Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
No: 1007480
Word Count: 2495
Over the last decades there has been a major shift in the way
archaeologists have sought to study islands. In 2000 Cyprian
Broodbank presented an agenda about the way archaeology
should be applied to island settings. Describing that agenda and
some of the criticisms it has received and define the ways in which
those debates can throw light what happened in Sicily and
Sardinia from the moment of their first colonisation down to the
Neolithic.
“No man is an island entire of itself”
John Donne Meditation XVII, 1624
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1. In all but a very few exceptions islands are never truly isolated from
extra-insular contact.
2. Insularity is a cultural phenomenon, a ‘social construct’, which increases
and decreases during the passage of time; thus the social and material
culture of an island is a dynamic process dependant on more than just
physical considerations.
3. While the physical boundaries of an island are its coasts the perceptions
of its inhabitants reach to the horizon (and often beyond) (see also:
Horden & Purcell 2000). This ‘long view’ influences not just material
networks but also the spiritual/religious beliefs of the islanders.
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archaeology of islands (Knapp & Blake 2005) especially when considering local
variations and how they fit with other, possibly related, island chronologies
(Leighton 2005).
The twin issues of isolation and insularity have been claimed as the key
elements in the study of islands and, as stated above, Broodbank is sceptical
about whether any claim can be made for geographical isolation of island
communities (except in a few unrepresentative instances):
Although Evans had made a similar point with regard to the Mediterranean
islands:
‘the isolation of Mediterranean island communities has only ever been relative one...
any loss of cultural traits which has occurred (a rather rare event) has generally been more
than balanced by new introductions at frequent intervals. The particular interest of the
Mediterranean islands often consists chiefly in what they can tell us about the interaction of
island with mainland and island with island rather than in their development in isolation’
(Evans 1977)
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islands? After all the toolkit is a very simple one easily put together from
materials readily available in both locations. Or is it representative of a localised
expression of a regional trend? This could indicate that there was a flow of
ideas within the broader region as part of the physical exchange networks,
especially when linked to the distribution patterns of central Mediterranean
obsidian (Tykot 1999), leading to the possible conclusion that there must have
been a shared level of communication and perception of the world between the
two island cultures as well as the wider world of the central Mediterranean.
These show the problem with adopting overly linear or reticular interpretations
of the archaeological because on the one hand it could be simple to miss points
of similarity between the cultural groups or, on the other hand, the unique
markers that are indicative of the development of new ideas and ideologies
within those distinct cultures.
Central to this question is the issue of mobility. While the first Mesolithic
inhabitants of Sicily may have been able to reach the island via a land bridge
during the last glacial period oceanographic mapping asserts that the
Corsardinian block would have remained separated from continental Europe by
a channel that at the time of lowest sea level (18kya) would have still been a gap
of 15km’s (Shackleton et al 1984) so any Palaeolithic or Mesolithic
colonisation of Corsardinia would have had to have utilised some form of
maritime transport. The problem here is the paucity of evidence available for
the earliest colonisation of either Sardinia (Tykot 1999) or Sicily severely limits
the conclusions that can be drawn from the finds with respect to either island so
until further evidence comes to light it is best to err on the side of caution and
date the earliest permanent occupation of Sicily from the Upper Palaeolithic
(Leighton 2009) and Sardinia from the Mesolithic (Dyson & Rowland 2007)
(Tykot 1999). From the environmental evidence excavated at Uzzo Cave,
Sicily, (Leighton 2009) a pattern emerges of gradual adaption of the Mesolithic
hunter-gatherer colonisers to the local resources and while the relative absence
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of pelagic fauna might indicate a lack of maritime mobility it could just as well
indicate that the available coastal resources where sufficiently abundant that the
risk-reward ratio involved in ‘blue-sea’ fishing were too unbalanced.
The trade of a ‘prestige’ item like obsidian is a vital source of information
when looking at the dynamics of intra-island trade and exchange. Four main
sources of obsidian lie in the central Mediterranean basin: Monte Arci on
Sardinia; Lipari in the Aeolian Islands, Palmarola and Pantelleria (Tykot 2002).
The ability to ‘fingerprint’ obsidian using such techniques as X-ray
fluorescence, neutron activation analysis, and laser ablation ICP mass
spectrometry and accurately pinpoint the source of the material allows
archaeologists to build a detailed picture of the distance covered by this
material. Evidence gathered at Uzzo Cave show the presence of obsidian
sourced from Lipari as early as 5750BC (Iovini et al 2008) with an even earlier
date of 8000BC for a single flake found at Perriere Sottano, Sicily (Tykot 1999)
indicating that these people where actively engaged in long range maritime
exchange (Farr 2006) either as part of an organised system of trade or as part of
a ‘down-the-line’ exchange system (Tykot 1996). It is particularly important to
note that Lipari lacked the necessary resources for self-sufficiency and required
a reciprocal influx of certain materials (including raw clay for ceramic
production) (Evans 1977) to sustain the Neolithic obsidian workings so was
dependent on the prestige value of its primary export hence the decline in the
fortunes of Lipari after the introduction of a new prestige material and
technologies in the form of copper and bronze. Effectively this meant that the
islanders could not culturally afford to be ‘insular’ as their world was so
dependent on exterior influences especially in the area of maritime technology
(Farr 2006).
While Sicily draws obsidian from two of the primary sources, Lipari and
Pantelleria, Sardinia seems only to use its native Monte Arci source of the stone
which could be interpreted as an ‘insular’ preference for a particular material.
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