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ARC3034 Ben Sorrill – St.

No: 1007480
Word Count: 2495

Over the last decades there has been a major shift in the way
archaeologists have sought to study islands. In 2000 Cyprian
Broodbank presented an agenda about the way archaeology
should be applied to island settings. Describing that agenda and
some of the criticisms it has received and define the ways in which
those debates can throw light what happened in Sicily and
Sardinia from the moment of their first colonisation down to the
Neolithic.
“No man is an island entire of itself”
John Donne Meditation XVII, 1624

This essay will look at the article ‘Whither Island Archaeology’


(Broodbank 2000) and critically examine the points raised within it starting with
a general overview of the theoretical and historical background to the article and
then moving on to discuss how this idea of ‘islandness’ holds up with particular
regard to the articles relevance to Sardinia and Sicily and the associated
archipelagos (paticularly the Aeolian Islands).
Islands have always occupied a special place within the mythologies of
Central and .Western Europe (Van Duzer 2006). From the Odyssey through
Atlantis to Tir-Na-Nog the island has been a place of ‘otherness’ filled with
strange and frightening creatures and cultures. Folk legends from Malta, Sicily,
Sardinia through to Britain and Ireland tell that many of the earliest structures
had been built by giants or Gods. These stories are buried deeply in our
cultural identity so even though they can be dismissed by the literal minded as
‘fairy tales’ the influence of them is subtly persistent (especially to those lucky
enough to be born in those places). The best example of this is Homers
Odyssey with its powerful images of Sirens and Scylla and Charibdis in spite of
it being written at a time when trans-Mediterranean trade was already well
established with island resources being widely exploited (especially on the part
of Sicily and Sardinia (Muhly 1985)) and, it has been suggested, containing

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clues to the techniques of sight navigation used by those prehistoric navigators


(Bittleston et al 2005) passed on as a kind of maritime folk memory in much the
same way as the present day Australian Aborigines create ‘story maps’. The
result of this is that in addition to the debates over interpretation and
methodology discussed below we must also be aware of our own subconscious
perceptions colouring the argument.
Broodbank wrote ‘Whither Island Archaeology as a review of the
archaeological sub-discipline of Island Archaeology, revisiting and critiquing
the ideas put forward in ‘Islands as a study of culture process’ and ‘Island
Archaeology in the Mediterranean: Problems and Opportunities’ (Evans 1973,
1977) in the light of the developments in world archaeology, most notably
considering the evolution from processual methodology utilised by Evans to
post-processual archaeology and beyond.
The article can be reduced to three main points:

1. In all but a very few exceptions islands are never truly isolated from
extra-insular contact.
2. Insularity is a cultural phenomenon, a ‘social construct’, which increases
and decreases during the passage of time; thus the social and material
culture of an island is a dynamic process dependant on more than just
physical considerations.
3. While the physical boundaries of an island are its coasts the perceptions
of its inhabitants reach to the horizon (and often beyond) (see also:
Horden & Purcell 2000). This ‘long view’ influences not just material
networks but also the spiritual/religious beliefs of the islanders.

These assertions go beyond the mechanistic approaches favoured by Evans


and other processual archaeologists (e.g. Shackleton et al 1984) with their
reliance on such elements as biogeography and changes in climate and ecology
– the factors of the physical world – to the more nebulous concepts involved in

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the phenomological ‘landscapes of the mind’ (Hay 2006) . So although


Broodbank is writing broadly in favour of Island Archaeology as a valid
specialisation in the discipline of archaeology he is asserting that previous work
done in the field has been flawed and limited in its scope by its over reliance on
Processual ways of thinking.
In addition to the methodological debate the issue of post-colonialism and
the rise in a desire on the part of the island inhabitants for a ‘unique’ past should
also be examined. Broodbank underlines the tendency of traditional colonial
archaeology to see the island cultures as ‘primitive’ and part of the sub-text is
that the coloniser is the dynamic influence improving the passive native
population. While these ideas have fallen out of favour in the wider
archaeological world (mainly as a result of the shift from ‘Old’ to ‘New’
Archaeology) the reaction to this colonialist point of view colours the work of
many ‘native’ archaeologists who tend to be the active in the field of island
archaeology; for example the most influential Sardinian archaeologist of the 20th
Century Giovanni Lulliu held strongly pro-Sardinian beliefs which have
influenced succeeding Sardinian archaeologists against the idea that certain
aspects of cultural change may be linked to external influences on Sardinian
pre-history (Dyson & Rowland 2007) preferring a more insular and self-
deterministic interpretation. A similar position exists in present day Malta
where the Museum of Archaeology only displays artefacts from Maltese
prehistory having nothing on display from the later ‘occupation’ phases of
Maltese history (Punic, Roman et al). The main problem with an overly
nationalistic approach is that it can blind the archaeologist to the complex
ambiguities of the interactions between ‘native’ and ‘non-native’ (van
Dommelen 1997) by adding a layer of perceptive bias to the information gained
from archaeological investigation. Broodbank emphasis the necessity to strike
a happy medium between the two extremes of ‘linear’ and ‘reticular’ thinking
and the need to include temporal considerations when interpreting the

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archaeology of islands (Knapp & Blake 2005) especially when considering local
variations and how they fit with other, possibly related, island chronologies
(Leighton 2005).
The twin issues of isolation and insularity have been claimed as the key
elements in the study of islands and, as stated above, Broodbank is sceptical
about whether any claim can be made for geographical isolation of island
communities (except in a few unrepresentative instances):

‘there is widespread agreement that numerous instances of apparent isolation among


island societies were consciously self-inflicted for cultural and political reasons, or as
much about parochialism as remoteness’ (Broodbank 2008)

Although Evans had made a similar point with regard to the Mediterranean
islands:

‘the isolation of Mediterranean island communities has only ever been relative one...
any loss of cultural traits which has occurred (a rather rare event) has generally been more
than balanced by new introductions at frequent intervals. The particular interest of the
Mediterranean islands often consists chiefly in what they can tell us about the interaction of
island with mainland and island with island rather than in their development in isolation’
(Evans 1977)

This leaves the concept of insularity, the deliberate distancing of a culture


from outside influence, to consider. An example of the question of insular
development versus extra-insular influence is the existence of ‘Cardial
Impressed Ware’ present on both Sardinia (Filiestru Cave (Dyson & Rowland
2007) and Sicily (Grotta Geraci (Leighton 2009). In both cases the pottery is
locally made with restricted distribution patterns yet they both utilise similar
techniques and toolkits in the fabrication process. Does this indicate a
simultaneous development of a decorative process independently on both

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islands? After all the toolkit is a very simple one easily put together from
materials readily available in both locations. Or is it representative of a localised
expression of a regional trend? This could indicate that there was a flow of
ideas within the broader region as part of the physical exchange networks,
especially when linked to the distribution patterns of central Mediterranean
obsidian (Tykot 1999), leading to the possible conclusion that there must have
been a shared level of communication and perception of the world between the
two island cultures as well as the wider world of the central Mediterranean.
These show the problem with adopting overly linear or reticular interpretations
of the archaeological because on the one hand it could be simple to miss points
of similarity between the cultural groups or, on the other hand, the unique
markers that are indicative of the development of new ideas and ideologies
within those distinct cultures.
Central to this question is the issue of mobility. While the first Mesolithic
inhabitants of Sicily may have been able to reach the island via a land bridge
during the last glacial period oceanographic mapping asserts that the
Corsardinian block would have remained separated from continental Europe by
a channel that at the time of lowest sea level (18kya) would have still been a gap
of 15km’s (Shackleton et al 1984) so any Palaeolithic or Mesolithic
colonisation of Corsardinia would have had to have utilised some form of
maritime transport. The problem here is the paucity of evidence available for
the earliest colonisation of either Sardinia (Tykot 1999) or Sicily severely limits
the conclusions that can be drawn from the finds with respect to either island so
until further evidence comes to light it is best to err on the side of caution and
date the earliest permanent occupation of Sicily from the Upper Palaeolithic
(Leighton 2009) and Sardinia from the Mesolithic (Dyson & Rowland 2007)
(Tykot 1999). From the environmental evidence excavated at Uzzo Cave,
Sicily, (Leighton 2009) a pattern emerges of gradual adaption of the Mesolithic
hunter-gatherer colonisers to the local resources and while the relative absence

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of pelagic fauna might indicate a lack of maritime mobility it could just as well
indicate that the available coastal resources where sufficiently abundant that the
risk-reward ratio involved in ‘blue-sea’ fishing were too unbalanced.
The trade of a ‘prestige’ item like obsidian is a vital source of information
when looking at the dynamics of intra-island trade and exchange. Four main
sources of obsidian lie in the central Mediterranean basin: Monte Arci on
Sardinia; Lipari in the Aeolian Islands, Palmarola and Pantelleria (Tykot 2002).
The ability to ‘fingerprint’ obsidian using such techniques as X-ray
fluorescence, neutron activation analysis, and laser ablation ICP mass
spectrometry and accurately pinpoint the source of the material allows
archaeologists to build a detailed picture of the distance covered by this
material. Evidence gathered at Uzzo Cave show the presence of obsidian
sourced from Lipari as early as 5750BC (Iovini et al 2008) with an even earlier
date of 8000BC for a single flake found at Perriere Sottano, Sicily (Tykot 1999)
indicating that these people where actively engaged in long range maritime
exchange (Farr 2006) either as part of an organised system of trade or as part of
a ‘down-the-line’ exchange system (Tykot 1996). It is particularly important to
note that Lipari lacked the necessary resources for self-sufficiency and required
a reciprocal influx of certain materials (including raw clay for ceramic
production) (Evans 1977) to sustain the Neolithic obsidian workings so was
dependent on the prestige value of its primary export hence the decline in the
fortunes of Lipari after the introduction of a new prestige material and
technologies in the form of copper and bronze. Effectively this meant that the
islanders could not culturally afford to be ‘insular’ as their world was so
dependent on exterior influences especially in the area of maritime technology
(Farr 2006).
While Sicily draws obsidian from two of the primary sources, Lipari and
Pantelleria, Sardinia seems only to use its native Monte Arci source of the stone
which could be interpreted as an ‘insular’ preference for a particular material.

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An alternative interpretation might be similar to that given above for pelagic


fishing in that there was not enough reward to risk bringing Lipari obsidian to
Sardinia when as a prestige trade item it might be more valuable to trade it
elsewhere. Certainly the distribution maps shows no particular preference for
either Lipari or Monte Arci obsidian when the distance from source becomes
roughly equidistant in northern Italy and southern France.
Unlike Lipari Sardinia was effectively self-sufficient in terms of local
resources and the evidence at Filiestru and Corbeddu Caves (Dyson & Rowland
2007) shows a gradual shift from a settled hunter-gatherer lifestyle through a
limited pastoralism to agriculture. The evidence that the move was part of a
gradual process supports the idea that rather than a population replacement
incident there was a more gradual diffusion of ideas, livestock and seed from
external sources which was adopted by the native population. Whether there
was an influx of ‘agriculturists’ living alongside the hunter-gatherers is difficult
to assess due to the nature of the sites (especially given the types of ceramic
used for such cultural identification follow broadly the same pattern across the
region) but even into the late Neolithic at ‘Ozieri’ phase sites like San Michele
there is still a balance between agricultural and foraging activity although the
former had become more pronounced than the latter (Tykot 1999). Instead of
the old model of insular resistance versus external innovation there appears to
be a gradual adaption of innovation by the native population as a response to
cultural and environmental stimuli.
While Broodbank dismisses the idea that biogeography as the primary tool
can give valid insight into human colonisation of islands he still believes that
Island Archaeology is a valuable field of study albeit from a post-processual
point of view ‘because islands exist in profusion’ (Broodbank 2000). While
this is true it has to be questioned whether enough similarity occurs between
islands in different geographical environments (Boomert & Bright 2007) to
warrant Island Archaeology gaining distinction as an independent area of study.

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While an intensive study of the ecological and cultural environment of island


communities is of great value (Fitzpatrick et al 2007) and it cannot be denied
that the simple fact of being an island has a great impact on the archaeology and
history the factors, external and internal, unique to every island make it possible
only to make generalised statements that are true in the majority of island
situations; it is mildly ironic that the very criticism of generalisation that
Broodbank levels at the processual model of Island Archaeology is the only way
that his post-processual view could be realised in any achievable way on a
global basis. Broodbank asks whether the island can be separated from the sea
(Broodbank 2006) and suggests that the archaeologist should be looking at
‘Islandscapes’ some go further and suggest rather we should be looking at
‘Seascapes’ (Rainbird 1999) while at the far end of the spectrum are those that
consider the whole idea of Island Archaeology to be far too limiting and that we
should be looking at the entire maritime spectrum (Farr 2006) including coastal
areas of the adjacent mainland blocks (Boomert & Wright 2007) effectively
studying islands and the methods and technologies used to facilitate the
maritime world as part of a greater geographical and technological view as
opposed to disassociating them from the wider context.
In conclusion the specialisation of Island Archaeology is a processual
discipline looking for a place within a post-processual age and while its
proponents may produce excellent work in its name it is, in many ways, a
specialism too far given the whole paradigm of interconnectedness that
characterises much archaeological thought in the 21st Century (Hay 2006). At
the start of this essay I quoted the famous line from John Donne’s Meditations
and it would appear to be equally true, especially in the case of Sicily and
Sardinia, ‘that no island is an island entire of itself’ but part of the greater
picture.

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