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OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
An American in Brazil
By JULIA E. SWEIG
Published: March 2, 2010
With such a late start, urgency seems to permeate the visit. The
United States is losing ground as Latin America creates yet another
regional organization that excludes it. Likewise, Brazil’s attention
will soon turn inward as its presidential campaign kicks in.
But showing up in Brazil might be the easiest step. The United States
has little bandwidth to sustain a focus on Brazil. President Obama’s
domestic agenda is consumed by jobs, healthcare, infrastructure and
financial solvency. Abroad, the lion’s share of attention will remain
on Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, Iraq and China.
Brazil, too, may lack the incentive to invest in the U.S. relationship
as much as Mrs. Clinton may wish. Also focused largely on
conditions at home, Brazil has survived the global financial crisis,
built a growing middle class, reduced poverty and inequality and
consolidated democracy. Corruption, crime, violence and drugs now
rank highest on the electorate’s agenda.
Internationally, the last seven years have catapulted Brazil onto the
global stage. The United States represents only a slice of Brazil’s
global agenda: Brazil’s emphasis on multipolarity and
multilateralism assumes the decline of U.S. influence.
Brazil will have to give her the benefit of the doubt and clearly spell
out what it wants from the United States, using the visit and its
aftermath to take the measure of what the Obama administration
wants from Brazil.
Bilaterally, taxes, tariffs and trade, even gender and race, will top the
agenda. Haiti will emerge as a far more productive use of both
countries’ talents than disputes over Colombia or Honduras. The
secretary will hear Brazil’s understanding of the Andean region and
its vision for South American integration. Perhaps she will explain
the glacial pace of Washington’s movement on Cuba policy.
Discussions on climate change and global finance will advance.
But it is Iran that will likely get the most airtime. A hawk on that
subject, Secretary Clinton insists that emerging powers join U.S. and
European pressure on Iran, while the Lula government regards
sanctions as a path to military force. As anathema as President Luiz
Inácio Lula da Silva’s public embrace of the Holocaust-denying
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad may be, Brazil’s channel to an increasingly
chaotic and unpredictable Tehran should not be dismissed as anti-
American posturing.
Mrs. Clinton’s visit will not result in the intimacy of a “special
relationship,” or in the uncomfortable embrace Washington often
bestows upon its best friends in the region. But if she leaves with an
appreciation of Brazil’s exceptionalism — a quality that Brazilians
fully understand in the United States — a healthy and clear-eyed
mutual respect could begin to emerge.