Brittany Fitzpatrick Lit Review

A New Movement:
Social Media and the Black Press
Brittany Fitzpatrick
Literature Review
December 14, 2009
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A New Movement: Social Media and the Black Press
Introduction
This research examines the importance of the black press as a historical and advocatory entity for
a marginalized African American community. It also examines the role of the black press in shaping
identity. Furthermore, this research will examine the current state of the black press and explore
journalists’ use of social media. Finally, it will explain why the interactivity of social media is well-
suited for the black press. This discussion will include an examination of the black press’ current online
efforts and suggestions for further research.
President of the National Newspaper Publishers Association (NNPA), also known as the Black
Press of America, Sonny Messiah-Jiles noted the importance of the black press, stating: “What the black
press offers is a historical record, which is a base for knowledge and a catalyst for change. It can
empower us to act, and also challenge the powers that be to move in a positive direction,” (Muhammad,
2003, p. 16). Wolseley (1990) argues that there are certain criteria a publication must meet in order to
qualify as a “unit of the black press” (pp. 3-4). He cites de Felice’s (1969) definition of the black press
outlined in de Felice’s The Black Press Defined. According to de Felice, the black press must meet three
criteria. First, the publication must be owned and managed by African Americans and there must be a
connection between the publication and the black community that surpasses its connection with other
racial groups. Second, the publication must target African American consumers. Third, the paper or
magazine must “serve, speak and fight for the black minority [while fighting for] equality for the Negro
in the present white society. Equality means the equality of citizenship rights,” (ibid).
While this definition can still be applied to the traditional black press today, the internet has
transformed the overall nature of the black press due to “the existence of significant structural
differences separating the communicative modes of print and digital media,” (Landow, 1994, p.23;
Vogel, 2001, p. 246, 248). Therefore, a second definition is needed. Wolseley (1990) offers a new
definition for the black press, he contends that today, it exists chiefly to report the news of the black
population and of certain local communities, to endorse their activities and to be the advocate of the
black population while providing space not only for its opinion, but also for the opinions of its readers
who are vital for the black press’ independent survival (pp. 5-6). This two-way conversation between the
black press and its readers, and the increasing importance of the reader’s point-of-view, is an outgrowth
of expanding online trends in journalism. Unlike de Felice’s definition, Wolseley’s is better-suited for
today’s web-driven media landscape. Instead of providing a historical record like de Felice, Wolseley
provides a more extensive definition that can be used to describe utilizing the web as a set of goals that
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offers journalists a two-way conversation between their publications and their readers—a distinctive
characteristic of both Web 2.0 and the black press.
Traditionally, the black press’ content and form have changed with evolving cultural and
historical conditions in America (Vogel, 2001, p.1). As the internet continues to transform its definition,
it is necessary to examine the entity’s online efforts and how the internet is being used to endorse the
traditional mission of the black press. Several researchers have noted the distinct connection between the
black press and its readers (Miller & Edgerton-Webster, 2005; Wolseley, 1990; Woodard & Mastin,
2005; Vogel, 2001). Also, much study has been devoted to the democratizing nature of social media and
the connection it provides the publications—that use it wisely—to their readers (Johnson &Yang, 2009;
Ruggiero, 2000; Thorson & Duffy, 2006). The connection between the engaging, informal style of the
black press and the participatory nature of social media makes for an unmistakable pairing. The
conversations between the black press and its readers are more intimate than those that exist in
mainstream media, researchers have often connected the black press and the Habermasian public sphere
(with some necessary modifications), (Vogel, 2001, p. 6; Baker, 1994; Fraser, 1990). I argue that the
black press is similar to Habermas’ German table societies; in that it provides a forum for a “public”
discussion among African Americans while providing the intimacy of closed doors (Habermas in Boyd-
Barrett & Newbold, 1997, pp. 237-238).
Literature Review
History of the Black Press:

The black press is over 180 years old (Muhammad, 2003). Former executive director for the
Baltimore-based black publication, the Afro-American, Moses Newson noted that it was founded in
order to serve, to publicize and to speak and fight for “the colored minority,” (Wolseley, 1990, p. 4).
During the nineteenth century, African Americans were thirsting for a black newspaper dedicated to
their needs, because of a lack of access to mainstream newspaper columns (Tripp, 1992, p.12). Before
the Civil War, New York was the only state to have a lasting black press (Reed, 1994, p. 98). The four
major publications during this time were: the Freedom’s Journal, the Ram’s Horn, the Colored
American and the North Star (Tripp, 1992). The latter two experienced the broadest national and
international circulations and the highest number of subscribers (Peeples, 2008, p. 77).
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The Freedom’s Journal was the United States’ first black newspaper, founded by Presbyterian
minister Rev. Samuel Cornish and one of the country’s first black college graduates, John Russwurm
(Tripp, 1992, pp. 14-15).Vogel (2001) and Tripp (1992) both point out that while slavery was among the
topics addressed by the early black press, it was not the prominent issue. Tripp (1992) notes that African
Americans during that time had a variety of interests. “Prior to the Civil War, the black race was
fragmented due to such circumstances as education, bondage, employment and social standing.
Therefore, blacks maintained a variety of interests and outlooks,” (p.81). Tripp (1992) also explains that
Cornish and Russwurm chose to focus on other issues because of the controversy surrounding
emancipation during that time. Instead, they focused on advocating education—literacy and job
training—providing a forum for black protest, advocating financial success and promoting moral
development, which they believed was necessary in order for African Americans to assimilate into
“white society,” (Tripp, 1992, p. 15). The paper published its statement of purpose in its first editorial:
“Too long have others spoken for us. Too long has the [public] been deceived by misrepresentations, in
things which concern us dearly…though there are many in society who exercise [toward] us benevolent
feelings; still…there are others who make it their business to…discredit any person of [color],” (Tripp,
1992, p. 15).
Overall, the early black press strove to provide a truthful representation of blacks and to improve
their daily lives (Rights of All, 1829 & Weekly Advocate, 1837 & Colored American, 1840).
The most prominent issues advocated by the early black press were unity, a public voice, political
activism, personal improvement and moral elevation, and racial equality (Tripp, 1992; Peeples, 2008;
Delany, 1852; Penn, 1891; Muhammad, 2003). Unity was vital for the fragmented African American
community. The Colored American, formerly the Weekly Advocate, sought to unite fragmented black
communities in the North and to affect change in mainstream society by emphasizing the necessity of
cooperation within the black community and by serving as an information center for New York City’s
black population (Colored American, 1837; Tripp, 1992, p.33). Editors of the Colored American
believed that blacks had special interests which, if addressed, could be used to bring them together on
one accord (Tripp, 1992, p.33). It is in examples such as this, that one sees early indications of a two-
way conversation between the black press and its readers. The conversation has never been one-sided in
the black press. Furthermore, as seen in early examples, such as the Freedom’s Journal and the Colored
American, the importance of the reader’s needs, which social media and later mass communications
theory would make evident, was always evident in the black press and the papers that failed to
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effectively address those needs were unsuccessful (Tripp, 1992). As Jack Fuller, publisher of the
Chicago Tribune put it: “A newspaper that pleases its writers and editors but is not a vital part of the
community’s life will be a commercial failure because it is a rhetorical failure,” (Rosen, 1999, p.22).
Even in its quest for unity, the Colored American failed to generate devotion from the black community
it served that was essential to its survival, and it published its last issue in 1841 (Tripp, 1992, p. 42).
Nevertheless, the early desire of the black press to understand and address the specific needs of its
readers is a harbinger of the most recent trends in journalism that have emerged with the advent of social
media.
The need for public expression is dominant in the explanations for the development of the black
press. Of the many factors that contributed to its establishment, the desire for freedom of expression was
the most prevalent—whether in the conditions that prompted the newspaper’s creation or in the editors’
original statements of purpose (Tripp, 1992, p. 73). Tripp (1992) describes how the yearning for free
expression among African Americans led to the foundation of a black press.
“In each instance, the editors had either been denied access to the white press or had determined that
black interests were not being served in the existing mainstream newspapers,” Tripp argues. “Their
commitment to observing the information and advocacy-oriented needs of blacks was portrayed in the
papers’ original statements of purpose and subsequent editorials,” he states (p. 73).
The Ram’s Horn was founded by Willis Hodges, who started a campaign against discriminatory
voting requirements for blacks to own $250 in real estate (with all taxes paid) in order to qualify as a
voter (Penn, 1891, p.61; Tripp, 1992, p. 76). Hodges wrote an article for the New York Sun, which was
later fecklessly placed in an obscure corner of the publication. Hodges then confronted the editor, who
told him: “The Sun shines for all white men, not black men. You must get a paper of your own if you
want to tell your side of the story to the public,” (The Ram’s Horn, 1847; Tripp, 1992, p.73). This trend
of “telling our side of the story” remains prevalent in the black press today. Like Hodges, the founders
of the Freedom’s Journal, Russwurm and Cornish, also decided to take control of the black
community’s public voice after the New York Enquirer refused to publish letters from the two soon-to-
be-editors concerning the publication’s attacks on the black residents of New York City (Tripp, 1992,
pp. 73-74). In a way, Russwurm, Cornish, Hodges and the other editors of the early black press were the
citizen journalists of their time, ordinary people who were compelled by societal circumstances to voice
their concerns in a journalistic fashion.
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After the Freedom’s Journal ceased publication, Phillip Bell, the founder of the Colored
American, felt the community was lacking a black spokesperson, he originally named the paper the
Weekly Advocate, to make clear that the newspaper was there to serve as the spokesperson and advocate
of the black community (the name was later changed to the Colored American to stress equal citizenship
rights for African Americans), (Tripp, 1992, p.74). Frederick Douglass’ North Star was founded based
on the belief that only someone who had personally experienced racial discrimination could serve as the
black community’s voice against it and other problems and concerns among African Americans (Tripp,
1992, p.74).This belief speaks to the early black press’ ability to connect with its readers through shared
experiences and hardship. These shared experiences provided the black press with a distinguished
credibility within the black community. Overall, the Ram’s Horn, Colored American, Freedom’s
Journal and the North Star were all founded in order to provide the black community with a public
spokesperson to advocate its causes. As African Americans, the editors of these publications believed
they were best qualified to perform this task and to judge which topics would be of most interest to their
community, a belief that still exists within the black press today.
Based on historical evidence, the black press is an excellent example of early civic journalism.
Rosen (1999) describes civic journalism as a movement that aims to treat newspapers, journalists,
readers and community members as participants in community life, rather than “detached spectators,”
while making a newspaper a forum for a public discussion on issues, events and problems that are
important to “ordinary people,” (pp. 29-32). One of the primary aims of the black press was to increase
political participation within the community. Peeples (2008) argues that the relationship between the
black press, its readers and black political activities accented the political pertinence of the antebellum
black press in the lives of the black community (p. 77). Beginning in the 1830’s political participation
became noticeably significant in mainstream society. The black press, then, aspired to fill the void for
African Americans (Peeples, 2008, p. 76). Editors served as examples by participating in various
political causes and by encouraging their readers to do the same. The argument was that participating in
political forums would provide African Americans with a greater degree of control over the decisions
that regulated their daily lives (Muhammad, 2003, p.14; Tripp, 1992, p.76). Editors addressed issues
such as black suffrage, women’s rights, voting requirements and the introduction of slave states into the
Union (ibid Tripp). Freedom’s Journal editor Rev. Samuel Cornish attempted to motivate blacks to
become involved by criticizing those who qualified to vote but did not participate in New York
elections, he also spoke out against the qualification tests and financial restrictions that placed limits on
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black political participation. Frederick Douglass’ North Star also supported this type of advocacy and
extended political advocacy for African Americans to include women (Tripp, 1992, p. 77). Field (1982)
points out the black press’ use of what is now referred to as civic journalism, stating its primary purpose
in electoral politics was to “offer discussions of policies and [of] candidates [,] relating to their political
aims,” (p. 46). Voters, then, came to value the black press’ opinions regarding their political decisions
(Duffin, 1840).
Peeples (2008) explores the impact that the black press had on the political mobilization among
African Americans in Creating Political Authority: The Role of the Antebellum Black Press in the
Political Mobilization and Empowerment of African Americans. Peeples argues there are four ways
through which it provided African Americans with political agency: (1) through the material and
rhetorical support of black suffrage; (2) through the promotion and facilitation of black protest; (3)
through the promotion of material and moral elevation; and (4) through the creation of a black national
and historical identity (Peeples, 2008, p.76). The last two will be discussed later, but the first two are
directly related to the black press’ early civic journalism. Peeples (2008) states that one of the main
ways it was able to encourage civic engagement was through its understanding that “community-wide
political action” was a necessity and that the “creation of a public discourse on issues important to
African Americans” was vital in creating this community-wide political action (pp. 79-80).
“Antebellum African-American newspapers also served an essential role in the creation and direction of
the political protest of black communities. The proprietors, journalists, and editors of the black press
were the leaders of the northern free black population, and among their ranks were the prominent
members of local and national anti-slavery organizations, property owners, ministers, orators and
authors,” (Peeples 2008, p. 79).
When discussing the early black press and political mobilization it is important to note Tripp’s
(1992) and Peeple’s (2008) finding that the black press’ political mobilization efforts transcended age,
class and gender and fought for abolition while also fighting against the social and legal abasement of
freemen—a dual purpose of the antebellum black press (Peeples, 2008, p. 76; Tripp, 1992, pp. 9-11).
Peeples (2008) also states that it was essential in the political agency of Africans Americans both locally
and nationally (pp. 76-77). The black press, therefore, obtained the same type of reach in advocating its
message that social media affords in transcending geographic barriers.
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“Not only was the press able to promote specific issues and inform communities of actions that might be
taken, but it played a fundamental role in facilitating the consolidation of individual political voices in
order to present a solidified, public front. One way this was done was to print form letters for political
petitions, and African-American newspapers contained printed sets of demands to be presented to
Congress, encouraging readers to cut them out and copy them," (Peeples, 2008, p.80).
During the mid-1830’s black press leaders saw the emerging emphasis on political participation
evident in Jacksonian democracy as an opportunity for a positive change and an opportunity to use their
distinguished public roles to “employ the power of the ballot on behalf of those denied representation,”
(Peeples, pp. 77-78; Watson, 1990). In order to mobilize a disenfranchised population of free blacks and
slaves, the Colored American petitioned the government for suffrage rights while encouraging its
readers to save their money in order to purchase the real estate required for black suffrage (The Colored
American, 1838). An interesting method employed by the black press in order to increase black political
agency was to support the use of the white vote and to attempt to influence the voting decisions of white
voters in order to use them as advocates on behalf of disenfranchised African Americans (Peeples, 2008,
p. 78). Lastly, the black press served as a watchdog for black voters, it published articles to inform
readers about election laws and reminders of registration deadlines, a practice it continued throughout
the 2008 presidential election (The Colored American, 1840; The State of the Media: Ethnic Media,
2009).
Another important goal of the black press was to improve the condition of African Americans
throughout the nation by advocating personal improvement and moral elevation (Hutton, 1993; Penn,
1891; Pride & Wilson II, 1997; Vogel, 2001; Washburn, 2006). Peeples (2008) explains that the black
press defined elevation as self-improvement and morality that was evident in the common ideals rooted
in nineteenth century norms, but he then argues that the definition was actually more complex than that
(p. 81). Peeples (2008) explains this complexity by arguing that:
“The promotion of moral and material elevation was not simply derived from the Victorian ideologies of
middle class white Americans, nor was its purposes to assimilate blacks into white society…as African
Americans declared their belief in the fundamental concepts of uplift and elevation, they were stating
their adherence to uniquely American values that they considered non-raced. This was not, therefore,
simply an attempt to assimilate into white society, but instead an attempt to justify their national (rather
than racial) status as true Americans,” (p. 81).
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In order to advocate personal improvement and moral elevation, the Freedom’s Journal cited
poverty, lack of education, unemployment and poor money management skills as impediments to
African American advancement (Freedom’s Journal, 1827; Muhammad, 2003, p. 14). Topics
concerning cultural and economic progression included education—literacy and job training—diligence
and good work ethic, self-determination, money-management and community-wide unity (Tripp, 1992,
PP. 77-78; Muhammad, 2003, p. 14; Peeples, 2008, p. 81). Tripp (1992) states: “The idea of an
industrious black race was prevalent among editors of the four [major] newspapers. Each one
encouraged blacks to acquire knowledge, to learn a labor skill, and to direct the profits from
employment toward a more stable lifestyle for future generations,” (p. 78).
In terms of moral development, the black press noted the importance of promoting positive black
role models (Greene in The Colored American, 1837; The North Star, 1849). “The newspapers featured
profiles of blacks of high social standing and of good moral character to serve as role models for the
community,” (Tripp, 1992, p. 79). According to the early black press, good moral character was
comprised of charity, temperance and abstaining from sins such as gambling and laziness (ibid). The
Ram’s Horn and the North Star exposed the devastating consequences of alcoholism and gambling,
lotteries specifically. The Colored American focused on the importance of children’s moral
development. Muhammad (2003) points out that the theme of moral elevation in the early black press
carried over into the black press of the 1920’s and 30’s, during which time it covered charity events in
“uplifting society pages” that featured large pictures of “smiling black people enjoying each other’s
company,” (p. 14). The black press also ran stories about powerful African civilizations. Peeples (2008)
argues that these stories proved to African Americans that “African-descended people possessed all of
the innate abilities ascribed to white Americans.” Furthermore, Peeples (2008) states that these stories
demonstrated that “the degraded status of African Americans was not due to any lack of mental or moral
capacity but instead to slavery,” (p. 83). Lastly, Peeples (2008) mentions that during this time the black
press featured editorials written by prominent black intellectuals and activists such as W.E.B DuBois,
Langston Hughes and Marcus Garvey (ibid). All of these practices were instrumental in advocating
moral elevation and self-improvement among African Americans.
Racial equality was the final major issue address by the black press. Although Gross (1932)
notes that the Freedom’s Journal was founded to defend blacks’ citizenship rights, Tripp (1992) argues
that the early black press began to advocate the issue only as it became more prominent on a national
scale. Muhammad (2003) and Tripp (1992) suggest that the editors of the early black publications
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advocated for equality in education and employment. Tripp (1992) contends that so long as there was
equality in these two areas, the black press showed little concern over racial equality. Douglass’ North
Star took a nonbiased approach to racial equality by advocating the inclusion of whites in black
activities, too (Tripp, 1992, p. 80). In a later example, the Chicago Defender “jumpstarted” the Great
Migration in 1905 by encouraging its readers to leave the racist climate of the South in search for greater
racial equality in the North (Muhammad, 2003, p. 13). This practice continued into the 1930s and 40s, as
the black press continued reporting on retailers and job opportunities that did not discriminate against
African Americans (ibid).
No newspaper dedicated to representing African Americans could be expected to favor only one
of their concerns (Tripp, 1992). Therefore, the black press attempted to address the many concerns of a
fragmented population by providing a forum for unity, a public voice, political activism, personal
improvement and moral elevation, and racial equality. By focusing on these issues, it also played
another important role: shaping African American identity. Peeples (2008) argues that the founders of
the black press created newspapers “both of and for black Americans” that were essential in forming
their identity (p.76).
The Black Press and Identity:

The black press has traditionally endeavored to define black identity according to the social,
cultural and political environment of the time. The early black press strove to redefine black identity by
helping them to acquire a sense of self-respect and respect within the community, while also dispelling
the stereotypes of African Americans that were prevalent in mainstream media (Tripp, 1992, pp. 15-16).
As a writer for the Freedom’s Journal, David Walker wrote the weighty Appeal to the Coloured Citizens
of the World, but in Particular and Very Expressly, to Those of the United States of America (Aptheker,
1965, p.70). Walker was the first black writer to explicitly pose the argument that blacks should look
toward Egypt in order to obtain a historically-grounded sense of African American identity.
“As [Walker] reasoned, descendants of Africa shared a common history and experienced similar
oppression, which necessitated that African Americans must stand together to make a unified response
to their oppressors…Walker created a national African-American identity in which blacks throughout
the nation could take pride, ” (Peeples, 2008, p.82).
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Dann (1971) notes the peculiarities of the term African American identity by citing African
Americans’ unique experience. He argues, for this group, the term national identity does not simply
imply a devotion to American belief systems, instead, it implies an awareness of “heritage and worth, an
individual response to a unique condition,” (p. 13). Dann (1971) continues stating that African American
identity created “a nation within a nation,” in which self-definition, insusceptibility to the racist norms
of the time and self-determination were essential. The black press successfully provided a powerful
forum for the fight for self-definition (Dann, 1971; Peeples, 2008; Vogel, 2001; Tripp, 1992; Wolseley,
1990). Dann (1971) argues that by providing the forum, it, in addition to the church, became a pivotal
institution in the community. While examining the foundations of black identity, however, it is
important to understand what ethnic identity is and how identity impacts ethnic groups, specifically.
Several researchers have operationalized ethnic identity as a “group-based identity formed and
developed through a variety of socialization processes, including both personal experiences (e.g.,
interaction with family and community) and mediated experiences,” (Allen in Berry & Asamen, 1993,
2001; Berry & Mitchell-Kernan, 1982; Gecas in Borgatta & Borgatta, 1992). According to Gecas (1992)
the media serve as generalized others that proffer societal expectations and beliefs about certain
members of society. Allen (2001) maintains that for African Americans, mainstream and ethnic media
(the new politically-correct term for the black press and the press of other ethnic groups), have a strong
influence on identity development and negotiation. In general, argues Gecas (1992), the ethnic media
cultivate and embody the development of social identity among African Americans (Gecas in Borgatta
& Borgatta, 1992, pp. 1863-1872). Two theories explain the formation and the impact of social identity.
Tajfel and Turner (1986) use Social Identity Theory to define social identity as “a group-based
identity motivating people to perceive their own group favorably and distinctively from other out-
groups,” (pp. 7-24). The theory has two prongs: (1) a sense of belonging to a group contributes to
collective esteem and (2) positive social identity develops from a favorable view of the group to which
people belong (the in-group) relative to other groups (the out-groups). Therefore, positive social identity
and attitudes develop from favorable comparisons between and evaluations of an in-group and out-
groups (Tajfel & Turner in Worchel & Austin, 1986). When applied to the black press’ formation of
African American identity, one can argue that the black press created positive ethnic identity among its
readers by distinguishing African Americans from the mainstream by creating a “nation within a
nation,” or an in-group among African Americans (Dann, 1971). Miller and Edgerton-Webster (2005)
argue that the modern black press endeavors to enforce self-definition while endorsing “somebodiness”
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among African Americans, positioning them as a distinguished group within mainstream society (pp. 3-
4). For example, Essence magazine, founded in 1970, has adopted the beliefs underlying social identity
theory by continuously provided favorable images of black women to produce a sense of self-awareness,
self-respect and wholeness (Miller & Edgerton-Webster, 2005, pp 3-4; Essence Editorial Objectives,
2001, p.1). A second theory, the Theory of Self-Categorization argues that social identity develops from
two processes: self categorization and depersonalization. Self categorization occurs when people
separate themselves and others into distinct social groups, which leads to an “’us’ versus ‘them’” point
of view. After self categorization occurs, people then undergo depersonalization, which entails the
perception of similarities between individuals and other in-group members, while also increasing the
perceived differences between individuals and those outside of the group (Banaji & Hardin, 1996;
Branscombe & Ellemers in Swim & Stranger, 1998; Devine, 1989). Ebony magazine, a magazine for
African American women founded in 1945 and one of the first black publications to attract national
advertisers (Muhammad, 2003, p.15), for example, uses self-categorization to “articulate the specifics of
black culture and the black family in relation to American society,” (Ebony, 1995, p. 80). Through its
mission, Ebony magazine aims to provide African American women with a connection to black culture
and the black family, while strengthening perceived differences between their readers and mainstream
American society.
The Black Press Today:

Although the black press has historically served as an irreplaceable institution for advancement
within the black community, racism continues to be a major obstacle to black progress (Muhammad,
2003, p. 15; Muhammad, 2003, p. 36). In order to continue the struggle for equality, the now 198 black-
owned newspapers of the United States have merged to form the National Newspaper Publishers
Association (NNPA), (ibid). Wolseley (1990) contends that the black press today provides its readers
with more thorough reports on the issues that concern them, living up to its traditional “tell it like it is”
credo. He argues that the black press of the nineteenth century told only part of the story, by focusing
mostly on the racial injustices of the period. Wolseley attributes the fuller reports to the black press’
transition into more capitalistic ventures:
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“When the black press moved into the realm of business, it [in “tell it like it is”] became more than
racial injustice. Fuller reports on the ethnic group to which it was responsible became necessary…the
more effective papers and magazines have broadened their outlook. The survivors, from earlier in the
century, have lasted because their owners and editors put so much into their pages,” (Wolseley, 1990,
p.197).
While discussing the modern black press, Wolseley (1990) used Pride’s (1956) outline of
traditional stories printed by the black press and compared it to the stories printed by the black press
today. Wolseley (1990) states that the characteristic Negro story (e.g., integration stories and protest
stories aimed at Jim Crow politics), which was prevalent in the traditional black press, is rare in today’s
publications. However, the achievement story has increased in popularity as black’s have gained more
opportunities. The difference between traditional achievement stories and modern-day achievement
stories is that traditionally, achievement was associated with assimilation into white society through
financial success and social acceptance, while today the black press revels in achievement of a more
socially conscious nature, such as achievement in the arts, sports and entertainment fields, gaining
prominence in powerful groups or in social action. The negro-angled story is still a common staple of
the black press. This story involves the black press’ tradition of taking a story from mainstream media
and then providing the black perspective. The gossip story, which is also prevalent in mainstream
journalism, remains popular in the modern black press, but the stories are written in better taste today
(Pride, 1956, p. 141-149; Wolseley, pp. 197-198). In 2002, Clint C. Wilson II, a journalism professor at
the renowned black institution Howard University and author of A History of the Black Press, predicted
a bright future for the black press as it transitioned into the digital age (Muhammad, 2003, p. 36), but
that prediction is questionable given its current economic state.
Muhammad (2003) and Wolseley (1990) note that the black press today does not receive much
respect, which leads to difficulty in attracting “career-minded” journalists, major advertising and large
circulations. However, Reginald Owens, former managing editor of the Informer and the Texas
Freeman, disputed the idea of a declining black press. He argued: “Yes, there are fewer readers. Yes,
black papers are no longer mainstream media for African Americans. Yes, the number of black
publications goes up and down depending on social and political circumstances. Nonetheless, the black
press is no [deader] than the white press. An analysis of the numbers—historical and current—simply
does not support this idea,” (Muhammad, 2003, p.15). Indeed, according to the 2001 report on the black
press published by the Gale Directory of National Publications and Broadcast Media, the black press
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consisted of 237 publications with 15 million readers (ibid). However, Young (2007), a journalist for
USA Today, paints a different picture:
“…the years have not been kind to black newspapers. Dwindling audiences and revenue have steadily
strangled the voices of many publications. Charles A. Simmons' book The African American Press…
estimated that there have been about 4,000 black newspapers. Today, the National Newspaper
Publishers Association, a black trade organization, has only 200 member papers [now 198],” (Young,
2007)
Young (2007) argues the end of segregation ironically had a negative impact on the black press.
As it succeeded in fulfilling its mission, its necessity dwindled and “mainstream media” for African
Americans no longer solely implied black publications. Muhammad (2003) and Vogel (2001) support
this claim, arguing that by the 1980’s it was a common belief that the black press, due to successfully
promoting racial equality, had made itself outdated. Furthermore, Young (2007) contends that many
black newspapers do not have the necessary resources to emulate the exact, backbreaking reporting of
mainstream publications. Young (2007) maintains that before her current post, she wrote several
columns for the black press, for which she was never paid nor did her articles receive any editing
(Young, 2007). While researchers have consistently found that minorities are more frequent media users
than their white counterparts (Albarran & Umphrey, 1993; Roberts, et al., 1999), Wolseley (1990)
argues that the average small-circulation newspaper cannot afford to conduct the valuable demographic
studies that reveal who its readers are, how they respond to content, why they do or do not subscribe,
what they expect from publications and what competitors offer potential readers (p. 307). This fact
exacerbates the problems all ready plaguing the black press.
The perceived credibility of the members of the black press compared to mainstream journalists
became evident through recent events. When international pop icon Michael Jackson died in July 2009,
members of the black press insist they were denied access to his highly-televised memorial service by
AEG, the company that organized the event. Representatives from the NNPA, Ebony and Jet magazine
all maintained they were prevented from entering the arena to cover the memorial despite valid press
credentials. “This is constantly happening to black press all around the country,” said NNPA chairman
Danny J. Bakewell, Sr., “I am declaring today that we are going to take on companies, associations and
media outlets that overtly disrespect, disregard and devalue the black press,” (Simmonds, 2009). An
African American photojournalist, Malcolm Ali, was among those denied access to the event, he argued
that the reason the black press was denied access was because AEG made a deal with Getty Images, the
13
biggest photo distribution house in the world, and other wire services, which gave them exclusive photo
rights for the memorial service. Ali contends that Getty agreed to provide a pool of photographers to
cover the AEG event, but in exchange AEG had to give Getty exclusive photo rights so it could later sell
its photos to the press. Ali argued common deals such as this marginalize smaller newspapers,
particularly the black press, that cannot afford to purchase images from distribution houses (Simmonds,
2009). Valerie Goodloe, a photographer for Ebony and Jet magazine stated that ironically, the black
press is “shoved to the side” when it comes to events that are “African American driven” (Simmonds,
2009).
“The irony of all of this is that the black press was covering Michael Jackson and his family over the last
40 years with endearment…and pride when no one else was covering him…after the black press helps
many of the black artists to reach the top, they do not use their status and their influence to require parity
to the black press…they do not demand that the black press be included in the budgets to promote their
work. And that’s unconscionable, a violation of their own family ethic; while the Michael Jackson is
front and center, there is a malignancy that exists in black America,” (Simmonds, 2009).
The lack of credibility afforded to the black press has indirectly led to other issues. Financial
woes and the loss of black ownership are becoming more common. In the fall of 2009, it was reported
by several publications that the prominent black publishing company, Johnson Publishing, was looking
for a buyer or investor for its flagship magazine, Ebony. The magazine, which was the first print
publication to receive a post-election interview with President and First Lady Obama, has reportedly
approached media giants such as Time Inc. and Viacom, as well as private investors, in an effort to
combat financial struggles, due to a lack of advertising. If the deal is closed, Ebony would join other
black media that have lost black ownership, such as Essence, which is owned by Time Inc. and Black
Entertainment Television (BET), which is owned by Viacom. Many hoped that the election of Barack
Obama would increase readership for black-owned or black-oriented media, but that does not appear to
be happening (Roberts, 2009; Muhammad 2003). In 2002, the Chicago Defender nearly lost black-
ownership after five years of financial struggles. Finally, Real Times Inc., a black-owned Chicago-based
multimedia company, purchased the publication for $10 million (Muhammad, 2003, p.13). A black
journalism review reflected a sigh of relief within the black press, stating, “The Chicago Daily Defender
remains in black hands,” (Muhammad, 2003, p. 13). The black press’ financial troubles are directly
related to a lack of advertising revenue.
14
According to the Publishers Information Bureau, during the first half of 2009, magazine
advertising dropped an average of 28 percent, with revenues falling by 21 percent. However, Ebony’s
loss was much greater, the publication’s advertising dropped by 35 percent, reducing overall revenues
by almost 32 percent, or to $18.8 million, from the $27.7 million generated by the magazine in 2008.
Additionally, Jet magazine, Ebony's sister publication, lost approximately 40 percent of its advertising
pages and revenue. Simply put, the black press is in trouble.
Muhammad (2003) argues that one of the main reasons for the lack of advertising within the
black press is its readers. “The average NNPA reader is 44 years old…it is not the free-spending 20-
something reader most advertisers want,” (p. 16). Additionally, the black press is maintaining that a lack
of federal advertising in black-owned newspapers and radio is exacerbating its struggles. Recently, Rep.
Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), pressured the White
House and the president’s cabinet to examine the obvious lack of federal advertising. Lee’s testimony
was a result of an NNPA letter sent to White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emmanuel in April 2009. Lee
and other CBC leaders then wrote a letter to Vice-President Joe Biden stating:
“We write to bring to your attention the general concern among African American newspapers and radio
station owners that they are not being given fair opportunity to compete for federal advertising dollars.
Specifically, we seek your commitment that black-owned media outlets are receiving their fair share of
advertising dollars…We seek your additional commitment that black-owned media are being utilized by
the federal government as it distributes the $787 billion recovery package,” (Edney, 2009).
This, however, is not the first time that the black press has suffered from a lack of financial
support, a lack of advertising or limited resources. The earliest black newspapers all suffered from a lack
of financial resources and subscriptions at some point; ultimately, some ceased publication as a result
(Tripp, 1992; Wolseley, 1990; Vogel, 2001). However, during the 1940’s the black press overcame its
financial struggles while still managing to fulfill its mission. During World War II, the black press
implemented its historic Double V campaign, which stood for victory over the axis powers and victory at
home. During the war, the newspaper industry faced newsprint shortages. Because of the Jim Crow
politics of the time, the black press received the smallest rations of newsprint. Through the Double V
campaign, it nearly doubled its readership. The controversy generated by the campaign also attracted
advertisers, who previously avoided the black press due to its then-controversial call for racial equality.
Once the federal government acknowledged the efforts of the black press by desegregating the United
States’ military, it restored its credibility among readers and advertisers alike (Muhammad, 2003, p.36).
15
In 1954, Carl Murphy, former NNPA president, stated: “We [the black press] have a facility to
change with the time,” (Vogel, 2001, p. 245). As the modern black press faces the same troubles as its
antecedents, an adaptation to modern trends in journalism becomes necessary for its survival. In spite of
its unique role as the voice of the black community, the black press is not impervious to the changing
media environment. Economic pressures and the growing popularity of social media have forced many
newspapers to downsize or to cease publication entirely. John Oliver, the publisher of the Afro-American
says he worries about the future of the publications constantly; however, Oliver says that his papers
place a heavy emphasis on their Web sites and other social media tools, such as blogs and Twitter. “We
are suffering like any other newspaper, but technology has provided more opportunities to connect with
our audience, especially with younger people,” said Oliver (Whyte, 2009). The black press must use its
historic adaptability to once again reinvent itself to regain relevance within today’s black community,
especially among young African Americans, who are vital to its continuance.
The Black Press Online:

In 2001, the NNPA created BlackPressUSA.com in order to increase the number of black
newspapers online by creating a service to help publications create their own sites and by linking them
to the main site. The NNPA hoped to create a network that would serve as a “gateway” to the black
press, which had a combined readership of 15 million. It called the site the “Black Associated Press,”
(Muhammad, 2003, p. 15). “This will be a huge microphone for the black press to be heard on the
internet,” NPPA president John Oliver, Jr. stated. When the website was announced, only 10 percent of
NNPA publications had websites, compared to 50 percent of publications belonging to the mainstream
press’ National Newspaper Association. The site, which was funded by the United Parcel Service (UPS),
was supposed to have 50 newspapers up and running by the end of the summer of 2001, with the
remaining publications linking to the site by spring 2003 (Black Press Moves to Expanding Web, 2001).
However, today, there are only 15 publications on the site (Muhammad, 2003, p. 14)i. While the reasons
underlying this dramatic difference in numbers requires further research, the black press, especially the
newspapers, is being criticized for its inability to keep up with emerging trends in journalism as a result
(Prince, 2008). The Project for Excellence in Journalism’s 2009 State of the Media Report on the
African American media states that in general, black-oriented media have struggled to find a future
online. The report also cites a Pew Internet and American Life Project study which found that only 64
percent of African Americans use the internet, compared to 77 percent of whites. This fact alone indeed
provides a challenge for online publications chiefly aimed at African Americans (State of the Media,
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2009). However, some publications have successfully made the transition. Among these are the Afro
American’s blog Afro Americ@ and the Charlotte Post Online (Vogel, 2001). The rest of the study
paints a much brighter picture for the black press. The study also found that internet usage among
African Americans is increasing at a faster rate than among their white counterparts (State of the Media,
2009). Given this increase and the election of nation’s first black president, in 2008, the black press
started to migrate online at a faster rate than in previous years.
Vogel (2001) devotes a significant portion of his text to the black press’ online efforts prior to
this time. Vogel (2001) notes that it is more difficult to define the true black press online because of the
number of sites that claim affiliation with the traditional black press (p. 247). He states, “This
observation makes clear the fact that new conditions of digital reproducibility have radically altered the
nature and status of black publication,” (Vogel, 2001, p. 248). Vogel (2001) argues that it is essential to
grasp this new increasing level of incertitude concerning the origins of the supposed black press online
(p. 248). Because researchers have yet to operationalize the online black press, Vogel (2001) limits his
discussion to the established publications’ online efforts. Vogel (2001) argues that limiting the
examination to the established black press shows a promising future for the black press online. He also
maintains that online journalism may be better suited for some of the historical ideals of the black press
than print (Vogel, 2001, p.248). “The black press in cyberspace is most effective [in] situating
contemporary cultural, economic and technological concerns in their historically important contexts,”
(Vogel, 2001, p. 250). Vogel cites the Charlotte Post Online’s story, “Dolls Reflect, Shape Cultural
Identity.” In the story, the publication examined the ongoing preference among African American
children for white dolls over black ones. The Post Online linked this preference with a “lack of self-
esteem and racial identity” in certain segments of the black community and the significance of the long-
standing popularity of the Barbie doll as a Christmas gift (Vogel, 2001, pp. 250-251). “In 1996, 96-98
percent of the black dolls manufactured that year were left on the shelves and black people were buying
dolls, the white ones,” (Clark, 1998). The article ended by encouraging companies to invest in and to
manufacture black dolls and by encouraging readers to buy them. This last bit leads to an important
feature of the black press online, which is its support of black enterprises neglected by mainstream
media.
In an era where e-commerce is prevalent, the black press online has provided black enterprises
with a more even playing field by advertising and endorsing their products and services. The black press
online has become a new forum to market the black arts and Afrocentric commercial products (Vogel,
17
2001, p. 252). In this way, the black press online continues to fulfill the mission of the traditional black
press by providing the black point of view on issues that are neglected in mainstream media, and
providing a forum of equality for those who are neglected by mainstream society. Frederick Detweiler
maintained that several themes characteristic of the black press throughout the 1920’s are evident in the
black press today, such as discrimination, unjust laws, positive achievements, educational honors and
individual progress (Wolseley, 1990, p. 197). Vogel (2001) argues that any survey of the black press
online demonstrates the continuance of these themes, mainly because the conditions that required the
endorsement of these themes have not waned (p. 249).
The Post online, serves as a good example of an online black press publication because it
remains tied to its traditional print roots while embracing new technology. In order to establish
credibility, the site uses the historic success of its traditional print publication. On its “About Us” page,
the online publication tells the history of the Charlotte Post newspaper and its significance (Charlotte
Post, 1998)—a practice recommended for all black press publications seeking to go digital. Wolseley
(1990) argues that the site includes news stories that make it apparent that black readers are looking to
the black press to find out “what really went on” when a news story about African Americans breaks (p.
198). According to Vogel (2001), the site has endeavored to utilize a web-oriented look with a “liberal
use” of photos and an informative, user-friendly format that distinguishes it from other black press
websites, while providing a well-organized forum for reader responses on traditional and contemporary
issues (p. 250). However, Downey (1998) argued that the site’s overall visual style is still better suited
for the traditional black press.
Yet, Vogel (2001) contends that Afro Americ@ has successfully managed to depart from
traditional print media. The site was the first website of any print publication, white or black, and started
publishing in 1995 (Vogel, 2001, p. 253). Vogel states that unlike other print newspapers who duplicate
their traditional style online, Afro Americ@ has utilized the visual aesthetics of the web to disseminate
information to its readers while also publishing their comments—a commentary on the two-way
conversation online journalism affords, which will be discussed shortly. According to Vogel, the Afro
Americ@ has successfully merged the illustrious past of its traditional print version with its emulous
digital future. In his discussion of Afro Americ@, Vogel (2001) notes the potential impact that an online
black press could have in the overall Black Diaspora. Vogel (2001) argues that sites like Afro Americ@
erase national borders and provide a forum for an international discussion, thereby opening the
discussion to include all members of the black community or peoples of African descent and aiding in
18
the international struggle for “liberation and self-determination” in a way that no other medium has (p.
255). While online endeavors can be costly, the potential for an online black press to expand the national
reach attained by the early black press’ efforts, mentioned previously, to provide an international forum
is priceless.
In 2007, RadioOne, the largest radio broadcasting company aimed at African Americans and
urban listeners, cut operating expenses in order to invest in social media. The company launched
InteractiveOne, which includes other social media sites targeting African Americans including
UrbanDaily.com, BlackPlanet.com, NewsOne.com and Giantmag.com, the company also purchased a
Hispanic site, Migente.com. NewsOne.com is the company’s online news site targeting African
Americans. By combining these sites, RadioOne attempted to create a “web portal… [that] …would
serve ‘the African American community through news, information, entertainment and social
networking’” (State of the Media, 2009). The company boasts that the site receives six million unique
visitors each month. An interesting example of an online site targeted toward African Americans is
TheRoot.com. What makes the site unique is that it is not affiliated with a traditional black medium.
Instead, the site was started by the mainstream publication The Washington Post. The Post launched the
site in 2008. The editor-in-chief, and co-founder of the site, is distinguished Harvard Professor and
director of the W.E.B. DuBois Institute for African and African American research, Henry Louis Gates,
Jr. As of January 2009, the site had a monthly rate of over 200 thousand visitors. However, when
compared to the Washington Post’s site, which receives almost 10 million visitors per month, the
numbers are less impressive. According to the site, “The Root aims to be an unprecedented departure
from traditional journalism, raising the profile of black voices in mainstream media and engaging
anyone interested in black culture around the world,” (emphasis added) (State of the Media, 2009).
The last portion of the site’s mission provides a possible allusion to potential changes in the modern
online black press, which may involve opening the two-way conversation to include those outside of the
black community. This could undoubtedly impact its ties to the traditional function of the black press.
Although the online black press is relatively new, it is already starting to create a forum for community-
wide debate and a personal connection with its audience that is transforming the public sphere (Vogel,
2001).
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The Public Sphere:
“One key aspect of the Afro’s online ability to redirect the terms of the text/reader interface is that
reader responses to the news are less marginalized; instead they are welcome, instantaneous, and widely
disseminated. The site’s web master trusts the site’s readers to proof their writings and to abide within
the code of honor system where truth and accuracy are concerned. This antigatekeeping feature of the
site is in keeping with a neoidealist spirit of the Habermassian public sphere,” (Vogel, 2001).
Many researchers of the black press have cited its traditional practice of engaging in discussions
that included all members of the community (Tripp, 1992; Vogel, 2001; Wolseley, 1990; Peeples, 2008).
Indeed, the black press has always embraced the beliefs underlying civic journalism, which calls for a
more direct conversation between journalists and ordinary citizens. Civic journalism is closely tied to
the Habermassian public sphere (Mukerji & Schudson, 1991; Habermas, 2006). Vogel’s description of
the forum created by the black press for marginalized African Americans parallels Habermas’ discussion
of the public sphere (Habermas in Boyd-Barrett & Newbold, 1997). Indeed, there exists a personal
connection between the writers of the black press and their readers that is more intimate than that of the
mainstream media. The conversation can be compared to Habermas’ discussion of German table
societies and his concept of “secret publics,” (ibid). The black press, then, provides a forum for “public”
discourse among African Americans while providing the intimacy of closed doors. While social media is
a useful tool in continuing this practice, some adjustments must be made to Habermas’ definition of the
public sphere when discussing the black press (Vogel, 2001; Baker, Jr., 1994; Fraser, 1990).
Baker (1994) argues that unlike Habermas’ public sphere, which was composed of willing
participants, blacks were forced to form a public sphere in order to counteract the dominant oppressive
discourse concerning them. Fraser (1990) argues that it is necessary to broaden Habermas’ public sphere
by first acknowledging that social and economic equality created multiple public spheres, which she
calls subaltern counterpublics, and to then recognize that while some concerns within these public
spheres may overlap, some are distinctive. Although Norris (2002) and Putnam (2000) argue that
bonding communities, communities that “reinforce close-knit networks among people sharing similar
backgrounds and beliefs,” (p.3), are less likely to have a positive impact on social capital and
community ties, Fraser’s argument begs the question: how do we define communities and why can’t
there be multiple communities that constitute the whole? Undoubtedly, communities are being reshaped
by social media. The black press’ unique role in addressing distinct issues concerning African
Americans made a more exclusive public sphere necessary. The twenty-first century journalistic trend of
stories and conversations taking place “from the bottom up” to form a “people’s narrative through
20
conversation, collaboration and interaction,” (Marchionni, 2008) is not a new phenomenon within the
black press. The personal connection evident between the black press and its readers combined with the
participatory culture being generated by social media make the two a perfect match.
Web 2.0:
In order to survive, editors of the black press must look toward innovative ways to address the
concerns of their communities. When people mention the term Web 2.0, they are talking about the
emergence of a new communication model that creates a participatory culture, which affords more
feedback from the receivers and an increased level of interaction among the receivers themselves,
making the traditional sender-receiver communication model obsolete in favor of a more complex and
entangled one that is less linear and more circular. Also, one that includes a greater number of both
senders and receivers (Marchionni, 2008). Vogel (2001) notes that online publications afford a “two-
way democratizing dialogue,” (p. 250). He continues stating that while newsprint reduces the space
available for receivers’ feedback, the virtual world of social media afford publications more room for
readers to “weigh in” on the discussion (Vogel, 2001, p. 250).
Boyd and Ellison (2007) define social networking sites as “web-based services that allow
individuals to (1) construct a public or semi-public profile within a bounded system, (2) articulate a list
of other users with whom they share a connection, and (3) view and traverse their list of connections and
those made by others within the system,” (p. 211). As of January 2009, the most popular social
networking sites were Facebook, Twitter and MySpace (Kazeniac, 2009). Nielson Online found that
online users are spending more time on social networking sites and blogs than email (Nielson Online,
2009). When applied to journalism, social networking sites provide a perfect forum for the development
of an online public sphere. In terms of the black media, the interactivity— or the “degree to which
participants in the communication process have control over, and can exchange roles in their mutual
discourse,” (Williams, Rice & Rogers, 1988, p.10)—that social media affords them is conducive to the
relationship they have traditionally had with their readers. Interestingly, in a 1987 survey, well before
the advent of social media, the black press surveyed a random sample of members of the black
population and asked: is the black press still needed today? All respondents answered yes and one
responded that the black press was necessary in order to have a two-way conversation (Wolseley, 1990,
pp. 10-11). When engaging in a two-way conversation through social media, however, it is important for
the black press to understand the importance of meeting the needs of its audience. Uses and
21
Gratifications Theory explains how people use media in order to obtain gratification. Katz, Blumer and
Gurevitch (1974) note that the theory concerns the:
“…social and psychological origins of needs, which generate expectations of the mass media or
other sources, which lead to differential patterns of media exposure (or engagement in other activities),
resulting in need gratifications and other consequences, perhaps mostly unintended ones.”
Rubin, Sypher and Palmgreen (1994) break gratification down into two distinct parts,
gratifications sought, which are the motivations users have, based on their expectations for media and
non-media use behaviors, and gratifications obtained, which are the “perceived personal outcomes”
resulting from these use behaviors (p.173). Rosengren and Windahl, (1972) argue that satisfaction, or
“the extent to which a user perceives their motives are being fulfilled by a medium,” is an important
component of any medium. They contend that users engage in media to satisfy particular motives and
when that does not occur, other media are sought to fulfill those motives. One of the core beliefs
underlying uses and gratification theory is that audience members actively seek media to fulfill their
needs (Baran & Davis, 2006, Abercrombie & Longhurst, 2007; Meyrowitz in McQuail, 2002). For
example, the popular social networking site, Twitter.com, was found to satisfy users seeking
information, which included participation in discussions and free expression (Johnson & Yang, 2009,
pp. 17-19)—excellent results for a black press looking to move its traditional participatory style to
Twitter. From February 2008 to the following year, Twitter’s number of unique web visitors increased
by 1,000 percent (Compete, 2009). Lenhart and Fox (2009) argue that the growth of Twitter and its
increasing popularity could indicate a new trend in interpersonal communication online. They state that
11 percent of online users are using Twitter or similar sites to “share and read [the] status updates of
others,” (Lenhart & Fox, 2009).
The increased level of control that social media provides users through uses and gratifications
theory is defined as demassification (Williams, et al., 1988). Demassification is the user’s ability to
select from a wide variety of media (Chamberlain, 1994). The internet overall empowers the individual
through information sought and information created (Singer, 1998, p. 10). The black press can fulfill its
traditional mission, then, of self-empowerment through social media. Also important for the black press
is Thorson’s and Duffy’s (2006) finding that the use of the internet for information had a positive impact
on community participation (p. 15). Furthermore, when using social media, Thorson’s and Duffy’s
research indicates that the black press should adopt an informational and entrainment approach both in
print and online. They found that the more a person uses a medium for information, the more they will
22
use another medium for information. Similarly, the more a person uses a medium for entertainment, the
more the person will use another medium for entertainment (Thorson & Duffy, 2006, p. 16). This
suggests that the relationship between the traditional print black press and the black press online could
by symbiotic if they use the beliefs underlying the uses and gratifications theory to satisfy and empower
their audience.
Littau, Gardner and Thorson (2009) conducted a study on the impact that voice had on self-
efficacy—defined as “the belief that one can effectively act on knowledge or beliefs in the performance
of a given task,” (p. 2). They use the Media Choice Model to elaborate upon the uses and gratifications
theory by including voice as a crucial factor in determining people’s motivations underlying their media
usage (Thorson & Duffy, 2006). Marchionni (2008) contends that the traditional view of detached
objectivity is not best suited for facilitating public discourse. She argues that “news with ‘voice’” is
affecting how the mainstream media “define and report news.” She points out that even before the
Internet, research suggested that audiences are more engaged when they can “sense a real person behind
the news,” (Marchionni, 2008, p. 12). The black press embodied this concept early on through its
personable dialogue with its readers. Furthermore, Meraz (2006) argues that once audiences are
engaged, the ability to debate and exchange ideas through media produces a high degree of self-efficacy.
The exposure social media provides users to other people and their lives increases individual knowledge
and, therefore, self-efficacy, another reason why social media is important for the black press. The more
successful the black press is in producing this sense of self-efficacy among its users through social
media, the more reliant its users will become (Miller and Reese, 1982). While the smaller publications
within the black press may not have the resources to conduct demographic studies, further research on
social media and the uses and gratifications theory and the media choice model could indicate what
needs an online black press must fulfill in order to succeed.
23
Discussion
In 2009, the Pew Research Center found that the number of Americans who used the internet for
news regularly—at least three time a week—increased by almost 20 percent as of August 2008 to almost
four in ten Americans or 37 percent of the population (State of the Media, 2009). According to this data,
the number of Americans who used the internet for news was now roughly equal to the number who
watched cable television news (39 percent), (State of the Media, 2009). In terms of social media, the
State of the Media report (2009) states that the number of users on social networking sites increased by
nine percent in 2008 to 104 million. In an extremely important finding for the black press, the report also
states that social networking sites appear to be especially popular among the young African Americans.
This finding compounded with the fact that in August 2008, 30 percent of social network users said they
at least occasionally used social networking sites for local, national or international news, makes the
black press’ need to utilize social media very plain.
One thing that is lacking in the discussion of social media and the black press is a discussion of
whether its traditional definitions still apply to the online black press. Overall, the online black press
should link itself to the historic efforts and accomplishments of its traditional print predecessors in order
to establish online credibility. But, should the online black press be held to the same standards or has the
changing cultural and social environment called for a more mainstream black press? This question has
not been answered as of yet. Still, after an examination of the black press and social media, one must
wonder for if the ever-increasing connectivity created by social media and the internet will move the
black press from a niche medium closer to the mainstream, which would include a conversation not just
for African Americans, but for all of those interested in African American culture, like TheRoot.com,
for example.
Of all black media, black newspapers could benefit most from social media since they seem to be
struggling the most. Overall, the black press must find a way to research trends in social media and how
people are using it. Mass communications theory could be a valuable and inexpensive tool in gaining
this understanding. Finally, a more in-depth content analysis is needed in order to bring the discussion of
the black press and social media up to date and to get a fuller picture of how it is being used. If the black
press is still lagging in adapting to social media trends, this research aims to provide a strong argument
as to why it should catch up.
24
Hypothesis
My hypothesis is twofold. First I hypothesize that keeping up with emerging trends in social
media is vital to the continuance of the black press. Secondly, I hypothesize that social media provides a
new forum for the black press to have intimate conversations with its readers. In order to support these
hypotheses, the following research questions have been posed.
Research Questions
RQ1: What were the circumstances surrounding the rise of the early black press? What were the main
issues addressed?
RQ2: How has the black press traditionally functioned in shaping black identity?
RQ3: What is the current state of the black press?
RQ4: How has the black press kept up with emerging trends in social media?
RQ5: Is the black press utilizing social media to shape black identity? If so, how?
RQ6: How does the black press online compare to the traditional black press?
RQ7: How does the informal style of the black press make it an obvious match for the democratizing
nature of social media?
RQ8: How can the black press use social media to carry on the traditional role of the black press?
RQ9: How do we define the black press online and how does this definition differ from the definitions
of the traditional black press?
25
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Abercrombie, N., & Longhurst, B. (2007). The Penguin Dictionary of Media Studies. New York:
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A New Movement:

Social Media and the Black Press

History of the Black Press:

The Black Press and Identity:

The Black Press Today:

The Black Press Online:

RQ3: What is the current state of the black press?

(1827, March 16). Freedom's Journal.

(1829, May 29). Rights of All.

(1837, March 18). The Colored American.

(1840, May 2). Colored American.

(1840, May 2). The Colored American.

(1847, November 5). The Ram's Horn.

(1847, November 5). The Ram's Horn.

Penguin Books Ltd.

About Us. (1998). Retrieved from http://bit.ly/postaboutus

(1829-1830). New York: Humanities P.

Belmont, CA: Thomson/Wadsworth.

Black press moves to expand on web. (2001). Quill, 89(6), 47.

of Computer-Mediated Communication, 13(1), 210-230.

prejudice: The targets perspective (pp. 243-266). New York: Academic.

Chamberlain, M. A. (1994). New technologies in health communication. American Behavioral Scientist,

Journalism). Syracuse, NY.

United States. Philadelphia: Author.

Personality and Social Psychology, (56), 5-18.

Downey, J. (1998, December 14). Black weeklies to merge. Charlotte Post.

ad fairness [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://bit.ly/blkpresspressuresgovt

Essence Magazine. (2001). Editorial Objectives [Brochure]. New York: Author.

era. Ithica, NY: Cornell UP.

Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 49(4), 450-467.

Gecas, V. (1992). Socialization. In E. F. Borgatta & M. L. Borgatta (Eds.), Encyclopedia of Sociology

(Vol. 4, pp. 1863-1872). New York: Macmillan.

Approaches to media. London: St. Martin's P.

Communication. Boston, MA.

gratifications research (pp. 19–34). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Message posted to http://bit.ly/twitterclimbs

Hypertext theory (p. 23). Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins UP.

Project. Retrieved from http://bit.ly/twitterstatusupdates

Marchionni, D. (2008). Journalism-as-a-conversation: A concept explication. Presented at the

Meyrowitz, J. (2002). Media and behaivior: A missing link. In D. McQuail (Ed.),

McQuail's Reader in Mass Communication Theory (pp. 99-112). London: Sage

political activity and efficacy. Communication Research, 9(2), 227-248.

Studies. New York: University of California P.

social networking's new global footprint. Retrieved from http://bit.ly/globalfaces

Our undertaking. (1837, January 7). Weekly Advocate.

mobilization and empowerment of african americans. Journalism History, 34(2), 76-86.

Politeness. (1849, October 12). The North Star.

isms. Retrieved from http://www.mije.org/richardprince/black-press-not-sync

Putnam, Robert D. 2000. Bowling Alone. New York: Free Press.

1865. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State UP.

millennium. Menlo Park, CA: Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation.

journalists for? New Haven, CT: Yale UP.

In D. McQuail (Ed.), Sociology of Mass Communications (pp. 166-194). Harmondsworth, UK:

Sourcebook. New York: The Guilford Press.

Los Angeles Sentinel. Retrieved from http://bit.ly/accessdenied

Retrieved from http://bit.ly/africanamericanmedia

and entertainment. Presented at the International Communication Association. Dresden,

Retrieved from http://bit.ly/uspsandnnpa

American Press). New York: Northwestern UP.

Retrieved from http://bostonbanner.com/natl17-2009-08-13

images of black women. Journal of Black Studies, 36(2), 264-281.

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