Jensen Arnett, J.

(1998) Risk Behavior and Family Role Transitions during the Twenties u
Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 27.
http://www.questia.com/read/5001352050?title=Risk%20Behavior%20and%20Family
%20Role%20Transitions%20during%20the%20Twenties

For the majority of people currently growing up in the United States, the twenties is the
decade in which the key role transitions to adulthood are made, including marriage and
parenthood (Arnett and Taber, 1994). These role transitions have important effects on many
aspects of people's lives. Marriage and parenthood are socializing institutions (Arnett, 1995;
Brim, 1966). That is, they possess requirements, implicit or explicit, for conforming to
conventional social norms. Marriage and parenthood are also socializing institutions in the
sense that they involve obligations to others, and expectations for fulfilling those obligations.
These obligations may limit the amount of leisure time spent with friends in "unstructured
socializing," and unstructured socializing has been found to be fertile ground for risk behavior
(Osgood et al., 1996).

D. Mintz, R.; R. Mahalik, J. (1996) Gender Role Orientation and Conflict as Predictors of
Family Roles for Men u Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, Vol. 34.
http://www.questia.com/read/5001639053?title=Gender%20Role%20Orientation%20and
%20Conflict%20as%20Predictors%20of%20Family%20Roles%20for%20Men

The fact that the majority of families have both spouses working outside the home means that
"dual-earner" and "dual-career families" are becoming the norm in American society (U.S.
Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1992). While these families often have special rewards connected
to having both spouses in the work place (e.g., increased income and professional
development), there are also particular stresses for these families that characterize personal,
marital, and family life (Gilbert & Rachlin, 1987). These particular stresses usually center
around balancing of career and family demands.

Describing patterns to classify couples' arrangements for combining work and family roles,
Peplau (1983) offered a typology of marital roles for dual-career families. The three types she
identified were traditional, modern, and egalitarian. These are distinguished by the degree of
power and extent of role specialization between the spouses: "Traditional marriage is based
on a form of benevolent male dominance coupled with clearly specialized roles (assigned on
the basis of gender). Egalitarian marriage rejects both of these ideas. Modern marriage
represents a middle position" (Peplau, 1983, p. 252).

In Gilbert's (1985) work examining dual-career families, she re-labeled the three marital role
types traditional, participant, and rolesharing. Traditional dual-career men have spouses who
have essentially added careers to their traditional family role of being solely responsible for
the family work (i.e., child care and household duties). Participant men share the parenting
while the women in these couples retain responsibility for household chores. Rolesharing
men, by contrast, are actively involved in both parenting and household duties.

Research on these marital role types reports differences between the three marital roles for
men on career and family factors such as career stage at time of marriage, career aspirations
and commitment, spousal supportiveness, income levels, and impact of parenting demands on
careers (Gilbert, 1985). Although these career and spousal factors are salient to our
understanding of the development of family roles, there is little information about how men's
view of appropriate male gender roles contribute to the formation of these marital role types.
In their model assessing dual-career couples, O'Neil, Fishman, and Kinsella-Shaw (1987)
discuss the effects of gender role dilemmas on dual career couples. For men in dual career
marriages, these gender role dilemmas potentially arise from "becoming active fathers,
sharing domestic responsibilities, and supporting their wives personal and career
development" (O'Neil et al., 1987, p. 74). As such, we believe that men's conceptions about
appropriate male roles should influence how they enact their family roles. Specifically, we
expect that men's traditional or nontraditional beliefs about family roles (i.e., gender role
orientation) and their endorsement of restrictive male gender roles (i.e., gender role conflict)
will be related to their enactment of either traditional, participant, or rolesharing family roles.

GENDER ROLE ORIENTATION

The beliefs individuals hold about normal roles of men and women in meeting family and
work responsibilities is thought of as gender role orientation (Bird et al., 1984). Conceptually,
gender role orientation is seen as ranging on a continuum from traditional gender roles where
the roles of men and women are seen as distinct and separate to a focus on nontraditional
gender roles characterized by flexibility or role sharing between men and women. Research
examining men's gender role orientation in relation to family tasks found that men who saw
their roles as interchangeable with their wives' roles accepted more responsibility for tasks
associated with child care, meal preparation, and cleaning than men who endorsed specialized
roles between men and women (Bird et al., 1984). There are also links reported between
husband's traditional gender role attitudes and participation in fewer family tasks (Perucci,
Potter, & Rhoads, 1978; Stafford, Backman, & Dibona, 1977); significant correlations
between husband's gender role attitudes and the proportion of the division of labor (Huber &
Spitz, 1983); non-traditional ideology associated with husband's increased solo child care time
(Baruch & Barnett, 1987); high levels of rolesharing related to egalitarian ideologies (Haas,
1982); and a finding that men are more likely to share family roles if they are ideologically
committed to equity (Silberstein, 1992).

As such, there is evidence of a relationship between men's global gender role orientation and
division of family tasks. However, men's gender role orientation is not only unidimensional
(i.e., global traditionality). Gender role orientation can also be described in the context of
specific dimensions related to the family. Tomeh (1978) identified four specific gender role
orientation attitudes toward (1) the role of wife/mother, (2) the role of husband/father, (3) the
role of equality in the marriage, and (4) the role of sacrificing the interests of one partner over
the other. She called these dimensions Non-Traditional Wife/Mother, Non-Traditional
Husband/Father, Marital Institutionalized Equality, and Problematic Husband-Wife
Alterations, respectively. Results from her work indicated that women endorsed non-
traditional gender role orientations on these dimensions more than men. Examination of these
four dimensions may be differentially predictive of men's family roles and present a more
detailed picture of the influence of gender role orientation on family roles than global gender
role orientation alone.

We believe the gender role dilemma of being in a dual-career marriage and feeling the need to
enact traditional gender roles (c.f., O'Neil et al., 1987) will contribute to the likelihood of
endorsing the most traditional of family role types. Therefore, the first hypothesis is that men
in the three family role types will differ on gender role orientation with Rolesharing men
endorsing the most nontraditional gender roles, followed by Participants, with Traditional
men endorsing the most traditional gender roles. Specifically, Rolesharing men will score
higher on (a) nontraditional attitudes about wife's/mother's roles (b) nontraditional attitudes
about the husband's/father's authority, (c) equality of spouses interests, and (d) willingness to
sacrifice traditional roles to accommodate his wife's interests than Participant men who will
score higher than Traditional men.

GENDER ROLE CONFLICT

Building on the idea that rigid adherence to the male gender role has a dysfunctional impact
on men, O'Neil (1981a; 1981b; 1982) proposed the construct of gender role conflict. This
psychological state occurs when "rigid, sexist, or restrictive gender roles, learned during
socialization, result in personal restriction, devaluation, or violation of others or self" (O'Neil,
1990; p. 25). He theorized that traditional male-role socialization produces messages that are
contradictory and unrealistic and lead to a fear of femininity (O'Neil, 1981a, 1981b, 1982). In
turn, men engage in gender role conflict patterns because of a fear of being or appearing
feminine.

Gender role conflict, as described by O'Neil and his associates (O'Neil, 1981a; O'Neil, Helms,
Gable, David, & Wrightsman, 1986), consists of four factors: (a) success, power, and
competition; (b) restrictive emotionality; (c) restrictive affectionate behavior among men; and
(d) conflict between work and family relations.

We believe that two of the gender role conflict factors [i.e., (1) success, power, and
competition and (2) conflict between work and family], influence men's selection of family
roles. The factor of success, power, and competition is a measure of the emphasis that a man
places on achievement, authority and control over others, and the struggle against others for
personal gain. Conflict between work and family relations refers to the level of distress
experienced by men due to the impinging of work or school on personal and family life
(O'Neil, 1981a; O'Neil et al., 1986).

In conceptualizing how these factors contribute to gender role dilemmas (O'Neil et al., 1987)
and influence men's selection of family roles, we posit that the pressure to be successful, and
the stress associated with conflicting demands between work and family, may lead men to
select traditional family roles over participant or rolesharing ones. As such, if men endorse the
belief that "being a supportive husband or involved father is difficult when so doing is
experienced as infringing on a husband's needs to maintain his own dominance or as
interfering with his own ambition" (Gilbert, 1985; p. 15), they should be more likely to select
a traditional family role as compared to a participant or rolesharing one. Relatedly, conflict
between work and family responsibilities are a difficult challenge facing dual-career couples.
As such, men who experience greater levels of distress due to the conflicting demands of
work and personal and family life would be expected to try to enact a traditional family role in
which the man is less actively involved in parenting and household care.

Therefore, the second general hypothesis of the study is that men in the three family role types
will differ on gender role conflict with Traditional men reporting the greatest gender role
conflict, followed by Participants, with Rolesharing men reporting the least gender role
conflict. Specifically, Traditional men will score higher on (a) Success, Power, and
Competition and (b) Conflict Between Work and Family, than Participant men who will score
higher on these two factors than Rolesharing men.

C. Ivey, D.; Yaktus, T. (1996) The Relationship between Family History, Gender Role
Attitudes and Susceptibility to Gender Inequitable Perceptions of Family and Family Member
Functioning u Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, Vol. 34
http://www.questia.com/read/5001634444?title=The%20Relationship%20between%20Family
%20History%2c%20Gender%20Role%20Attitudes%2c%20and%20Susceptibility%20to
%20Gender%20Inequitable%20Perceptions%20of%20Family%20and%20Family
%20Member%20Functioning

As is found throughout society, the structure and function of the family are changing at a
rapid pace. Although the emerging status of the family may in part reflect the advance of
plural values in broader society, change in the composition and nature of the family is often
seen as a source of hardship both for the family unit itself as well as for individuals within
families (Baber & Allen, 1992). Conflicting roles and expectations in family life are common
in contemporary society.

We contend that the continued dominance of patriarchal standards in society serves as a

primary source of difficulty in relationship adjustment moreso than does actual change in
family function and structure. Traditional male-led, heterosexual, two-parent models
inadequately reflect the broad spectrum of current family forms (Goodrich, 1991; Luepnitz,
1988). The majority of contemporary families appear abnormal or dysfunctional when
perceived through the prevailing androcentric epistemology. On an individual level, the
dominance of patriarchal values promotes significant travail by maintaining inequitable
gender expectations and by sanctioning the subordination and oppression of women. Despite
radical changes in the gender composition of the labor force and in both the intra- and extra-
familial demands and opportunities encountered by women and men, female partners continue
to be perceived principally responsible for the quality of family relationships and for domestic
tasks (Baber & Allen, 1992; Hochschild, 1989). The profound discrepancies that exist
between traditional androcentric expectations and the real-life demands found in
contemporary families is a source of significant individual and relationship adjustment
difficulty (McGolderick, Anderson, & Walsh, 1991). Examination of the basis for the abiding
influence of patriarchal standards in family relationships is needed in order to determine a
suitable means to ameliorate associated hardship.

Consistent with the predictions found in traditional theories of gender role acquisition that
early childhood and family experiences are influential (Frieze, Parsons, Johnson, Ruble, &
Zellman, 1978; Huston, 1983; Katz, 1979; Worrell, 1981), we suggest that characteristics of
the family of origin relate to the maintenance of patriarchal values in family life. The
continued dominance of androcentric family models is attributable, at least in part, to early
gender role socialization experiences. Support for this position is provided by the results of
gender studies attending to the socializing effects of the family. Several aspects of family life
have been identified as influential on gender role acquisition including: paternal participation
in family work (Baruch & Barnett, 1986), maternal encouragement of daughters (Arditti,
Godwin, and Scanzoni, 1991), paternal participation in childcare (Carlson, 1984), maternal
employment (Barak, Feldman, and Noy, 1991; Gardner & LaBrecque, 1986; Gold & Andres,
1978; Greenberger, Goldberg, Crawford, & Granger, 1988; Keith, 1988; Morgan & Grube,
1987; Nelson & Keith, 1990), paternal gender role socialization (Katz and Boswell, 1986),
and overall quality of family functioning (Craddock, 1990). Although previous studies of
gender role acquisition have supported the significance of family experiences, few have
utilized "live" family stimuli. Examination of the relationship between family history and
perceptions of actual family interactions is needed to more fully determine the significance of
early socialization in the application of patriarchal standards to contemporary family life.
The overarching purpose of this research was to address the question of whether perceptions
of family and family member functioning are a function of the combined and interacting
effects of stereotypic gender role expectations, attitudes, and family histories. Based on the
premise that early socialization influences the continuation of patriarchal standards in family
relationships, we hypothesized that family history characterized by a traditional patriarchal
arrangement (elevated paternal, relative to maternal, involvement in decision making and
diminished paternal involvement in family tasks and childcare) in combination with
traditional gender-role attitudes (maternal employment seen as more costly and less beneficial
in terms of effects on child development) would relate to critical perceptions of
nontraditional, matriarchal, families. We further hypothesized that perceptions of individuals
within families would vary in a similar fashion. Our expectation was that a personal family
history characterized by a patriarchal structure in combination with traditional gender-role
attitudes would be associated with critical perceptions of individuals within families who
interact in a manner that is inconsistent with a traditional male-led style of functioning.
Ratings of mother-led and father-led video-taped family interviews were compared to
examine these relationships.

S. Granrose, C; E. Kaplan, E. (1996) Work-Family Role Choices for Women in Their 20s and
30s: From College Plans to Life Experiences. Praeger Publishers
http://www.questia.com/read/25729751?title=Work-Family%20Role%20Choices%20for
%20Women%20in%20Their%2020s%20and%2030s%3a%20From%20College%20Plans
%20to%20Life%20Experiences

Dual-career couples in the public sector: a survey of personnel

policies and practices.
by Christine M. Reed , Willa M. Bruce

Recently published labor statistics show that 53 percent of married households are "dual-
earner," that is both husband and wife are employed.(2) Various studies also estimate that
"dual-career" couples now constitute between 15 and 20 percent of all dual-earner
households--more than 7 million employees.
Like child care and family leave benefits, strategies to accommodate dual-career couples are a
form of organizational adaptation. Changing workforce demographics, especially the increase
in women with young children, as well as greater cooperation between spouses regarding
career decisions, are external factors affecting organizational capacity to recruit and retain
qualified employees. Recent changes in the nature of work, in staffing patterns and in the
management practices of post-industrial systems also emphasize the importance of
accommodating dual-career couples.

2. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Handbook of Labor Statistics (Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Government Printing Office, August, 1989), 252-256.
3. Dual-career couples are two professional people in a martial relationship in which both
partners pursue a career characterized by strong commitment, personal growth and
increasing levels of responsibility. For a discussion of the various estimates of dual-career
couples as percent of other types of households with earnings, see Christine M. Reed,
"Antinepotism Rules and Dual-Career Couples: Policy Questions for Public Personnel
Administrators," Public Personnel Management 17 (Summer, 1988):223-230.

Galić, B. (2006) Stigma ili poštovanje? Reproduktivni status žena u Hrvatskoj i šire u Revija
za sociologiju, Vol. 37.: 149-164.

Nijedno prethodno patrijarhalno društvo u povijesti nije njegovalo poštovanje prema ženama i
majčinstvu, osim deklarativno. Žene su, i kao žene i kao majke, svugdje bile u položaju
“drugoga” (De Beauvoir, 1980), osobito u patrijarhalnim društvima kakva je većina poznatih
povijesnih i suvremenih društava. Za razliku od muškaraca, žene su tijekom cjelokupne
povijesti uobičajeno bivale smještane u privatnu sferu kuće i obitelji da bi tek u 20. stoljeću uz
pomoć vlastitih dugotrajnih napora i emancipacijskih ženskih pokreta postale članicama
političke javnosti s pravom glasa.

1-Društva u kojima su muškarci nositelji društvenog statusa i moći u svim najvažnijim

društvenim strukturama i institucijama (obitelj, država, crkva, vojska, financije, ekonomija,
politika, znanost, ideologije itd.) (Millett, 1990). Patrijarhalne dimenzije društvene strukture
ističu više-manje sve suvremene feminističke orijentacije, od neofeminizama šezdesetih
godina 20. stoljeća, do postmodernih struja. Sylvia Walby tako, primjerice, govori o širenju
“privatnog” u “javni” patrijarhat koji poprima različite oblike međusobno povezanih aspekata
podređivanja žena – plaćeno zaposlenje, kućanstvo, kultura, seksualnost, nasilje, država itd.
(Walby, 1990).

Kulturni seksizam oduvijek je bio svjesni oblik degradacije `ena kojemu je namjera bila
veli~ati mu{ki ego nude}i “dokaze” mu{ke uro|ene superiornosti i `enske inferiornosti
(Brownmiller, 1994:294).

U patrijarhalnom društvu uvijek se podrazumijevalo da je žena-majka2 i da je to osnovna

ženska uloga prema kojoj se mjere svi drugi njezini odnosi. Kako su i današnja moderna
dru{tva zadr`ala mnoga od temeljnih na~ela tradicionalnih patrijarhalnih dru{tava, u
najboljem slu~aju s nekim manjim preinakama kao neopatrijarhati, ona i dalje funkcioniranju
prema modelima organizacije `ivota mu{karaca i dominantno mu{kim vrijednostima (Walby,
1997). Tako danas, recimo, u razvijenim demokratskim dru{tvima bez obzira na rodno
egalitarno uspostavljeno op}e pravo glasa do izra`aja dolazi jasna prakti~na proturje~nost
izme|u formalne politi~ke jednakosti liberalne demokracije i dru{tvenog podre|ivanja `ena –
njihovo
pod~injavanje kao supruga, unutar patrijarhalne strukture institucije braka, na tr`i{tu rada,
politici, institucijama vlasti te u sferi reprodukcije.3
Neopatrijarhat (Walby, 1990) u mnogim svojim aspektima tako podrazumijeva “prikriveni”,
“benevolentni” i “postmoderni”
seksizam (Glick i Fiske, 1997, Masser i Abrams, 1999, Morrison, Morrison, Pope, Zumbo,
1999).
2-Prema istra`ivanju provedenom u RH 2004. na reprezentativnom uzorku hrvatske
populacije
(N=1202), ta uloga namijenjena `eni u pro{losti, i danas je u Hrvatskoj najpo`eljnija (Gali},
2004).

Galić, B. (2002) Moć i rod u Revija za sociologiju, Vol. 33. No. 3-4
http://www.hsd.hr/revija/pdf/3-4-2002/Galic.pdf

Kada se problematizacija roda razmatra sa sociološkog aspekta, temeljno pitanje za

sociologiju roda postaje: kako je moguće da se, premda sva društva i kulture prepoznaju
razlike između “muškaraca” i “žena”, te kategorije različito vrednuju u brojnim
društvima/kulturama, i to na način da gotovo sva društva i kulture nižu vrijednost dodjeljuju
ženama a ne muškarcima, iz čega onda proizlaze i niže vrijednosti socijalne stratifikacije te
rodnih odnosa u najširem smislu. – Prema feminističkim teoretičarkama i većini teoretičara
roda, ta disproporcija nema biološko porijeklo, nego proizlazi iz “sociokulturnih faktora”
(Ortner, 1974). Takvi faktori povezani su s nečim što je u svakodnevnoj kulturi podcijenjeno,
tj. s “prirodom”, s čime se obično identificira žene, dok si muškarci prisvajaju sferu kulture
(Merchant, 1981; Mies & Shiva, 1993; Mellor, 1996). Žene se poistovjećuje s prirodom zbog
njihove posebne uloge u reprodukciji i njihova angažmana u odrastanju djece. Dakako da
takve veze žena s prirodom nisu “prirodne” po sebi, nego su simboličke komponente
patrijarhata (Millet, 2000; Moore, 1994).

Milkie, M. A.; Bianchi, S. M.; Mattingly, M. J.; Robinson, J. P. (2002) Gendered Division of
Childrearing: Ideals, Realities, and the Relationship to Parental Well-Being u Sex Roles: A
Journal of Research

www.questia.com

Although fathers' involvement in housework and childrearing has increased, it remains limited
(Hochschild, 1989; Robinson & Godbey, 1999). This lack of fit or lag between structural
changes and cultural meanings at the societal level can translate into increased stress and
conflict among married parents (Dressel & Clark, 1990).