another to constitute a unified form of
preferred relationships or responses. Anything we do has a value
component. We relate to people according to accepted standards of
relationships, unless we want to deviate from these standards and
introduce change.

ELEMENTS OF PAMANTAYAN

As a value system, pamantayan has three core elements: halaga

(evaluative core), asal (expressive core), And diwa (spiritual core). These
core elements represent levels of valuing. The conscious or the first level of
valuing is represented by the concept of halaga—meaning
worth, price, and importance. The second level or the subconscious is
represented by the concept of asal or character. It is generally the kind of
character revealed by the action observed which gives behavior the halaga
it deserves. The third level is the spiritual domain of human life. It is
guided by diwa. It is diwa that animates life and makes it meaningful and
preferable (See diagram below).

Figure 2. Diagram showing the relations of the three elements in the

pamantayan system
PAMANTAYAN AS VALUE PARADIGM

On the basis of what we have just discussed, we suggest that the concept
of pamantayan be used as the model for understanding the Filipino
traditional value system. The model answers the question: "Why do
Filipinos behave the way they do?" We posed this question to a number of
informants. The answer is unanimous: "Because they observe the same
pamantayan for doing things."
In other words, it is our pamantayan which enables us to organize our
ideas and interpret our experiences within the context of commonly shared
meanings of things, events, or actions. Without a standard, it would be
difficult to decide what is important and what is not, what is right and what
is wrong, what we ought to do and what we ought not to do in certain
situations.

Figure 3 outlines the details of pamantayan as a value paradigm on page

26.

Halaga value-set. — As indicated in Figure 3, halaga is extrinsic to

objects, ideas, actions and conditions. It represents the surface level of the
pamantayan system and functions as the cognitive-evaluative core of the
system. It predisposes members of the community or organization to
assign worth, relevance, importance or significance to 'certain things and
not to others in the social or culture system.

The focus of valuing in halaga is person-to-person and person-to-society

relations. In person-to-person relations, the center of attention is on the
level of intimacy or degree of social distance between two individuals. For
example, kinship relations are given more halaga than non-kin relations.
On the other hand, in person-to-society relations, more attention is given
to duties and obligations we share as members of society.

Value judgments arising from these two points of reference deal with the
distinction between tama (right) and mali (wrong). Tama expresses correct
choices, decisions and actions. Mali expresses wrong choice, decision, and
action because these are not in accordance with the halaga-standards.

Asal value set. — Asal represents the second level of valuing in the
pamantayan system. It is primarily a behavioral concept. It refers to the
intrinsic quality and meaning of actions. It also expresses in manifest
behavior the "ought" and the "ought not" in Filipino culture. Unlike halaga,
asal cannot be used as an attribute of material objects We can say "ang
halaga (price) nitong
fountain pen," but we cannot say "ang asal (character) nitong fountain
pen." That is why the term asal is also used to mean ugali or character.

As shown in Figure 3, the point of reference in valuing in the asal set is

person-to-self and person-to-person relations. The term relation refers to
patterned interactions. Pattern has to do with the observable regularities of
behavior people express in similar or different situations. These regularities
emerged out of continuous, reciprocal and concrete interactions of people
with each other. These continuous interactions, in turn, facilitate learning
and sharing not only of behavior but also of thoughts and emotions. The
thought of being ostracized or disowned by peers, for example, leads one
to behave according to group norms. Also, the feeling of love and
commitment to an ideal or noble cause can lead to heroic deeds.

That is why most personal or group experiences are recognized, expressed

and interpreted in terms of the kind of asal people manifest in their
behavior during certain occasions. Value judgments are also based on what
kind of asal one reads from another's responses to situations. Good traits
or acts of good will (i.e. selfless concern or solicitude) are categorized as
mabuting asal. Pleasant personality, as well as conformity to rules and
regulations, is defined as magandang asal. Character or acts of ill will are
described as masamang asal.

Diwa value-set. Diwa represents the deepest level of the pamantayan

system. It is the spiritual core of our traditional values; the essence of our
collective sentiments or psyche as a people (See diagram in Figure 3.). As
such, it gives us a sharper sense of personhood. That is why we speak of
diwang kayumanggi when emphasizing pride in being brown or diwang
Filipino when stressing our national identity.
The spiritual essence of diwa is expressed in faith or pananampalataya in
God and katapatan (sincerity, loyalty) to fellow humans. Strictly speaking,
pananampalataya is the value orientation through which any act
having to do with the spiritual or psychical event is explained, understood,
and responded to properly. It embodies the sum total of shared knowledge
and sentiments about the role of supernatural forces in our life. These
forces serve as sources from which flow all elements of life processes—
awareness, feelings, reverence, respect, hope, confidence, beliefs, etc.—
making it possible intuitively to know and feel what other people know and
feel.

On the other hand, katapatan refers to sincerity, trustworthiness, integrity,

uprightness, and probity in our relationships with others. It is moral
knowing, feeling, and acting. It is generalized empathy, "the kind which
sees beneath differences and responds to our common humanity."

Diwa is also understood by respondents as the "supernatural power in us."

They also see it as the "force within" which links us to "the higher psychic
powers that influence and guide our present and future life." That is why
faith or pananampalataya plays a major role in whatever we do because
we are part of the universal design of Nature. We become strong or weak,
depending upon how deeply we put faith in our way of thinking, believing,
and doing things.

SUMMARY

It is clear from our discussion in this Chapter that value is the concept we
use to describe the desirable in our society. It is the standard we use as
the basis for making decisions, choices, and preferences. This being the
case, we suggest that the term pamantayan be used as the more
appropriate generic term for value than the currently used term,
kahalagahan.
 3
HALAGA
The Evaluative Core of
Filipino Value System
IN CHAPER 2, WE CLARIFIED THE MEANING of values. We said that values
are commonly shared standards on the basis of which people recognize,
express, and evaluate social realities in the environment. The closest
Filipino term for standard is pamantayan. One of its important elements is
halaga.
In this Chapter, we shall pursue our discussion of the concept of halaga,
identify its elements and describe its functions as the standard of cognition,
evaluation, and lion.

THE CONCEPT OF HALAGA

The term halaga refers to qualities we attach to ideas we have, things we

observe, sentiments we feel and events we experience. These qualities
define our ways of thinking, feeling, and acting. In fact, without these
qualities, we would not be able to identify, specify, and determine which
things are important and which are not. But with halaga, we can describe
things, ideas, sentiments,
and events as essential, meritorious, vital, precious, important, and
significant to our needs and desires.

In other words, it is our concept of halaga which tells us what to value and
what to take lightly. It informs us what to prefer and what to disregard. It
enables us to put order into our system of thought and behavior. This is
impossible to do without any criterion on which to base our judgment or a
standard to guide us. In short, halaga is the matrix through which
phenomena observed or events experienced are identified, evaluated, and
given specific importance or general 'worth, or as informants said,
kahalagahan See outline below.

Figure 4. Diagram showing the different perspectives in the use of halaga

as an evaluative criterion for choices, decisions, and actions.

PATTERNING OF HALAGA

Halaga is not a static concept. It is fluid and dynamic. It keeps changing.

Its patterning is influenced by events in the environment--social, economic,
political
and religious. Any change in these aspects of the social system brings
about changes in our cognition and evaluation of things around us. Even
morality yields to religious definitions. Social ideals are also affected by
economic progress (or stagnation) and political upheavals.

But at the time that certain kahalagahan are accepted and commonly
shared as criteria for judgment, they determine what we do. By knowing
what means and ends are important, we act spontaneously as though it is
the natural way of doing things. Sometimes, we even want to change the
order of things because we think it is necessary to change it, without
reflecting on the fact that such decision was influenced by changes taking
place in our kahalagahan.

The process through which kahalagahan is patterned or changed is shown

in Figure 5 below.

Figure 5 Process of identifying, assigning, and affirming halaga.

As shown in Figure 5, the following processes are involved in identifying
and affirming halaga extended to objects, ideas, events, and actions.

1 . External (or internal for that matter, as in creative idea) stimulus

makes an impact on us at the initial encounter, locally known as
dating.

2. Once we recover from this impact, we intuitively identify and

visually cognize objects, ideas, or actions—a process called
pagkilala.
3. Having done this, we proceed to assess the nature of objects,
ideas or action—a process called pagtatasa.

4. Then we give such objects, ideas and actions the halaga or value
they warrant—a process called pagpapahalaga.

5. If the halaga suits our needs and desires, we accept or reaffirm

the object, ideas or actions as relevant, important, meritorious or
significant to us—an act called pagtanggap.

6. The new halaga or the reaffirmed one is then fed back to the
existing pamantayan system to be used as the new standard or
the more valid one to use in evaluating the relevance, merit,
importance and significance of similar stimulus when it reappears
in the future.

NATURE OF HALAGA

As we stated earlier, halaga is a conception of quality of things or events

based on our immediate sense data: seeing, feeling, hearing, tasting, and
smelling. These senses are biologically neutral. However, the way they are
oriented to or focused on specific needs or desires is cultural. What is
pleasing smell in one culture, for example, may be nauseating in another.
What tastes good in Asia may not be so in Europe. And so on.
Cognitively, an object, action, idea or feeling has no value or meaning
unless we endow them with one. To endow is to furnish observed
phenomena or events with the idea of desirability. This idea, in turn, is
provided with reasons why certain preferences or choices are thought
proper. For example, we feel sad because things that are mahalaga to us
are lost. We are happy because we have achieved what is mahalaga to us.
In other words, it is the concept of halaga which specifies the worth,
relevance, importance, or significance of things we observe or events we
experience.

To put it in another way, it is our extension of value and meanings to what

we observe or experience that makes them stand out as distinct or unique
from other things (angat sa iba) we see or experience, as in calling certain
objects beautiful and others ugly, or certain experiences as pleasant,
others disappointing. It is this identification of meaning(s) which enables us
to evaluate the kahalagahan of things or events, share them with other
members of the group, and to prioritize, order, and arrange their
importance to our needs and desires.

Actually to judge observed phenomena as mahalaga is to

Seen in this way, it is clear that it is the concept of halaga which links us to
our physical or idea environments. Its function is basically transformational.
By conferring attribute(s) of halaga to things or events, we transform in
them into objects of needs and desires or ideals and aspirations.

*Adapted from Paul T. Young, Motivations and Emotions, 1961

For example, if halaga is attached to

1. objects, it denotes
price
cost
charge
amount, sum of money
stated price
worth, i.e. power to pay
usefulness

2. ideas, it denotes
merit
importance
weight
consequence
3. events, it denotes
historicity
significance
memorableness
4. actions, it denotes
extent
assertions
ethical behavior
moral character
respectability
Other criteria for determining, appreciating, and rank-ordering of things
based on halaga is shown in Table I.

DETERMINANTS OF HALAGA

There are several factors which influence and, in fact, account for the
extension of halaga to observed phenomena, But the most dominant ones
are katangian distinctive
Table I. Table showing the different evaluative criteria and points of
reference in halaga
quality), kagalingan (excellence), and kabuluhan (relevance, importance,
significance). See Figure 6.

Figure 6. Diagram showing the dominant evaluative components of halaga

Katangian is derived from the root-word, tangi, meaning distinctive quality.

That is, being exceptional, special, desirable, and outstanding among
many. Hence, halaga is extended to observed phenomena (material objects
or abstract ideas) only when they possess distinctive features or
characteristics.

The statement "Isang tanging biyaya ng panahon ang kanyang natanggap"

(He/she received an exceptional and timely gift) captures the importance
of being distinct or exceptional as the criterion for valuing. In this context,
katangian refers to a state or degree of "being distinct from others."
There are many other uses of katangian. On the whole, however, it is used
to evaluate the desirability of
material objects or concrete actions according to their special
characteristics.

Kagalingan generally refers to excellence. It is derived from the root-word.

galing, meaning high quality work or service, meritorious achievement,
versatility, find nobility of character. It is also used as the criterion for
assessing intellectual capabilities and moral uprightness. This criterion has
to be met before halaga can be extended to objects, ideas or actions.

Kabuluhan refers to the relevance, importance or significance of what is

being said or done in relation to a certain situation or condition under
consideration. It is derived from the rootword bulo, meaning important,
valuable, worthy. It is often used as the standard for evaluating the
importance of an act—whether or not it is meaningful or has any relevance
at all—to the situation or condition where it occurs or is intended to occur.

In sum, halaga is more than a personal assessment of observed

phenomena. It is a culturally defined and commonly shared form of
judgment. That is, objects, ideas, events and actions are given halaga only
when they possess characteristics judged as distinct, excellent, or relevant
to our needs and desires.

DOMINANT FUNCTIONS

OF HALAGA

Halaga, as a standard of evaluation, asserts its influence over behavior in

several ways. Among the dominant ones are:

Halaga as an Orientation

Given the meanings attached to the concept, it is clear that halaga

permeates all aspects of our lives. As we said before, everything we do has
a halaga component. It is this concept that provides us with an orientation
through which observed phenomena is evaluated as
important, meritorious, worthy, or significant to our needs and desires.
Without this orientation, it would be difficult to discriminate, classify, and
integrate things into acceptable cultural categories and to locate them in
their proper places in the cultural system.

In this connection, it needs to be stressed that halaga consists not only of

principles to observe when making judgments but also of feelings
(damdamin) of being morally right and justified in making such judgments.

Such feelings are crystallized in the concept of dating and kalooban. Dating
has to do with the intuitive feel of the situation or condition associated with
decisions, preferences or choices. Kalooban refers to the "gut feel" arising
from the impact of dating on us when we are about to make our decision
or to state our preference. If the dating is mabigat sa kalooban (i.e. heavy,
not good), we change our mind—we abandon the original choice. On the
other hand, if the dating is magaan sa kalooban (i.e. light, good), the
halaga is in place and our decision or choice is likely to be the right one.
Judgments based on dating and kalooban are derived from our reading(s)
of meaning(s) from what is verbalized as preferred or articulated as choice
in concrete actions. Implicitly involved in this process are ethical and moral
sentiments associated with our decisions to choose or prefer one thing to
another. The process of valuing involving dating is outlined in Figure 7.

In other words, the concept of halaga encompasses the shared normative

judgments of Filipino society. Empirical evidence is sometimes put aside
and the moral and ethical "ought" or "ought not" is used to rationalize or
justify the preference or the choice made. These ethical and moral rules
are more subjective than objective.

As one elderly laborer counselled a young companion who wanted to

confront the boss for what the latter did to him:

Sa wari ko'y hindi maganda ang kalalabasan nitong binabalak mong

prankahin ang boss. Tama
 ka dahil mayroon kang tamang kusa. Ngunit iyang prangkahan, kung
hindi ka maingat, ay magdadala lamang ng sama ng loob. Mayroon
pa bang ibang pamamaraan upang maipaabot mo sa kanya ang
iyong hinaing na hindi siya magdaramdam? Kausapin mo muna ang
kanyang kinatawan o sino mang malapit sa kanya—kaibigan o
katiwala. At kung sa damdam nila, maari mong sabihin sa boss, doon
ka na kumilos. Kung hindi mo gagawin iyang sinasabi ko, baka
mapahiya ka lang.
(Rough translation: In my assessment, your plan to confront the boss
is not good. You are right because you have reasons. But frankness,
if you are not careful, may bring about hurt feelings. Are there other
alternative ways to communicate your case without hurting him? Talk
to his representatives [i.e. persons close to him]. Then do what you
like if you feel that it is all right to do so with the boss. If you will not
do what I tell you, you might only be embarrassed.)

Most halaga norms, like those in other areas of the pamantayan system,
are closely associated with our highly sensitive nature as a people. This is
highlighted by our use of mukha (face) and balat (skin) as explicit symbols
in communicating the fragility of our feelings. Respondents explain the
meanings of these symbols in this manner:

The face mirrors our inner selves (call it soul, if you wish) and
therefore it must be protected at all cost—it must be saved from all
kinds of "social dirt" which could stain our moral character and color
other people's regard for us. Similarly, the skin is the protective cover
of the body. If it is peeled off, our body becomes vulnerable to fatal
diseases. Moreover, the skin bleeds when cut and the wound causes
pain. Thus, it must also be taken care of by all means.
These notions of "protecting the face" and "caring for the skin"
deeply influence our behavior. They affect the way we communicate
with one another. As a result, our communication techniques are not
direct or confrontational; we are indirect and euphemistic. Even our
giving halaga to objects, ideas, and actions involves a series of
"feeling the situation." We do this so that we do not hurt the feelings
of others. Instead, we "save their face" and "protect their skin. The
process is outlined below.
Halaga as a Motive Force

Aside from its evaluative functions, halaga also serves its one of the
sources of strong motive force in Filipino culture. Once incorporated
in decision making, it removes all basic insecurities and translates
these into creative abilities. For example, giving halaga to whatever
we do engages our mind, emotions, and physical energy and
transforms our attitudes towards work into "passions for excellence."
It strengthens our self-worth or pagkatao. Furthermore, if we
become mahalaga to someone, as in being loved by someone we
love, all our anxieties are transformed into inspirations, joy, positive
work attitudes, and professional success. The converse is frustration
and failure.
With halaga in mind, we face challenges with confidence, stretch our
imagination to creativity, broaden our knowledge and experience,
and bring humor and delight to whatever we do. Without halaga we
end up with mediocre work because we do not value what we do; we
do not care. Without it, it is difficult to harness fully our capabilities
for peak performance or excellent work because we do not find
meaning in what we do.
Moreover, if we put halaga in what we do, we elevate our self-worth
or pagkatao to a higher level of self-esteem. This "higher self," in
turn, brings us closer to other people because it makes us aware that
they too are tao (humans) like us—with self-worth similar to ours.
This realization further guides us to handle relationships in terms of
pakikipagkapwa-tao (cultivating harmonious relations with others)
because it makes us conscious that "other people, as human beings,
also have feelings and we have no reason to hurt them."
In the process, we become more human in our relations with our
fellowmen and honest in our dealings with them. We become people-
oriented or makatao. The emphasis we give to halaga is shown in
Figure 9.
It is often the halaga we give to our work—in business or in creative
art—which influences our decisions, controls the direction of our
lives, and defines the nature
 Figure 9. Diagram showing the relationships of pagkatao,
pakikipagkapwa-tao, and pagkamakatao concepts which serve as one
of the bases of halaga or pagpapahalaga

of our future. This is one of the fundamental rules governing our lives. As
one respondent said, in an interview:

We are governed by what we think we are worth. No more, no less.

Thus, we can rise to the level of what we aspire to become or
transcend all limits of impossibilities in life ONLY when we believe we
can. Success in life is proportionate to the degree of halaga we
commit to our ideals. We alone can make our fate, create our
destiny, and design our world.

Halaga as Source of Meanings

Halaga, as an evaluative standard, is also the source of meaning(s) we

extend to behavior for them to become socially proper, ethically
appropriate, and morally right. It is necessary, for example, to be dressed
in party attire
when attending a social function but not when one goes to the office. Our
'sense of propriety' tells us what is right and what is not. The impulse to
act is generally followed not only because there are rules to observe but
also because the act has been endowed with the halaga it deserves and it
is in context with what is commonly accepted as mahalaga (importance or
significance) in society.

Traits that are given halaga are those which are idealized as good and
acceptable. They are perceived by the majority, if not all, of the people to
have moral superiority over other forms of behavior. The generic term for
this good and acceptable behavior is uliran. It is best translated as ideal
behavior. It means “model to be imitated or followed; ultimate objective of
one’s ambition; worthy example; just what one wishes it to be.”

Among the traits generally considered to be uliran or ideal, hence,

mahalaga, are katimpian (self-control, discipline), pagpupunyagi
(perseverance), kasipagan (industriousness), and katiyagaan (patience).
See diagram below.
These traits form the core ideals of halaga as an evaluative system.
Persons who possess these traits are looked up to with respect and
admiration—"they are the ones who are likely to succeed in the future." As
one successful corporate executive said: "There is no substitute for hard
work, self-discipline and perseverance. These are the foundations of
success. And if you put halaga on these traits, you will reach your goals
easily." The interlinking of these traits is outlined in Figure 10.

Katimpian refers to self-control. It is derived from the root-word timpi,

meaning moderation, temperance, self-discipline. A person who is
mapagtimpi is one who exercises self-control, restraint and moderation in
speech and action. As an ideal behavior, timpi is constrained conformity to
good manners and right conduct; it is calmness under pressure. Members
of the community have a high regard for people who are matimpi—i.e. who
show "self-control in time of crises." They are considered emotionally and
intellectually mature.

Kasipagan is derived from the root-word sipag which means industrious. It

is always equated with the concept of tagumpay or success, although some
Filipinos believe in good luck as the reason why some are more successful
than others. While this may be true, yet people who are successful give
this belief a minor role in their having succeeded. As one respondent said:
"Only those who are not willing to work hard believe in good luck. Good
luck is the result of hard work. You create it. It comes to you when you
exercise self-control, perseverance, patience and hard work."

Another trait we consider mahalaga is pagpupunyagi. The term is derived

from the root-word, punyagi—meaning, "earnest or persistent effort;
determination." Thus, pagpupunyagi refers to "the willingness to work
persistently against all odds; having strong determination to work hard to
overcome one's problems."

Pagpupunyagi can also be viewed as the inner motive force which tells us
to be persistent, even during difficult times. It embodies our willingness to
persevere despite
all hardships in order to attain our goals, our refusal give up, in spite of
difficulties. Persons who are imbued with the spirit of pagpupunyagi are
persistent in their efforts to achieve their goals. They do not accept
failure—only challenges. They also look at things positively and view the
future with broadness of vision. That is why, they succeed.

Pagpupunyagi is closely related to another highly valued trait, the

katiyagaan. This term is derived from the root-word, tiyaga, meaning
patience, diligence, and persistence. Thus, katiyagaan refers to the
willingness to stick to a purpose or aim with patience and determination. It
also refers to "constancy in work; applying oneself to a task with patience."

Persons who are matiyaga are the ones who generally succeed. The saying
"kung may tiyaga, may nilaga" (those who have patience have something
to stew) captures the essence of katiyagaan as a virtue. On the other
hand, those who have no patience generally do not succeed.

Sometimes, tiyaga and punyagi are used interchangeably. The former is

better defined as patience and the latter as perseverance. The line
between them is very thin but it is better to keep them as separate
concepts in order to make clear our points of reference when using them
to describe the motive force underlying behavior. It needs to be stressed,
however, that both traits are highly valued ideals.

In addition to the above traits, the notion of uliran includes such attributes
of good character as magalang (respectful) and maginoo (honorable).
Persons who are magalang and maginoo are well-behaved individuals—i.e.
courteous, civil and urbane in their manners. They are also persons with
sterling character—noble in thought and deed, compassionate but firm in
disposition; disciplined. That is why they are held in high esteem even by
their critics.

In other words, it is the halaga we give to observed traits which makes

them uliran. The notion creates an image
of goodness which should be enshrined in every Filipino mind and heart. It
provides us with the specific standard against which we identify, evaluate
and judge the fitness of our behavior to its proper ethical and moral
context.

Halaga and Social Appearance

Uliran, as a set ideal traits, reflects the quality of halaga we give to

behavior. Actions falling below the halaga standard is not considered
uliran. They are not endorsed by the members of the group as good
behavior. On the other hand, efforts are exerted by family elders or
community leaders to change them.

Uliran, as an ideal, is abstracted from everyday life experiences through

careful observation of behavior, called anyo, in different contexts. In
popular usage, anyo means "appearance, the outward look of things or
behavior as in physical build, figure, shape, likeness, bearing, manner and
form."

Specifically, anyo, as social appearance, is drawn from three main sources

which also constitute its main elements: kilos (physical act), hilig (basic
tendencies), and gawi (habits). See diagram below.
Kilos refers to observable physical movement or ways of acting. Seen in its
social, ethical and moral contexts, it means demeanor, deportment,
manner. A person is seen and evaluated as good or bad, just or unjust and
so forth according to his kilos or manner of acting in public and in relation
to other people. It is the outermost part of anyo. That is why persons who
do not behave properly are enjoined to stop acting improperly: "Hoy
kumilos ka nang matino at huwag yang nakakahiya" (Hey, behave properly
and not in an embarrassing way).

Hilig is less readily observable but easily discernible from the individual's
tendency to do things in a particular way. Hilig also refers to desire,
appetite, bent, penchant, flair, proneness to do or to pursue something.
The phrase mahilig siya sa sayaw (He/she loves to dance) or mahilig
siyang tumawa kapag may nagkakamali (He/she has a tendency to laugh
when someone makes a mistake) expresses well this ability to discern
tendencies from actions.

The other element of anyo is gawi or habit. It also refers to manners or

custom. It arises from patterned behavior or habitual ways of thinking,
believing, feeling, and acting. Thus, what is habitually accepted as good, is
difficult to change, unless the context in which an act is done is changed:
"Nakagawian niyang kumain tuwing hating gabi" (He/she has the habit of
eating at midnight).

In other words, a behavior is given halaga (importance) if it contributes

something good to the enhancement of group welfare; it is rejected as 'di
mahalaga' if it does not contribute anything worthwhile. The reading of
goodness or worthiness of a behavior is based on whether or not the act
reflects the commonly shared concept of kabutihan or kagandahan ng asal,
the expressive core of the pamantayan system.
 SUMMARY

Thus far, we have described the concept of halaga. We said that the notion
of halaga creates an image of relevance, importance, and significance in
things we do. That is why we consider certain objects valuable and others
not. Similarly, we uphold certain principles but not others. Unless the
concept of halaga is understood in the Filipino cultural context, it would be
difficult to grasp the meaning of Filipino behavior, much less the rationale
of why we behave the way we do and not otherwise.
 4
ASAL
The Expressive Core of
Filipino Value System
IN CHAPTER 3, WE DISCUSSED THE MEANING and function of halaga as
the evaluative core of the pamantayan system. We said that halaga
operates at the conscious level of valuing in that we impose it deliberately
on something we want, prefer, or desire. Behaviorally, the halaga we give
to an act as desirable or preferable depends on our conscious assessment
of its worth or importance.

In this Chapter, we shall examine the expressive core of the pamantayan

system, the asal. We shall also inquire into its use as the standard for
recognizing and expressing proper behavior, particularly those involving
good manners and right conduct. We cannot endow halaga on any
behavior unless we read the presence of goodness, prescribed by asal, in
the behavior we observe.

It is important, therefore, that we have a good grasp of asal, as a value

concept and as a standard for proper behavior, if we are to understand
why Filipinos behave the way they do.
 NOTION OF ASAL

Asal, as a standard, refers to sets of dominant and commonly shared

values and norms which Filipinos use as points of reference in expressing
themselves, interpreting the actions of others, and in regulating
interpersonal and intergroup relations. Such standards consist of
assumptions and premises which underlie local preferences and choices
concerning what is desirable, true, good, and beautiful.

These standards and norms are internalized in the process of growing up.
As such they are intrinsic in Filipino personalities. As one respondent said in
an interview: "Who we are as persons (i.e. our status and reputation) is
measured by what kind of asal we have or what other people read in our
behavior. We are judged, accepted, or rejected by other members of the
community according to our asal."

Asal lies deep in the Filipino subconscious or lubog na kamalayan.

Oftentimes we are not aware that it influences the way we think and do
things in relation to situations we are in or in terms of our relations with
other members of the group. In other words, asal embodies the essence of
our character as Filipinos. That is why, in popular usage asal is often used
to mean ugali or character.

Upon closer scrutiny, however, asal is seen, to be more than character or

ugali. It is the basis of ugali. In fact, as we said earlier, it is the kind of asal
we read from or recognize in a behavior we observe that influences us to
judge it as good or bad, just or unjust, desirable or undesirable and so on.
This reading further enables us to assign appropriate halaga to the act we
observe or actions we do.

Unlike halaga which has a broader application, asal is applicable only to

human behavior, hence limited to the expressive nature of character. It
cannot be used as a feature to describe other observed entities or
phenomena. For example, it is possible to say "Ang halaga ng
galunggong (the price of galunggong [a kind of fish]) but it is not right to
say "Ang asal ng galunggong" (the character of galunggong). The
galunggong is not human.
The concept of asal is widespread throughout the archipelago, even if each
ethnolinguistic group uses a different term to describe it. It is close, for
example, to kababalin/kadawyan, among the Ilocanos; pana-ugali or
pamakiyabe among the Kapampangans; marhay, among the Bicolanos;
buotan, among the Waray speakers of Samar and Leyte; kinaiya, among
the Cebuanos; buot or kabubut-on, among the Hiligaynon speakers of
Negros and Panay; palangay, among the Tausug; parangay, among the
Maranaw; and pala-ngay among the Maguindanao.

In spite of these different linguistic terms, however, the cultural contexts

and meanings underlying them are the same, especially in characterizing
behavior involving ethical and moral principles. They reveal the quality of
the people's inner character and highlight their commonly shared desire for
ethical and moral excellence. Lastly they define the level of correctness in
behavior. (For other meanings of asal, see page 54.)

If this "sense of correctness" is observed, harmonious relations emerge

between individuals or groups of individuals; if disregarded, conflicts arise
between them That is why, asal-based character is not only a desirable
trait, it is a desired one

Desirable behavior is the expression of good character and right conduct.

Good character refers to the distinctive quality or qualities of behavior
which mark and distinguish a person or groups of persons from other
members of the group or community. Right conduct, on the other hand,
refers to correct or proper behavior—i.e. behavior conforming with the
prevailing conventions and customary practices.

A character is judged good if, as field informants point out, it manifests the
following behavioral features:
 Other Meanings of Asal

Source: Personal interviews with informants; Cf. L.J. English,

Tagalog-English Dictionary, 1986.

· hindi nakakapinsala sa kapwa (it does not harm others or strain

relationships with them)

· hindi nakakasakit ng damdamin (it does not hurt feelings)

· hindi nakakadungis ng karangalan (it does not stain the
honor/reputation of others)

Good character is known as mabuting asal and right conduct is magandang

asal. The latter is the explicit part of asal and the former, its implicit
component. Both aspects of the concept reinforce each other in defining
the parameters of what is good, true, and beautiful. In this
way, we are able to distinguish the different levels of importance of things,
events, feelings and actions. This distinction, in turn, allows us to eliminate
those negative impulses from our choices and to reject behavior which
tend to work against our ideas (or those of the group) of the desirable.

Some of our field informants make further distinctions between

magandang asal and mabuting asal in this way.
Magandang asal generally refers to ethical ways of acting. Mabuting asal
refers to moral feelings which underlie the act. If people feel that they are
morally obligated to do certain things they will do it. People who are
truthful and honest, for example, will not commit graft and corruption. The
feeling of what is right is the source of motivation to do what is right.
Feelings and actions work together and help us make right decisions and
choices.

Persons with mabuting asal or magandang asal are understanding,

tolerant, respectful, responsible, kind, helpful, and cooperative. They are
always conscious of proper decorum on all occasions and in whatever they
do. They do not only know what is right but also feel obligated to do right,
such as being decent, fair, and honest to their fellow humans.

Bad character, on the other hand, is recognized as masamang asal.

Persons with masamang asal are those who do not see anything good in
other people. They are not honest, decent, fair or just. They even
embarrass their friends and refuse to fulfill their social obligations.

Persons who commit heinous crimes, like rape and murder, are described
by respondents as walang asal (no character). They are devoid of self-
respect, compassion, and dignity. They cease to be human; they belong to
the lower category of animals—the hayop. They are generally the source of
trouble in the community.

These distinctions have to be clearly understood and kept in mind because

many writers, past and present, are
not clear about their points of reference when writing about Filipino values.
Even violations of rules on public ethics and morality, like commission of
graft and corruption or lack of respect for authority, are identified by them
as emanating from or stimulated by our "cultural values." Other writers are
even more straightforward in saying that "corruption is part of our culture";
that we have a "culture of corruption characterized by a distorted sense of
values."

These notions are wrong. The commission of graft and corruption (or any
criminal act for that matter) is neither generated by our values nor
endorsed by our culture. It is not part of the commonly shared Filipino
asal. It is a violation of asal principles. That is why there are laws to
censure the acts and to punish the violators. That some Filipinos continue
to commit graft and corruption, particularly in public offices, is a problem
of management and leadership in public administration, not of values and
culture.

NATURE OF ASAL

As we stated earlier, asal is a cultural concept. It is an abstraction which

exists in our minds as a point of reference. However, it has a strong
influence on our emotions and actions, specially in the selection and
emphasis of "rightness" or "wrongness" in our behavior. Without asal-
based points of view, it would be difficult to express ourselves in concrete
behavior because there are no standards of "rightness" to observe and no
ethical or moral norms to follow. In this connection, it would _also be
difficult to punish trouble-makers or reward those who promote good
relations because there are no commonly shared guidelines for good
manners and right conduct.

Seen from this point of view, it is clear that it is our concept of asal which
gives ethical and moral substance
to our system of cognition (pagmamasid), expression (pagpapahayag), and
evaluation (pagtatasa).

Pagmamasid refers to the act of noticing or looking at things attentively.

Persons with mabuti or magandang asal search for goodness in the
character of others before making a decision or passing judgment.

Pagpapahayag refers to openness of feelings and outlook. Persons with

mabuti or magandang asal are not self-righteous individuals. They are
transparent in their ways of thinking, believing, and doing things. They are
open to suggestions which they consider as helpful tools in strengthening
character and in guiding behavior.

Pagtatasa refers to the act of evaluating the merits of a behavior in the

context(s) of the situation in which it occurs so that hasty or unfair
decisions are avoided. Knowing the consequence of an act is the basis of
self-control. Self-control has to do with resisting all temptations to pass
judgment(s) before the necessary facts are known. This ability to restrain
oneself from making hasty conclusions, thereby not hurting other people's
feelings or "making them lose face," shows kabutihang asal.

Thus, to have a good asal is to be perceived as a rational human being; to

have a bad one (or worse, none at all) is to belong to the lower category of
animals, the hayop. The expression asal-aso (acting like a dog, i.e. having
no manners at all) highlights the essence of the asal-hayop judgment. It is
not right to have no asal at all. One is merely existing, not living.

Field respondents recognize three major factors that transform asal ideals
into manifest behavior: kaisipan, pandamdam, and kakayahan. Kaisipan
refers to mental ability to appreciate, as well as evaluate, situations or
events. Pandamdam refers to our emotional capability to relate to persons,
events and situations. The combination of these two factors gives rise to
kakayahan or competence to make decisions and to perform well. See
diagram on next page.
 Figure 12. Diagram showing the relationships of factors influencing
the transformation of asal ideals into manifest behavior

One respondent, in an interview, aptly described how these factors

interrelate to form one of the solid bases of behavior:

Kailangan may katiwasayan ang pagiisip, may pagmamahal ang

puso, at may kakayahan ang kamay upang sa ganoon maging
mahusay ang pagganap ng ano mang gawain.
(Rough translation: The mind must be clear, the heart must care,
and the hands must be skilled. These inner forces must be reinforce
of each other so that whatever we do is done excellently.)

As we argued earlier, asal is intrinsic in our personality. That is, it is not

imposed from the outside as in the
case of halaga. Rather, it emanates from within us as part of our "human
nature." Functionally, it serves as the standard against which our pagkatao
(personhood), as Filipinos, is expressed and known. It is also through it
that our pakikipagkapwa tao (harmonious relations) is defined and the
intrinsic quality of our pagkamakatao (concern or compassion) over other
human beings is made manifest. Even our pagka-Filipino (being a Filipino
citizen) is appreciated only when it reflects the maganda or mabuting asal.

ELEMENTS OF ASAL

Asal has three major components: kapwa or relational standard, damdamin

or emotional standard, and dangal or moral standard.

These standards are used not only as measures of the quality of behavior,
but also as sources of value imperatives in the social system. These
imperatives function as instigators of sentiments within the individual and
as primary references of outside regularities of actions in group
transactions. They also act as the generative force of the "oughts" and
"ought nots" in our society. That is, they specify how one should read
meanings in actions and what to expect from people when interacting with
them under certain circumstances, situations, and conditions.

Of course, some of these asal-imperatives are not followed in concrete or

actual behavior, particularly in urban areas where the impact of Western
influences is deeply felt. But most infractions, however, are not really
significant as to diminish the importance of asal-norms in the conduct of
everyday affairs. In fact, they add more reasons why asal-rules on proper
behavior have to be observed on all occasions, even if only at the surface
level of conduct. Moreover, the transgressors of these rules are branded as
having masamang asal (bad character)
and therefore, as walang hiya (without shame) or walang karangalan
(without honor). See Figure 13 below.

Figure 13. Diagram showing the major elements of asal

Kapwa: Pamantayang Pang-ugnayan [Relational Standard]

The term kapwa means "of the same nature," "of equal status," "a
partnership," and "a shared orientation." Other writers use it to refer to our
consciousness of "reciprocally shared identities." This sharing is indicated
by the prefix "ka," meaning "part of"—i.e. "being together" or "co-equal" in
status. Thus, whenever
this word is prefixed another, it suggests a meaning of togetherness—the
sharing of the same relationships as in kapatid (sibling), kasama
(companion), and kasintahan (fiancée), among others.

Whichever meaning is used to describe it, kapwa refers to the emphasis we

place on equality of status or of being part of any social collectivity. That is
why, we speak of kapwa--tao when we speak of fellow human beings,
kapwa estudyante when speaking fellow students, kapwa manggagawa
when we refer to fellow workers and so on.

The differences in status generated by the positions occupied by

managers/administrators, supervisors and superintendents in the hierarchy
of formal organizations, like the corporations and the bureaucracy, are
recognized by the workers but they also perceive, at the same time, that
their membership in these organizations is the same. They are all "kapwa
empleyado" (fellow employees). Also, before the "eyes of God" all humans
are equal, even if they have different social and economic status in actual
life.

Kapwa also highlights the importance we give to harmonious relationships.

This desire for harmony is more than just "smooth interpersonal relations
(SIR)." Rather, it is an ethical demand and a moral obligation to maintain
harmonious relations with others because "we are dealing with our kapwa-
tao (fellow humans) who also seek the same harmonious relations with us.
In other words, kapwa constitutes the relational imperatives of our value
system. The concept orients us to behave properly towards one another; it
tells us how to relate to our fellow humans. By cultural orientation, we are
relationalists, not individualists as generally perceived. We always want to
be part of the group and to be noticed as such. That is why, we disdain
kanya-kanya (each to his/her own self-interest) as a trait. The expression
kulang lang sa pansin ("lacking in being noticed") captures the essence of
group orientation.
In fact, our current claim to individualism is not part of our traditional
culture. It is derived from the Western-influenced formal education we
received when we were young. In schools, for example, we were trained to
become individualists—i.e. taught to value independence and self-reliance.
This new orientation is later reinforced by our exposure to Western-
influenced media and the nature of the business we are engaged in as
adults and professionals. That is why, we encourage individualism—i.e.
"mind your own business" attitude—only in our professional workplaces but
disdain it in our personal and community affairs.

Similarly, we often talk about independence and self-reliance as valued

traits. We enjoin people—particularly the young to be self-reliant and not
to be dependent on others. There is nothing wrong with this advice. But as
adults, we do not like kanya-kanya (to each his/her own) as a trait. Also,
when we are faced with relational problems, we invoke group-oriented
norms like pakikisama, hiya, utang na loob, etc., to prod others to work as
a team, to practice bayanihan. These incongruences have caused much of
our present-day problems.

This emphasis on inter-dependent relationships expresses well the principle

of egalitarianism found in the Filipino concept of kapwa.

The commonly shared expectation is "to be treated fairly as human

equals," even if the social and economic statuses in life differ.. This
expectation makes kapwa also the source of ethical behavior. This is
explicit in such injunctions as "Kailangan marunong kang makipagkapwa
tao." (You must know how to be fair with your companions) or "Dapat
marunong kang tumingin sa kapwa-tao" (It is necessary that you know
how to treat your fellow human beings).

This ethical sentiment is further expressed in our preference for

personalized services and familial concerns over the conduct of everyday
affairs. This tendency has been criticized by some students of Filipino
culture as "one of the weaknesses of Filipino character."
But to no avail! It has remained part of our way of thinking and acting as
Filipinos.

For example, group activities are more productive when leadership is done
with a personal touch. Problems are solved more easily when approached
through good personal relations than through argumentation and debate or
through impersonal memoranda. Communication tends to bog down unless
it projects "a personalized attention" or "it has a personal touch."

Another expression of kapwa, as a relational value, is familism. This

concept has to do with our concerns over the well-being of the members of
our families or that of our kinsmen. As such, it is said to be another source
of the "ills plaguing our society, like graft and corruption." We beg to differ.
We view familism as one of the sources of our moral strength. Many young
Filipinos, in fact, are willing to sacrifice their personal opportunities, like
further studies or early marriages, so that they can find work and help their
siblings go to school.

This protective function of familism has been corrupted, however, by the

current practice of nepotism in modern formal organizations, like the
bureaucracy and private corporations. This practice is not part of familism
as a value; it is a violation of its ethical principle. Nepotism is a product of
modernization and not of the traditional culture. It is used by many of us,
however, to cope with unemployment problems or to reward people for
their political patronage.

In its traditional context, members of the family or kinship groups are often
cautioned by their elders to avoid any wrong-doing because this could
tarnish the honor of the family. Family members should love each other.
They should place family honor over all other considerations in life. As one
informant said: "Those who practice nepotism do not love their families,
even if they openly say so. How can you love your family when you bring
dishonor to it?"
On the other hand, members of the family or kinship group are encouraged
to work hard to promote family or kinship interests but always in the right
way. They are also constantly reminded to keep in mind that the shame of
one member is the shame of the entire family. This is so because everyone
is "linked" to each other as kaanak (family member) or kamag-anak
(kinsman).

In order to observe the kapwa standards properly, several norms or rules

(panuntunan) of conduct have to be followed. The more dominant ones
are: pakikisama, pakikitungo, and pakikiramay. These are shown in the
diagram below.

Figure 14. Diagram showing the relations of the elements of kapwa

standard

Pakikisama refers to the commonly shared expectations, desires, or request

to "get along" with someone if it is necessary for the good of the group. It
is derived from the root-word, sama "to accompany, to go along with."
"Getting along with" does not man blind conformity to traditional ways
because one can refuse the request
Rather, it is a willingness to subordinate one's own interest in favor of
others, in the spirit of harmony, friendship, cooperation and deference to
majority decision "so that group goals can be easily achieved."

Occasionally, peer group pressure is of such magnitude that one is "forced

to conform or accede to group desires." In this instance, 'going along with
the members of the group' is done, not out of nakikisama but out of
nakikitungo. The latter is a temporary accommodation of things when the
consequence(s) of one's action is not within his/her control.

Functionally, nakikisama means to be concerned about, to be supportive

of, and to be helpful at all times. It is the polite and tactful way of relating
to other people. In this context, nakikisama is used to define relationships
at inter-personal level of interaction. It is also used as a technique for
cultivating good public relations. As one executive respondent, in an
interview, said:

Pakikisama is not just getting along with others. It is a type of good

public and human relations. When we use it to communicate our
thoughts, we become tactful. One hesitates to be frank (not that he
does not want to) because one tries to spare the other person's
feelings. We are known to value sensitivity and to say something in a
less direct way.

As we said earlier, pakikisama is often wrongly used as an excuse to

escape responsibility for wrong-doing or from public censure for
committing a social offense. The rationalization "nakikisama lang ako, kaya
na-sangkot ako sa problemang iyan" (I simply went along [with friends]
that is why I got into trouble] expresses well the popular but wrong use of
pakikisama. The truth is, the person did not exercise restraint in his
behavior, thus, he got into trouble. In other words, pakikisarna is often
used as a convenient alibi or excuse to escape responsibility
for one's action, and to deflect community angel from the person to the
norm.

The other popular norm of kapwa is pakikitungo. It means to adjust, to act

humbly, to relate with other people properly, to deal with critical situations
in the most appropriate way, and to maintain "grace under pressure." It is
a "coping norm" which is often mistaken as pakikisarna.

Pakikitungo is used when the consequence of our action, during critical

situations, is not within our immediate control. This is best illustrated by
the following case which took place in a manufacturing plant where we did
fieldwork. A temporary worker could not get along with his supervisor.
They frequently quarreled. One day, the worker prepared to fight back. An
older worker in the plant approached him and said:

Hindi sa nangghihimsok ako sa problema mo. Ngunit ako ay

nakakatanda't ayaw kong makita kang mapahamak. Kung ako sa iyo,
pakikitu-nguhan ko muna ang salbahing iyan. Totoo nga, may
katwiran ka, ngunit pag hindi niya pinirmahan ang papeles mo sa
katapusan ng buwan, mawawalan ka ng trabaho. Mamili ka—
katwiran o trabaho?
(Rough translation: It is not my wish to meddle in your troubles. But
I am older than you are. I do not like to see you suffer. If I were
you, I will adjust to that nasty supervisor for a while. Wait until you
become permanent, then fight back. You have the right to fight back.
But if he does not sign your papers by the end of the month, you will
be out of a job. You choose—being right or no job?)

The strong moral undertone of kanwa is expressed in pakikiramay. The

term is derived from the concept of damay, meaning to condole, to
sympathize, to share someone else's sorrows and to show compassion, to
pity.
Pakikiramay is the norm governing behavior in times of crises. It is
expected that during crises, one has to go out of his/her way to condole,
sympathize or share the sorrows of others. In fact, it is also expected that
during such times "all conflicts should be temporarily stopped and even
enemies should get together." This is best expressed in such proddings by
friends as "Sige na, magbatian na kayo. May hinaharap tayong malaking
problema" (Go ahead, reconcile. Talk to each other. We have a crisis on
hand.).

Pakikiramay is voluntary. It reflects the high premium we give to

sentiments in time of need. Those who show no concern about others in
time of crisis are generally regarded as "walang pakikiramay" (no
compassion). Among friends, and relatives, the transgressors are
ostracized. In the neighborhood, people talk about them. Reciprocally, no
one will sympathize, assist or condole with them in their time of need.

It should be noted that the prefix paki is attached to all supportive norms
of kapwa. This signifies respect. It corresponds closely to the English term
"please," although it involves a much deeper sense of moral obligation to
show respect, not because one has to be polite, but because it is
demanded by group mores to do so. Not to say paki is to show disrespect,
to detach oneself from another person or from the group. This is not only
rudeness but also an infringement of the moral principle of
nakikipagkapwa-tao (treating people like human beings). The act is
condemnable.

Damdadmin : Pamantayang Pang- kalooban [Emotional Standard]

The other important element of asal is damdamin. It constitutes the

emotional imperatives of our value system. It is the guiding criterion which
most of us use, consciously or unconsciously, to comprehend events,
situations, conditions, activities, and relationships. This is
best expressed in such statements as: sa damdam ko (in my feelings); sa
damdam mo ba ay mapanganib na ang sitwasyon? (in your feelings, is the
situation bad?); and ang pagkamatapat ay damdaming pangkaibigan
(sincerity is the mark of true friendship).

Damdamin is also upheld as the standard for judging an act as good or

bad, just or unjust, appropriate or inappropriate and so on. It constitutes
the framework, as well as the content, of the intuitive feel (called dating)
we use to make decisions. This is discernible from such expressions as: sa
damdam ko 'y hindi tama ang kanyang ginawa (in my feelings, what he did
was not right); sa damdam mo ba ay tama ang ginawa ko? (in your
feeling, did I do the right thing?).

Damdamin also accounts for much of our being personal and sensitive, as
Filipinos, in almost everything we do. Even an unguarded or unintentional
comment, stare, reprimand, and the like can cause serious, often fatal,
conflicts. Emotionalism is given higher premium than rationalism in
handling situations or in coping with conditions. This does not mean that
we Filipinos are not rational. We are. But our rationality often involves deep
emotionalism, particularly in interactions having to do with personal honor,
dignity, and moral principles.

Subjectivism, as a fundamental principle in Filipino social life, is expressed

in "our being soft-hearted and sentimental." The phrase "pusong mamon"
(mamon is a kind of soft pastry) is often used as the metaphor to describe
soft-hearted ways of handling or responding to situations.

Even Filipino folk songs are sad, thus leading one writer to comment that
"Filipinos are children of sorrow." The sawing-palad (unfortunate fate)
appears to be the dominant theme of our kundiman (popular songs). The
themes of Filipino soap-operas, as well as movies, generally depict sad
tales of unrequited love, broken homes, unfaithfulness, and other
misfortunes in life.
The evolution of emotionalism in Filipino cultural orientation is difficult to
trace. Factors involved in its development and functions are also difficult to
pin down. Thus, we shall not belabor the issue here. Suffice it to say that
emotionalism is one aspect of Filipino culture which permeates the conduct
of our everyday affairs.

While we are easily moved to tears, we are also easily provoked to

laughter. The phrase "Smile Islands" in tourist brochures captures the
essence of our light-heartedness. That is why, some foreigners say we
Filipinos are not "a serious people," because we always smile, even if we
are being reprimanded for our errors or when we find ourselves in an
embarrassing situation. It is true we always smile; we even laugh in the
midst of our misfortunes. Even our wakes for the dead have festive moods:
eating, drinking, gossiping, playing cards, rnahjong (Chinese parlor game)
and others. But it is not true that we are not a serious people. We only
have different ways of approaching basic problems in life. Smiling is one of
the face-saving devices in our culture—one of the ways of assuaging the
pain of embarrassment because our feelings are shared by others who also
smile or laugh with us.

Sentimentalism in our culture is not all lamentation and melancholia as

portrayed in mass media. It is also inner strength and resiliency. One has
only to recall the daring of young street demonstrators or of those who
participated in the "EDSA Revolution" of 1986 to have a full grasp of the
meaning of emotionalism in Filipino culture. Tear gas, water-cannons, and
police truncheons and bullets became meaningless in the nostalgic refrain
of a patriotic song, "Ang Bayan" (My Country).

Thus, it is wrong to say, as some writers had commented, that because

Filipinos are reared in an environment given to lamentation and
melancholia, they are not achievement oriented. Of course, we are
achievement oriented. One need only to be reminded of Filipinos receiving
international awards for their achievements, like Lea Salonga, Lydia de
Vega-Mercado, F. Sionil Jose,
Jose Garcia Villa, Nick Joaquin, N.V.M. Gonzales, among others.

Sentimentalism is one way of harnessing the inner strength of our

indigenous psychology for peak performance. Lonely songs are sung not
out of self-pity but to let out the samang loob (inner hurt). After the song,
one feels better, is re-energized and ready to meet (with added enthusiasm
and determination) the challenge of another crisis.

Damdamin is also used to refer to refined and tender feelings—a state of

mind, a level of disposition and a kindred spirit. Because of this concern,
damdamin underlies much of our ways of relating to each other and of
understanding social realities around us. On most occasions, as we pointed
out earlier, we Filipinos do not only reason with our minds, we also do it
with our hearts. Oftentimes, our reactions to events are guided more by
our intuitive feel of such events than by the empirical evidence pertaining
to them. This is captured in our evaluative concept of dating (the closest
English equivalent is impact or first impression).

In fact, many personnel managers we interviewed said that they were

often guided by their intuitive feelings when recruiting workers and in
making decision(s), particularly in situations where information was
inadequate. Even if they had adequate information, say in recruiting
workers, they still used dating as the basis of their final decision. All of
them also agreed that "Kapag magaan ang dating sa iyo, alam mo na ang
taong iyan ay may sinasabl" (If the dating at the initial encounter is light
[meaning, good], you know the [person] has potential for high
performance).

The use of intuitive knowledge in evaluating, deciding or judging events or

actions is revealed by such pre-speech phrases in Filipino communication
system: "Sa darndam ko ..." [in my feelings]; "Sa palagay ko ..." [in my
opinion] and "Sa wari ko..." [in my considered view].
These phrases indicate different levels of concern we give to "the feelings
of others." They are forms of tactfulness designed to put those whom we
are interacting with in the right mood before saying directly what we want
to say.

There are specific norms to follow so that the damdamin is not hurt and
conflicts are minimized, if not avoided. The most dominant ones are hiya,
delicadeza/amor propio, and awa.
The interlinking of these different norms is shown in Figure 15.

Figure 15. Diagram showing the basic supportive norms of damdamin

Hiya is the most popular and emotionally charged norm which is often
mistaken for a value. As a norm, it prescribes how we should behave in
relation to each other in a specific situation, condition, or circumstance
so that we do not offend or hurt feelings. Hiya is often invoked to effect
conformity to local mores and practices in order to prevent unnecessary
embarrassment, shame, or conflict. That is why we are not only particular
about relationship, we are also concerned about feelings. This makes
hiya the dominant norm in almost all kinds of re-lationships. A very Filipino
trait indeed!

Hiya has been variously defined as shame, embarrassment, timidity and

shyness. Some foreign observers view it as "concealed dishonesty" because
"Filipinos do not openly express their real feelings in reacting to almost all
kinds of encounters [until pushed too far]—that is, whether they agree or
disagree with you." As one foreign executive of a multinational company
said in an interview: "Sometimes they (Filipinos) say 'yes' to whatever you
say. Oftentimes, they do not tell you exactly what they think or how they
feel—they just remain silent and you have to read their true feelings in the
way they smile."

Most Filipinos will say "yes"* when they

(1) do not know

(2) want to impress
(3) are annoyed
(4) want to end the conversation
(5) half-understood the instruction or what is being said
(6) think they know better than the one speaking
Of course, it is wrong to conclude that Filipino silence, or saying "yes"
especially in formal occasions, like meetings and conferences, is "concealed
dishonesty." Keeping quiet is politeness—one way of "protecting the face
especially if there are differences of opinion (opponent). To be
argumentative is to lose face before one's peers if the person loses in the
debate, or, even if the person wins, he/she also causes the "loss of face" of
* See F. Landa Jocano, "Filipino Social Structures and Value Orientation," Filipino
Cultural Heritage (Manila: Philippine Women's University, 1966).
the opponent before the group. In either instance, the result is sama ng
loob (hurt feelings) which can strain future relationships. Sometimes, it is
fatal. Thus, in many cases, most Filipinos choose to remain silent in group
gatherings. Silence is a protective device for shielding a person from
"losing face" before others; it is, in this context, a virtue rather than
"concealed dishonesty," as most foreign critics of our culture say it is.

The notion of hiya includes being polite, bashful, tender, compassionate,

and considerate. Thus viewed, hiya is one of the important norms
governing good manners and right conduct, particularly in public places.
Functionally, it involves different levels of emotionalism in interpersonal
and inter-group relations: atubili, alinlangan, alapaan ng kalooban, and
ngimi. See Figure 16.

Figure 16. Diagram showing the different dominant elements of hiya

Atubili is the initial feeling of reluctance to act or to proceed with the
intended action. It is holding back oneself in order to have time to
assess the situation, to read "feelings" from the verbal or non-verbal
action(s) of another, and to decide what reaction(s) to make so that
no one is embarrassed or hurt.

Atubili involves feeling of self-esteem. That is, it is governed by one's

regard of himself/herself in relation to others, and to the situation in
which the encounter takes place. Atubili is overcome only when the
person encourages the other to speak up. "Huwag ka ng mag-atubili
pa. Sabihin mo na sa akin kung ano ang kailangan rno." (Roughly:
Do not hesitate anymore. Tell me what you want.)

Alinlangan is best translated as hesitation, although it connotes more

than just indecision or inability to reach a firm decision. It implies
subtle consideration of other people's feelings before doing anything.
It is part of the preliminary rituals of interaction.

Atubili and alinlangan are often expressed in an uneasy smile,

subdued laughter during conversation, awkward mannerisms,
stammering, and other forms of restlessness. These non-verbal
behaviors allow us the time to read from each other's actions,
meanings, intentions, or purposes of the visit or encounter, thereby
facilitating proper communication and preventing loss of face.

Alapaap ng kalooban literally means "cloudiness of inside feelings." It

is actually "uncertainty" on the part of the individual to proceed with
his/her original intentions on the ground that the other person is not
yet fully known to him/her.

Alanaap rig kalooban is part of the etiquette for social relations

among people who are not yet intimate friends. Thus, one "clouds"
the encounter with euphemistic language, aphorism and other
indirect forms of communication. For example, if a man wants
something from another, he/she would not ask for it directly.
Instead, he/she would first hint (a technique called pahiwatig)
what he wants and then wait for the other person's reaction(s).

If the reaction is positive, then the visitor proceeds to make the host
conscious of what he/she wants. Normally, the initial hint is repeated
three times (a technique known as pabatid). The repetition is a
subtle way of "pressing for positive response." If what is hinted at
can be dispensed with, like garden plants or pieces of wood, the host
would normally say: "Sige kumuha ka" (Go ahead, take one; help
yourself). The visitor would normally feign a refusal saying: "Huwag
na ho, nakakahiya" (No, it is embarrassing). But when prodded
further to take some of what was hinted earlier, the visitor yields and
say: "Sige na nga, ito po talaga ang sadya ko, ngunit nahiya lang
akong magsabi" (All right, this is really what I came here for, but I
was so embarrassed to ask for it).

There are many other examples. Suffice it to say, at this moment,

that this indirect communication, locally called pahaging, is pervasive
throughout the country. The technique appears to be round about to
those who are not used to it. But to those who grew up with this
cultural orientation, pahaging is a normal, straight-forward, and
instantaneous communication process. Sometimes, we are not even
conscious of it. We even say "yes" to whatever is discussed before
we openly state our disagreement to it. Euphemism is used to
prevent hurting feelings or losing face in case our request is denied.
When denying a request, one has only to change the subject-matter
of the conversation. This is under-stood that the request is refused
but no one loses face in the encounter.

The other dominant element of hiya is ngimi. It involves a deep

feeling of reluctance to interact. It is derived from the word, ngimay,
meaning "numbness." It is characterized by the inability to say or
express directly how one feels under certain situations. A good
example is in courtship situation where the young man is often
overcome by ngimay (numbness) to express his real feelings to the girl he
loves.

Informants further characterize pangingimay as a feeling similar to "stage-

fright." It is being over-whelmed by the event or by the presence of a
charismatic personality; one simply freezes or "held in place by a strong
feeling of numbness." Individuals assailed by this feeling are unable to
accomplish what they originally set out to do, especially when the action
involves interacting with someone so dear or whose friendship is valued. It
includes the feeling of anxiety over the outcome of the venture.

Thus, to avoid hurting the feelings of others or of one's own, the right
approach to interactions is to observe the norm of hiya. In fact, it is
expected that if one wants to be an effective communicator, he/she follows
the traditional rules of relating to other Filipinos. It is the better side of
wisdom. In doing so, one is "properly guided on what to do or how to
proceed with the interaction, thereby avoiding all kinds of unnecessary
conflicts." The saying, "Pakiramdaman mo muna ang sitwasyon bago ka
gumawa ng ano mang bagay" (Assess the situation intuitively first [i.e.
have a gut feel] before doing anything) highlights the essence of
damdamin, as expressed in hiya and other forms of emotionalism.
There are two damdamin norms which govern our sense of propriety and
self-esteem. These are delicadeza and amor propio. They are Spanish
terms which have been accepted and used as part of Filipino normative
vocabulary. They express not only sentiments but also moral judgments.

Delicadeza means "being proper." It is the norm governing refinement of

behavior or acts of propriety. It is behaving properly and in accordance
with one's own self-respect and standing in the community and with the
occasion one is attending. For example, one should not abuse friendship by
doing something that would hurt or embarrass a friend. If one is a
government official, he should not commit or encourage nepotism because
this is
against the law, neither should he work for his personal or family interests
because "this is prohibited." To do otherwise is to transgress the norm of
delicadeza. There are many other examples, but suffice it for the moment
to say that delicadeza has to do with propriety of behavior—that is, being
proper at all occasions.

Any action which is not cushioned by delicadeza provokes amor propio. It

does so because by not behaving with delicadeza, the individual puts
another person's sense of honor in jeopardy. That person "loses face
before his/her peers" and "will do all he/she could to restore his/her
honor." Not to do so is to lose one's own self-esteem.

Amor propio means "self-love; self-esteem." As a norm, it enjoins us to be

sensitive to anything—a statement or an action—which threatens our self-
respect or demeans our personal dignity. As one respondent said: "We
have to protect our sense of dignity as a person. Our self-pride must be
preserved. We must not allow our self-worth to be undermined. We have
to have our self-respect intact. That is the only thing worth fighting for."

Seen in this context, it is understandable why we Filipinos easily get

emotionally upset when an act done or a statement uttered tends to insult
or demean our sense of self-esteem, even if the other person did not mean
to or is simply being argumentative. The "emotional pain" resulting from
this "perceived or real" insult is what activates, so to speak, our amor
propio into aggressive responses which often ends in trouble.
The notion of mukha and balat are deeply ingrained in our sense of self-
respect. The former represents our concern over negative public exposure:
the latter, our sensitivity to criticism. Persons who do not observe
delicadeza are said to have "makapal na mukha" (thick-skinned face). They
are insensitive to the feelings of others, they are walang hiya (shameless)
and could not be trusted as friends. On the other hand, persons who are
balat sibuyas (onion-skinned) are very sensitive to criticism. To them, there
is no constructive criticism. All
criticisms hurt because "these challenge our personal competence." The
acceptable practice is correcting another person's errors by suggesting
alternative solutions to the problem, not by criticizing his/her work or
competence.

Normatively, delicadeza and amor propio, to repeat the points we raised

earlier, are part of our cultural shield intended to protect the "self" from
being embarrassed or shamed through public exposure. The "face" must
be "protected at all times, by all means and at all costs." In critical
situations, it must be saved. Losing face is losing personal dignity, integrity,
and honor as an individual and as a member of the group.

The third popular norm in damdamin value is awa. It is crisis-oriented. It

means pity, compassion, mercy, charity, kind-heartedness, and sincerity. It
is expected that in time of crisis, we need not wait to be called upon to
help; we should voluntarily go out of our way and help.

To extend awa is not only to pity or to sympathize, it is also to

"understand, to be compassionate, and to be merciful." Awa is sharing the
sorrows or misfortunes of others. That is why, the term for understanding
is unawa. It expresses both our understanding of the situation another
person is in and the feelings of empathy for his/her misfortunes. People
who are maawain (sympathetic and helpful) in times of need are
considered to have mabuting asal (good character). They are people of
good will.

To have no awa is very "unFilipino." Much more, it is not human. Going out
of one's way to condole or offer assistance in time of need (as when
somebody died in the family) is viewed as the most appropriate thing to
do. To show awa is to show loyalty, sincerity, and kind-heartedness; it is to
uphold the moral ideals of Filipino culture.
Dangal: Pamantayang Pang-karangalan (Moral Standard)

The third most important value in Filipino culture is dangal. It embodies the
moral imperatives of the system. In popular usage, dangal refers to social
honor and dignity. As a moral value, it is used to characterize our identity
with, pride in, and commitment to revered ideals, principles, practices, and
people around us. As such, it synthesizes the meaning and essence of
kapwa and damdamin into one integrated whole. To have dangal or to be
marangal is to have sterling character—firm in conviction and fair in
judgment. Persons who are marangal do not transgress the kapwa
principle, they do not hurt the damdamin of others, and they show concern
(may pagkabahala) over the welfare of their fellow humans.

The concept of dangal includes knowing what is morally right, feeling what
is morally good, and acting in a way that is morally desirable.

1. Knowing what is morally right answers the question: "What is

right?" This means going out of our way to know more about
the real situation before making judgments.

2. Feeling what is morally right answers the question: "How much

do we care about others?" This means moral reasoning—i.e.
looking at an act in the context of commonly accepted moral
principles, such as honesty, fairness, self-discipline, integrity
and the like.

3. Acting in a way that is morally desirable answers the question:

"Am I doing things right?" This means making right choices and
acting for the good of one's self, of others, and of the
community. Being right is a hard task to do—but people with
dangal or conscious of their karangalan are able to do it
because they possess the moral will
 to do what they think and feel as the right way of doing things.

The supporting norms of dangal are many and the most dominant of these
are: pagkabahala, paggalang and utang na loob. See the diagram below.

Figure 17. Diagram showing the dominant norms supporting dangal

system

As seen in the diagram, bahala or its action-correlate pagkabahala means

to have responsibility, accountability and concern over the welfare of other
people, kinsmen or not, and that of society as a whole. It also means
having positive work-attitude in the job and interest in community affairs.

Ethically, pagkabahala elevates relationships from its ordinary social base

to its higher moral plane. People must be concerned about each other. This
is the proper and ideal way of acting as members of the family com-
munity and society, Many conflicts occur when the pagkabahala
is lost in interpersonal and inter-group relations. For example, if we do not
show concern over the sufferings of others in time of crisis, as in an
accident or illness, our friends and neighbors would look unkindly at us. We
would be ostracized or else talked about as "inhuman." This judgment
applies to all violations of pagbabahala norm. In factories and offices, good
employees are those who have pagkabahala or concern over the interests
of the company where they work; to show no concern at all is to have no
utang na loob (sense of gratitude), which is frowned upon as a trait.
Sometimes, pagkabahala is embedded in a "very patronizing" behavior.
Some politicians, for example, are over-protective of their ward leaders.
Even if these ward leaders commit crimes, these politician-protectors
intervene and prevent their arrest or punishment. There are many other
examples but suffice it to say that this is the wrong use of pagkabahala.

Pagkabahala is a moral obligation. It makes explicit in proper behavior our

kabutihang asal (character) as good members of the family or the
community. This is best expressed in the way we send off (hatid) and
welcome (sundo) relatives and friends to and from trips. Failing to do so
hurts their feelings because "wala kang pagkabahala sa amin" (you have
no concern over us). That is why, in spite of rules and regulations,
crowding in transportation terminals remains unabated.

Galang is another supportive norm of dangal. It means respect. It is one of

the important norms in our value system. It is essential that honor, dignity,
status and feelings should be respected. It is a moral obligation and an
ethical demand imposed by society upon its members. "Dapat lang igalang
satin and ating kapwa-tao" (It is imperative that we respect our fellow
human beings).

The third important norm of dangal is utang na loob. Literally, it means

"debt from the inside." It is a sense of reciprocal social obligation. Morally,
it refers to "debt of gratitude.”
Utang na loob is established when assistance is sought or is extended to
another in the name of friendship. A favor extended to another in time of
crisis also creates utang na loob. This expectation is often abused by many
of us. We use utang na loob to take advantage of one another. This is
wrong. In this context, critics are partly right when they say that utang na
loob spawns graft and corruption in the bureaucracy.
Utang na loob involves reciprocity. In the rural area, it includes specific
jobs like helping neighbors or friends plow their fields or build their houses.
In urban areas, particularly in public offices, the norm covers all kinds of
transactions. Failure to reciprocate is to elicit negative sanctions from
others. It is considered morally wrong and the transgressors are censured
by withdrawing trust and confidence from them.

Utang na loob serves as the moral rule governing duties and obligations, as
well as rights and responsibilities. It also serves as a "psychological
contract" which morally binds interacting persons to one another, thereby
strengthening group solidarity. Harmony is ensured when rights and
obligations are observed; failure to do so causes conflicts and imperils
good relationships and group unity.

For example, if one goes out of his way to help another in dire need—like
plowing the field or extending assistance in time of need—the recipient of
such assistance has "incurred an utang na loob which morally binds
him/her to reciprocate in the future, even if the giver does not expect such
reciprocal action."

That is why we Filipinos are so preoccupied with utang na loob. Our

preoccupation underscores the importance of reciprocity to group harmony
and unity, just as the concept of independence dramatizes the Westerners'
preoccupation with individual freedom and liberty. Both emphases have
their respective moral base.
 SUMMARY

Thus far, we have discussed the nature of asal as the expressive core of
the Filipino value system. We said that asal represents the internally
constituted rule governing our character as a people. It serves as the
fundamental basis of our way of valuing—be it interpersonal, emotional or
moral. That is why it is central to the meaning system of our collective
cultural perceptions, predispositions, and expectations. Many local and
national practices are considered "very Filipino" if they reflect the essence
of kapwa, damdamin, and dangal. To be a good Filipino is not to transgress
any of these asal standards. That is, we must be supportive of community
ideals, we must not hurt the feelings of other people, and we should show
concern over the well-being of our fellowmen by fulfilling our social
obligations to each other and to society.
 5
DIWA
The Spiritual Core of
Filipino Value System
IN CHAPTER 4, WE DISCUSSED THE NATURE of asal, the expressive core
of Filipino pamantayan system. The term expressive core, as used in that
discussion, refers to the set of basic values which defines and expresses
the inner quality of behavior. It is through this core that action is
standardized into commonly accepted and shared patterns of behavior.

THE NOTION OF DIWA

In this Chapter, we shall discuss another concept which provides Filipinos

with inner strength and sharper sense of personhood, the diwa. The diwa
represents the spiritual core of the Filipino pamantayan system. The term
spiritual core is used in this study, advisedly, to refer to the teleological
component of the culture—those contexts and meanings in cultural values
and practices which are believed to be true ant accepted as correct such
that they do not need any explanation at all.
These core contexts and meanings, which include beliefs in the
influence of natural and supernatural (i.e. metaphysical) powers over
human affairs, collectively form the basis of decision(s) on the kind of
behavior to follow or to discard and the degree of halaga (worth,
importance) to extend to behavior thus selected and followed.

MEANING OF DIWA

The notion of diwa is based on the belief that human existence is a

configuration of harmonious relationship between the physical body
and the spiritual essence of being human. It is this harmony that
transforms our potentials into drives and our impulses into
sentiments. These drives and sentiments, in turn, give rise to our
physical, mental, and emotional capacity for action. It is this capacity
for action which serves as the basis of our awareness of being alive
and human. It also enables us to adapt collectively to our
environment, chart our destiny, and change the world we live in.

The centrality of diwa to life, as a whole, is further explained by

informants in this manner:

Ang buhay ay walang kahihinatnang mahusay kung walang

pagkakaisa ang pagiisip, damdamin at kilos. Magiging walang
kabuluhan din. Ngunit kung ang mga ito ay may kabuuan, ang
ating kalooban ay magiging tahimik. At kung katahimikan ang
narnamayani sa kalooban, ang buhay ay hindi mananatiling
pisikal lamang, ito'y magiging diwa ng ating kaisipan,
damdamin at kamalayang espiritual na makapagbibigay bisa sa
ating pamumuhay.
(Rough translation: Life is without direction if there is no unity
of mind, emotion, and action. It would also be meaningless.
But if these are united, our inner self is at peace. And if peace
reigns inside us, life transcends its physical nature; it becomes
 the essence of our intellectual, emotional and spiritual
consciousness that strengthens our way of life.)

Thus viewed, diwa refers to the "inner force" which lies at the core of
our kalooban (selves) and from which emanate all personal and
social sentiments. It holds together the different elements of
existence and transforms them into one functioning whole called
buhay or life. See Figure 18 below.

Figure 18. Diagram showing the centrality of diwa to human life

In this context, diwa is seen by informants as the essence of life that

gives meaning, validity, and legitimacy to commonly shared
convictions known as paninindigan (stand or position taken; ethical
principles) and to commonly upheld moral principles called
karangalan (moral
stature; reputation). Diwa gives meaning because it rep= resents the
efficacy of the spirit of firmness in what one believes in; validity,
because it deals with ethical and moral values which are upheld as
true; and, legitimacy, because it embodies the fundamental quality of
ideas, sentiments and actions. The linkages of these fundamen¬tal
elements are outlined in Figure 19 below.

Figure 19. Diagram showing the linkages of the fundamental

elements of diwa

In other words, without diwa, life would be devoid of its inner vitality
and meaning; it would be deprived of "its spiritual strength and is
reduced to mere physical existence." But with diwa, life vibrates with
enthusiasm. It
is full of vigor, courage, determination, and perseverance. It also has
direction.

Persons whose diwa are strong have sterling characters They know
their values and live by them. They are undisturbed by the pressures
of daily living—not because they do not care but because they have
higher goals in life. That is why, they impose upon themselves higher
standards of values and refuse to be lenient when it comes to the
practice of these values. Ultimately, these persons excel in their
endeavors and become leaders. They also enjoy inner peace and
certainty in life.

As quality of ideas, sentiments, and actions, diwa has these added

meanings:

(a) as intrinsic quality

· central point
· vital principle
· sense of being
· consciousness

(b) as content

· moral, religious, or spiritual nature of hu¬man beings

· what is really meant by or what is opposed to what is said
or written
· main thought, thought which connects the parts of the
story or speech

Source: L.J. English. Tagalog-English Dictionary, 1986; Interviews with

informants

Lastly, diwa may be described "as the highest em-bodiment of ethical

principles and moral ideals in life. It is the source of goodness and
strength of character—the purity of motives, of the willingness to
sacrifice for others
or for the larger society." But this basic goodness is sometimes
corrupted by our pursuit of self-interest. Such corruption weakens the
diwa. Once the diwa is weakened by selfishness, unethical practices
(i.e. cheating one's fellow humans), and immoral ways, we suffer
from endless misfortunes in life.

Other concepts related to diwa:

(1) Kaluluwa (soul)—the spirit part of existence which gives life to

the body; spirit-double of man, bestowed by God at birth, which is
responsible for all behaviors, particularly those actions involving
ethical and moral rules; the force underlying the inspiration and
energy responsible for extraordinary achievement.

(2) Buod (substance, real meaning, essence)—the intrinsic quality

of ideas, actions and other phenomena related to human
experiences; central point, vital principle; true nature of things; main
thought which connects the parts of what is said or written; what is
really meant as opposed to what is said or written.

(3) Sigla (enthusiasm; morale)—vital force underlying the moral,

religious, social, and political will to act or do something good; the
emotional warmth in human behavior; animating spirit of influence or
inspiration.

(4) Pananalig (trust; conviction; belief)—principle on which ideas,

emotions, reasons, and actions are based; frame of mind,
disposition; force underlying strong belief, faith, consciousness, and
will.

(5) Alab (ardor)—the intensity of feelings, as in faith, love, pride

and commitment, particularly those involving moral and ethical
principles; vivacity, passion, eagerness, warmth.
 NATURE OF DIWA

As essence of life, diwa is both abstract and concrete. It is abstract in the

sense that it cannot be seen and it is concrete in that it can be experienced
as real event(s) in lift. The unseen aspect of diwa is identified by
informants as sight (enthusiasm, spirit, ardor, vitality). This is what gives
life its rhyme and rhythm; that holds together the physical, intellectual, and
emotional aspects of life; that provides substance and meaning to our
moral convictions and ethical behavior. The concrete aspect of diwa is seen
in actual behavior characterized by energy and enthusiasm. This vitality is
what enables us to experience life as concrete events of happiness,
sadness, frustrations, and successes. As one informant said:

Kung walang sigla, ang buhay ay walang kahulugan, wala ding

kabuluhan, walang kasaysayan at walang laman. Ngunit kung may
sigla ang buhay, ang lahat ng mararanasan ay kaginhawahan at
kaligayahan.
(Rough translation: If there is no vitality or enthusiasm, life has no
meaning, devoid of importance, and has no essence. But if there is
joy in life, all becomes well; we experience comfort and happiness.)

The following factors account for the nature and dynamism of diwa as the
spiritual core of the pamantayan system:

1. Itinalaga ng Maykapal or Itinadhana ng Dios (sometimes the

Spanish Dios is used), meaning, endowed by God. Hence, diwa is
spiritually preordained. It constitutes the animating force of life.
Without diwa, life is meaningless; with diwa, it is transformed into a
dynamic reality.

2. Iginuhit sa palad (etched on the palm of the hands), meaning,

diwa is an intrinsic part of our physical being, of our nature as
humans. This makes the concept one of the controlling forces of
 life. Some informants call this control over life, kapalaran—destiny,
future; the fortune one is fated to have.

(3) Pinagmumulan ng kaginhawahan sa buhay (source of comfort in

life), meaning, diwa is the primary source of all comforts and
happiness in life, of ethical and moral uprightness, and of the
capability to solve problems.

DIWA AND BUHAY

As Nature-endowed or God-given, diwa is what gives life, life. It is,

informants point out, "life's moving spirit; its inner strength—its guiding
principle. It provides life its ardor and vivacity." The closest Filipino term
for life is búhay and its animating spirit, buháy.)). The former describes
the state of existence and the latter, of being alive. (See accompanying
chart.)

These two realities of life (i.e. physical and spiritual), informants further
point out, are fused together into an integrated and coherently functioning
whole by diwa through one of its inner forces, the hininga (breath). The
power of hininga to sustain life is found in the air we breathe. It is the link
between the inner self and its outer environment—between our physical
body and its cosmic origin. The perception, as outlined by informants, is
shown in Figure 20.

The physical body is kept animated by the hininga from which it derives its
nourishment. Without the hininga, the body cannot go on living and life is
deprived of its sustaining energy. The hininga is, in turn, kept alive by the
init ng katawan (body warmth) generated by the balanced interaction of
the dugo (blood), damdamin (feelings), and laman (flesh). It is the body
heat which
*Note: búhay in bold refers to existence, while buháy, in italics, refers to the animating
spirit of existence; its vitality.
purifies the air we inhale so that it cannot harm the body; warms the blood
so that it can flow in the veins and nourish the flesh; animates the spirit
and keeps us alive.

From this point of view, informants agree that "the best indicator of the
physical and/or emotional condition of the body is its warmth. If the body
is moderately warm, the person is healthy; if it generates too much heat, a
condition called nilalagnat, the person is sick. If the palms of the hands are
cold and the body is perspiring, the person is nasa malubhang kalagayan
(in serious condition). If the body is cold and turgid, the person is dead."

The hininga is closely linked with emotions. If a person is undergoing

emotional stress, his body cannot function very well. The expression
naninikip ang dibdib (having chest pains; difficulty in breathing) captures
the essence of this experience. As informants agree:

Pag nasa ganyang kalagayan, ang tao ay hindi makahinga. Ang

katawan niya ay nanlalamig. Ang dugo ay "namumuo" at hindi
makaagos sa ugat kaya hindi makapagbigay buhay sa katawan. Ang
diwa niya ay manghihina din at hindi maka-pagbigay lakas sa puso.
Naninikip ang kanyang dibdib kaya nagkakaroon siya ng tinatawag na
"heart attack."
(Rough translation: In that condition, the person cannot breathe. His
body becomes cold. The blood becomes frozen and it cannot give life
to the body. His spirit weakens and it cannot give strength to the
heart. His chest tightens and he suffers from what is called 'heart
attack'.)

On the other hand, if the person is emotionally relaxed and comfortable,

"siya ay nakakahinga ng mahusay" (able to breathe well). As another
informant pointed out:

Ligtas siya sa tindi ng pagod at pagkabalisa. Ang bisa ng kanyang

kalooban ay bumabalik. Kaya
 bumabalik din ang sigla ng kanyang diwa. Sa ganoon, lumalakas mull
ang kanyang katawan.
(Rough translation: He is free from fatigue and emotional stress. His
inner stamina returns. The vitality of his diwa also returns. The body
becomes strong again.)

DIWA AND LOOB

As we said earlier, diwa is the essence of life. Informants identify it as the

"inner core" of our being from which emanates all our basic drives:
physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual. These drives are actively
sustained by another diwa-force, the hininga.

All phenomena associated with the concept of diwa and hininga take place
inside the body or loob of humans. They are events within the human self.
It is for this reason that we often use the loob as point of reference in
describing our physical, mental and emotional conditions. For example,
feeling good is recognized as magaan ang loob while feeling bad is known
as masama ang loob. Attitude is isinasaloob. Gift is kaloob and sense of
gratitude is utang na loob. Benevolence is kabutihang loob. The list goes
on.

It is fair to say then that to understand Filipino behavior is to understand

first the Filipino kalooban. Reasons and feelings are always merged in the
kalooban and it is difficult to distinguish one from the other. For example,
when someone insults us and we are unable to defend ourselves, we feel
embarrassed or even ashamed. We "lose face" before our peers and
friends. Thus, we feel bad inside (masama ang loob); we become
emotionally disturbed. Often, we harbor such feelings until we can "avenge
our sama ng loob (inner hurt).

This "tendency to avenge the sama ng loob" clearly illustrates the centrality
of loob in our way of thinking, believing and acting as Filipinos. In fact,
buhay (i.e. the vitality part of life) is seen by our informants as a
phenomenon
of loob. It takes place inside the dibdib (chest). Thus, when the loob is
disturbed by anxiety or fear, life is also disturbed; when it is peaceful, life is
also peaceful. These harmonious relations between loob and buhay "have
to be kept in balance if we are to live comfortably and well." Balancing
them requires proper observance of asal-based ethical and moral principles
governing the conduct of everyday life.

The use of loob to characterize the inner dimension of life also implies the
presence of an outer dimension so that even if life is abstract, it can still be
experienced in concrete terms. This outer dimension is called labas
(outside). The loob represents the inner reality of life and the labas is its
outer behavioral manifestation. The former is latent, the latter is manifest.

Terms like magaan ang loob (at ease), masama ang loob (feeling bad),
lakas loob (will power), mahina ang loob (weak disposition), and so forth,
express well the way we use the concept of loob to describe our inner
conditions. The outer conditions or labas are expressed in kilos (act), hilig
(tendency), and gawi (habit). Sometimes, we put up a public mask
(palabas) to conceal our inner intentions that might prove disadvantageous
if done openly. This is best expressed by such terms as pakitang-tao (to
camouflage), pababalatkayo (to masquer¬ade), pabalat-bunga (to fake),
kunwari (to pretend), and pasikat (to show off).
While the loob provides us with basic drives, it is the labas which shapes
these into specific and regulated modes of actions. The distinction is
outlined Figure 21.

In terms of social relations, the loob and the labas concepts are also used
to distinguish members of the family and the kinship group from those who
are not. The in-group consists of parents, siblings' and relatives. They are
nasa loob or tagaloob ng pamilya (inside the family). The immediate out-
group or non-members of the family and kinship are tagalabas known as
"ibang tao, taga rito, taga ibang pook" (other people, not from this place,
from other communities). Distant out-
 Figure 21. Diagram showing the concept of labas and loob in Filipino
value system

groups (i.e. foreigners) are also taga-labas but are recognized as hindi
kilala (not known), banyaga (stranger) and dayuhan (alien).
Seen from this perspective, loob refers to the implicit meanings of
togetherness, such as are found in the perception of "we" and "us." On the
other hand, labas refers to those who are not part of "our group." This
dichotomy is seen in certain specific ways we carry out our rights, duties
and obligations to each other. For example, we feel more obligated to
assist our parents, siblings and relatives in time of need than we do to
those who are non-relatives. See Figure 22.

The distinction is further emphasized, for example, in our use of the

concepts of mabuti and maganda as behavioral
 Figure 22. Diagram showing distinctions between relatives, non-
relatives, and foreigners in terms of the concept of loob and labas

categories. Mabuti refers to the inner goodness in us, while maganda

refers to the outer goodness (i.e. observable) of our actions. Both features
are sometimes lumped up in one descriptive term, mabait.

Let us take, for instance, the practice of mano po—i.e. kissing the hand of
the elderly, particularly the parents or touching it to one's forehead (in
case of distant kin or non-relative) is considered good behavior. There are
two meanings associated with the act. The first one is respect, as shown in
the act of kissing, and the second one is inner goodness, the reason why
the kissing is
done. The former expresses magandang ugali and the latter, mabuting
ugali. Both are expressions of kabooban.
DIWA AND KAPALARAN

Since all life-events begin in the loob, they are generally enmeshed with
forces of diwa which are also found in the loob or inner selves of humans.
In fact, informants argue that "these life-events cannot surface as concrete
experiences until they are animated by the spirit of diwa. That is why "even
human fate or kapalaran is controlled by the power of diwa."

Functionally, diwa links together the phenomenon of physical existence and

the cosmic elements of Nature and transforms them into one dynamic
force giving life its vitality. In this context, life is seen by informants not
only as a natural phenomenon but also as a spiritual event. It is part of the
universal order. It is preordained.

The expression "itinadhana ng langit/iginuhit ng tadhana (designed by

Heaven; it is fated; destined) expresses well the belief that life has a
cosmic origin. It is, however, anchored on a natural base—i.e. the body. In
other words, life, as informants argued, is "the sum total of the physical,
intellectual, and spiritual forces." See Figure 23.

The concept of itinadhana ng langit affirms further, informants point out,

"the belief in and acceptance of heavenly influences over human lives."
While this is so, the management of the course of destiny, however, is left
"by our Creator for us to decide." This freedom to manage it is what is
known as kusa or "free will." As one informant said:

Ang itinadhana ng langit ay buhay lamang. Binigyan din tayo ng kusa

o kalayaan kung ano ang gusto noting gawin sa buhay na ito. Kayo
kung ang pananaw natin so buhay ay negatibo, negatibo rin ang
magiging karanasan natin. Ngunit, kung
Figure 23. Diagram showing informants' concept of the configuration
of the physical, emotional, and spiritual forces of buhay (life)

ang pananaw natin, sa kabilang dako, cry positibo, positibo rin ang
magiging karanasan natin. Simple lang, di ba?
(Rough translation: What Heaven has given us is life. It has also
given us, at the same time, the free will to do what we want to do
with our lives. Thus, if we view life from a negative perspective, we -
tend to have negative experiences. On the other hand, if we view life
positively, we also have posi¬tive experiences. Simple, isn't it?)
Another informant joined in:

Ang lahat sa buhay ay itinadhana ng langit para sa atin. Ngunit

kailangang magsumikap tayo upang makamtan natin ang biyayang
ito. Iyan ang tunay na kahubugan ng itinadhana. Ang biyaya ay
narriryan. Nasa atin ang kapasiyahan—pakinabangan o abusuhin.
Nasa atin iyan.
(Rough translation: Everything in life is destined to be ours. However,
we have to strive hard so that we may receive these blessings. This
is the true meaning of destiny. The privilege is there. The choice is
ours—to use or abuse. It is up to us.)

The concept of destiny as pre-ordained and yet the shaping of its outcome
is left to human choice appears to be contradictory. However, informants
do not see it to be so. On the contrary, they agree that "freedom is part of
pre-ordained life. It is its major component, therefore part of destiny."
They further argue that "without life, there could be no destiny. Without
destiny, life has no direction. And these two phenomena are subject to
human choices." The best way to realize one's destiny is to strengthen
one's diwa by observing the and-based kabutihang loob (inner goodness).

As one informant elaborated on it:

Kapag namamayani ang kagandahang boob sa buhay ng isang tao,

madabi niyang makakamtan ang magandang kinabukasan sa buhay.
Ngunit kung sama ng boob ang ibinibigay niya sa kapwa, kahirapan
sa buhay ang kanyang aanihin sa kinabukasan. Ang kagandahang
boob ay siyang nagbibigay ng bisa sa ating layunin. Iyan ang
patakaran ng diwa sa buhay. May laya tayong pumili ng pamamaraan
upang maisakatuparan natin ang ating pangarap at makamtan natin
ang kaligayahan.
(Rough transbation: If goodness prevails in the life of a person, he
can easily attain a prosperous life.
 But if it is badness he gives to his fellow humans, difficulties in life
are what he will reap in the future. The inner goodness is what gives
efficacy to our goals. That is the rule of life. We have the freedom to
choose the way in which we will pursue our dreams and realize our
goals.)

This freedom to shape one's destiny is what is written in the palm of the
hands ("ang naiguhit sa palad"), That is why we call fate kapalaran (i.e.
etched on the palm). Metaphorically, it means "we hold our fate in the
palm of our hands. We hold it every moment of our lives, it is at our
disposition. We can decide what to do with it." See Figure 24 below.

Figure 24. Diagram showing informants' perception of iginuhit sa

palad (destiny as etched on the palm of the hand)
Informants further elucidated this view:

Ang tawag sa itinadhanang kinararatnan natin sa kinabukasan ay

kapalaran. Sa English 'fate. " Ang ibig sabihin nito ay ang lahat na
bagay sa buhay ay naiguhit na ng Maykapal sa palad ng ating mga
kamay ng tayo'y isinilang. Kaya kung ano man ang kalagayan ng
ating buhay ngayon o ang kahi-hinanatnan natin bukas ay nasa ating
mga kamay —sa ating mga palad, sa ating pagpapasiya o desisyon.
Ito ang tunay na katotohanan na dapat nating mabaman. Kaya
marami sa atin ang nasa-sangkot sa kapinsalaan o naghihirap sa
buhay dahib hindi maayos ang paghawak sa kapalarang naiguhit na
sa ating mga kamay.
(Rough translation: The term for preordained outcome of our future
is kapalaran. In English it is "fate." It means that everything in life is
written by God on the palm of our hands when we were born.
Therefore, what we become in the future is largely due to our
choices .and decisions. This is the absolute truth that we have to
understand. That is why many of us suffer from misfortunes or
difficulties in life because of improper handling of the kapalaran
which is engraved on our hands.)

One way of controlling "our destiny is to live in harmony with the natural
and cosmic forces around us." As informants explained the meaning of
harmonious relations:

Kung ibig natin maging matagumpay ang ating buhay, huwag na

nating tanungin pa ang kahulugan ng kapalaran. Huwag rin noting
tutulan o salungatin ang agos nito sa buhay natin. lyan ang hindi
maaaring pigilin dahil naiguhit no sa palad ng ating mga kamay. Kaya
ang dapat noting gawin ay sundan natin ang agos na ito. Tingnan mo
ang bihasang manlalaro ng arnis. Hindi niya sinasalungat ang galaw
ng kalaban. Sa habip, sinusundan niya ang galaw ng kamay at
katawan ng kababan at ginagamit ang mga ito upang talunin
 siva. Alalahanin natin na ang ating lakas ay siya rin ang puno ng
ating kahinaan.
(Rough translation: If we have to suceed in life, we should not
question our fate. The future has already been written. Neither
should we challenge the course of our destiny. That is impossible—it
has already been etched on the palm of our hand. Instead, we
should flow with the current of our destiny. Look at the arnis [a form
of indigenous martial arts using sticks for fighting] player. He does
not confront the enemy; he blends and flows with the enemy's
movement and uses that enemy's own strength and weakness to
subdue him. Remember, our strength is also the root of our
weakness.)

Another informant explained this view further:

Ang pagsunod sa agos ng kapalaran ay hindi nangangahulugan na

ang pananaw sa buhay ay madilim—na tayo ay sunod-sunuran
lamang sa agos ng panahon. Sa katunayan ang pagsunod ay isa rin
sa mga mabungang paggamit ng kaisipan upang baguhin ang buhay.
Bakit 'ka n'yo? Dahib sa pagsunod sa mga panuntunan ng
magandang asab ginagamit rin natin ang ating karunungan at
kakayahan sa pag-unlad at hindi sa kapinsalaan ng iba. Ang
kapalaran natin ay naitadhana na. Nasa atin ang kapasiyahan kung
aayusin natin ang ating buhay o hindi. Na sa ating mga kamay ang
pagganap.
At bukod sa mga ito, ang pagsunod sa agos ng kapabaran ay
nangangahulugan din na ikasisiya natin at ipamamahagi sa kapwa
ang yaman ng kalikasan; huwag sarili lamang, tulad ng walang habas
na pagputol ng kahoy sa gubat sa pangalan ng kaunbaran.
(Rough translation: Flowing along with the current of fate does not
mean that our outlook in life is dark or fatalistic, that we merely
follow the flow of time. It is also 'being creative and innovative'.
 Why? Because by following rules we are using our talents and
capabilities to progress and not bring misfortune to others. Our
destiny has already been decreed. It is now up to us whether or not
to put order into our lives. Doing so is in our hands.

Furthermore, flowing with the current of destiny means enjoying and

sharing with others the bounty of nature, not appropriating it only for
our own selves or destroying it for selfish reasons, as in
indiscriminate logging in the name of progress.)

The concept of fate or destiny acquires negative meanings when translated

into English because many nuances of the local meanings are lost in the
process. That is why outside observers often see iginuhit sa palad as
fatalism or resignation. But actually the concept does not have such
meanings. It simply means, as informants see it, "We are fated to live our
lives. That is all. That is what is etched on the palm. We hold our destiny in
our hands. How we live our lives is up to us."

Thus, to appreciate Filipino reliance on fate or destiny, one has to

understand it in the context of harmony with natural and cosmic forces
which constitutes the logic and meaning of things in the Filipino way of life.

In turn, to understand the role of the concept of harmony in Filipino life,

one has to see it in the light of the belief that Heaven has a deep influence
over human life. This influence is coursed through the diwa. Actually, the
diwa is the divine in us; it is the God within. It is the instrument through
which heavenly gifts—reason and feelings—are made available to us. It is
our link with "the universal order." It is for this reason, informants argue,
that "We have to live in harmony with heavenly forces which govern our
fate or destiny, if we want to be happy in life."

Harmony with heavenly forces is established through strict compliance with

asal-based rule's of proper behavior, especially the ethical and moral ones.
As one informant said:
 Conformity with ethical and moral rules enables us to shape our
actions into acceptable behavior, to rationalize our hopes, to free us
from other forms of social constraints, and to chart the direction of
our lives.

Hence, if we are to harness these forces to attain our goals "it is the art of
conforming which we have to master, not the forces of diwa because these
are unchanging." That is why, we have pamantayan or set of standards to
follow. Conformity fine-tunes our dispositions with the inner forces of diwa.
And once this is done, the power of diwa is released to animate the human
body with warmth called buhay (vitality) and to provide us with budhi
(conscience) to conduct and control our daily affairs.

DIWA AND BUDHI

As we said earlier, the diwa is the divine in us. As such, it endows spiritual
status to our earthly existence. The term "spiritual" is used here advisedly
to refer to the inner meaning and reality of life "that is neither apparent to
the senses nor obvious to the intelligence." This reality is what gives us the
ability to think or to do something. It constitutes one of the inner forces of
diwa, the budhi.
The closest English equivalent of the term budhi is conscience. But
informants see it as more than just conscience. They view it as "likas ng
ating pagkatao (essence of our being human)." Animals have no
conscience; only humans. Thus viewed, budhi functions as one of the
sources of our latent potential for action. The term "nakunsensya siya" or
"malinis ang aking konsensya"captures the essence of native perception of
budhi.
Once activated, budhi "makes us aware of our existence and provides our
lives with specific directions." It provides us with ethical and moral
standards by which to
cognize, express and evaluate the propriety of our actions. This process is
outlined in Figure 25.

Figure 25. Diagram showing informants' view of the role of budhi in the
conduct of daily life

The role of budhi in the conduct of our daily affairs is explained by

informants in this way:

Ang lahat ng bagay ay maiiwasan natin, ngunit ang budhi ay hindi.

lyan ay ang ating pangalawang sarili. Kaya may kasabihan tayo na:
su-sumbatan ka nang iyong budhi o kaya hahatulan ka nang iyong
budhi kapag hindi makatarungan ang iyong ginagawa sa iyong kapwa
tao.

(Rough translation: We can escape everything in life except our

conscience. It is our second self. That is why we have a saying: 'You
will be bothered by your conscience' or 'you will be judged by your
conscience if what you do to your fellow human being is not right').
Thus, if the budhi ay malinis (i.e. the conscience is clean), it brings about
happiness and joy. It gives us inner peace, as well as strength to overcome
all difficulties in life. However, if the budhi is troubled (e.g. when we are
suffering from anxiety, fear and guilt), the sigla (ardor) of life disappears.
The person thus affected is said to be "wala sa dati niyang sarili (not
his/her usual self).

The budhi can also be weakened through a curse, known as sumpa among
the Tagalogs, or gaba, among the Bisayans. Once the budhi is weakened,
the sarili (self) is also weakened. For this reason, informants believe that
those who are cursed by older persons, especially by parents, will
experience hardships throughout life—either from sickness, economic
difficulties and other forms of misfortune. The curse is said to have the
power to create disharmony between the self and the spiritual forces
governing it; disharmony weakens the diwa and transforms life into
meaningless existence.

DIWA AND BISA

How the kapalaran is finally realized is the function of another diwa-force—

the bisa. The term refers to the animating spirit within the human self
which provides us with inner strength to meet the pressures of the
surrounding mundane world.

Like other diwa-forces, bisa cannot be defined with precision. It is

something that can only be felt concretely as in love and enthusiasm and
can be experienced as real only in material success and good fortune. As
one informant said:

Iyan ang isang bahagi ng kamalayan na alam mong nasa kalooban

mo, ngunit hindi mo natitiyak kung ano iyon. Nararamdaman mo
lamang tulad ng pag-ibig sa unang tingin o kayo sa biglang dapo ng
lungkot kung ikaw ay nag-iisa habang paunti-unting nahuhulog ang
.takip-silim. Ang nararamdaman mo lang ay pintig ng iyong puso o
 hapdi ng kalooban no sumasabay sa katahimikan ng naghaharing
dilim. Ganyan ang likas ng bisa.
(Rough translation: It is a kind of awareness about something you
know is present "inside" you but which you cannot define. You can
only feel it as in falling in love at first sight or experiencing the
sudden outburst of loneliness, especially if you are alone at dusk.
What you can feel is the pulsation of your heart or inner pain which
goes along with the silence of the descending dusk. That is the
nature of bisa.)

In spite of its vagueness, bisa is recognized by informants as the energy-

generating force, a power-stream emanating from within the body and
flowing outward as feelings influencing the direction and outcome of
everyday life. The exact location of bisa is vague. Some informants say that
"bisa is found in the liver (nasa atay) and is the source of courage." Others
say that it is "in the stomach (nasa sikmura) and is the source of human
fortitude. Furthermore, many argue that it is in the blood (nasa dugo) and
in the air we breathe (nasa hininga). All informants are agreed that bisa is
the source of sustained life in the human body.

Because of this functional link with human existence, bisa is often felt to be
the essence of diwa in human activities. It is its efficacy. It is the human
intellect, sentiment, and action. It is the vital energy of life. The aura it
generates is what makes real the moment of solitude, joy, conviviality,
benevolence, daring, and valor. Lack of it results in lethargy, resignation,
complacency, anxiety, fear, and misfortune.

The relations of bisa with other elements of diwa is outlined in Figure 26.

As shown in the diagram, diwa lies deep in the Filipino psyche. It is the
source of psychic energy which gives ardor to our lives. This ardor
generates inner strength called bisa. As this inner strength becomes
enmeshed with social and cultural events in the environment,
 Figure 26. Diagram showing the relations of bisa with various
elements of diwa

it is crystallized into an internally constituted code of conduct, known as

budhi. It is budhi that defines the range and sets the limit of our
disposition or will called kalooban. And kalooban provides life or buhay its
animating spirit, form, and character.

DIWA AND BAHALA NA

As we have repeatedly said, diva is the source of our strength and courage
to face crises in life. These strength and courage are best expressed in our
attitude of bahala
na, a very much misunderstood concept. There are three views about it.
The most popular one is the negative version which describes bahala na as
fatalism, resignation, avoidance of responsibility, reliance on fate, and
leaving things to chance. That is why many adherents to this view say that
"Filipinos lack the initiative to move, the creativity to innovate, and the
drive to progress."

The second view of bahala na is a religious one. It is seen as a penchant

for leaving things to God or Bathaba to solve all problems. Bahala na
means, from this point of view, "total reliance on the supernatural to
provide, serve, protect and do things." All that the individual has to do "is
to wait for heavenly blessings."

The third view is the more positive one and to which most of our
informants subscribe. And that is, "bahaba na is inner strength to dare, to
take the risk, to initiate and move, to take up a challenge, to assume
responsibility for an act." As we had argued elsewhere in the past (1966).

"Bahala na is the psychological prop on which we lean on in time of

crisis when we are forced against the wall for a decision but the
empirical evidence does not allow us to decide but decision is needed
at the moment. How do we handle the anxiety of decision-making?
How do we build our confidence and assurance that we are equal to
the task? Isn't it bahala na? Saying bahala na is our only alternative
and potent weapon for survival—for facing critical situations with
confidence that we can overcome them.

A similar sentiment was expressed by another informant:

Nasasabi natin ang bahala na kung ang kalalabasan ng ating

binabalak gawin ay hincli natin natitiyak. Ngunit kailangang
magpasya o magaksyon. Ano ang gagawin natin? Ano ang sasabihin
 natin upang mapagtibay ang kalooban at sa galloon cry
makapagpasya? Bahala na, di ba?' At kapag nabigkas natin ang
mahiwagang salitang ito, nagkakaroon tayo ng isang pambihirang
tapang upang harapin ang sitwasyon at bigyang solusyon ang
suliranin. Binibigyan din tayo ng lakas-boob upang makapag-isip at
matasa natin ang ating kalagayan, matignan natin ang citing
kakayahan, at makapagpasya.
(Rough translation: We say bahala na when we know that the
consequences of our actions are not within our immediate control.
But we have to take action. What do we do? What do we say in order
to strengthen our kalooban and thus decide? Bahala na is it not?
Once this "magic word" is said, we have an almost supernatural
courage to face the situation and give solution to the problems. We
are given the fortitude to strengthen ourselves, to check our steps so
that we can assess the situation, take stock of our capabilities, and
then make a decision.)

In other words, bahala na serves as the "code" which enables us to access

the reservoir of psychic energy in the diwa so that we can draw from it the
inner strength and courage in time of need. As one informant puts it:
"After we say bahala na, we acquire courage to dare all kinds of
challenges. In fact, we become capable of decisive action. Without bahala
na, it is doubtful whether we can do it during critical situations."
Of course, there are Filipinos who still insist on viewing bahala na in the
negative way. We do not blame them. The negative views of past writers
and scholars had deeply influenced them. In fact, the first definition of
bahala na as oriental fatalism or resignation appeared in the 1940 edition
of the Osias Readers, one of the basic textbooks for elementary grade
schools at that time. Since then, many writers have elaborated this
negative perspective of bahala na and made it the fundamental element of
Filipino value and personality.
Today, this negative definition of the concept has become popular Its
original and positive meaning has been apparently abandoned. For
example, we would rather use bahala na as a convenient excuse or alibi for
not taking the responsibility or accountability for our actions. That is why it
does not work for us but against us.

Viewed positively, however, bahala na gives us the resiliency to transcend

our psychological limitations, to take risks, disregard the past, plan for the
future, and, if necessary to be Faustian and bargain with the devil!

Moreover, bahala na is not fatalism or resignation. It is confidence in one's

self or on someone else. It is also one of the dynamic principles of
delegation. How does one delegate responsibility to another—a companion
or subordinate? We say "bahala ka na, ha" when talking only to one
person, and "bahala na kayo, ha" when we are addressing a group.

Bahala na is also empowerment. This is the phrase we use "to give

authority or to hand over to the people the power to decide for
themselves; to act according to their assessment and understanding of
their problems."

Seen in the context described above, it is clear that when bahala na is

properly used, it gives us courage or restores our confidence in ourselves,
strengthens our belief in our capabilities, reaffirms our daring, and
reinforces our faith and trust in God. Generally, after saying bahala na, we
become comfortable with the situation we are in or with the crisis we face.
This process is outlined in Figure 27

Lastly, bahala na enables us to visualize the true nature of our problems,

make proper decisions, and take the necessary actions. See Figure 28.

As one writer has said:

"Remember, it is the world within, namely your thoughts, feelings,

and imagery that makes your world without. It is therefore the only
creative power and everything which you find in your
 world of expression was created by you in the inner world of your
mind, consciously or unconsciously" (Murphy 1982:24).

This is in essence what bahala na is all about. It is the strong link between
our inner world of creativity and our outer world of expression. Through it,
we are able to cast aside anxiety and fear and transform these
psychological blinders into capabilities to decide and perform.

DMA AND WORLDVIEW

As source of spiritual strength, diwa figures prominently in Filipino

worldview. It is the energizing force of life; our psychological contract with
our surrounding world. It provides each one of us with a clear picture of
our place in the complex interplay of events in life. It also enables us to
respond to these events with confidence. With it, the past is accepted as a
lesson learned; the present is appreciated as real events; and the future is
seen as an opportunity to be explored for sustained growth and progress.
The process is outlined in Figure 29 on page 117.
Harap-diwa, as seen in the outline, is the term informants used to describe
their optimistic views of the future. The future is called kinabukasan. It is
derived from the root-word, bukas (tomorrow, forthcoming). The prefix
kina attached to it denotes a state of belonging to." Thus, kinabukasan
means events "belonging to tomorrow"; it is a forthcoming reeality. As one
informant describes this reality: "The future is bukas (open) for us to enter.
This is located up front or nasa harap of kasalakuyang buhay (present life).
That is why, we call it harap-diwa. We are all destined to enter the future;
no one can escape this reality. The only alternative is to live happily and
face the future with confidence and optimism."
 Figure 29. Diagram showing other uses of the concept of diwa

Kasalukuyang-diwa refers to the present state of events we are in.

Sometimes, the term kadiwa is used, meaning sharing the same diwa.
Actually, what is being shared and experienced are events in life. These
events, informants explained, "are preludes to entering the future." It is for
this reason that "we have to live decently and honestly. Otherwise we
enter the kinabukasan without any direction at all. To have direction in the
future, we have to nurture our diwa with a positive outlook by following
the asal-based ethical and moral principles."

Balik-diwa is used by informants to refer to "the spirit of the past" as this

affects our present state of life. The term balik means "to return." Thus,
we have to return to the past from time to time, so that we can improve
the present and plan for the future. As the oft-repeated saying puts it:
"Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinanggalingan ay hindi makakarating sa
paroroonan" (He who does not know how to look back from whence
he/she came from cannot hope to reach where he/she is going).
 SUMMARY

Thus far, we have described at some length the basic characteristics of

diwa as the spiritual core of Filipino pamantayan system. We also noted
how it functions as the main source of value concepts having to do with
the belief in the role of the natural and supernatural forces in our lives.

We also said that it is diwa which provides inner strength and meaning to
life. Without diwa, life is meaningless and all the things we do lose their
significance. But with diwa, we are strengthened and made capable to deal
effectively with all kinds of problems in life. It is diwa that accounts for the
vitality, ardor and vibrancy of life. It is the soul of the Filipino people.
 6
EPILOGUE
WE ARE NOT CONCLUDING this study. Our research on the Filipino value
system is still on-going. In the present volume, we have described only the
structural base of the value system called by our informants, pamantayan.
In Part II of this study, we shall deal with the ethical, moral, and spiritual
functions of the value system itself.

Meanwhile, we hope that we have succeeded in describing and clarifying

certain issues affecting our perception, expectation, and use of the
different value-categories that standardize and define what is right, good
and desirable in our individual and group behavior.

We said that values are standards of excellence, ideas of the desirable and
ideals we want to achieve. The concept of pamantayan serves as the over-
arching framework, on which are attached, so to speak, the more specific
core standards governing specific aspects of valuing: halaga, the
evaluatiive core; asal, the expressive core; and diwa, the spiritual core.

These core standards serve as bases for recognizing, expressing, and

evaluating what is good, right, desirable, and excellent in our ways of
thinking, believing, and doing things. They are mainsprings of meanings
that stimulate
actions and govern responses to observed phenomena.

So far these core standards have not yet been de-scribed in the literature
nor used in clarifying issues concerning Filipino values. This is one of the
reasons why we talk of "negative Filipino values." Our indigenous frame of
reference was not understood and, in confusion, we do not distinguish
violations of the value-principles from the values themselves. Thus, we
unknowingly concluded that these violations are part of our values.
Hammered onto our consciousness for a long time, they become self-
fulfilling prophecies: we violate what we value most.

We hope that we have somehow succeeded in clarifying certain issues

concerning Filipino traditional values. Let us repeat our earlier position:
values are standards of excellence, ideas of the desirable and ideals we
want to achieve. In this perspective, we reject the idea that there are
negative Filipino values. There are only wrong uses of the values and
violations of the norms because the cultural framework on which these
values and norms are based is not properly described and understood.
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