The Intersection of North American Migration Research and Mobility Studies: City as Scene and

Flow.

Draft, not for citation. A revised version will appear in Mobility and Communication Technologies in
the Americas P. Vannini, M. Sheller, O. Jensen eds. Peter Lang Publishers.

Rob Shields

This chapter considers the theoretical roots of mobilities as a theoretical object of research distinct from
any given empirical movement or shift and their relationship with migration studies. It explores 'flow'
and travel as precursors to the notion of mobilities and migration as a historical preoccupation of
colonial North America in the face of distance and a relative lack of known reference points. Later
social sciences and settler societies faced the the challenge of establishing national identities, normative
order and socio-spatial identity in the context of waves of migrants arriving in its major gateway cities.
Migration and mobilities studies will be surveyed to consider their empirical and conceptual
intersections, which will be argued to be found in the city and in the language of flow.

Migration
It is striking that the last decade of mobilities research in journals such as Mobilities, Theory Culture
and Society and Space and Culture, has not more strongly addressed migration to date, given the
centrality of population movements to political tensions, economic development and policy priorities
since the late twentieth century.i Movements from rural to urban centres in countries such as China and
India constituted the largest movement of humans in history. Histories of modernization stress that
Fordist economic development has turned on the availability of masses of wage labourers concentrated
in cities. This has been true first in industrializing Europe and North America, and more recently in
East Asia. Refugee flows accompanying wars, famines and impoverishment have destabilized recipient
nations and immigration has continued to be a major policy focus in Europe as much as in North
America.

How has mobility figured in historical research on migration? Greenwood and Hunt suggest that
nineteenth century European and American urbanization driven by rural-to-urban migration, plus
overseas immigrants to American cities, spurred an interest in migration research. The adjustments
foreign immigrants who didn't speak English or French were forced to make, and the movement of
African Americans and whites from the South to northern cities posed problems of dislocation and
raised questions of social identity(Greenwood & Hunt, 2003). The Depression of the 1930s further
raised research and policy problems as urban unemployment was swelled by rural-to-urban migrants
(Greenwood & Hunt, 2003); (D.S. Thomas, 1938)).

Demographers and sociologists dominated North American migration research, drawing on 1920s and
1930s census data. Geographers noted that they showed

'a remarkable mobility. Fewer than half of the families of the United States are bound to a
locality by the ties of home ownership, and the automobile has destroyed all respect for
distance. But since the beginning of the depression, migration has assumed the form of
bewildered aimlessness ((Thornthwaite, 1934): 3).'

In relation to mobility and flow, we can read Greenwood and Hunt's short history of research for a

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history of ideas. The broader social science interest was policy-driven by questions such as those
posed by Goodrich and colleagues in their Migration and Economic Opportunity: 'If men and women
are out of work, can they hope to gain employment by migration? If their living is precarious, would
they be more secure in other locations? ((Goodrich, et al., 1936))' Greenwood and Hunt pose this as
first, would the unemployed be more likely to find a job if they migrated? And, should working people
move to find better paying jobs, or stay where they are? We continue to find this question in reactions
to local disadvantage and disaster: after Hurricane Katrina devastated some parts of New Orleans in
2005, economists advocated that the city should be abandoned and the inhabitants move elsewhere
(neglecting that 70% of the city was never flooded; see (Steinberg & Shields, 2008)). The answers
suggest that in the 1930s, despite enormous migration to California, while urban occupations offered
higher employment rates, only a few urban and industrial destinations in the North and West stood out
((Goodrich, et al., 1936):500).

By contrast to this approach driven by the interpretation of demographic data, early British geographers
such as Ravenstein, had proposed a law of migration whereby people tended to gravitate to larger
centres ((Ravenstein, 1885)). Geographically-attuned economists such as Marshall emphasized the
attraction of the city as a form of social selection:

'large towns and espeially London absorb the very best blood from all the rest of England; the
most enterprising, the most highly gifted, those with the highest physique and strongest
characters go there to find scope for their abilities' ((Marshall, 1948): 199).

'Gravity models' continued to play an important role in discussions of causal economic drivers of
movement in both the US and the UK. However a shift in the US turned around first the experience of the
1930s Depression, then the rapid development of new technologies that displaced traditional tempo of
lifetimes of learned craft skill and changing local population levels driven by biological factors such as the
birthrate, life-expectancy and mortality. Thomas commented on the American experience of the 1930s,
stressing migration differentials rather than absolute laws:

migration may be viewed as a sort of goal-seeking, in which economic motives are involved (the
migrant attempts, or hopes, to better his economic condition), but in which hedonistic motives also
play an important role (the migrant attempts to escape the monotony of a limited environment, to
exercise his right of choosing a new environment, and hopes, through migration, to attain and enjoy
a richer environment). It also suggests the possibility that some migrations are, or appear to be,
unmotivated, random movements.
Defining differentials in connection with these problems requires much more than
meticulous application of statistical methods. Data obtained as administrative by-products
are, in the main, unsuitable for throwing much light on these problems. The behavior of the
migrants must be observed before and after migration; the migrants’ ‘own stories’ must be
obtained; the environmental setting and the conditions of life in the communities of origin
and destination must be described. This does not mean that statistical methods are
inapplicable; on the contrary, they will be essential in the initial process of sampling and in
the final evaluation of the observed differentials ((D.S. Thomas, 1938): 141-42).

This before and after statistical approach, filled-in by qualitative information set the standard for
quantitative social science approaches which focused on stable residence with movement as an
irregular interstitial moment. While migrants began to be surveyed directly, the tendency for people to

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migrate was attributed to places and regions on a state by state basis, fixing mobility to static locations
((Dorothy S. Thomas & Kuznets, 1960)). Even geographers observing the migrations of the 1930s,
commented 'Since the movement is abnormal in most respects, it is inconceivable that it will continue
((Thornthwaite, 1934): 18).

Later research from the 1960s translated the distance and population variables of the gravity model into
regression formulas to test hypotheses regarding the most important factors behind migration. This
have moved from approaching movement as occurring in a type of disequilibrium of wages,
opportunities and amenities between locations, to a consideration of employment change and
individuals' and households' life-cycle events and the consequences of migration on places and regions.
Central has been the increasing ability of computers to process large amounts of data that has been
extended from simple variables such as origin and destination to include individual and household
characteristics.

Although statistical methods had to wait for the arrival of computing power, immigration has long been
a facet of North American nation-building. The offer of free land and of a one-way passage to a 'New
World' was promoted through handbills, newspaper advertisements and word of mouth in economically
disadvantaged areas of Europe in particular. Immigration was a feature of the bio-political organization
of national territory through rural settlement and the economic development through displacing hunting
and herding with sedentary cultivation, particularly on the Prairies but also in the Mid-West.

Exploration and surveying was conducted with a view to marking out land for settlers. Expeditions
furnished an early source of national mythology for Canada and the United States in particular, two
countries that eulogized voyages of exploration by fur traders and surveyors, such as the 1804-6 Lewis
and Clark Expedition.

Migration and Mobilities

Migration studies become most obviously yoked to the preoccupations at the scale of the territorial
nation with the rise of the welfare state. The scale of focus of migration studies is driven not only the
availability of national censuses and research funding but by a preferential optic that blurs the foreign
and origin states, however powerful they may be in continuing to shape peoples' diasporic
communities, identities and politics – especially through religion and language. Mobilities have been
researched as a theoretical object of study in the context of a global scaled space and time. This
spatialization of mobilities is central to the framing of research which couples intensely local
manifestations of global flows to transnational socioeconomic processes to powerful effect. This is for
many proponents and critics of mobilities research a normatively smooth space, identified with a
dromo-democracy of freely chosen travel and a 'right to mobility' as well as with a cosmopolitan
inclusiveness that may even extend beyond the human to include other 'travellers', including viruses,
animals, commodities and technologies ((Mol & Law, 1994)).

For migration studies, the liberal welfare State has a duty to grant hospitality on the basis of some
collectively determined merit and to enter as a mediator with the Other by allowing foreign trade and
managing the arrival of foreign Strangers. For mobilities studies, the State is one of several mediators
with a duty to facilitate mobilities and intervene when 'speed bumps' cause inequities, whether by
promoting the expansion of trade and a taste for the exotic, granting visas, improving infrastructure or
coming to the rescue when its citizens become stranded tourists. One of the critiques of the security
agenda of the new millenium has been a xenophobic policy orientation which aims to control mobilities

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of all types - by walls, visa barriers, police ...or that simply makes mobilities inconvenient through
extended interrogation, the friction of border delays, restricted speech, and limited media use as
cosmopolitanism gives way to local solidarities – a new national gemeinshaft.

Mobilities also suggest the metaphor of 'social mobility': forms of interaction include competition and
attempts to exclude or displace Others perceived as social or economic rivals. This lends a dynamism
and complexity to diverse cities which remain as the unexamined context of migration policy, even as it
drives policy responses to ensuing challenges, from integration into the labour force, to access to
housing, to the proliferation of gang identities on racialized or ethnicized lines. In part this is because
the urban as both an object and unit of analysis is not integrated with policy-makers tools despite an
increasing interest in place-based policy ((Dirlik, 2001). The descriptive metaphor of flow reflects
more than an aggregation of individual behaviour for migration research. There is a consistent rhetoric
of migration as both an opportunity and a problem: there is a sense of policy reacting to trends, and of
flows such as immigration or movement to cities as out of the control of the State. While flows may be
channelled and are reversible, there is the sense of 'waves' which are not only a rhythm or cycle of
migration driven by economic and environmental factors (eg. the poor crops of the US Midwestern
'Dustbowl' of the 1930s) but of an irresistable force.

Metropolis
Recent social science migration research in the OECD countries is perhaps most famously crystallized
in the Metropolis project, an international network on migration which draws together academics,
public servants and policy researchers in a network since 1996 funded by both academic granting
councils and government departments. Metropolis represents a form of state capture of research. In its
avowed policy-relevance and multi-disciplinarity, Metropolis represents the turn to evidence-based
policy making (metropolis website) as well as the integration of the demographic profiling and
mapping of earlier decades onto a conscious policy concern with managed sociocultural diversity.
Over the years, the consortium of researchers in the Metropolis project has documented

The specific strategies that immigrant groups employ to effect successful integration within
urban structures and systems, the processes by which these strategies are pursued and modified,
and the outcomes of these processes... The goal is to better understand the processes by which
immigrants become Canadians ((Prairie Metropolis Centre, 2010)).

Integration, urban issues and the restructuring of identity are heavily coded into the mandate of the
research. Early research explored the breadth of this mandate but most efforts have emphasized the
aspects of mobility and migration which matters most to national governments. This develops themes
established in the early 1960s that approach migration as the acquisition of human capital and skilled
labour, often understood through the lenses of certification and qualifications and of the relative
amounts and directions of flows (eg. the discussion of backflows in (Sjaastad, 1962)).

Despite the international research, the national mandate, notably in countries such as Canada, has a
geographical focus on borders and on policies that solicit, admit or exclude bodies. The research is
comparative. However, geographical context becomes abstracted: the focus is on citizenship as an
ideological and behavioural practice within the context of the State, the official public sphere of law
and political participation, and the micro sub-public sphere of comportment and family containment
within the single-family dwelling unit.

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As a contemporary example of migration research, several key issues are apparent:
(1) most commonly an oversimplification of migration which replaces mobilities with a simple one
way movement of arrival and complex identities with a simple national model of the
multicultural citizen – that is, a bi-cultural citizen with a hyphenated identity and possibly a
dual citizenship.
(2) Cultural imaginaries have too long been off the agenda because of a lack of theoretical and
ontological frameworks to distinguishing social categories such as community (virtual ideal-real
entities) from mere concepts or fictions (ideal possibilities such as abstractions and ideas; see
(Shields, 2003));
(3) in addition, there is a disconnect between materially specific urban context and the abstract
space of population tables;
(4) poor integration between official public life of cities and the State and a suppressed sphere of
everyday immigrant life pushed away from the public sphere and uneasily accommodated in
public spaces (from squares, to playgrounds, to parks and recreational facilities);
(5) a displacement of the sphere of political struggle to a sub-public sphere.

Historically, immigrants have tended to settle in large metropolitan areas, despite attempts to disperse
migrants. Cities are the locus of migration but do not find recognition in the relevant legal and
constitutional frameworks. Migration is managed on a provincial basis, with less consideration of
immigrants secondary moves to the most economically or ethnically appealing cities. Sustaining cities
requires that migration is understood as a driver producing urban space and forms, often in suburban
and intra-urban areas. Along with country-to-city and regional flows migration is integral to
urbanization. Rapid population growth coupled with a demand for utilities, pressures on infrastructure
and provision have been argued to contribute to metropolitan poverty, segregation and the rise of new
discriminations and social stratifications which work against the State goals of integration to full
citizenship and the preservation of social order despite the cultural fluidity and changing identity
transnational and rural migrants bring to urban areas.

Immigration policy tends to focus nationally, while urban localities are where migration is most
tangibly felt and where difference is lived. Analysis in many countries tends to focus on quantitative
profiles. However, migrant social life and the negotiation of ethnic community services and identity
are key aspects of migration as an ongoing engagement in a diasporic lifestyle in the Americas as
foreign countries ((Seo & Kang, 2010)). The actual processes of immigrant place-making, especially
in the context of suburban neighbourhoods, and the role of places and neighbourhoods in allowing
migrant identities and diasporic communities to take a tangible shape and be performatively actualized
in both seasonal displays and everyday routines which make culture present and a lived force in urban
environments still gets less attention. Community institutions such as Vietnamese pagoda's are sites of
presence, and neighbourhoods are spaces in which virtualities and abstractions such as flows become
actually felt, are translated into environments of predictable interactions, risk, and opportunity.

Traditionally enclaves have been understood as ghettos and forms of temporary residence or refuge for
the new poor migrants excluded by cultural, politico-economic and language barriers. However,
especially around the Pacific Rim, contemporary migrants are resource-rich in a variety of ways, not
the least of which is as representatives of transnational capital. Ethnic enclaves may also be economic
gateways. The possibility of travel and media flows of cultural, political and business information
creates new forms of migrancy ((I. Chambers, 1987); see Hui in (Davidson, Park, & Shields,
Forthcoming 2011)) and new orders of mobilities. This leads to a more dynamic urban population

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composed of people from a shifting mosaic of backgrounds in complex and fluid spatial concentrations.
Fixed neighbourhood identities with less heterogeneous populations and more stable tenure becomes a
hallmark of the economically and socially better-off: enclaves correlated with advantage.

What is most striking about this brief history of migration studies is its youth. Despite its entrenched
character in policy and in social science departments, the timespan of effective analysis of large data
sets and of multiple regressions has been very short, dating only from the 1970s. Shifts to more
dynamic approaches suggest that migration studies are undergoing a parallel development to mobilities
studies, despite the apparent lack of conversation between the two literatures through 2010. Lindley
cites Castles to note that,

in exploring how a shifting structural environment interacts with individuals' and families'
unique configurations of capabilities and resources to produce migration, we avoid designating
the displaced as a homogenous mass influx, rather than illuminating variability and agency in
people's responses.... by firmly situating their analysis in relation to the wider global political
economy in which these micro-level realities unfold. ((Castles, 2003):17 cited in (Lindley,
2010): 17-18).

For example in the case of refugee streams from war, violence and persecution, 'micro-level, fine-
grained case studies of conflict and mobility can make it clear that these are “not the result of a string
of connected emergencies” (Castles 2003:17 cited in Lindley 2010: 18) and similarly these migration
flows are now well explained by resort to determining variables impacting populations but require an
attention to household histories, cultural perceptions of the world and decision-making logics.

Mobilities researchers have been on the same tack: calling on cultural studies to theorize how diversity
and mobility entail a range of popular interactions which outrun and not recognized in policies crafted
to integrate migrants.

‘Au dela’ – this is what Homi Bhabha terms the hither and thither motion of our position within
the winds of change. Neither here nor there, neither now nor then.... So how do those who seek
to archive, to contextualise, to frame or retell, find this space of “partial but regulatable
operation” which achieves some kind of autonomous distance but still porous enough to be
influenced by and to influence the world as it exists outside that space? ((Butcher, 2010)).

The possibility of travel and media flows of cultural, political and business information creates new
forms of 'migrancy' and new orders of mobilities ((Iain Chambers, 1994)). This leads to a more
dynamic urban population composed of people from a shifting mosaic of backgrounds in complex and
fluid spatial concentrations. Fixed neighbourhood identities with less heterogeneous populations and
more stable tenure becomes a hallmark of the economically and socially better-off: enclaves correlated
with advantage ((Cairns, 2004)).

Much research has been inspired by European post-colonial relations, in-migration and cultural
exchange with former colonies ((Gingrich & Banks, 2006)). Mieke Bal's 'migratory aesthetics' 'refers
to... the cultural inspiration that migration... can yield' (2007) and its effect on politics, economics,
notions of the migrant and aesthetics. For some, the direction is away from searching for an ideal
image 'which best symbolizes our times' toward interventions in 'flows of representation...narratives
and framing devices' (eg. see (Biemann, 2006-7)). Others have dubbed this a precarious aesthetics

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which registers the shifting and precarious movements of life ((Bourriaud, 2005)) rather than universal
human ideals, a material condition rather than virtualities such as rights or abstractions such as equality.

South East Asia, India, Africa and the Caribbean have become significant European cultural influences.
While European historical identity remains pre-eminent, the 'melting pot' quality of the countries of the
European Union and even a certain cultural dependency on imported cultural tastes, fashions and
commodities has been largely disavowed or ignored despite being continuously noted in the design and
cultural press. Backlashes – in popular protest and in social policies - have been provoked against
public visibility of immigrants (eg. debates over women's head coverings, number of children, street
hawking and competition for welfare services). The United States-Mexico border has been one of the
most visible inspirations and of backlash and even vigilante-ism ((Ramlow, 2006); (Anzaldua, 1987)).

The attention of mainstream social science in North America was drawn by anthropological research on
diasporic communities in large cities such as Chicago. Hannerz foregrounded the apparent
hybridization of everyday street culture and values ((Hannerz, 1980); (Hannerz, 1996)). Appadurai's
evocative vision of global “'scapes” of transit and flows of people, data, cultural and media
productions, capital and goods is an empirical forerunner of mobilities and a key reference of early
mobilities research ((Appadurai, 1996)). A much larger list of authors could be furnished, in particular
from South East Asian feminist studies of the mid 1990s.

In these contemporary streams of research, the city has returned as the empirical site of mobilities, the
place where migrations are manifested in the form of newly arrived residents. Whereas the ghetto was
a figure of urban in-migrant issues for Chicago School sociologists of the 1920s and 30s, the city as a
whole is now a lense and sensing platform which makes manifest global social, cultural and economic
processes and forces.

'Globalization' theories posited global cities that were economically more intimately tied to other global
cities than to their surrounding hinterlands ((A. King, 1990)). Thus for Sassen, global cities such as
New York developed a dual economy of prized international (migrant) professionals and flexiblized,
underemployed migrants ((Sassen, 1991)). In its most sensitive versions, cultural and economic forms
now circulate being transfigured with each actualization in a given place ((Lee & LiPuma, 2002);
(Gaonkar & Povinelli, 2003); and for an application (Goh, 2010)), rather than being simply re-
established as a second-hand mimicry of originary cultural motherlands or economic models.

In the OECD countries, the diversity and flexibility of labour forces resulting from migration has been
seen as a competitive advantage of North American cities and nations. An (exploited) underclass
pursuing 'the American dream' is still eulogized in popular culture. However the cultural
marginalization of immigrant groups and diasporic communities is also a problem for States to contend
with. National policies in relation to 'Homeland Security' in the United States have stressed controlling
mobility and are closely tied in political rhetoric to notions of patriotism and citizenship. Renewed
efforts to maintain or re-establish national citizenship as a privileged identity amongst, but against, the
multiple frames of identity that Bhabha evokes, above. In post 9-11 nationalist rhetoric, therefore,
citizenship is normatively not to be understood or even theorized as waivering or flickering, temporary
or disposable. Citizenship, with its oath-taking ceremonies, Remembrance Days, and differentiated
treatment at borders is a organizing pole of reference around which mobilities of all kinds are organized
into a national vortex of discursive acts from vows to statistical form-filling, and embodiments from
military recruits to professional 'brain-drains' (or brain-gains).

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The city is more than the site of mobilities or the scene where they can be observed as economic or
labour market processes. The city itself is a nexus of mobilities, woven out of myriad flows. This
'ontogenetic', rather than ontological conception of space ((Adey, 2006): 79) brings relations and flows
to the foreground rather than fixed objects in a static geometry. Beyond the obvious case of
transportation planning, 'smart growth' ((Scott, 2007)) or 'transit-oriented design' has pursued a vision
of redevelopment and suburban expansion around public transportation hubs. 'Walkable' pedestrian
neighbourhoods are proposed around fixed transit infrastructure such as light rail.

Flow and the City

Flow as a precursor to the notion of mobilities, as a theoretical object of research ((Shields, 1997)). In
a sense flow names one type of mobility, but throughout the literature is advanced as the definition of
mobilities – 'mobilities = flows'. Flow is a theoretical resource for mobilities. As a concept and figure
flow is a primoridial theoretical form of 'mobilities'? What are its theoretical affects – its capacities,
qualities and potential as, for example, viscous or inertial, directional stream and diffuse spraw? What
are the topological limits and presuppositions of such surface mobilities, and what spatialisations are
implicit (eg. a stable orientable space in/on which serves as the context a non-orientable mobility)?
Thus the assertion that 'the global presupposes the metaphors of network and flow rather than that of
region' (Urry 2000:32). And the literature on globalization and on mobiltiieshas been critiqued as a
chronically dis-embedded, anti-human 'flow-speak' ((Bude & Dürrschmidt, 2010)).

Flow is pure theoretical object of motion. Flows form circuits of circulation patterns allowing them to
be characterized and their dynamics compared in terms of 'the rate of flow, its viscosity, the depth, its
consistency, and its degree of confinement' ((Urry, 2000):32). Flow is the quality of motion and
virtually the material entities in movement. Mobilities research abstracts and develops this as social
science theory. The risk of mobilities studies is the tendency to dedifferentiate and elide moving
entities and the quality of their 'flow-ing'. That is, in abstracting from the phenomenon, the virtual and
material are less distinguished and even fused for rhetorical effect.

In the context of the city, there is broad application of the distinction between relative stasis and flow.
Bissell shows how litter and dropped or lost items are commonly understood in terms of mobilities (see
also (Sheller & Urry, 2006)):

Where the materiality of the urban landscape, particularly pavements and roads
...are...optimized for particular flows, the materiality of lost items of clothing jars and
punctuates this by presenting a stark object of rupture to these flows. Many of these displaced
objects of clothing come to be located in particular spaces in the urban environment: on
pavements,in gutters, on roads. The materiality of these realms of the urban landscape takes on
a particular form that is typically framed around movement and flow. Indeed, much work on
urban mobilities highlights how these spaces are often defined by their capacity to permit
particular intersecting mobilities. ... Particular sensibilities of movement are engineered into
this urban materiality... ((Bissell, 2008):100).

Time and change over time are two urban problematics that have been more evidently a feature as
North America's cities – many of which were only founded in the twentieth century – age and as some
areas such as the Northeastern United States 'rust belt' declined while others, particularly the south and
western United States 'sun belt' grew. An emphasis on time as duration and on dynamism in late-

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twentieth century post-structuralist theory also changed the representations of cities ((A. D. King,
1996)).

Conclusion
This brief survey suggests that migration and mobilities studies meet empirically in the city as a field
and in the rhetoric of flow. Better distinguishing between different ways in which this fluidity can be
understood and the ways these mobilities work with and against each other are emerging in the
literature. Flow has been linked to complexity theories and non-linear dynamics ((Papastergiadis,
2010):355; (Byrne, 1998):20). For example, Lash recovers flux as process in contrast to flow from
Simmel's 1918 sociology of money and capital: flow, or 'Prozessi [flux] is a word that Simmel used
often in regard to life.' However, 'Simmel speaks of flux and not flow. Flux is a tension, it is
intrinsically struggling and conflictual.... Flow is Strom; Flufl, to flow is also rinnen' ((Lash, 2005):16;
see (Simmel, 1990)). Flux is processual but a central difference between these two terms is the
tendency to see process as an external description.

Simmel's early twentieth-century appreciation of money derives from his understanding of it as a

medium that allowed social interdependency to be extended beyond the time-space reach of bartering,
allowing both urban and national economies. Flows of capital and goods are paralleled by and meet
flows of migrants, becoming visible as empirical interactions in the context of the metropolis.
However, the distinctions between flux and flow suggests the possibility of an immanent critique of the
different, yet coinciding conceptual frameworks of mobilities research and the 'lenses' through which
migration is seen and which its basic variables have been understood to represent. The intersections of
these fields, with their very different methodological approaches to respective phenomena suggest that
there are lessons to be learned from each other.

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Notes

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i The exceptions to this rule are generaly outside of mobilities research itself, for example, Sudeep Dasgupta's (2008)
“Between the Aesthetics of Migration and Migratory Aesthetics” in Grant Watson et al. Santhal Family: Positions around
an Indian Sculpture. Antwerpen: Museum voor Hedendaagse Kunst.