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Habitat International 29 (2005) 591–602

www.elsevier.com/locate/habitatint

Impact of brick kilns on land use/landcover changes

around Aligarh city, India
Abha Lakshmi Singh, Md. Sarfaraz Asgher
Department of Geography, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh 202002, India
Received 10 September 2003; received in revised form 3 January 2004; accepted 1 April 2004

Abstract

Bricks are one of the most important building materials used in India. The Indian brick kiln industry,
which is the second largest producer in the world, second only to China, has more than 100,00 operating
units, producing about 140 billion bricks annually. Brick making is a traditional, unorganized industry
generally confined to rural and peri-urban areas. The Gangetic plain of North India accounts for about
65% of the total brick production. Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal are the major
brick producing states in this region. The availability of good fertile alluvium soils in North India makes the
fringe areas of North Indian cities be dotted with brick kilns and consequently this has become one of the
major forces in bringing about land use/landcover changes around cities. In this paper, an attempt has been
made to examine the impact of brick kilns on the landuse/landcover changes, and to evaluate the forces,
which have compelled the villagers to bring about these changes around a North Indian city of Aligarh.
r 2004 Elsevier Ltd All rights reserved.

Keywords: Brick kilns; Land use; Cultivated land; Land under non-agricultural use

1. Introduction

Land is finite and fixed in a place. But land use is subject to control by people whose
numbers are not fixed and who have many needs and who move easily. To increase an area of

Corresponding author.
E-mail address: abhalakshmisingh@yahoo.com (A.L. Singh).

0197-3975/$ - see front matter r 2004 Elsevier Ltd All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2004.04.010
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one land use, one has to encroach upon another land use. Thus, land use/landcover changes
to meet the variable demands of the land by the society in its new ways and condition of life.
The demand for new uses of land may be inspired by a technological change or by a change
in the size, composition and requirements of a community. Some changes are short-lived
whereas others represent a constant demand. In recent years, human activities have been
recognized to be the major force in bringing about changes in the land use pattern. Understanding
these land use changes and the forces which compels man to bring these changes is crucial
in understanding, modeling, predicting and managing the local, regional as well as global land
use patterns.
The fast rate of urban development has made many changes in the land use patterns around
cities. Effects of growing urbanization are being felt in both developed and developing countries.
However, in developing countries urbanization has been growing at a much faster rate and
consequently there is a proportionate change in land use. In 1950, the percentage of total
population living in urban areas was only 17, in 1970 it reached to 25.4% and by 2000, it rose to
41%. By 2000 and 2025, there will be doubling of urban population in developing countries (Hall
& Pfeiffer, 2000). There has been a substantial growth of urban population in the Third World
cities over the last decade and it is more shrinking in the poorest countries where the urban
population is increasing by 5% per annum. The built up area in developing countries between
1980 and 2000 has increased by 118% (United Nations Center for Human Settlements (UNCHS)
1996; World Bank, 1997).
Although India is a rural country but there is a definite urban orientation. The scale of urban
development is quite alarming. The urban population of India was 25.7% of the total in 1991,
which increased to 27.8% in 2001. The overall urban population increased from 217 millions in
1991 to 285 millions in 2001. The numbers of towns and cities have increased from 4689 to 5161
between 1991 and 2001 (Census of India, 1991–2001). The rapid growth of urbanization indicates
that pressure on land for non-agricultural activities is increasing. The loss of agricultural land is
far more serious in India. Between, 1955 and 1985, about 1.5 million ha of agricultural land and
between 1985–2000 about 800,000 ha of agricultural land went to urban growth (Ramachandran,
2001). With rapid urbanization combined with continuing population growth both agricultural
and social scientists have long expressed a concern as to whether India will be able to feed her
teeming millions.
Cities demands a high input of resources such as food grains, vegetables, milk, fuel wood,
timber, cow dung cake, straw, green fodder, water, soil and bricks. The more populous the city the
greater is the demand on resources and in general the larger the area from which it is drawn
(Hardoy, Mitlin, Satterthwaite, 1992). The expanding urban area with fast increase in population
implies an increasing demand for residential, commercial, industrial and public buildings and
other physical infrastructure. Thus, the physical structure of the city requires large amount of
construction material and the bulk of material is derived from locally available clay, soil, sand and
gravel. This can be seen from the brick kilns, soil quarrying, clay–sand–gravel pits around most of
the cities. Bricks are one of the most important building materials used in India. Baked bricks are
produced in India. The Indian brick industry, which is the second largest producer in the world
next only to China. India has more than 100,000 operating units producing about 140 billion
bricks annually. The industry has annual turn over of more than Rs.140 billion (Rs. 47 = US$1).
Brick making is a traditional, unorganized industry generally confined to the rural and peri-urban
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areas. Brick industry in the Gangetic plain differs from the brick industry in peninsular and
coastal India.
The Gangetic plains of North India accounts for about 65% of the total brick production.
Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and West Bengal are the major brick producing states in
this region. Brick kilns (approximately 30,000 BTKs) generally of medium and large production
capacities (2–10 million bricks per year) are located in clusters around major towns and cities.
Coal is the main fuel used for firing bricks. The peninsular and coastal India accounts for the rest
of 35% of the brick production. In this region bricks are produced in numerous small unit
(production capacities generally range from 0.1 to 3 million bricks per year). Gujarat, Orissa,
Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu are important brick producing states in
peninsular plateau and coastal India. Clamps and moving chimney BTKs are employed for firing
bricks in this region. Apart from coal, a variety of biomass fuels such as firewood, dry dung, rice
husk are used for firing bricks. The availability of good fertile alluvium soils in North India makes
the fringe areas of North Indian cities be dotted with brick kilns and consequently this has become
one of the major force in bringing about land use/ landcover changes around cities.
Brick kiln industry of India fulfills the demand of growing urbanization and rapidly increasing
urban population. The demand of bricks will keep on increasing and this will attract the brick kiln
owners to set up more brick kilns in the vicinity of the cities. This will consequently lead to land
use/landcover changes around most of the cities of India. Keeping these aspects in mind this
research topic was chosen and Aligarh city (India) was chosen as the study area. In this paper, an
attempt has been made to locate the brick kilns, to examine the process of brick manufacture, to
assess the land use/landcover changes and to evaluate the forces which have compelled the
villagers to bring about these changes around Aligarh city during the last 20 years.

2. Data base and methodology

The study is based on remotely sensed data (satellite imageries) and field surveys. Primary data
were collected through field surveys—survey of brick kilns and villages having brick kilns. Data
were collected regarding (i) the number of brick kilns, process of manufacture of bricks (ii) land
use/ landcover changes in the villages having brick kilns and (iii) forces which have compelled the
villagers to bring about these changes. The fieldwork was done during the years 2001–2002. For
getting accurate information all the villages having brick kilns were visited frequently. Secondary
data have been collected from village land use records.
The following methods were used in this study:
(i) To locate the brick kilns lying around Aligarh city, a simple procedure was adopted to
demarcate the fringe area. A circle with radius of 20 km was drawn from the city center to
demarcate its fringe. Since this is a medium sized city located in the shadow of the national
capital New Delhi, the fringe area is not a large one.
(ii) The distribution of brick kilns around Aligarh city (Fig. 2) was mapped with the help of
(a) Field surveys.
(b) Satellite imagery IRS ID on 1:50,000 scale, acquired in 2001.
(c) Topographic sheet numbers 53 H/16, 53 L/4, 54E/13, 54 I/1, 54 I/5, 54 E/14 and 54 I/2.
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Fig. 1. Location of Aligarh City.

(iii) The sample design consisted of:

(a) A selection of sample villages: The selection of villages was a purposeful one. All the 59
villages having 93 brick kilns within the 20 km radius from the city center were selected
and sampled.
(b) A selection of households: Within each sample village a sample of 20 households
(10 households of villagers and 10 households of workers working in the brick kilns) were
selected using a stratified random sampling procedure. The total sample size then worked
out to be (59 villages
20 households) 1180.
(c) The selected respondents (usually the head of the family or the main income earner) were
than personally interviewed. While constructing the interview schedule the objectives of
the study were kept in mind. Questions regarding the locations of brick kilns, their
perception of brick kilns, effects of brick kilns on environment/land/economic benefits/
health/overall development factors (farmers/workers/ transporters/brick kiln owners
profit), which have compelled the villagers to bring about land use/landcover changes and
a shift from agricultural to non-agricultural activities, were formulated. In all 1180
interviews were completed.
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Fig. 2. Location of Brick Kilns around Aligarh City-2000–01.

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3. The urban setting

Aligarh is a medium sized city of North India. It is located (27 1 530 north latitude and 78 1 40
east longitude) in the western part of the state of Uttar Pradesh in the fertile tract of Gangatic
plain. It is about 130 km away from the country’s capital New Delhi (Fig. 1). Until the 1950s, the
city evoked images of a semi-pastoral town but today’s Aligarh has developed tremendously in all
spheres. From 1970 to the present, the city’s area has increased more than doubled (from 33.45 to
68.97 km2), eating into the surrounding agricultural land and absorbing more than 30 villages.
The city’s population has increased more than three times (from 252,314 to 767,732). This has led
to an increase in the number of residential, educational, hospital, public utility, commercial, small
scale and large-scale industrial buildings. Recently the roads and most of the by lanes have all
been cemented, four overhead bridges and many multistoried apartments have been constructed.
All this requires huge quantities of construction material especially bricks, which comes from
nearby areas.

4. Location of brick kilns around Aligarh city

To locate the brick kilns lying around the city, a field survey was conducted. It was observed
that the bulky material like bricks usually comes from nearby areas because of the transportation
costs. Field surveys revealed that the countryside is dotted with brick kilns and most of the brick
kilns are located along the main roads (Fig. 2, Table 1). There are 93 brick kilns (74 in working
conditions and 19 were abandoned) located in 59 villages lying within the 20 km radius around the
city. A perusal of Table 1 shows that most of the working brick kilns (34%) are concentrated in
Zone-III (8.01–12 km distance) because this zone is neither too close to the city nor too far away.
The transportation cost of bricks from this zone is not much. Zone-II (lying within an 8 km
radius) has the least number of brick kilns (only 14%). This shows that with the expansion of the
city, brick kilns have been shifted towards the outskirts. Zone-IV (12.1–16 km) has 27% and
Zone-V (16.1–20 km) has 25% of the working brick kilns. This shows that as one proceeds away
from the city, the number of brick kilns declines. Interviews with brick kiln owners revealed that
the location of brick kilns depends upon the availability of good fertile alluvial soils, accessibility
to market, nearness to the urban areas and demand of bricks.

5. Process of manufacture of bricks

Brick kiln owners reported that land was required for the establishment of a brick kiln but
farmers do not prefer to give their land on lease for the establishment of brick kilns because of the
long lease period (7–10 years) and after the lease period is over the brick kiln owner returns back
to the farmer a fully degraded, unleveled and un-reclaimed land, which cannot be used for
cultivation. So either it is left as a wasteland or brought under non-agricultural uses. The brick
kiln owner has no alternative but to purchase land and establish a brick kiln on his own land.
Changes in land use from agriculture uses to non-agricultural uses were observed. Land, which
was once under cultivation, is now under brick kilns.
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Table 1
Location of brick kilns around Aligarh city (2000–2001)

Zones/ Village-wise location of brick kilns Total no. of

distance (km) brick kilns
Abandoned Working

II 4.01–8 3 Kirahraw, Aasni, Bhadesi 10 Bhadesi (2), Laushara, Hardaspur, 13

Bajidpur Nada (2), Bhujpura, Kheria,
Hajipur Chauhatta, Mukandpur
III 8.01–12 7 Dhorra Palan, Ghasipur, 25 Bhankri (2), Lodha (2), Baria Nagla 32
Alhedadpur, Talaspur, Baria Nagla, (3), Mainath (2), Ghasipur (2), Palaisi,
Bairamgarhi(2) Ahmadpur (3), Chandaukha, Jatpura,
Bhimgarhi, Bairamgarhi, Hazipur,
Bhura Kishangarhi, Madrak Kotia,
Sandalpur, Dhora Palan, Singharpur
IV 12.01–16 7 Gwalra, Barotha (2), Hakimgarhi, 19 Pala (2), Sisroi (2), Pali (2), Shahpur 26
Sisroi, Nagla Moni, Madrak. Madrak (2), Nagla Misria (2), Ukhlana,
Sadhu Ashram, Barotha, Madrak,
Makhdumpur, Hastpur, Kareka,
Jaitholi, Nagla Moni
V 16.01–20 2 Bajhera, Rohina 20 Chaudhana (3), Nanou (3), 22
Kalyanpur Rane (4), Ogar Nagla Rajoo,
Hasanpur, Rohera, Tejpur, Satlapur,
Sahara (2), Karahla Gorba, Kaska,
Shyam Nagri.
Total 4.01–20 19 74 93

Note: 0–4 km is under the Aligarh municipality. Previously there were brick kilns here but now with the expansion of
the city they have been pushed out.
Source: Based on field survey (2000–2001).

For making of raw bricks good quality fertile alluvium soils are required usually clay soils are
preferred. Best quality bricks are produced from best quality fertile soils. The availability of good
fertile alluvium soils in North India especially in the Gangatic plains, make the fringe areas in
north Indian cities be dotted with brick kilns. The brick kiln owner gets on lease the surrounding
agricultural land for soil quarrying. Farmer’s prefer to give away their land for soil quarrying
because of the short lease period (3–4 years) and quick money, which they get in return. The land
after soil quarrying becomes fully impoverished and degraded. Soil quarrying removes about
4–5 ft of top fertile soil. So after 4 years, the land which was once a good agricultural land now
become degraded ditch, usually 4 ft deep and about 2–4 ha in area. Again transformation of land
is observed. Good fertile land once under crops is now under non-agricultural uses.
It was observed that one brick consumes 0.003 m3 of fertile soil. On average over a year at one
brick kiln, 4–5 rotations takes place. In one rotation, 1 million bricks are produced from 4 ha of
land, which requires a depth of 4 ft of soil. Thus, on average, one brick kiln produces 4 million
bricks and consumes 12,000 m3 of topsoil per year. Soil is quarried on the leased land, raw bricks
are moulded there by hand and afterwards they are transported to the nearby brick kilns for being
baked. For baking bricks, coal, firewood, dry dung and sometimes vehicle tyres or whatever is
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available is burnt. Country clamps, bull trench kilns (with movable chimney), bull trench kilns
(with fixed chimney), and vertical shaft brick kilns (VSBK) chimneys are used.
The very process of establishment of brick kilns and manufacture of bricks not only degrades
the good agricultural land but also brings changes in the land use/landcover in the villages where
they are located.

6. Land use/landcover changes in the villages having brick kilns

Around the cities landuse/landcover changes are more complex and dynamic than the usual
changes occurring in the countryside. Due to city’s growth both in area and population, the
demands for bricks have increased and it will keep on increasing. This is a continuous
phenomenon and its rate is stimulated by the centrifugal forces of the city and its influence in the
region. Table 2 shows the zone-wise and village-wise land use/landcover changes due to brick kilns
around Aligarh city (1981–2001).
Land use/landcover changes in the 59 villages where the 93 brick kilns are located shows that
during the last twenty years the cultivated area has decreased (8.9%) and the area under non-
agricultural activities (49.2%) and culturable wastelands (16.1%) have increased. This shows that
land, which was once under agricultural uses, have shifted to non-agricultural uses. Rapid growth
of urbanization indicates that the pressure on land for non-agricultural activities is increasing.
Zone-wise analysis shows the same trend, as can be seen in Table 2.
A perusal of Table 2 shows that Zone-III recorded maximum decrease in cultivated area
(13.5%) followed by Zone-II (9.0%), Zone-IV (6.8%) and Zone-V (5.6%). The maximum
shift of area from agricultural to non-agricultural activities was recorded in Zone-III (79.3%)
followed by Zone-IV (44.4%), Zone-II (33.7%) and Zone-V (27.4%). The maximum increase in
area under culturable wasteland was recorded in Zone-II (28.8%) followed by Zone-III (26.4%),
Zone-V (15.3%) and Zone-IV (4.0%). This shows that most of the changes in land use/landcover
was recorded in Zones-III and II, which lies within 12 km radius from the city center. These
changes have been made to meet the variable demands of the land by the society.

7. Causes of change in villages

The information in Table 3 is based on questionnaire interviews. The respondents were the
villagers from the 59 sampled villages, brick kiln owners and workers working in the 93 brick kilns
located in these villages. It was observed that most of the villagers (78.2%) were happy with the
brick kilns because they were being benefited from it. They were getting quick money from leasing
out their land for soil quarrying. They were getting benefits from employment in the brick kilns,
transportation of bricks from the quarrying site to the kilns for being baked, and transportation
of bricks from the kilns to the demand site i.e. usually to the city. The brick kiln owners are getting
huge benefits in this business.
Field investigation revealed that although agriculture is the basic activity in which most of the
villagers are participating even today, still a shift in land use pattern from agricultural uses to non-
agricultural uses is seen, as is a shift in occupation from farming to non-farming activities. Many
Table 2
Zone-wise and village-wise land use/landcover changes around Aligarh city (1981–2001)

Zones/distance No. of No. of Total area (ha) Net cultivated area Land put to non- Culturable wasteland
(km) brick kilns villages (ha) agricultural use (ha) (ha)

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1981 2001 1981 2001 1981 2001 1981 2001

II 4.01–8 13 10 2443.54 2436.74 1931.01 1758.96 356.93 477.34 155.6 200.44

% Change — 28 — 8.9 — 33.7 — 28.8
III 8.01–12 32 19 4801.81 5488.28 3762.06 3804.18 698.48 1252.68 341.27 431.42
% Change — 14.3 — 13.5 — 79.3 26.4
IV 12.01–16 26 16 5275.57 5295.02 4203.74 3917.56 650.11 939.00 421.72 438.46
% Change — 0.4 — 6.8 — 44.4 — 4.0

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V 16.01–20 22 14 4903.33 4907.81 3894.32 3675.28 568.89 724.99 440.12 507.5
% Change — 0.9 — 5.6 — 27.4 — 15.3
Total zoneII–V 93 59 17424.25 18127.85 13833.24 13113.86 2274.41 3394.01 1358.71 1577.86
4.01–20
% Change — 4.0 — 8.9 — 49.2 — 16.1

Source: (a) Based on Field Survey, 2001–2002.(b) Village land use records (1981–2001).

Table 3
People’s perception of brick kilns (in %) around Aligarh city (2000–2001)

Happiness over brick kilns Effects of brick kilns on society Effects of brick kilns on health and land Role of brick kilns on
and people overall development

Happy Unhappy Eco. Env. Socially Breathlessness Fly-ash Loss of Loss of Positive Negative
land land capability

78.2 21.8 78.2 21.8 — 17.9 3.6 46.4 32.1 50 50

Source: Based on Field Survey (2000–2001).

599
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Table 4
Forces, which compelled villagers to bring about landuse/landcover changes and a shift to non-agricultural activities around Aligarh city (2000–2001)

(a) Farmer’s profit from leasing their land for soil quarrying
No. of No. of sampled Total land Rate of Total profit Total profit
working villages in area leased lease for 3 years per annum
brick kilns which the brick (ha) (Rs/ha) (Rs) (Rs)

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kilns are
located

79 (0–20 km) 59 213 200,000 4,260,000 14,200,000

(b) Workers profit from the working brick kilns
No. of Male Female Total Average Average income Average income
working workers workers workers wage rate (Rs per day) (Rs per annum)
brick kilns (no) (no) (no) (Rs per day)

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79 (0–20 km) 5336 1355 6691 80–100 535,280–669,100 112,408,800–140,511,000
(c) Vehicle owner’s profit from the transportation of bricks
No. of Mode of Capacity of Average Total no. of Income per day Income per annum
working transportation bricks in pieces rate per trips per day (Rs) (Rs)
brick kilns per trip trip (Rs)

79 (0–20 km) Truck 2,500 800 216 172,800 36,288,000

Tractor 1,500 500 300 150,5000 31,500,000
Buggi 500 100 54 5400 1134,000
328,200 68,922,000
(d) Brick kiln owner’s income from the supply of bricks (in pieces) through different mode of transport
No. of Mode of Capacity of No. of trips Supply of Rate of bricks Income per day Income per
working transport vehicles per day bricks in per 000 pieces (in Rs.) annum (in Rs.)
brick kilns (bricks in pieces per day in (Rs).
pieces per trip)

79 (0–20 km) Truck 2500 216 540,000 1200 648,000 136,080,000

Tractor 1500 300 450,000 1200 540,000 113,400,000
Buggie 500 54 27,000 1200 32,400 6,804,000
Total 1200 1,220,400 256,284,000

Source: Based on Field Survey (2000–2001).

Note: I US $=Rs.47.
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factors are responsible for this shift. The disintegration in joint family system even in the villages
has led to the change in economic activities. The older generation still wanted to continue with
agriculture while the newer generation is not willing to continue with agricultural activities. They
say it is hard labour with little return. Leasing of land for soil quarrying brings instant cash and
more money than they get from agriculture. After the lease period is over, they are left with
barren, unleveled and unproductive land and a huge capital. What to do? They cannot cultivate
the degraded land. Since they have the money, they themselves becomes brick kiln owners. Some
of the villagers get employment as labour contractors, labour supervisors, labourers or truck/
tractor/buggy (buffalo-driven cart) drivers. Many of the landless labourers who were previously
working in the fields now prefer working in the brick kilns because of higher wages, as shown in
Table 4.
Nearly 60% of the villagers were of the opinion that brick kilns have brought overall
development to these villages. Roads have improved, transportation facilities have increased,
markets have developed and there is a continuous contact with the city. At times it appears that
the brick kiln industry is a very profitable business. Field investigation revealed that farmers were
getting profits from leasing their land, workers were getting employment in the brick kilns and
transporters were getting employment from transportation of bricks. Finally, the farmers/
workers/transporters and the brick kiln owners profited (see Table 3).
On the other hand, farmers interested in agriculture (21.8%) were unhappy over the presence of
brick kilns in their villages because of loss of land (46.4%) and loss of land capability (32.1%).
Generally villagers also reported breathlessness because of smoke pollution (17.9%), environ-
mental loss (21.8%) and problem of fly ash (3.5%).

8. Conclusions

Some of the main findings of the present study are as follows:

 With the growth of population and urbanization the demand for bricks have increased. The
city’s demand of bricks is met from close-by areas.
 For the making of raw bricks, good quality fertile alluvium soils are required. The very process
of establishment of brick kilns and manufacture of bricks degrades both land and environment
and forces the farmers to shift their land from agricultural to non-agricultural uses.
 A shift in land use/landcover changes was observed in villages having brick kilns. Land
previously used for cultivation is now used for non-agricultural purposes.
 A shift in occupational pattern was observed. Farmers and agricultural labourers have now
joined as labour contractors or labour supervisors or labourers or truck/tractor/buggy drivers
or have become brick kiln owners themselves.
 Though brick kilns have degraded the rural character of the villages in which they are located
but they have brought an overall development and prosperity to these villages.
The Government and the environmentalists have made several attempts to convince not only
the brick kiln owners but also the farmers about the serious impacts of brick kilns on land and
environment. Alternative measures have been developed to minimize the utilization of fertile
agricultural soils for the manufacture of bricks. Utilization of unsuitable soils like saline/alkali
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soils, red soils, fly ash mixed with inferior quality of clay or fly-ash mixed with sand and lime for
the manufacture of bricks. The Government policies tilted in favour of farmers like good
agricultural prices, subsidies, land use policies etc. would act stimulus for farmers to remain in
agriculture. Finally population growth and urbanization cannot be stopped and consequently the
land once used for cultivation will be use for non-agricultural activities. There is a need for
evolving ways to protect our fertile agricultural lands and to give greater incentives to the farmers
to remain in farming activities. There is need for land use planning so that optimal balance is
obtained between competing interests.

References

Census of India. (1991, 2001). District Census Handbook, Aligarh, Primary Census Abstract, Part xiii, A and B.
Hall, P., & Pfeiffer, U. (2000). Urban Future, Global Agenda for Twenty-First Century Cities. London: E & FN Spon.
Hardoy, J. E., Mitlin, D., & Satterthwaite, D. (1992). Environmental Problems in Third World Cities. London:
Earthscan.
Ramachandran, R. (2001). Urbanization and Urban Systems in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
United Nations Center for Human Settlements (UNCHS, HABITAT) (1996). An Urbanizing World: Global Report on
Human Settlements 1996. NewYork: Oxford University Press.
Village Land Use Records (2001). Aligarh Statistics Office.
World Bank (1997). The State in a Changing World, World Development Report. New York: Oxford University Press.