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On 12 June 1939, on the eve of the Second World War, the French
Ambassador to the Holy See, François Charles-Roux, regretting the
impartial reaction of Pius XII to the aggressive demands imposed upon
Catholic Poland by the Nazis, observed that “the Holy See can perform
its activity in two ways, either through diplomacy or by asserting the
principles which stand against the theories now in fashion.”1 Rejecting
the notion that “might makes right” this Frenchman favored a policy
based on ethical principles. Pius XII agreed in principle with him. “The
Pope at times cannot remain silent. Governments only consider
political and military issues, intentionally disregarding moral and legal
issues in which, on the other hand, the Pope is primarily interested and
cannot ignore,” Pius XII told the Italian ambassador Dino Alfieri on 13
May 1940. Quoting Saint Catherine of Sienna’s critique of papal
policies in the fourteenth century, this pope believed her admonition
was equally applicable to him and that “God would subject him to the
most stringent judgment if he did not react to evil or did not do what
he thought was his duty.” Referring to the European situation of 1940,
Pius asked “How could the Pope, in the present circumstances, be
guilty of such a serious omission as that of remaining a disinterested
spectator of such heinous acts, while the entire world was waiting for
his word?”2
•FRANK J. COPPA (B.A., Brooklyn College; M.A., Ph.D., Catholic University of America)
is professor of history and director of doctoral studies in modern world history, St. John’s
University, and associate editor of the New Catholic Encyclopedia. He is author of The
Papacy, the Jews, and the Holocaust, The Modern Papacy, and The Papacy Confronts the
Modern World, and has edited and contributed to Controversial Concordats: The Vatican’s
Relations with Napoleon, Mussolini and Hitler and the two-volume Great Popes Through
History, among others. Special interests include modern European, modern Italian, and
papal history. He has a special interest in biography and is the author of a series of
biographies including those of Giovanni Giolitti, Camillo di Cavour, Pope Pius IX, and
Cardinal Giacomo Antonelli, among others. He also serves as series editor for Peter Lang’s
“Studies in Modern European History.”
1. Records and Documents of the Holy See Relating to the Second World War: The Holy
See and the War in Europe (RDHSWW ), ed. Pierre Blett et al. Trans. Gerard Noel
(Cleveland, Ohio: Corpus Books, 1968), 169.
2. Ibid., 423.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
3. See Gerhard Besier with the collaboration of Francesca Piombo, The Holy See and
Hitler’s Germany, trans. W.R. Ward (New York: Palgrave/Macmillan, 2007), viii.
4. RDHSWW, 423.
5. Georges Passelecq and Bernard Suchecky, L’encyclique cachée de Pie XI (Paris:
Editions La Découverte, 1995, 122, 126, 129.
6. See Sister Margherita Marchione, Pius XII: Architect for Peace (2000); Jan Olav Smit,
Angelic Shepherd: The Life of Pope Pius XII (1950); Ralph McInerny, The Defamation of
Pope Pius XII (2001); and Father Michael O’Carrol, Pius XII: Greatness Dishonored—A
Documented Study (1980) among dozens of such apologetic works.
7. Italo Garzia, “Pope Pius XII, Italy and the Second World War,” in Papal Diplomacy in
the Modern Age, ed. Peter C. Kent and John F. Pollard (London: Praeger, 1994), 127.
8. See John Cornwell, Hitler’s Pope: The Secret History of Pius XII (New York: Viking,
1999), and Joseph Bottum and David G. Dalin, eds., The Pius War (New York: Lexington
Books, 2004).
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
9. Paul L. Murphy with Rene Arlington, La Popessa (New York: Warner Books, 1983),
197.
10. Records and Documents of the Holy See Relating to the Second World War, 423.
11. Acta Apostolicae Sedis (AAS), LXI, 1949, 74.
12. Sandro Magister, La politica vaticana e l'Italia, 1943-1978 (Rome: Reuniti, 1979), 132-
33; G. Alberigo, “La Condanna della colabarzione dei Cattolici con i partiti communisti
(1949),” in Concilium, 1975, n. 7, 145-58.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
of the Second World War.13 This play, translated into more than
twenty languages, reached a wide audience and depicted Pius as a
calculating figure preoccupied by narrow clerical interests to the
detriment of the Nazi victims. Denigrators of this pope found
ammunition in the drama for their campaign against Pius XII’s
“silence,” while his defenders noted its historical inaccuracies and
failure to acknowledge this pope’s humanitarian efforts on behalf of the
persecuted.
The charges launched by Hochhuth’s play engendered a
controversy re-ignited during the projected beatification of Pius XII
alongside John XXIII, at the turn of the century. Following the first
eruption, Pope Paul VI, hoping to quell the criticism of the pope he
had loyally served, allowed four Jesuits access to the closed Vatican
archives for the Second World War—which led to the publication of
the eleven volume Actes et documents du Saint Siège relatifs a` la
seconde guerre mondiale (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana,
1965-81).14 Their publication, as well as the passage of time, saw the
storm over Pius XII’s “silence” temporarily subside—but not end. It
dramatically resumed at the turn of the century during the discussion
of the beatification of Pius XII, rekindling the controversy. Since a
number of others had been equally, if not more silent than Pius XII,
and provided less assistance to the persecuted Jews than he did, the
condemnation of the pope provided a convenient means of avoiding
individual and collective responsibility and therefore not readily
abandoned. Some hoped that the availability of additional sources
would resolve this psychological, ideological and polemical debate.
New memoirs such as those of Harold Tittmann, Jr., assistant to
Myron C. Taylor, Roosevelt’s personal representative to Pius XII, have
been published,15 providing valuable insights into this pope’s thought
and actions. Other important documents have surfaced, including the
belated appearance and publication of the encyclical commissioned by
Pius XI in 1938 against racism,16 along with the disclosure of a secret
13. My interest in the Holocaust, then simply known as the Nazi genocide, predates the
presentation and publication of Hochhuth’s play. It was originally stimulated by my study of
German history under Hans Rosenberg at Brooklyn College. Subsequently, it was nourished
by John K. Zeender at the Catholic University of America.
14. The Vatican Archives for the pontificate of Pius XII (1939-58) otherwise remain
closed. During a meeting with the Prefect, Sergio Pagano, on 13 January 2004, the Prefect,
who contributed an essay on Pius V to the two volume Great Popes in History (Westport,
Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2003) which I edited, confided that it would take another twenty
years to arrange the papers of Pius XII’s pontificate before opening them for scholarly
scrutiny.
15. Harold H. Tittmann, III, ed., Inside the Vatican of Pius XII: The Memoir of an
American Diplomat During World War II (New York: Image Books, 2004).
16. The text of the encyclical was “lost” for years. As late as 1991, Father Robert
Graham—one of the Jesuits granted access to the papers of Pius XI and Pius XII—told me
during an international conference on Papal diplomacy (1991)—that he had not seen the
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
text in the Vatican archives. I had almost lost hope of ever seeing the text when Prof. Robert
Hecht, of the City University, completing a biography of John La Farge, wrote me asking if I
wanted to see the galleys of this encyclical. The galleys of the encyclical had been prepared
for publication in The Catholic Mind in 1973—but somehow never appeared. Subsequently
they were found by Hecht in the offices of the Journal America. Subsequently another
version of this encyclical was published by Georges Passelecq and B. Suchecky,
L’Encyclique Cacheé de Pie XI: Une occasion manquée de l’Église face a` l’antisémitisme
(Paris, 1995). Trans. By Steven Rendall and published as The Hidden Encyclical of Pius XI
(New York, 1997).
17. Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV), Ufficio Informazioni Vaticano (Prigionieri di guerra,
(1939-47).
18. Inter Arma Caritas: Uffizio Informazioni Vaticano per I prigionieri di guerra istituito
da Pio XII (Vatican City: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, 2004).
19. Sister Margherita Marchione, Crusade of Charity: Pius XII and POWs (1939-1945)
(New York: Paulist Press, 2006).
20. The documents in the Nunziatura d'Italia include the correspondence between the
Vatican and the Italian government on Mussolini’s racial laws and pronouncements as well
as the Vatican’s efforts on behalf of individual, primarily converted Jews.
21. A good part of this file has been put on 95 reels of microfilm and can be found in the
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, D.C.
22. Besier, The Holy See and Hitler’s Germany, ix.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
In fact, this was earlier advocated by the pragmatic and powerful Pietro
Gasparri, whose crucial role in establishing this conciliatory course has
been largely overlooked. The cardinal, who served as secretary of state
under Benedict XV (1914-22) and Pius XI (1922-1930), codified the
canon law, and was largely responsible for the Lateran Accords of 1929,
which led to the creation of Vatican City, could not be ignored even
when out of office. When Hitler ascended to power, Gasparri, drawing
on his previous pronouncements, provided advice on how the Holy See
should respond to Nazism. His suggestions codified what he had
proposed since the 1920s, and urged the papacy to refrain from
condemning Hitler’s party so long as it did not wage war on the Holy
See or the hierarchy in Germany.23 Pacelli shared the practical
approach of his patron, mentor, and guide as did a majority in the
secretariat of state. Pius XI did not, and during the 1920s had clashed
with Gasparri on this and other matters. Apparently Pius XI retained
Gasparri as secretary of state because of his crucial role in the
negotiations for a concordat with Mussolini’s Italy, but forced him to
resign following their successful conclusion.24 He chose the younger,
less assertive Eugenio Pacelli to succeed as secretary of state, knowing
he had been out of the country for more than a decade and did not
have the support structure in the curia to challenge the pope and
pursue an independent course as Gasparri had.
Nonetheless, Pacelli shared more of Gasparri’s views than those of
the pope. He differed from Pius XI in style as well as substance, in
physical features—Papa Ratti was athletic while Pacelli was frail—as
well as temperament and personality. While the pope was spontaneous,
outgoing, and outspoken, his secretary of state was studied, aloof, and
cautious in speech as well as action. The pope, unlike Pacelli, was
decisive, stubborn, and prone to reach decisions on his own.25 Not
surprisingly, the two soon disagreed on a number of issues, reflecting
not only differences in personality, but the divisions prevailing in the
curia and Vatican circles. Although both opposed Nazi anti-Semitism,
recognizing Nazi mania for racial purity violated Christian principles
and Catholicism’s universal ministry,26 they increasingly differed on
how to respond.
Despite the anti-Judaism prevalent in church circles, which the
23. “Pietro Gasperri’s Memorandum of June 1933,” ASV, Archivio della Nunziatura
Apostolica in Monaco, pos. 396, fasc. 7, ff. 75-76, cited in Peter Godman, Hitler and the
Vatican: Inside the Secret Archives that Reveal the New Story of the Nazis and the Church
(New York: Free Press, 2004), 6-7.
24. Besier, The Holy See and Hitler’s Germany, 70; 227, n. 247.
25. Ibid., 52.
26. Gene Bernardini, “The Origins and Development of Racial Antisemitism in Fascist
Italy,” Journal of Modern History 49, n. 3 (1977): 434; John S. Conway, “The Vatican,
Germany and the Holocaust,” in Papal Diplomacy in the Modern Age, eds. Kent and
Pollard, 106.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
27. In this regard see Frank J. Coppa, The Papacy, the Jews, and the Holocaust
(Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2006), and Thomas
Brechenmacher, Der Vatikan und die Juden (Munich: Verlag/Beck, 2005).
28. Cum Tertio, 17 September 1922, Principles for Peace: Selections from Papal
Documents from Leo XIII to Pius XII, 329.
29. Consistorial Allocution of 20 December 1926, Discorsi di Pio XI, ed. Domenico
Bertetto (Turin: Societa` Editrice Internazionale, 1959), I: 647.
30. Decretum De Conosciatione Vulgo, “Amici Israel” Abolenda, 25 March 1928, Acta
Apostolicae Sedis, XX, 103-04; Georges Passelecq and Bernard Suchecky, The Hidden
Encyclical of Pius XI (New York: Harcourt-Brace, 1998), 144.
31. The Lateran Accords included three parts: a conciliation treaty, which terminated the
Roman Question and established Vatican City as an inviolable papal territory; a concordat,
which regulated church-state relations in Italy; and a financial convention to provide
compensation for papal territory annexed during unification. The texts can be found in Nino
Trapodi's I Patti lateranese e il fascismo (Bologna: Cappelli, 1960), 267-79. For an analysis
of the documents, see Ernesto Rossi, Il Manganello e l’aspersorio (Florence: Parenti, 1958),
227-36.
32. Nuncio in Berlin Reports on Mussolini’s advice to Hitler, Orsenigo to Pacelli, April
1923, Archivio Segreto Vaticano (ASV), Segreteria di Stato (SS), Affari Ecclesiastici
Straordinari (AES), Germania, posizioni 641-43, fascicolo 158.
33. Orsenigo to Pacelli, 24 March 1933, ASV, SS, AES, Germania, posizioni 641-43,
fascicolo 157.
34. “Cronaca Contemporanea,” 7-20 April 1933, Civiltà Cattolica, anno 84 (1933), II: 301;
John Jay Hughes, “The Pope's Pact with Hitler: Betrayal or Self-Defense?,” Journal of
Church and State 17 (Winter 1975): 64; Klaus Scholder, The Churches and the Third Reich.
II—The Year of Disillusionment: 1934 Barmen and Rome (Philadelphia, Pa.: Fortress
Press, 1988), 1.
35. Franz von Papen, Memoirs, trans. Brian Connell (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co.,
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
promised to fulfill a goal Gasparri had long envisioned and Pacelli had
pursued since 1919.36 Any written agreement, Pacelli believed, would
provide a better basis for even a temporary coexistence with the Nazi
regime.37 The pope remained skeptical. Suspicious of the Nazis and
distressed by their “pagan philosophy,” Pius XI offered a less
enthusiastic response. He suspected that Hitler sought international
legitimacy and political leverage rather than reconciliation with
religion.
The pope reconsidered signing a concordat with the Reich at the
behest of Pacelli who stressed its importance in protecting the faithful
in the Reich.38 Scandalized by the dismantling of some Catholic social
and political groups,39 the pope feared that other church organizations
and activities might also be targeted. Determined to preserve Catholic
youth groups and safeguard the church in the Reich, Pius XI
reluctantly sanctioned negotiations.40 Nonetheless, the pope was less
than happy with the rapid conclusion of the concordat creating a
certain tension between himself and his secretary of state.41 The papal
secretary of state, aware of the pope’s ambivalence, confessed that the
Holy See deplored the anti-Semitism of the German government, its
violations of human rights, and its reign of terror. It signed the accord,
he explained, because it appeared to be the sole means of preventing
the destruction of the Catholic Church and its lay organizations in
Germany.42 On paper, the agreement provided broad concessions to
the Holy See, with more than two-thirds of its thirty-three articles
offering it assurances.43 An additional protocol guaranteed the right of
the church to collect funds in the Reich.44 Pacelli, largely responsible
for its successful conclusion was congratulated for his achievement by
his predecessor and mentor, Cardinal Gasparri.45 For Pacelli, its
1954), 278.
36. Besier, The Holy See and Hitler’s Germany, 56.
37. Karol Jozef Gajewski, “Nazi Persecution of the Church,” Inside the Vatican, November
1999, 51.
38. Anglo-Vatican Relations 1914-1939: Confidential Reports of the British Minister to the
Holy See, 250; “Concordat of the Holy See and Germany,” Catholic World 137 (August
1933).
39. “Cronaca Contemporanea,” 23 June-6 July 1933; Civiltà Cattolica, anno 84 (1933), III:
203-05.
40. Anglo-Vatican Relations 1914-1939: Confidential Reports of the British Minister to the
Holy See, 250.
41. Besier, The Holy See and Hitler’s Germany, 71.
42. Mr. Kirkpatrick (the Vatican) to Sir R. Vansittart, 19 August 1933, Documents on
British Foreign Policy, n. 342, 524-25; L'Osservatore Romano, 11-12 September 1933;
“Cronaca Contemporanea,” 7-26 September 1933, Civiltà Cattolica, anno 84 (1933), IV: 89.
43. Italian translation of Reich Concordat of July 1933, ASV, SS, AES, Germania,
posizione 645, fascicolo 157.
44. Addenda to article XIII, ASV, SS, AES, Germania, posizione 645, fascicolo164.
45. Gasparri to Pacelli, 24 July 1933, ASV, SS, AES, Germania, posizione 645, fascicolo
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
165.
46. Anglo-Vatican Relations 1914-1939: Confidential Reports of the British Minister to the
Holy See, 253-54; Camille M. Cianfarra, The War and the Vatican (London: Oates and
Washbourne, 1945), 96; Documents on German Foreign Policy, (DGFP) Series C, vol. IV,
793-94.
47. ASV, SS, AES, Germania, posizioni 641-43.
48. Robert A. Hecht, An Unordinary Man: A life of Father John La Farge, S.J. (Lanham,
Md.: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1996), 103, 107.
49. Speeches of 4 April 1934 and 29 April 1934 in Discorsi di Pio XI, III, 90-93, 114-15.
50. Edith Stein to Pius XI, 12 April 1933 ASV, SS, AES, Germania, Posizione 643,
1092/33.
51. Cesare Orsenigo to Pacelli, 11 April 1933, ASV, SS, AES, Germania, Posizione 643,
fasicolo 158, nn. 6953-6594.
52. The Jewish Chronicle of London, 1 September 1933, found in ASV, SS, AES,
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
70. Address of 21 August 1938 in Principles for Peace: Selections from Papal Documents
from Leo XIII to Pius XII, 545.
71. “Cronaca Contemporanea,” Civiltà Cattolica, 9-22 June 1938.
72. Discorsi di Pio XI, III, 770.
73. Charles-Roux, Huit ans au Vatican, 52.
74. Ibid., 122-23; Nathaniel Micklem, National Socialism and the Roman Catholic Church
(London: Oxford University Press, 1939), 206-07, 96, 99; Anglo-Vatican Relations 1914-
1939: Confidential Reports of the British Minister to the Holy See, 392.
75. Cianfarra, The War and the Vatican, 122; Anglo-Vatican Relations 1914-1939:
Confidential Reports of the British Minister to the Holy See, 389-94.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
88. Frederick Brown, “The Hidden Encyclical,” The New Republic, 15 April 1996, 30.
89. Giovanni Miccoli, “Santa Sede e Chiesa Italiana di Fronte alle Leggi Antiebraiche del
1938,” Studi Storici anno 29, n. 4 (October-December 1988): 881.
90. Angelo Martini, “L’Ultima battaglia di Pio XI,” in Studi sulla questione romana e la
conciliazione (Rome: Cinque Lune, 1963), 186-87.
91. Ad Insegnanti di Azione Cattolica, 6 September 1938, Discorsi di Pio XI, III, 796.
92. The New York Times, 8 September 1938.
93. Passelecq and Suchecky, L’encyclique cachée de Pie XI, 180.
94. L’Osservatore Romano, 22 October 1938.
95. Ibid., 14-15 November 1938.
96. Con grande, 24 December 1938, Principles for Peace: Selections from Papal
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do more, but his failing health made it difficult as his schedule and
audiences were severely curtailed,97 much to the relief of those who
opposed his abrupt manner, confrontational style, and collision course
with the dictatorships.
Despite his deteriorating physical condition, the pope hoped to
issue the encyclical he commissioned while he still had the energy to
overcome the expected opposition to the pronouncement. Pius
wondered about the delay, but only after La Farge wrote him did he
learn that the encyclical had been written and submitted—but kept
from him. Infuriated, Pius demanded its immediate delivery even
though he was on the verge of dying.98Apparently the Vatican received
the document on 21 January 1939, but it is not certain if the pope saw
it before his death on 9-10 February.99 Most likely he did not. The
draft of the encyclical, as well as the address that Pius XI planned to
present to the Italian bishops on the tenth anniversary of the Lateran
Accords, were found on the desk of the deceased pope.100 We do not
know when they were put there, but they subsequently disappeared.
The conclave of March 1939, which opened as Europe was on the
brink of another war, sought a peacemaker and mediator in contrast to
the last pope. Thus, on the third ballot of a short one-day conclave, the
conciliatory majority quickly elected Pacelli, the most talented disciple
of Gasparri, who, like his mentor, favored conciliation rather than
confrontation vis à vis the Nazis regime, to succeed Pius XI. The new
pope did not disappoint them, and was seen to rely on two instruments
for governing relations between church and state: canon law and
diplomacy.101 Some complained that he allowed the latter to prevail
over the former. The record reveals that Pacelli, who became Pope
Pius XII on 2 March 1939, immediately opened a diplomatic initiative
to improve relations with the Nazi state, receiving the German
Ambassador on 5 March, before all others. Another of his first actions
was to assemble the German Cardinals—Faulhaber from Munich,
Bertram from Breslau, Schulte from Cologne and Innitzer from
Vienna—together, presenting his intention to send a personal letter to
Hitler announcing his accession, and did so on 5 March, making Hitler
the first head of state informed of his election. He also ordered the
editors of the Osservatore Romano to cease their criticism of events in
Documents from Leo XIII to Pius XII , 549-51; Papal Pronouncements. A Guide: 1740-
1978, II, 114; The New York Times, 25 December 1938.
97. Desmond O’Grady, “Pius XI—complex and imperious,” National Catholic Reporter,
15 December 1972, 15.
98. Passelecq and Suchecky, L’encyclique cachée de Pie XI, 116, 119, 138.
99. “Jesuit Says Pius XI asked for draft,” National Catholic Reporter, 22 December 1972,
3.
100. Castelli, National Catholic Reporter, 15 December 1972, 13-14.
101. Besier, The Holy See and Hitler’s Germany, 9-10.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
102. Robert S. Wistrich, Hitler and the Holocaust (New York: Modern Library Edition,
2001), 137.
103. George O. Kent, “Pope Pius XII and Germany: Some Aspects of German-Vatican
Relations, 1933-1943,” American Historical Review 70 (October 1964): 65.
104. Galeazzo Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 1939-1943, ed. Hugh Gibson (Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, 1946), 45-47.
105. Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series C, IV, n. 482, I, n. 667; The New York
Times, 16 July 1939.
106. Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series D, nn. 473, 475.
107. William M. Harrigan, “Pius XII’s Efforts to Effect a Detente in German-Vatican
Relations, 1939-1940,” The Catholic Historical Review 49, n. 2 (July 1963): 184.
108. Patricia Marx Ellsberg, “An Interview with Rolf Hochhuth,” in The Papacy and
Totalitarianism between The Two World Wars, ed. Charles F. Delzell (New York: John
Wiley and Sons, 1974), 115.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
announced papal neutrality in his radio message that same day,109 and
adhered to it following the outbreak of war in September 1939.
Determined not to alienate Nazi Germany, Pius XII did not protest its
invasion of Catholic Poland or its horrific abuses therein.110 Instead,
the pope continued his neutral policy to the satisfaction of the more
moderate Nazis and led the German Foreign Minister Joachim von
Ribbentrop to declare “This is a real Pope.”111 Von Ribbentrop
concluded that “the Pope has always had his heart in Germany,”
claiming that he sought a lasting understanding with Hitler. Heinrich
Himmler likewise revealed his appreciation of Pius XII’s tact and
prudence.112 Ciano, too, concluded that Fascist Italy could get along
with this pope.113 The diplomats of the Axis were not overly troubled
by the veiled papal critique of totalitarianism and apparently
appreciated his 1939 message to Hitler expressing his “deep
satisfaction” that the Führer had escaped an assassination attempt.114
Cardinals Faulhaber and Bertram dispatched similar messages. While
some saw these messages as pro-forma, others perceived them as
troubling and unfortunate.
It is true that Pius XII’s first encyclical of 20 October 1939 rejected
the claims of absolute state authority propounded by the totalitarian
powers, but his denunciation was general rather than specific and
difficult to decipher. He also expressed disapproval of the “calculated
act of aggression against a small, industrious, and peaceful nation,”115
without naming either the aggressor or aggrieved. Consequently, he
could later assure German Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop that the
small nation he had referred to was Finland, the victim of Soviet
aggression.116 These ambiguous statements represented an apparent
compromise between the Vatican’s need to take a moral stance on the
basis of its religious principles and its determination not to jeopardize
its political neutrality. In mid-May 1940, Undersecretary of State
Domenico Tardini drafted a condemnation of the German invasion of
Belgium, Holland and Luxemburg, but the pope refused to release it.
Instead he chose to dispatch less-threatening and potentially less-
109. Radio Plea in Principles for Peace: Selections from Papal Documents from Leo XIII
to Pius XII, ed. Harry C. Koenig, 584.
110. Charles-Roux, Huit ans au Vatican, 343.
111. Actes et documents du Saint Siège (ADSS) relatifs a` la seconde guerre mondiale
(Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1965), I: 387.
112. Records and Documents of the Holy See Relating to the Second World War, I: 166,
359.
113. Charles F. Delzell, “Pius XII, Italy, and the Outbreak of War,” Journal of
Contemporary History II, 4 (October 1967): 141.
114. José M. Sánchez, “The Enigma of Pope Pius XII,” America, 14 September 1996, 19.
115. Allocution of December 242, 1939, in Principles for Peace: Selections from Papal
Documents from Leo XIII to Pius XII, ed. Harry C. Koenig, 634.
116. Hansjakob Stehle, Eastern Politics of the Vatican, 1917-1979. Trans. Sandra Smith
(Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1981), 197.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
117. Carlo Felice Casula, Domenico Tardini (1888-1961), L’Azione della Santa Sede nella
cris fra le due guerre (Rome: Edizioni Studium, 1989), 163; Principles for Peace: Selections
from Papal Documents from Leo XIII to Pius XII, ed. Harry C. Koenig, 668-69.
118. “Treaty between the Holy See and Italy,” 11 February 1929, in Shepard B. Clough
and Salvatore Saladino, A History of Modern Italy: Documents, Readings & Commentary
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 477.
119. Ibid.
120. Georges Passelecq and Bernard Suchecky, The Hidden Encyclical of Pius XI, trans.
Steven Rendall (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1997), 91.
121. Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series C, I, n. 501.
COPPA CORRECTED AND FORMATTED.DOC 8/29/2008 2:42:12 PM
128. José M. Sánchez, “The Popes and Nazi Germany: The View from Madrid,” Journal of
Church and State 38 (Spring 1996): 374.
129. Principles for Peace, 714.
130. Wistrich, Hitler and the Holocaust, 139.
131. Principles for Peace, 804.
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XV in the First World War, through an unfortunate public statement of the type you
now wish me to make, did just this and the interests of the Church in Germany
suffered as a result. Second, if I denounce the Nazis by name I must in all justice do
the same as regards the Bolsheviks whose principles are strikingly similar; you would
not wish me to say such things about an ally of yours. . . .132
The Allied invasion of Sicily in July 1943, paved the way for Italy’s
surrender that September, prompting a German drive into the
peninsula from the north and occupation of Rome on 10 September.
Hitler threatened to enter the Vatican, indicating that at the war’s end
concordats would disappear, and he would settle his accounts with the
church. Rumor circulated of a Nazi plot to seize the Vatican, kidnap
the pope and cardinals in curia, and hold them hostage as Napoleon
had done in the previous century.133 In fact, in September 1943, Hitler
allegedly ordered the seizure of the pope, but was supposedly
dissuaded from doing so by subordinates, so Pius remained in the
Vatican throughout the German occupation. However, the Germans
ordered the arrest of the Jews in occupied Rome and began to
transport them to concentration camps. Pius instructed Monsignor
Alois Hudal, the rector of Santa Maria dell’ Anima, who championed
reconciliation between Catholicism and Nazism, to complain to the
German commander,134 General Stahel, while his secretary of state,
Cardinal Maglione summoned the German ambassador, protesting the
arrest and deportation of the Jews. No public protest was issued.135
In a letter of 30 April to the Bishop of Berlin, Konrad Count von
Preysing, who had earlier asked the pope to issue an appeal on behalf
of the persecuted Jews, Pius responded that his 1942 Christmas
message had referred to what was being done to non-Aryans under
German occupation. “We have spoken briefly but we have been well
understood,” wrote the pope. Many disagreed, including the novelist
Albert Camus, who sought an unambiguous public defense of the
victims, which he never heard.136 Pius XII appreciated the plight of
the persecuted, but added, “as the situation is at present we are
unfortunately not able to help them effectively in other ways than our
prayers.” However, he promised to raise his voice on their behalf again,
if it was necessary and circumstances permitted.137 More or less the
132. Harold G. Tittmann III, ed., Inside the Vatican of Pius XII: The Memoir of an
American Diplomat during World War II (New York: Image Books, 2004), 124-25.
133. In this regard see Dan Kurzman, A Special Mission: Hitler’s Secret Plot to Seize the
Vatican and Kidnap Pope Pius XII (New York: Da Capo, 2008).
134. The archive of the German National Church Santa Maria dell’ Anima along with the
papers of its rector Alois Hudal remains closed.
135. For two contrasting assessments of Pius XII’s behavior during this incident, see
Susan Zuccotti, Under His Very Windows: The Vatican and the Holocaust in Italy (New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2000), and Ronald J. Rychlak, Hitler, the War, and the
Pope (Columbus, Miss.: Genesis Press, 2000).
136. Pinchas Lapide, Three Popes and the Jews (New York: Hawthorn Books, 1967), 230.
137. Burkhart Schneider et al., eds., Die Briefe Pius XII an die Deutschen Bischöfe,
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1939-1944 (Mainz: Grünswald. 1966), 241; Karl Otmar von Aretin, The Papacy and the
Modern World, trans. Roland Hill (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970), 213.
138. The telegram of Rabbi Hertz to Pius XII on 23 December 1942 was typical of the
numerous pleas to the pope. ADSS, VIII, 756.
139. See Montini’s note on how to respond to petitioners seeking papal assistance for the
persecuted Jews, ADSS, VIII, 757.
140. ADSS, IX, n. 368.
141. Lapide, Three Popes and the Jews, 230.
142. Recently an article in the 14 January 2008 issue of the Catholic World News reported
that an organization devoted to interreligious understanding has uncovered a large amount
evidence to rebut the charge that Pope Pius XII was indifferent to Jewish suffering during
the Holocaust. The Pave the Way Foundation announced the discovery of a large quantity of
evidence showing that Pope Pius XII actually worked to save the lives of Jews. Gary Krupp,
the group's president, reported that much of this evidence was already “available publicly
but simply not known.”
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143. Pius XII’s Allocution to the College of Cardinals, 2 June 1945, in Delzell, The Papacy
and Totalitarianism between The Two World Wars, 172.
144. Discorsi del Sommo Pontefice Pio IX Pronciati in Vaticano ai Fedeli di Roma e
dell’Orbe dal principio della sua prigionia fino al presente, 4 vols. (Tipografia G. Aurelj,
1872-78), I: 283-84.
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145. Michael Feldkamp, “Hochhuth Exposed,” trans. John Jay Hughes. Association of
Contemporary Church Historians (Arbeitsgemeinschaft kirchliche Zeitgeschichtler)
Newsletter - July-August 2007-Vol. XIII, no 7-8.
146. Sánchez, “The Popes and Nazi Germany: The View from Madrid,” Journal of Church
and State 38 (Spring 1996): 376.
147. Wistrich, Hitler and the Holocaust, 139.
148. In this regard see John Cornwell, Hitler’s Pope: The Secret History of Pius XII (New
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York: Viking, 1999), 296-97, and Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, “What Would Jesus Have Done?
Pope Pius XII, the Vatican and the Holocaust,” The New Republic, 21 January 2002, 24.
149. Patricia Marx Ellsberg, “An Interview with Rolf Hochhuth,” in Delzell, The Papacy
and Totalitarianism between The Two World Wars, 115.
150. Karol Jozef Gajewski, Inside the Vatican, November 1999, 51.
151. See his telegrams to Gasparri, 14 November 1923, and 24 April 1924, cited in Besier,
The Holy See and Hitler’s Germany, 33-34.
152. Besier, The Holy See and Hitler’s Germany, 95.
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153. Sandro Magister, La politica vaticana e l’Italia, 1943-1978, 167-75; Von Aretin, The
Papacy and the Modern World, 194-96.
154. John Pollard, “The Vatican, Italy and the Cold War,” in Religion and the Cold War,
ed. Dianne Kirby (London: Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003), 114.
155. Michael Phayer, Pius XII, the Holocaust and the Cold War (Bloomington, Ind.:
Indiana University Press, 2008), 262.
156. Karol Jozef Gajewski, Inside the Vatican, November 1999, 50-54.
157. In this regard see Pius XII’s letter to Archbishop Frings in Cologne, 4 March 1944, in
“Lettres de Pie XII aux Evêques allemands, 1939-1944,” in Actes et documents du Saint
Siège(ADSS ) Relatifs à la Seconde Guerre Mondiale (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice
Vaticana, 1981), Vol. II, n. 119.
158. Conversation with Father Graham during the course of a symposium on Vatican
diplomacy at the University of New Brunswick, in which we both participated in the autumn
of 1991.
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