“BANA SENSÜZ CİHAN Ü CAN GEREKMEZ”;

CONTEMPLATION FROM YESEVI TO BALASSI …

CEM YAVUZ/poet

Troubadour literature that may be defined as preliminary of lyrical poem in modern sense has
started to gain a rooted characteristic with the age of chivalry. The perception of chivalry
began to develop among feudal lords with such ideals like glorifying merits voiced by the
Church; truth, justice and protecting the poor was converted into rituals including rather
military training and competitions in the course of time. Thanks to feasts, parties, exhibitions
and contests enriched by sword and rose romance, trade and industry developed rapidly as
well. The most competent types of this style shaping socio-cultural life of the era through
palace-centered folk lyrics or epics in praise of a special person or thing via Langue D’oc
emerged as combination of Latin with local language aroused in the tunes of troubadours in
Provence. Thereby an original kind of literature genre based on religion, chivalry, love,
political and social life, relatively free from the effects of ancient Greek and Roman and arose
from local targets and ideals with a new atmosphere and inspiration came to light. On the
other hand, it would be right to say that this very early style attained the meaning over the
palimpsest of only tradition (i.e. eternal wisdom) that could be deemed to symbolize
enlightenment of Middle Ages. In that sense it is rather remarkable owing to the fact that the
word Trobar is derived from the Arabic verb “tarab” (enrapturing through music) and signs
that inspirational roots of mentioned literary style can be traced in Andalusia civilization.
However there were relatively many nobles, most of them belonged to middle class in
troubadour poems and key issue was courtly love. Trobars; troubadour songs appeared in the
shape of singing pleasantly related with devotion to Virgin Mary that was very popular in that
time and as a result of which love for women and particularly first lady in the position of
representing feudal lord/power. Still this kind of love was far from the one imposed by the
Church defined and determined everything; it was an imagination of love without boundaries
and urging for freedom. The love expressed by the troubadours was out of the understanding
of common love in reference to religion of the period but a sense that might be even
considered as a revolution, a mutual love between individuals in today’s context. It was a
sense with no obligation to relate with earth or any sacred matters, completely different
feeling from three kinds of love inherited from Ancient Greek; just feelings shared between
man and woman.

In short, poetical love of troubadours was neither Eros (sexual desire), nor Agape (thoughtful
love) and Philia (affection) only. As it is known Eros symbolizes sexual and passionate love;
Agape mostly a religious-centered love to God and as for Philia it is a very friendly, altruistic
love. Then the sense of poets’ love living in a dream world accompanied with gigua, psaltery,
rebek or lute was a sort of love that involved three kinds of love and called Fin Amor; was
new and having effects survived until today. Surely not only love but also political, religious
and moral conditions of the period were covered within the themes of troubadour songs. The
satirical poems called sirvente were the most common instances of satire literature and in
these poems, troubadours did a dump on the clergyman or local authority. The troubadour
genre developing principally in Southern France was mostly indebted to religious and world
vision of the region relating to its blossoming. The roots of belief called as Albigensian
Heresy by the Church was based on the doctrine of St. Paulus emerged in Anatolia. His
principles began to develop among Antioch Armenians disapproved the trinity in essence and
believed that Jesus is a messenger nominated to convey God’s words to human beings and not
a God himself. This monotheist order regarded worship to icons or the cross as paganism,
defending that no one could stand between God and human beings and no hierarchical or
organizational authority had right to decide relating to faith, started to spread over and take
root among Bogomils (God’s Lover) in Balkans at first, then in Catalonia with the title of
Katharos (mood of catharsis).

Hence troubadours gathered around feudal lords in power around Tolouse-Albi-Carcasssone-

Béziers in the border of Spain-France where majority of Cathars&Albigensians having very
rare kind of faith were living. And likewise their patrons, they fell off the face of the earth
within the fumes of the Inquisition, as a consequence of crusades which was commenced in
1209 and sustained for 35 years by -if we say according to one of the last troubadours
Figueira’s sorrowful wording- “Treacherous/viper Rome” …

***
Bálint Balassi whose destiny was almost similar with “The Father of Troubadours” Guillaume
d’Aquitaine who was saluted with the verse “Le Prince d'Aquitaine à la tour abolie” in the
impressive poem entitled El Desdichado by Gérard de Nerval; the ebullient representative of
Renaissance period Troubadour ecole whose heterodoxical situation was handled by Dante
and Petrarca, opened his eyes to the world in 20th of October, 1554 as a son of an aristocrat
family in the city of Zólyon of Hungary. When he was born, his country was divided into
three regions; the middle part belonged to Ottoman Empire with the conquest of Buda;
northern west side was at the hand of Habsburg dynasty and remaining part was the
Principality of Transylvania trying to protect its independence by almost giving a life and
death struggle. In the shambles of wars against Austrians and Ottoman Empire and sectarian
tensions, Balassi who was mingled with discrepancies and contradictions and a rough life,
received a privileged literature education as he belonged to a top class family. He learnt
lyrical poems of Antique Age, Italian poets and humanists in addition to German, Polish and
Hungarian poems. His father Baron János Balassi, a commander defending the borders
against the Ottomans was arrested due to some unfair accusations in 1569 with the order of
Emperor Maximillian II. However János Balassi managed to escape from the prison and take
refuge in Poland with his family in the autumn of 1570. Father Balassi then left his wife and
little sons in Poland and went to the second biggest castle of Hungary settled in Divény with
his son Bálint to be kept. Then, the son Balassi spent the summer of 1570 with his father in
this castle, learnt Turkish there as the outcome of good fellowship with Turks as well.
According to an agent: “Turks could easily enter the home of (Baron Balassi) and his son
frequently was visiting Szécsény, the Turks”.1

Balassi who recited poems from one palace to another with themes of love, heroism and
religion in a typical kind of troubadour adventure returned to Hungary in 1577 so as to defend
his father’s honour while he was once more accused by the Habsburgs. But his father had
passed away and all his property was ravished by his uncles. El Desdichado (szerencsétlen)
who experienced great disappointment as a result of social, political and personal
contradictions as well as preaching to the converted to regain lands of his family, entered
Polish army as an officer for a war waged against Ottoman army lasted for 15 years in 1593.
He passed away in 30th of May, 1594 with a cannon ball from the castle struck his legs.

Bálint Balassi acknowledged as first/universal representative of Hungarian lyric with

extraordinary tenderness made unparallel contribution to development and form of a national
poetry language through his free translation from Italian, German and Latin as well as Turkish
and his interpretations. Under the influence of Ottoman minstrel literature he wrote four
poems. These were the poems starting with “Ez világ sem kell már nekem... (Gerekmez bu
dünya sensiz), Minap mulatni mentemben...(Ben seyrane gider iken), Kegyes vidám
szemű… (Lütufkâr neşeli gözlü) and valahány török bejt, kit magyar nyelvre fordítottak
(some Turkish couplets translated into Hungarian).
Within the scope of this discourse, by emphasizing the possible inspiring roots of the poem
“Ez világ sem kell már nekem” with the epigraph “Az Török Gerekmez Bu Dünya Sensüz
nótájára” ranging from Atâyî to Nesimî and İbrahim Gülşenî, it will be discussed the
influence of “Perfect Man” (al-insan al-kâmil) centered esoteric sufi path in the mentioned
poem…

1
Tásnadi Edit, Macar Ozanı Bálint Balassi’nin “Türk Şiirleri”; XVI Yüzyıl Macar Ozan Bálint Balassi ve
Şiirlerinden Örnekler, Akadémiai Kiadó, Magyar-Török Baráti Társaság, Budapest, 2006, pg. 28.
The Ottoman period lasted for approximately 150 years left remarkable marks in Hungary in
terms of architecture and culture as well as literature. In that period, as we say in Ottoman
Turkish Diyar-ı Üngürüs many Turkish minstrels and divan poets appeared. These minstrels
having relations with guild of Janissaries and accordingly with Bektaşî order, official belief of
the guild had an important role in the battles and religious ceremonies of the order. Kul
Mehmed, Firâki, Karacaoğlan, Kul Piri, Dertli and others together with Hayâli, Cenâni,
Hayati, Taşlıcalı Yahya Bey, İsak Çelebi, Mesihi and Seyyid Nesimî may be counted among
the minstrels and divan poets of Ottoman sovereignty period discussed in detail in the study
by Balázs Sudár entitled “A Palatics-kódex török versgyujteményei”… It is essential to say a
few words about Bektaşî order forming religion and world envisagement of almost all
Balkans together with Halvetî, Celvetî and Gülşenî orders.

Sufi belief blossoming and developing in Anatolia was started with Ahmet Yesevî, the
founder of Central Asia Turkish Sufism. While Fuad Köprülü defined Ahmet Yesevî as “a
sunni (orthodox) sufi”2 in his opus “Türk Edebiyatında İlk Mutasavvıflar” (Early Mystics in
Turkish Literature) due to his guide Sheikh Yûsuf Hemedânî who had good command on
ecclesiastical sciences and gave importance to Koran and sunnah much more than everything,
then changed his mind in the article he wrote for Islam Encyclopedia and described Ahmet
Yesevî as “a liberal sufi under the influence of Khorasan Melâmî order”. Köprülü expressed
the importance of Yesevî order in spreading of Sufi belief in Anatolia as follows: “The Yesevî
order affected the birth of Haydarîye order in Khorasan in 13th century and in the second half
of this century (…) played a significant role in the establishment of Bektaşî lodges in
Anatolia.”3
Ahmet Yaşar Ocak again in his book entitled “Türk Sufiliğine Bakışlar” (Views upon Turkish
Sufism) emphasizes that it is more normal for a society that was semi nomadic and maintained
its faith before acceptance of Islam to have a sense giving more value to ecstasy, a kind of
spiritual happiness than strictly obeying what the holy book of Islam was saying. He describes
Yesevî order as “a combination of Shamanism and Manichaeism cultures before Islam with
an Islamic point of view affected from Melametî order”4
The Yesevî dervishes subjected to Khorasan Melametî order immigrated to Anatolia from
Central Asia because of Mongol invasion in 1218 brought about the emergence of such orders
like Kalenderî, Haydarî and Bektaşî in the course of time. Such dervishes described by Fuad

2
Ord.Prof. M.Fuat Köprülü; Türk Edebiyatı’nda İlk Mutasavvıflar, Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı Yayınları, 3rd
Edition. Ankara, 1976, pg. 115.
3
İslam Ansiklopedisi, Vol I., pg. 212-213, Milli Eğitim Bakanlığı Basımevi, Istanbul, 1964.
4
Ahmet Yaşar Ocak; Türkiye’de Tarihin Saptırılması Sürecinde Türk Sûfiliğine Bakışlar, İletişim Yayınları,
Istanbul, 1996, pg. 35-36.
Köprülü as persons “with strange dressings, having miracles and surviving the memories of
old “baksı-kam”(a sort of a minstrel) in the guise of Islam with their ecstatic living” were
inspiring sufi way of Islam to Turkmens living in the borders in a basic way.5

The spreading of Bektaşî order to the inner regions of Bulgaria, Dobruca-Deliorman; then
until Macedonia, Albania, Yugoslavia and Hungary began with the Ottomans’ steps in
Rumelia. Among the dervishes and sheiks raised in Hacı Bektaş lodge or grown up according
to its doctrines, particularly Abdal Musa and Seyit Ali Sultan played important roles in the
conquest of Balkans by the Ottomans. It is observed that Bektaşî dervishes started to settle
there with the conquest of Yanya in 1431 by Gazi Evrenos Bey marched forward Ohri Lake.
During the Mehmed II (The Conquerer) period, a Bektaşî dervish called Kasım Baba
established a lodge in Kosturit in Albania; Yemin Baba dwelled in Vutrin and Hüseyin Baba
in Kanije in the same period. The establishment date of lodge in Rózsadomb belonged to Gül
Baba that became a martyr during the conquest of the city and remembered by Suleiman the
Magnificent with the wording “protector of Budin and his assistance are ubiquitous”, goes to
1540’s. The underlying reason of Bektaşî order’s became rooted in Balkans in the early
periods of the Empire is its open and warm relations with local communities and beliefs.

“For instance, the lodge founded by Hacı Bektaş in 13th century in Sulucakarahöyük
islamicised the cult of St. Charalambus believed by the Christians there and appropriated it,
hence Hacı Bektaş was adopted by the Christians as well. (…) In the second half of the same
century, the Turkmen religious leader Sarı Saltuk leading the settlement of a Turkmen tribe in
Dobruca in Balkans likewise was identified with St. Nicholas cult.” Again the lodge founded
by Elvan Çelebi in the neighborhood of Eukhaita village where St. Thédora and St. Georges
cults were commonly popular, made such cults attributed to Baba İlyas.6
…
In short, according to this view focused on “Perfect Man” (al-insan al-kâmil) which came into
leaf in Turkistan by favour of Ahmet Yesevî; spreaded from Anatoia to Balkans in virtue of
‘Yunus Emre the Sublime’ and had its most appropriate meaning in the lines “sen sana ne
sanursan/ayruğa da anı san/dört kitabın manası/budur eğer var ise”, each human being is a
part from God and created from love due to the fact that God blew from his soul to the
people and that’s why everybody notwithstanding distinctions relating to religion, sect,
nation and class deserves love.

5
Ord.Prof. M.Fuat Köprülü; Anadolu’da İslamiyet, Akçağ Yayınları, Ankara, 2005, pg. 28-29.
6
Ahmet Yaşar Ocak; Kültür Tarihi Kaynağı Olarak Menâkıbnâmeler(Metodolojik Bir Yaklaşım), Türk Tarih
Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 1992, pg. 17.
Now then in the poem of Bálint Balassi perhaps written under the influence of Turkish nefes
with whom he might be acquainted during his visits to the home of Szécsény Beg7 in his
youth or by means of captives in the course of his mission as an officer in borders, bearing the
epigraph of “Gerekmez dünya sensiz”, voice of Yunus couplets coming from distance:
Bize dîdâr gerek dünya gerekmez
Bize ma'nî gerek da’va gerekmez
could be heard.

Another dervish/poet voicing Melâmetî nefes with “Gerekmez” repetitions(redif) was Atayî,
descendant of Ahmed Yesevî and appeared in Taşkent, Semerkant and Belh in the first half of
15th century. There are interesting similarities between afore-mentioned poem of Balassi and
Atayî’s following ode which proclaims the evanescence in Divine Love (fenâ-fi’l aşk), at least
with regard to metaphors.

Cemâlin vasfını kıldım çemende, Dünyada cemâlinin vasıflarını sayıp döktüm,

Kızardı gül uyattın encümende. Gül utancından kızardı o mecliste.

Temenna kılalı la’linne könlüm Gönlüm dudağını arzuladığından beri,

Kişi bilmes anı kim, kaldı kanda. Kaybolup gitmişim, kimbilir nerde.

Çü cânımdan aziz cânâne sensen, Ki candan aziz cananımsın benim,

Kerekmes cân mana sensiz bedende. Gerekmez bana can sensiz bedende.

Mana ol dünyâda cennet ne hacet, Öbür dünyadaki cennet de lazım değil,

Eşiğin toprağı besdür kefende. Yeter eşiğinin toprağı kefen diye.

Uzun saçındın üzmesmen könülni, Gönlümü ayırmam uzun saçından,

Ayağın kanda bolsa, başım anda. Ayağın nerdeyse, başım da orda.

Tiler el mansıb-i âliy velakin Elâlem yüce makam diler lâkin Atâyî,
Atayî serv-i âzâdınğa bende. O kusursuz(dimdoğru) sevgiliye bende.

7
Sudár Balázs, Bálint Balassi’nin ve Türk Şiiri; XVI Yüzyıl Macar Ozan Bálint Balassi ve Şiirlerinden Örnekler,
Akadémiai Kiadó, Magyar-Török Baráti Társaság, Budapest, 2006, pg. 47.
HOGY JULIÁRA TALÁLA, ÍGY KÖSZÖNE NEKI JULIA’YA KAVUŞUNCA ŞÖYLE SELAMLADI
“az török ‘Gerekmez bu dünya sensiz’ nótájára” with Turkish rhythm of ‘Gerekmez Dünya Sensiz’

Ez világ sem kell már nekem nálad nélkül, szép szerelmem, Gerekmez bu dünya sensiz, cânanım,
Ki állasz most énmellettem; egészséggel, édes lelkem! Şükür şu an yanımdasın, ruh-i revânım.

Én bús szívem vidámsága, lelkem édes kívánsága, Gamlı gönlümün neş’esi, ruhumun tatlı emeli,
Te vagy minden boldogsága, véled Isten áldomása. Senle bütün mutluluklar, sensin tanrının rahmeti.

Én drágalátos palotám, jó illatú, piros rózsám, Sen benim ömrümün vârı, hoş kokulu kızıl gülüm,
Gyönyörű szép kis violám, élj sokáig, szép Juliám! Minicik zarif menekşem, çok yaşa cânım Juliam!

Feltámada napom fénye, szemüldek fekete széne, Doğar gönlümün ışığı, kaşlarının kömürüne,
Két szemem világos fénye, élj, élj, életem reménye! İki gözüm,nûr-u aynım, parla, ümid ol ömrüme!

Szerelmedben meggyúlt szívem, csak tégedet óhajt lelkem, Sevdan yüreğim dağlamış, tek seni arzular cânım,
Én szívem, lelkem, szerelmem, idvöz légy, én fejedelmem! Dildârım, dil ü cânım, selam sana ey sultânım!

Juliámra hogy találék, örömemben így köszenék, Selamladım da Juliam’ı visâl-i yâr sevinciyle,
Térdet-fejet néki hajték, kin ő csak elmosolyodék. Ben diz çöküp boyun kestim,o yetindi tebessümle.

Another poem could be mentioned among Balassi’s sources of inspiration possibly belongs to
İbrahim Gülşenî, one of the renowned poets of 15th century. Born in Berde in 1427, Sheikh
İbrahim bin Mehemmed bin Şehabeddin Gülşenî came to Tabriz when he was young and
raised by Dede Ömer Rövşenî, the leading figure of Halvetîyye order. Liberal sufi view based
on “Vahdet-i Vücûd” (Oneness of Being/Unity of Existence) by İbrahim Gülşenî forming
Gülşenîyye practice of Halvetî ecole according to permission gained from his sheikh and Joy
of the Blamed Ones (neşve-i melâmet) reflected in his poems caused accusation of
“unbeliever and tending to be an atheist” not only from the side of central government but
also the clergyman and the folk. As a matter of fact, in his book Tezkiretü’ş Şu’ara 8 Lâtifî
describes Gülşenî as a person who“(…) does not refuse anybody undisciplined, worships a lot
or rebels against God…” and attributes such blemishes about the lodge to his all-embracing
manner. Also Âşık Çelebi in Meşairü’ş Şu’arâ while making reference to dervish/poet Usûlî
attached to Gülşenî order from Vardar Yenice (Greece), reflected negative views of the
people about the order with the following phrases: “He is the first One who sowed the seeds
of blasphemy attributed to İbrahimîs and sprouts of heresy emanated from Nesimî, in
Rumelia”.9

8
Latifî; Tezkiretü’ş-Şu’arâ (Ed.: Mustafa İsen); Kültür Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara.
9
“Şeyh İbrahimîler’e isnad olunan ilhad tohmun Rûm’da evvel ol ekmişdür ve Nesimiyyat türrehatından
getürdiği nihal-i nihad-ı dalâli ol dikmişdür”. Âşık Çelebi; Meşairü’ş-Şu’arâ (Ed.: Filiz Kılıç), İstanbul
Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Istanbul, April 2010, Vol. I, pg. 344-346.
Balassi who expresses şerh method he uses for quotations from Turkish poetry with the lines
“Sevgiliye dair bir Türk şiirinden/ geçenlerde çevirdi/ kelimesi kelimesine değilse de/ bir
parça düzeltti” and mentions of himself in third person mode, in “Ez világ sem kell már
nekem” where he rearranged the ending couplet (makta) for his lover Julia, has a basic
relation with the below ode of İbrahim Gülşenî in terms of the meaning.

Bana cân ü cehan sensiz gerekmez, Bana can ile cihan sensiz gerekmez,
Behişt-i câvidan sensiz gerekmez. Cennet ne câvidan sensiz gerekmez.

İki âlemde sensen istediğim, İki âlemde de sensin dilediğim ki,

Anunçun în ü ân sensiz gerekmez. Sensiz ne şu ne bu hiçbir şey gerekmez

Neye bahsam yüzin görmek dilerem, Neye baksam yüzünü görmek isterim,
Nihân ü hem ayan sensiz gerekmez. Sen yok isen gizli açık gerekmez.

Nedür vechünden özge zahir, ey meh, Ey ay yüzlü, yüzünden gayrı görünen nedir,
K'anı deyim revan sensiz gerekmez. Hani sensiz can da ruh da gerekmez.

Eşitdim Gülşenî der Rövşenîye, Duydum ki Gülşenî der Rövşenî’ye,

Bana dilden beyan sensiz gerekmez. Dilden(gönülden) beyan sensiz gerekmez.

Another poet highly likely source of mentioned poem by Bálint Balassi is Seyyid Nesimî
quoted together with Hallâc-ı Mansur in the matter of “Ene’l Hak” (Én vagyok Isten; Én
vagyok a valóság) that has a principal role in ontological understanding of Bektaşî order.
Nesimî rumoured to be born in Şemaha of Şirvan in 1369 was known as one of the keenest
disciples of Fazlullah Naimî. According to Fazlullah set forth main principles of his mystical
teaching inspired from “Vahdet-i Vücûd” in his book Cavidannâme, everything is reflection
of God and letters (signs) are the character of God. In reference to Hurufî faith revealing some
speculative comments in the issues like eternalness of letters as abstract characters, their
importance in the birth and similarity between the name and what it call for from the principle
of “Oneness of Being”, God’s names involve 32 letters and due to the fact that all letters are
wording of God, are “God itself”10 The same situation is also valid for the human beings
according to Hurufî point of view, since features of face approved as the excellent organ of
human body (mouth, nose, hair, eye, cheeks etc.) give the number of 32.11

10
Fatih Usluer; İlk Elden Kaynaklarla Doğuşundan İtibaren Hurufilik, Kabalcı Yayınevi, İstanbul, Ağustos
2009, pg.422.
11
Fatih Usluer; afore-mentioned book. pg. 258-302.
The Hurufi faith of Fazlullah Naimî who was accused of deviance and executed due to this
and similar beliefs in 1394 would be mingled in Bektaşi order with the help of Nesimî and
increasingly became widespread in Anatolia and especially in Rumelia. While Seyyid Nesimî
whose fate was worse than his master and killed by flaying in Aleppo in 1417 in his poems
mentioning about God appeared in “Perfect Man” and his wisdom (ilm-i marifet) considering
“eighteen thousand realms as one” seems to trace Yunus Emre saying “Ezelde benim fikrim,
Ene’l Hak idi zikrim/ Henüz dahi doğmadan, ol Mansûr-ı Bağdâdî” 50 years before him:
Bende sığar iki cihan, ben bu cihana sığmazam,
Gevher-i lâ-mekan benem, kevn ü mekana sığmazam.

In the surface of love voiced by Nesimî within the context of Hurufî belief, “there will be no
need to exist” in the absence of lover and the eyes, earlocks, cheeks, eyebrows and eye lashes
all having the power of religious verse were converted into letters; such that each sign in his
mouth becomes the key of secrets and reflection of God.

Bana sensiz cihân ü cân gerekmez, Bana sensiz cihan ü can gerekmez,
Visâlin var iken hicran gerekmez. Kavuşmak var iken, keder gerekmez.

Leb-i la’lin zülal âbinden ayrı, Kızıl dudağının saf suyundan başka,
Şerâb-i çeşme-yi hayvân gerekmez. Hayat çeşmesinin şarabı gerekmez.

Gâmındır gönlümün tahtına sultan, Gamındır gönlümün tahtına sultan,

Bir iklime iki sultan gerekmez. Bir iklime iki sultan gerekmez.

Yeter derdin deva müştâke, niçün, Deva arayana derdin yeter, çünki,
Ki, derdin bilene derman gerekmez. Derdini bilene derman gerekmez.

Gülistânın gülü sensiz dikendir, Gülistânın gülü sensiz dikendir,

Bana sensiz gül ü reyhan gerekmez. Bana sensiz gülle reyhan gerekmez.

İki âlemde dîdârından özge, Ey Rahman’ın sûreti, bana iki âlemde,

Bana, ey sûret-i Rahmân, gerekmez. Seni seyirden başka şey gerekmez.

Bana sabr eylemek sensiz nigârâ, Sabredip yetinmek sensizliğinde,

Eğer müşkül, eğer âsân gerekmez. Kolay da olsa zor da olsa gerekmez.

Kesilmez gerçi vaslından Nesîmî, Gerçi Nesîmî senden hiç ayrılmaz amma,
Gözünden olduğun pinhân gerekmez.i Senin de onun gözünden gizlenmen
…
In conclusion, it is possible to assert that Balassi had written the poem “Ez világ sem kell már
nekem” with the inspiration of Melamî-Bektaşî nefes which he could be familiar through the
minstrels/captives during his military post or during his visits to the ruler of Szécsény in his
youth. It can be set forth that the poet likely to have connections with three afore-mentioned
poems in a way when his usage of imagery (mazmun) is taken into consideration, specially
benefited from Nesimî’s ode comes into prominence with its fiery style. Although it is
overinterpretation to put forward that he accesses the depths of Melametî wisdom based on
Ibn Arabî teachings or Hurufî references, Bálint Balassi who contemplates, deep down in love
through the “manner of existence”, is clear to be highly influenced of exoteric aspect of
“Divine Love” which has been nourished by said esoteric sources…

i
In another ode of Nesimî with “Gerekmez” redif it is observed that facial features much more involved in
compliance with Hurufi figurative expressions.
Gelgil ki senden ayrı müştâke cân gerekmez,
Müştâke sensiz ey cân, iki cihân gerekmez.

Gülzâre serve gönlüm meyl eylemez ânun çün,

Keddinden özge ey cân, serv-i cinân gerekmez.

Şol bînişânı buldum, ânın nişânı oldum,

Yüzün görene ayruk, nâm ü nişân gerekmez.

Gördüm seni gümânsız her dilberin yüzünde,

Hakke’l yakîn görene zann ü gümân gerekmez.

Çün vâsıl oldun ey cân, bizümlesün cihânda,

Olduk visâle kani, kevn ü mekân gerekmez.

Müşkin saçına çün kim verdim iki cihânı,

Assıya uğrayana kılca ziyân gerekmez.

Kaşınla kirpüğün çün sayd eyledi cihânı,

Sayyad olana ayruk tiri keman gerekmez.

Şirin lebin meyinden çün esridi Nesimî,

Fâş oldu sırr-ı pinhân şerh ü beyan gerekmez.
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