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S a t u r d a y, J u l y 1 2 , 2 0 0 8

RSS Periodical History of RSS


In Freedom Movement
THE SPIRIT of freedom Dr. Hedgewar had embodied in himself and had infused
in the Swayamsevaks has continued to blaze radiantly. Several have been the
occasions when this quality has come to the fore-both when the British were
ruling and after they left.
By the early forties, the war took an adverse turn for the British. Shri Guruji had
just assumed the leadership of Sangh. The urgent and paramount task of
mobilising and training the Hindu youth brooked no delay. His hurricane tours
over large parts of the country began . The message went home. Hundreds of
young Swayamsevaks gave up their studies, left their hearths and homes and
began spreading the message of national emancipation through Sangh.
The launching of the 1942 'Quit India' agitation by the Congress proved more
like a sporadic outburst than as an organised and well-planned rebellion. There
was no prior consultation by the Congress with other organised, patriotic
groups like the Sangh. Nevertheless, several Sangh workers took active part in
it. They played a notable role in Chimur in the famous Ashti Chimur rebellion in
Vidarbha. The British fury in suppressing it was unparalleled. The putting out of
action of the Delhi Muzaffarnagar railway line was the handiwork of young men
from Delhi, mostly Swayamsevaks. While Nana Patil of Patri Sarkar fame in
Maharashtra was sheltered by Pandit S. D. Satwalekar, the celebrated Vedic
scholar and Sanghachalak of Aundh, Sane Guruji, an underground Socialist
leader, was under the protective wings of Pune Sanghachalak Bhausaheb
Deshmukh. Inside the capital Delhi itself, Jayaprakash Narayan and Aruna Asaf
Ali took asylum with Lala Hansraj Gupta, the Delhi and Punjab
Sanghachalak.The waning of the 1942 movement left behind a gaping void in the
people's mind. There was yet another growing threat looming on the national
horizon. With all the nationalist leaders of Congress lodged behind bars, the
Muslim League had a field day. Egged on by the British, their posture now
became more recalcitrant. The League had already passed, in 1940 at Lahore,
the 'Pakistan' Resolution. By now the League's designs had become crystal
clear. It had taken recourse to violence and bloodshed to browbeat the
Congress leadership into accepting Partition. The 'Direct Action' call and the
great Calcutta killings had left no one in doubt about the dreadful shape of
things to come. During those days Gandhiji's stay was in Bhangi Colony in
Delhi. On one night, when Muslim ruffians surrounded the place and hurled
vulgar abuses and threats at Gandhiji, the Sangh Swayamsevaks stalled further
mischief by their night-long vigil thereafter.
By now, the spectre of Partition had begun to haunt the nation's mind. The

Hindu masses instinctively felt that a militant and organised Hindu force was the
urgent need of the hour. That alone could rescue the integrity and freedom of
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the Motherland from the gang-up of the twin hostile forces of the British and
the Muslim League. No wonder, to the average Hindu, the Sangh appeared as
the only ray of hope. The result was a tremendous Hindu upsurge sweeping all
over the country.

During the 1947 Crisis


The sudden and unexpected decision on 3rd June 1947 of the Congress leaders
to accept Partition came as a stunning blow to the Hindu people, and more so to
the Sangh Swayamsevaks. The British, more than anyone else, knew what the
Sangh was all about. Their intelligence records had referred to Shri Guruji as an
astute leader. Their report with the National Archives in New Delhi, referring to
one of his speeches at the RSS training camp, says: "Golwalkar denounced
those persons who render every possible assistance to the present government
for their own selfish ends... He declared that the Sangh had resolved to do its
duty even though the whole world goes against it and impressed on the
volunteers that they must be ready to sacrifice their lives for the cause of Bharat
Mata."
The British also unerringly read the pulse of the nation. They knew that time was
running out against them. The INA trials had revived the stirring memories of
Subhas Chandra Bose. The sparks of naval revolt in Bombay flew to distant
cantonments touching off sympathetic strikes by the airmen and the army. This
was followed by the British Prime Minister's declaration to quit Bharat at the
earliest date. And on 20th February 1947, he also announced the date of their
quitting as not later than June 1948.
However, Mountbatten, the last Viceroy who carried out the final operation of
Partition, fixed 15th August 1947-a full ten months earlier-for quitting. Leonard
Mosley, who accompanied Mountbatten, laid bare the chief reason behind it. He
wrote that the advancement of the date of transfer of power, in spite of
opposition from army commanders, was "to jostle a settlement through before
any really effective opposition to the partition of the country had time to
develop." One of the more crucial forces which could have contributed to the
opposition was, obviously, the rise of Hindu power spearheaded by the Sangh.
The British clearly knew that the Sangh was committed to Complete
Independence of Akhand (Undivided) Bharat. They were also aware that Shri
Guruji in his countrywide tours was invoking the inspiring vision of Akhand
Bharat, and that his call to the youth to consider no sacrifice too great in the
cause of safeguarding her unity and integrity was eliciting tremendous
response.To the Rescue of Delhi
However, Partition did come about. The country was gripped in a terrible
convulsion. The Swayamsevaks who had day in and day out cherished the
picture of a free and united Bharat were plunged in deep anguish. However,
they responded to the call of duty to protect the integrity of whatever portion of
the land had been liberated and to save the life and honour of the Hindu
brethren left in the lost portions.
Delhi was then in the throes of violence and intrigues by the Muslim Leaguers
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. When later on Dr. Bhagawan Das, the great savant and a recipient of the
Bharat Ratna award, came to know the details of the role of Sangh in those
crucial days, he wrote feelingly on 16th October 1948: "I have been reliably
informed that a number of youths of RSS were able to inform Sardar Patel and
Nehruji in the very nick of time of the Leaguers' intended coup on September 10,
1947, whereby they had planned to assassinate all members of Government and
all Hindu officials and thousands of Hindu citizens on that day and plant the flag
of Pakistan on the Red Fort and then seize all Hindusthan." He added: "Why
have I said all this? Because if those high-spirited and self-sacrificing boys had
not given the very timely information to Nehruji and Patelji, there would have
been no Government of India today, the whole country would have changed its
name into 'Pakistan', tens of millions of Hindus would have been slaughtered
and all the rest converted to Islam or reduced to stark slavery. Well, what is the
net result of all this long story? Simply this-that our Government should utilise,
and not sterilise, the patriotic energies of the lakhs of RSS youths."
In the Integration of Kashmir
Immediately after Independence a most serious challenge to the freedom and
integrity of independent Bharat was posed in Kashmir. Briefly told, the
Declaration of 3rd June 1947 had left all the princely rulers of undivided Bharat
free to join either Bharat or Pakistan or even remain independent. However, Hari
Singh, the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir, was in an awful fix. The Maharaja, a
devout and patriotic Hindu, could not think of joining Pakistan. In view of the
marked Muslim majority in the State, he felt hesitant to straightway join Bharat
either. Mountbatten specially flew to Kashmir in the third week of June in a bid
to persuade the Maharaja to join Pakistan. The Maharaja, however, resisted the
pressure and as a stop-gap arrangement executed a 'Stand-Still Agreement' with
Pakistan and wanted to have a similar link with Bharat. But the Indian leaders
would not consent to that proposal. Inside the State itself, the Muslim
Conference began pressing the Maharaja to opt for Pakistan. R. C. Kak, the then
Prime Minister of Kashmir, however, advised him to remain independent.
Amidst these conflicting pulls, the Sangh leaders in the State began exerting
every possible influence to persuade the Maharaja to declare his accession to
Bharat before the deadline of 15th August 1947. The State Sanghachalak, Pandit
Prem Nath Dogra, submitted several memoranda and followed them up with
personal interviews with the Maharaja. Several social and political organisations
in the province were also persuaded to pass resolutions urging the Maharaja to
join Bharat without delay. Thousands of telegrams were sent to him from all
parts of Kashmir and other neighbouring states. Badridasji, Sanghachalak of
Punjab whom the Maharaja held in high esteem, hastened to Srinagar to meet
and advise him.

However, forces inimical to Bharat would not let the Maharaja have his way.
When 14th August came, the postal authorities in Srinagar hoisted the Pakistani
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flag on their office because the post offices within the State came under Sialkot
circle which now formed part of Pakistan. Promptly, the Sangh Swayamsevaks

and sympathisers saw to it that the postal authorities pulled down the Pakistani
flag. On the next day, i.e., the 15th of August, the Indian Tricolour flew over most
of the houses and shops in Srinagar. The flags had been prepared in hundreds
in the Sangh Karyalaya and distributed to the people.
In the meanwhile, the pro-Pakistani elements inside Kashmir intensified their
propaganda to pressurise the Maharaja to join Pakistan. Large-scale smuggling
of arms into the State to foment internal rebellion was on. Economic blockade
from outside was clamped by Pakistan. The Sangh leaders were the first to
realise the gravity of the situation; and again they sent memoranda to the
Maharaja. A Sangh Swayamsevak in the guise of a Muslim had wormed himself
into the camp of the Muslim personnel of the State's Armed Forces at Srinagar
and secured detailed plans of the projected Pakistan invasion. A prominent
Sangh worker of Kashmir personally informed the Commander of the State
Forces about the plan and the impending tragedy. Later developments tallied
word to word with the details of that plan.
At the diplomatic level at the Centre, too, Sangh had made certain moves in the
crucial mid-October days. Sardar Patel, knowing the mind of the Maharaja, had
pitched upon Shri Guruji to talk to him. Shri Guruji, he knew, commanded the
implicit confidence of the Maharaja. Shri Guruji flew to Srinagar on 17th October
1947. He brought home to the Maharaja the futility of harbouring any idea of
retaining Kashmir as an independent kingdom and advised him to join Bharat
straightway. Finally, the Maharaja expressed his readiness to sign the
Instrument of Accession to Bharat. Shri Guruji returned to New Delhi on 19th
October, and reported to Sardar Patel about the Maharaja's readiness to accede
to Bharat.
The sudden and massive invasion of Kashmir on 23rd October by Pakistani
tribesmen, the SOS to Delhi by the Maharaja for help, agreeing to the accession
of the State to Bharat and the flying of Indian troops to save Kashmir-all these
followed in lightning succession. The first attack by Pakistani raiders was made
on 11th October 1947. Many on the Indian side were butchered and large
numbers of women abducted. Then began regular raids on a long stretch of the
border. By October 22-23, the entire Jammu Sialkot border was aflame reducing
scores of border villages to ashes. Within the city of Jammu itself, the local
Muslims numbering about 20,000 were in a rebellious mood. The first shot was
fired in Talab Katikan area which was followed by a series of riots. The fate of
Jammu city and the entire countryside, with no troops on hand, hung in a
precarious balance. A terrible tragedy stared everybody in the face. But the

young men of Sangh rose to the occasion. They faced the pro-Pakistani Muslim
elements inside, repulsed their repeated attacks and shattered their designs.
Thus was saved Jammu. But for the Swayamsevaks' valiant efforts, Jammu
could never have been saved; and without Jammu, there was not the ghost of a
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chance to save Srinagar even by Indian forces.
Once the backbone of internal saboteurs was broken, Swayamsevaks took up
the urgent task of broadening the Jammu aerodrome. Five hundred
Swayamsevaks toiled round the clock for seven days and made the aerodrome
ready for the Indian dakotas to land. Roads for the movement of Indian Army
were also repaired and constructed by them in record time. In the meanwhile, in
several villages on the border, the local Muslims had joined hands with the
invaders and butchered thousands of Hindus and abducted thousands of Hindu
women. In that critical hour, once again the indomitable spirit of heroism and
sacrifice of the Sangh Swayamsevaks came to the fore. Hundreds of
Swayamsevaks from Jammu laid down their lives in saving the lives and honour
of tens of thousands of Hindus remaining in Mirpur, after it fell into Pakistani
hands.
The helpless refugees struggling towards Jammu had no other protection
against the Pathan snipers except a hundred and more Sangh men moving by
their side, in a day-and-night vigil. Kotley was a strategic border town.. Pak
raiders assisted by local Muslims intruded into the town repeatedly and carried
out killings and other atrocities. But the Hindus did not give up. Every time they
fought back and almost every street and house became a fortress of defence.
Scores of our mothers and sisters perferred martyrdom through poison or at the
hands of their own male folk rather than sacrificing their honour at the hands of
invaders. For six weeks, the Hindus held on to their post. The entire credit for
this historic defence of a vital border post goes to the Sangh Swayamsevaks.
Led by their heroic Nagar Karyavaha (city secretary of Sangh) the
Swayamsevaks strengthened the people's morale, roused their spirit of
patriotism and organised them for heroic resistance.
Swayamsevaks felt no sacrifice too great when the call came to assist our Army.
The garrison inside Kotley had run out of ammunition. 20 chests of ammunitions
dropped by our Air Force had fallen off a steep slope, well within the range of
Pakistani artillery. The Commander of the garrison thought it unwise to risk the
life of the few available soldiers to salvage the material as the task seemed to
entail sure death. However, a local Sangh worker, Krishnalal, along with 20 other
Swayamsevaks, accepted the challenge and brought back 17 chests. But they
had to pay the price of six precious lives, including their leader. In lieu of the six,
however, they had saved the life and honour of six thousand Hindus in the town.
And right at the fag-end of the battle, Prakash, the Nagar Karyavaha, also fell a

martyr while defending the town.


In Kashmir Valley, too, the situation was similar. Though Sheikh Abdullah,
assured by Delhi of his supreme position in Kashmir, stood firm against the Pak
invasion, his followers joined the raiders being carried away by the Islamic
frenzy let loose by Pak propaganda. The Swayamsevaks joined the militia in
large numbers and stood by the Indian Army in throwing out the raiders. The
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defence of Srinagar claimed the life of Pandit Manmath, a Sangh worker in the
militia. Sheikh Abdullah's government allowed the Sangh Swayamsevaks to
work in the militia till the Kashmir Valley was cleared of the raiders and his own
regime was well settled. And once that purpose was served, the Sangh
Swayamsevaks were eased out of the militia and even out of Kashmir in a
planned manner.

In the Liberation of Goa


The struggle for Independence was not over with the quitting of the British. On
2nd August 1954, one hundred Sangh Swayamsevaks stormed the remaining
Portuguese enclaves of Dadra and Nagar Haveli. The attack was led by the late
Vinayak Rao Apte, Pune Sanghachalak. The group included several prominent
Sangh workers. They formulated the guerilla strategy and attacked the main
police headquarters at Selvassa and forced the 175 soldiers there to surrender
unconditionally. The National Tricolour was hoisted and the region handed over
to the Central Government on the same day. On 2nd August 1979-the occasion
of the silver jubilee of that historic event-the people of Selvassa invited the 100
freedom-heroes and felicitated them. In 1987, the Maharashtra State Government
too recognised them as freedom fighters and honoured them.
The Portuguese still held sway over Goa. The first to unfurl the Tricolour Flag
over the Panaji Secretariat in 1955 was a Swayamsevak working as a teacher in
Goa. He remained in the Lisbon jail for full 17 years-well after Goa was liberated
in 1961. In 1955, Swayamsevaks took a leading part in the all-party national
struggle for its liberation. The task of providing food and shelter, all along the
Goa border, to the Satyagrahis who were streaming from different parts of the
country was shouldered by the Swayamsevaks. Prominent workers of Sangh
and Jana Sangh led several batches of Satyagrahis and a number of them
suffered bullet wounds and inhuman tortures in Portuguese jails.
Rajabhau Mahankal of Ujjain was among the prominent Swayamsevaks who led
a batch from Madhya Bharat. Right at the border, the Protuguese police were
ready with their bayonets and bullets to 'welcome' the Satyagrahis. Before
Rajabhau proceeded into Goa border, the first three columns of Satyagrahis
were fired upon. They fell down wounded. When the daring Sahodara Devi of
Saugar in the third row fell wounded, Rajabhau took the Tricolour from her
hands and stepped forward with the roar of 'Bharat Mata ki jai'. Rajabhau fell
with one of his eyes pierced right through with a bullet. In those few seconds,

before he became unconscious, he commanded others to take care of the Flag


and of the other wounded Satyagrahis. And within a few minutes, he joined the
rank of martyrs who had covered themselves with immortal glory in the cause of
the freedom of the Motherland.

During 1962 Chinese Invasion


Deep concern for the national sovereignty over every inch of the country has
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ever remained the life-breath of Sangh all the years. The Indian Government, for
the umpteenth time, tried to buy peace with Pakistan by appeasing her with the
gift of certain areas in West Bengal. In December 1959, the Akhil Bharatiya
Karyakari Mandal (the All-India Executive Committee) of Sangh warned that "The
introduction of a bill to amend the Constitution for transfer of Berubari and other
Indian territories to Pakistan is detrimental to our national pride and solidarity."
It also urged all members of Parliament "to vindicate their supreme duty of
safeguarding the nation's sovereignty by firmly rejecting the suicidal bill and
allaying the fears of the people in that regard."
When the Kashmir issue was taken to the UNO, Shri Guruji publicly warned that
the step would boomerang and pose serious problems in future for the security
and integrity of the country. Again, he was the first public leader to give out the
news of illegal occupation by the Chinese of large chunks of our strategic
Himalayan borders. In 1960, when Pandit Nehru and Chou-Enlai were jointly
touring our country singing the lullaby of "HindiCheeni bhai bhai", Shri Guruji's
was the one voice laying bare the dragon's teeth hidden behind that enchanting
slogan.
And two years later, when the Chinese openly invaded our territory in 1962, the
Swayamsevaks swung into action mobilising support to the governmental
measures in general and to the jawans in particular. Pandit Nehru was so much
impressed that he invited a Sangh contingent to take part in the Republic Day
Parade of 26th January 1963. At a mere two days' notice, over 3,000
Swayamsevaks smartly turned up at the parade in full Sangh uniform. Their
massive march, in fact, became the major highlight of the programme. When,
later on, some Congressmen raised their eyebrows over the invitation to Sangh,
Pandit Nehru brushed aside the objections saying that all patriotic citizens had
been invited to join the parade.
During the war, the attitude of labour becomes a crucial factor. When China
invaded Bharat, a section of the Communist Party of India proclaimed that
Chinese forces were here for 'liberating' Bharat (from capitalist domination).
Their leaders like Basavaponnaiah went to the extent of saying that Bharat was
the aggressor and had occupied Chinese territory. Their unions were made tools
to sabotage or obstruct our defence efforts. Their water-transporting union in
the North-Eastern region served a strike notice. Transport of food and other
materials to the jawans at the Front was hampered. However, the Bharatiya
Mazdoor Sangh decided otherwise. At once it withdrew all agitations by its

unions. All the pending demands were put off for the time being. A call was
given to workers to give top priority to stepping up defence production and
assisting all defence efforts.
The BMS did not stop at that. It decided to end the potentiality for mischief in
future by such Trojan horses. In strategic sectors such as defence production,
transport, power generation, transmission, etc., special efforts were made. Two
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decades of such persistent efforts have secured for the BMS federation in the
defence sector-the Bharatiya Prati Raksha Mazdoor Sangh- a premier position.
BMS is now confident that the leftist unions dare not try their 1962 tactics in the
future. So also, in other lifelines of the nation like power generation, road and
railway transport, the BMS has established a clear lead over others.

During 1965 Pak Aggression


When Pakistan attacked Bharat in 1965, Lal Bahadur Shastri, the Prime Minister,
personally rang up Shri Guruji who was then touring Maharashtra and requested
him to be in New Delhi for the All-Leaders Conference the following day. At the
conference, Shri Guruji extended complete co-operation on behalf of the Sangh.
He also urged that the hands of the Indian army should not be tied down to a
defensive posture but allowed to evolve its own offensive strategy. At the
conference, when one of the representatives, while addressing Shastriji, kept on
saying 'your army', Shri Guruji corrected him with a sharp reminder: "Say, 'our
army'."
In Delhi, for the entire period of 22 days of war, police duties like traffic control
were transferred to Swayamsevaks to free the police for more pressing tasks.
Ever since the beginning of war, batches of Swayamsevaks daily reported at the
General Military Hospital, Delhi, to offer blood. The military looked upon the
Sangh as a friend in need. Whenever they felt the need for any kind of civil
assistance they would just ring up the Sangh Karyalaya. When the war was at its
peak a military train carrying wounded jawans arrived in Delhi. Hundreds were
urgently in need of blood transfusion. The army officers telephoned to the Delhi
Sangh Karyalaya. It was midnight. The very next morning 500 Swayamsevaks
reached the military hospital to donate blood. According to the hospital rules,
each of them was offered 10 rupees. But the Swayamsevaks returned the
amount saying that it could be better used for the wounded jawans.
The Sangh Swayamsevaks of Amritsar organised four canteens on the border
within the shelling range of the enemy. It was indeed a sight to see the supreme
courage of the young men working in such dangerous areas. The villagers used
to donate huge quantities of milk free of charge to these canteens. They would
bring meals prepared in desi ghee to these canteens, where hundreds of jawans
took their food. On 8th September, when the Government authorities wanted
clothes for a large number of injured soldiers, they were got ready in just four
hours. The leadership provided by two Swayamsevak MLAs of the Jana Sangh
during those crucial days was exemplary.

Prior to the commencement of the undeclared war, the civilian aspect of work
was mostly on paper. But the superb way in which cent per cent black outs,
night patrols and other items of civil defence measures were performed by the
civilians was a miracle. The unarmed civilians successfully caught the Pakistani
paratroopers who were armed to the teeth. Every mile of rail track, every bridge
and culvert over rivers or canals and every aerodrome was guarded by the
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civilians in a most courageous and determined manner. And in all these efforts,
needless to say, the Swayamsevaks were in the vanguard.
When the war broke out, the Jana Sangh MLA-a Swayamsevak-in Ferozepur
district, whose village was situated in the border area just near the theatre of
war, promptly told his villagers: "I will stay in my village and shall remain here
whatever may happen." Whenever people, terror-stricken by Pakistan's shelling,
wanted his consent to leave the village, he would tell them, " You can leave the
village, if you so desire. But mind you, I will remain here and fight against
Pakistan to my last." Listening to such heroic words, the villagers would again
stick to their posts of duty, their morale steeled. Another Jana Sangh MLA, a
Swayamsevak, continued to stay in Ferozepur even when the city was actually
being bombarded and shelled by Pakistan. Fazilka town had a normal
population of about 40,000. Hardly 5,000 persons stayed on eventually, and they
were almost all Swayamsevaks and their families.
In Rajouri in Jammu, when two Swayamsevaks-one of them a leader of Jana
Sangh-observed Pakistani troops proceeding towards the town, they hastened
to the Army Cantonment to give the news. The Army Officer, on his part, had
already prepared himself to face the enemy, but he suggested to the two
Swayamsevaks to immediately shift to Jammu for safety. He offered them an
army vehicle also for the purpose. But they refused the offer saying that their
duty lay in their own place for maintaining people's morale and mobilising
civilian support for the Army. The next day, a committee was formed for the
purpose, which performed its job admirably and thus helped saving Rajouri
from the enemy hands.
From Meindhar in the same area comes the story of a Swayamsevak, who dared
to enter the enemy trenches. He snatched the stengun from the Pakistani soldier
who was firing upon the neighbouring village, killed him and his comrades in
the trench and saved the lives of hundreds of our countrymen. Another
Swayamsevak of Pathani, in Naushera Taluk, sneaked through the Pak military
formation which had surrounded and ambushed a section of the Indian army,
and supplied the jawans the much needed water and foodstuffs. When the
soldiers tried to shower presents on him he refused them saying that he had
only done his duty towards the Motherland.
In Jammu, where the influx of displaced persons swelled into lakhs, the Sangh-
sponsored Sahayata Samiti was the one foremost in the field of mobilizing the
civilian co-operation for their relief. Right from 15th August up to 6th September,

it arranged daily meals for about 25-35 thousand persons and supplied them
with all the daily necessities of life.In Gujarat too, a Sangh Swayamsevak
working at Okha near Dwaraka shot down two Pakistani satire jets flying low to
bombard that port. When he was profusely congratulated by the army men, he
remarked, in the true spirit of a Swayamsevak, "I have just done my duty, that is
all." When the fighting ended, General Kulwant Singh told a Sangh worker,
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"Punjab is the sword-arm of India, and RSS is the sword-arm of Punjab." Soon
after the war, when the Prime Minister was invited to Tashkent, Shri Guruji sent a
message urging him not to go. When, however, he decided to go, Shri Guruji
sent a letter to him through Atal Behari Vajpayee, wherein he had urged him to
stand During 1971 War of Bangladesh LiberationWhen war with Pakistan broke
out again in December 1971, Shri Guruji's advice to the Government and the
people was clear and crisp: "At least now, we should be shaken out of our
illusion that an appeal to the so-called international conscience would work
wonders." He also said, "Our war aims should be clear. As our Shastras have
declared, no shatru shesh, residue of the enemy, should be allowed to remain."
However, the Government, in the wake of the heroic liberation of Bangladesh by
our jawans, again relapsed into its old groove. With what results we all know
now - with both Pakistan and Bangladesh becoming more and more belligerent
all the time.
During the war, as on previous occasions, thousands of Swayamsevaks
throughout Rajasthan, North Punjab, Jammu, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal
pledged their services with the authorities for every kind of mobilisation of
civilian support. At several important cities and towns, hundreds of
Swayamsevaks enlisted themselves as blood donors as well as volunteers for
civil defence and first aid. Patrolling during black-out and undertaking relief
works became their normal duties. In Uttar Pradesh, a sustained programme for
public awakening was undertaken. Prabhat-pheris (early morning marches) and
public contacts were taken up for exhorting the people to remain vigilant about
the pro-Pale elements and their possible fifth column activities. In Delhi, the
Kingsway Camp police station authorities requisitioned the services of the
Swayamsevaks to guard the broadcasting and other vital installations in Radio
Colony and the water works at Wazirabad. The Swayamsevaks also looked after
the wounded jawans in hospitals at many places. Army hospitals were often
flooded with fruits and other consumer articles for the use of the wounded
jawans.
On 7th December 1971, when the Barmer railway station in Rajasthan was
bombed by Pakistani planes, about 40 to 45 Swayamsevaks rushed to the
dangerous spot. A goods train carrying petrol drums was likely to catch fire. The
Swayamsevaks, unmindful of the intermittent bombing, removed the drums to
safer places. During those critical days, senior defence and government officers
insisted that only the Sangh men be permitted to run the canteens in those
sensitive border areas.

During 1971 War of Bangladesh Liberation


When war with Pakistan broke out again in December 1971, Shri Guruji's advice
to the Government and the people was clear and crisp: "At least now, we should
be shaken out of our illusion that an appeal to the so-called international
conscience would work wonders." He also said, "Our war aims should be clear.
As our Shastras have declared, no shatru shesh, residue of the enemy, should
be allowed to remain." However, the Government, in the wake of the heroic
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liberation of Bangladesh by our jawans, again relapsed into its old groove.
With what results we all know now - with both Pakistan and Bangladesh
becoming more and more belligerent all the time.
During the war, as on previous occasions, thousands of Swayamsevaks
throughout Rajasthan, North Punjab, Jammu, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal
pledged their services with the authorities for every kind of mobilisation of
civilian support. At several important cities and towns, hundreds of
Swayamsevaks enlisted themselves as blood donors as well as volunteers for
civil defence and first aid. Patrolling during black-out and undertaking relief
works became their normal duties. In Uttar Pradesh, a sustained programme for
public awakening was undertaken. Prabhat-pheris (early morning marches) and
public contacts were taken up for exhorting the people to remain vigilant about
the pro-Pale elements and their possible fifth column activities. In Delhi,
theKingsway Camp police station authorities requisitioned the services of the
Swayamsevaks to guard the broadcasting and other vital installations in Radio
Colony and the water works at Wazirabad. The Swayamsevaks also looked after
the wounded jawans in hospitals at many places. Army hospitals were often
flooded with fruits and other consumer articles for the use of the wounded
jawans.
On 7th December 1971, when the Barmer railway station in Rajasthan was
bombed by Pakistani planes, about 40 to 45 Swayamsevaks rushed to the
dangerous spot. A goods train carrying petrol drums was likely to catch fire. The
Swayamsevaks, unmindful of the intermittent bombing, removed the drums to
safer places. During those critical days, senior defence and government officers
insisted that only the Sangh men be permitted to run the canteens in those
sensitive border areas.
OUR NATION IS OUR PRIDE , JAI HIND

Posted by dipinbharath at 12:11 AM 0 comments

W e d n e s d a y, A p r i l 2 , 2 0 0 8

Save swamiji
12

Swami Vivekananda - The Prince of Awakened India


Namasthe,
The patriot saint of india, who had spread the message of sanathan dharma
throughout the world.Swamiji's concept is a strong, powerful and aggressive
Hindu Nation (Akhant bharath sankalp). So the legacy of swamiji belongs to
RSS.But now the leftist ideologues are trying to bring swamiji as their advocate.
So it is the duty of swayamsevaks in Bharath to protect swamiji's ideology from
the communist snakes.
Our Nation is our Pride , Jai Hind
Posted by dipinbharath at 12:27 AM 0 comments
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About Me

dipin damodharan
A rashtrasevak who is ready to sacrifice his life for Bharathmaa
13

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dipin damodharan
• Age: 21
• Gender: Male
• Astrological Sign: Scorpio
• Zodiac Year: Tiger
• Industry: Student
• Occupation: student
• Location: tirur : kerala : India

About Me
A rashtrasevak who is ready to sacrifice his life for Bharathmaa

When your science teacher smashed a frozen rose with a hammer,


did you warm the petals to bring them back to life?
w

Interests
• In the history of bharath
• cricket.films
• literature
• politics

Favourite Movies
• Legend of Baghatsingh
• okkadu
• Rang de basanti

Favourite Music
• v v dakshinamurthy
• A R Rehman

Favourite Books
• Baghavat Geeta
• ananthamadam

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