ASSEMBLEIA LEGISLATIVA DE MINAS GERAIS

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Os Autos de Devassa da Inconfidência Mineira constituem,
indiscutivelmente, a principal fonte de pesquisa para os
que estudam a história daquele levante.

Eles foram publicados pela primeira vez em 1894, de

forma parcelada, pelo historiador Mello Moraes na
Revista Brasil Histórico, com modesta circulação.

A edição seguinte aconteceu em 1936, por iniciativa do

então Ministro da Educação e Saúde Gustavo Capanema.

Em 1976, vem a público nova publicação, fruto de um esforço

conjunto da Câmara dos Deputados e da Imprensa Oficial de
Minas Gerais. Essa nova edição foi ampliada de sete para dez
volumes, por meio de um trabalho notável dos historiadores
Tarquínio José Barbosa de Oliveira e Herculano Gomes
Mathias, com centenas de novos documentos e minuciosos
comentários de pé de página.

Passados 40 anos, a Assembleia Legislativa de Minas

Gerais publica, em sua Coleção Minas de História e Cultura,
nova edição fac-simile daquela de 1976, facultando aos
estudiosos da nova geração a oportunidade de manusear
esses importantes documentos da nossa história.
 Autos de Devassa da
…‘ϐ‹†²…‹ƒ‹‡‹”ƒ
Coleção Minas de História e Cultura
A Coleção Minas de História e Cultura faz parte do programa editorial da Assembleia
Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais, cujo objetivo é a publicação de obras de valor
histórico e cultural que possam contribuir para a compreensão do desenvolvimento
político e social de Minas Gerais e do Brasil.

1. História da Revolução Liberal de 1842

2. Autos de Devassa da Inconfidência Mineira
 Autos de Devassa da
…‘ϐ‹†²…‹ƒ‹‡‹”ƒ

Belo Horizonte
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais
2016
© 2016, Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais
Este livro ou parte dele, incluídos textos e imagens, pode ser reproduzido por qualquer meio, desde
que a fonte seja corretamente citada.

MESA DA ASSEMBLEIA LEGISLATIVA FICHA TÉCNICA

Deputado Adalclever Lopes Coordenador:
Presidente Deputado Lafayette de Andrada
Deputado Hely Tarqüínio
Produção:
1º-vice-presidente
Diretoria de Comunicação Institucional
Deputado Lafayette de Andrada
2º-vice-presidente Apoio técnico:
Deputado Braulio Braz Gerência-Geral de Documentação e
3º-vice-presidente Informação
Deputado Ulysses Gomes Foto da capa:
1º-secretário Inconfidência Mineira (1965) – Óleo sobre
Deputado Alencar da Silveira Jr. tela, de Angel Carretero – Foto: Raíla Melo
2º-secretário
Deputado Doutor Wilson Batista Projeto gráfico, capa, editoração e revisão:
3º-secretário Gerência de Publicidade e Comunicação Visual

Secretaria
Cristiano Felix dos Santos Silva
Diretor-geral
Carlos Eduardo Ribeiro de Navarro
Secretário-geral da Mesa
ISBN 978-85-85157-56-2
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais
Rua Rodrigues Caldas, 30, Santo Agostinho
CEP: 30190-921 – Belo Horizonte – Minas Gerais – Telefone: +55 31 2108 7000

A939 Autos de devassa da Inconfidência Mineira / [introdução de

Lafayette Luiz Doorgal de Andrada]. – Belo Horizonte:
Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais, 2016.
11 v. – (Coleção Minas de história e cultura; 2)

Edição facsimilar.
ISBN 978-85-85157-56-2 (v.6)

1. Inconfidência Mineira (1789). 2. Processos célebres – Brasil.

3. Brasil – História, Século XVIII. 4. Minas Gerais – História, Século
XVIII.
CDU: 981.034
 Apresentação

As obras que integram a coleção Minas de História e Cultura contribuem para

que nós, leitores, possamos conhecer melhor como vem se formando nossa socie-
dade e como se molda a memória coletiva, o que conduz a uma consolidação ou
reelaboração da nossa identidade compartilhada.

Os Autos de Devassa da Inconfidência Mineira, esgotada sua edição anterior, cui-

dadosamente publicada na década de 1970 pela Imprensa Oficial de Minas Gerais,
num esforço conjunto do governo estadual e da Câmara dos Deputados, tornaram-
se uma raridade, que sobrevivia em bibliotecas especializadas ou no acervo precioso
de sebos, onde eventualmente se escondiam na forma de volumes isolados. Torná
-los novamente disponíveis, em formato impresso, para estudiosos ou interessados
é, pois, a grande motivação para a presente edição.

Nesse texto do final do século XVIII estão colhidos os testemunhos diretos do acon-
tecimento que, ocorrido em solo mineiro, antecipa o final da colonização portuguesa
na América.

O grande mérito dos autos é ter gerado várias e decisivas interpretações desse sig-
nificativo ato de irredentismo mineiro com suas marcas nacionalista e republicana,
despertando o interesse não só de nossos historiadores mas também de brasilianis-
tas da importância de Kenneth Maxwell, que, com base nesse conteúdo, procurou
explicar as circunstâncias que conduziram o próprio desenvolvimento histórico do
País.

AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA V

Entre as contribuições desse historiador inglês está o reconhecimento de Tiradentes,
frequentemente vítima de interpretações equivocadas, como o catalisador daquela
revolução, “propagandista de uma Minas Gerais independente, republicana e autos-
suficiente”.

No texto dos Autos de Devassa, os depoimentos traduzem uma ideia definitiva sobre
a personalidade e o ânimo de Tiradentes. Assim, para uma das testemunhas, José
Joaquim da Rocha, “o dito oficial era um louco de Minas que andava naquela cidade
dizendo que havia de fazer aquela terra feliz”. Já no relato de Vicente Vieira da Mota,
“foi saindo o dito alferes, dizendo que não encontrava senão homens vis, e baixos,
incapazes de uma ação heroica; porém, que havia de armar uma meada tal, que em
cem anos se não havia de desenredar”.

Esses trechos alimentariam a poesia de Cecília Meireles, autora do mais notável de

nossos poemas históricos, o celebrado Romanceiro da Inconfidência, que apresenta,
no Romance do animoso Alferes, sua visão de Joaquim José da Silva Xavier:

“(Por todos trabalha, /a todos promete/ sossego e ventura/o animoso Alferes)

(...) (Ninguém que proteste! /Se fossem como ele, a alto sonho entregue!)”.

A dimensão que a leitura e o estudo deste documento representam pode ser tam-
bém percebida na observação do historiador econômico João Antônio de Paula:
“Os ‘Autos’ deixam claro que os inconfidentes tinham um projeto de nação, queriam
a independência do Brasil e pretendiam implantar o desenvolvimento das manufa-
turas, como fábricas de pólvora, tecidos e ferro, além de criar uma universidade que
seria a primeira do país”.

Portanto, a Assembleia mineira vem permitir que os fatos históricos fixados nesta
notável peça jurídica mostrem-se novamente acessíveis em páginas impressas, na
expectativa de que novas leituras e interpretações da Inconfidência se produzam.

Deputado Adalclever Lopes

Presidente da Assembleia Legislativa do Estado de Minas Gerais

VI
 Introdução

Há muito vem sendo cobrada pelos pesquisadores da história do Brasil, em

especial pelos que particularmente se dedicam ao estudo da Inconfidência Mineira,
uma reimpressão dos Autos de Devassa da Inconfidência Mineira.

Os Autos são, indiscutivelmente a principal fonte de pesquisa para o estudo da

Inconfidência Mineira.

Foram publicados pela primeira vez, parceladamente, em 1894 na Revista do Arqui-

vo do Distrito Federal – Brasil Histórico, pelo historiador Mello Moraes, com ínfima
circulação. Pretendendo escrever uma obra sobre o Brasil, com a colaboração do
Cel. Ignácio Accioli de Cerqueira e Silva, e conversando com João Ximenes de Araújo
Pitada sobre a Inconfidência, contou-lhe este existirem documentos sobre o assunto
na Secretaria do Império, metidos em um saco verde. Assim informado, obteve Mello
Moraes, que era diretor arquivista do Arquivo do Distrito Federal, licença do ministro
do Império, Conselheiro Pedreira, para exame do processo. Copiou, publicando-o
no Brasil Histórico, com exceção de algumas peças de pouca importância e dos
sequestros.

Posteriormente, em 1936, começa nova publicação, que se concluiu em 1938 em

sete volumes, por iniciativa do ministro da Educação, Gustavo Capanema. A terceira
e última edição, esgotada, foi publicada em 1976, fruto de um esforço conjunto da
Câmara dos Deputados com a Imprensa Oficial de Minas Gerais. Essa nova edição
foi ampliada com um trabalho notável coordenado pelos pesquisadores Tarquínio

AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA VII

José Barbosa de Oliveira e Herculano Gomes Mathias, contendo 11 volumes, com
centenas de novos documentos paralelos e minuciosos comentários de pé de pá-
gina.

Passados 40 anos, a Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais traz a lume, em sua

Coleção Minas de História e Cultura, nova publicação fac-simile da edição de 1976,
facultando às novas gerações o acesso a esses importantíssimos documentos da
nossa história.

Durante muito tempo pouco se conhecia sobre Inconfidência Mineira. Durante qua-
se todo o Império esse tema praticamente não foi abordado pelos historiadores ou
era tratado muito superficialmente.

Somente em 1873 surgiu o primeiro livro dedicado exclusivamente à Inconfidência

Mineira. De autoria de Joaquim Norberto de Souza e Silva, foi escrito em capítulos
lidos nas sessões do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro desde os últimos
meses de 1860, segundo nota explicativa em sua introdução.

Monarquista decidido e amigo pessoal do imperador, Joaquim Norberto pas-

sou longe da imparcialidade no relato da história e sobretudo nas referências à
pessoa de Tiradentes, sendo extremamente hostil e com excesso de má vontade.

Márcio Jardim, em A Inconfidência Mineira – Uma síntese factual (p.19), relata que
a obra de Joaquim Norberto foi um trabalho quase “encomendado” para diminuir
os impulsos republicanos crescentes na segunda metade do século XIX. Tinha o
claro objetivo preconcebido de demonstrar que Tiradentes não era o líder do movi-
mento, era um idiota e sua presença física era “repelente”.

Fez enorme sucesso o referido livro de Joaquim Norberto. Era o primeiro escrito
exclusivamente sobre o tema, já que o autor foi o único que até então teve acesso
a toda coleção original dos Autos de Devassa. Era um livro completo, com todo o
relato factual do episódio e foi festejado pela elite intelectual da época. Para se ter

VIII
uma ideia da influência negativa dessa obra basta lembrar que até os nossos dias o
livro é um dos mais conhecidos sobre a Inconfidência. Muitos autores, principalmen-
te de artigos de jornais que atingem grande público, repetem velhas falsidades nele
difundidas. Vários escritores repetiram que a Inconfidência “era um sonho de uma
noite de verão, de poetas afastados da realidade, que Tiradentes foi morto porque
era o mais pobre e sem cultura, um inocente útil”.

O historiador Waldemar de Almeida Barbosa, no prefácio da obra Tiradentes Face a

Face, de Isolde Helena Brans, observa que o livro de Joaquim Norberto foi, durante
muito tempo, a única fonte existente sobre a Inconfidência Mineira. Todos os nossos
escritores, Gilberto de Alencar, Ronald de Carvalho, João Ribeiro, Afrânio Peixoto,
Eduardo Frieiro, Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, Pedro Calmon, etc., escreveram so-
bre Tiradentes e a Inconfidência com base exclusivamente na história da Conjuração
Mineira de Joaquim Norberto. Ainda recentemente, Kenneth Maxwell, em A Devas-
sa da Devassa, em que faz um bom estudo dos Autos, reproduz várias afirmações
falsas de Joaquim Norberto, que curiosamente não estão na sua bibliografia.

A publicação dos Autos de Devassa da Inconfidência Mineira, por iniciativa do mi-

nistro da Educação e Saúde, o mineiro Gustavo Capanema, em 1936, começou a
trazer nova luz aos estudiosos. Descortinou a verdadeira dimensão daquele movi-
mento. Os Autos mostram que conjurados de 1789, diferentemente de todas as ten-
tativas libertárias anteriores e posteriores, tiveram um projeto nacional para o Brasil.
Como se vê na correspondência do governador Rodrigo José de Menezes (1783-
-1786) com o governo português, havia em Minas a consciência de que tinham
sido criadas as condições para um pacto diferente entre a metrópole e a colônia.

A partir daquela publicação dos Autos de Devassa começam a aparecer trabalhos

sérios dedicados ao estudo da Inconfidência, e outro Tiradentes bem diferente é o
que surge de uma leitura atenta de suas páginas. Principalmente a partir da publi-
cação de 1976, com o trabalho paralelo monumental de Tarquínio José Barbosa de
Oliveira e Herculano Gomes Mathias, os pesquisadores estão abrindo os olhos. A
leitura acurada dos Autos de Devassa mostra que há vários problemas históricos

AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA IX

ainda a serem investigados.

Destacamos as obras de Lúcio José dos Santos, A Inconfidência Mineira, e a de

Márcio Jardim, A Inconfidência Mineira, uma síntese factual, que dão a melhor visão
que se pode ter da Inconfidência a partir de minuciosas e aprofundadas pesquisas,
mostrando a impressionante dimensão do movimento e a verdadeira estatura de
Tiradentes. Destacamos também o livro Tiradentes Face a Face, da pesquisadora
Isolde Helena Brans, que estuda especificamente a relação dos conjurados com
Thomas Jefferson, por meio de encontros e correspondências deste com estudantes
de Coimbra que tentavam buscar o apoio dos Estados Unidos para a revolução que
se preparava no Brasil. A autora apresenta um conjunto de “novos” documentos
descobertos no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino de Lisboa que levam a interessantes
constatações, até mesmo da participação de Tiradentes nesse episódio, o que mere-
ce atenção especial dos pesquisadores que se interessam pelo tema.

Na leitura dos Autos é importante ter em conta que nos interrogatórios estão sendo
ouvidos homens arrasados, tentando fazer o possível para salvarem-se a si mesmos
de uma morte cruel – esmagamento dos ossos com o réu vivo –, de acordo com a
legislação da época, como acontecera no processo recente dos revoltosos contra
Pombal.

Informados, na noite de 17 de maio de 1789, pelo embuçado, da prisão de Tiraden-

tes no Rio, os conjurados, com pleno conhecimento do crime de lesa-majestade que
haviam cometido, determinaram-se a destruir todos os traços materiais da conspi-
ração e combinaram optar pela negativa de qualquer culpa. Essa opção, que desen-
cantou alguns historiadores impiedosos, era o que a sensatez lhes indicava a fazer.

Revelaram nos depoimentos apenas o mínimo que não poderiam esconder e

aquilo que seria inútil furtar ao devassante. Daí serem totalmente infundadas as
versões de alguns historiadores de que os inconfidentes foram fracos, delatan-
do tudo no momento que foram presos. São informações falsas, constantemente
passadas ao público, bastando uma leitura dos Autos para verificar o contrário.

X
Os inconfidentes conseguiram escamotear até o fim informações completas so-
bre o movimento. O processo, que durou três anos, jamais conseguiu desvendar a
real extensão da Conjura, cujas repercussões o poder temeu e procurou minimizar.

A Conjura e a Repressão

A história da Inconfidência Mineira é um drama imenso, como demonstra Márcio

Jardim.

Minas Gerais, na primeira metade do século XVIII, atingiu tal grau de progresso urba-
no que poderia ser considerada uma das sociedades mais evoluídas do mundo.

A descoberta do ouro na virada do século XVII para o XVIII inaugurou um im-

pressionante volume migratório. De acordo com Antonil, em 1702 a população de
Minas variava entre 2 e 3 mil habitantes. Em 1709, menos de dez anos depois, a
população era estimada em mais de 30 mil pessoas. Em 1770, atingia mais de 320
mil habitantes.

O ouro fornecido pelo Brasil entre 1700 e 1770 foi o equivalente a toda a produção
de ouro do resto da América entre 1493 e 1850, e alcançou a metade do que o
resto do mundo produziu nos séculos XVI, XVII e XVIII.

Em meados do século XVIII, Vila Rica, capital da província, se transformou na maior

metrópole do Brasil e em um dos maiores aglomerados da América, superado ape-
nas pela Cidade do México. Possuía aproximadamente 100 mil habitantes, o dobro
da população da Bahia, sede do Vice-Reinado, o triplo da do Rio de Janeiro e o quá-
druplo da de São Paulo. Sua estrutura era bem superior à de suas contemporâneas.
Só dentro da cidade havia 14 fontes de águas cristalinas e um teatro de ópera, o
mais antigo da América do Sul.

Esse era o ambiente em que viviam os conjurados. Era mais que natural pensar em
um movimento libertário, que ganhou força sobretudo após a independência dos

AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA XI

Estados Unidos. Os Autos indicam que a ideia de uma revolução já estava dissemi-
nada por toda a população da província. Um dos devassantes chegou a dizer que,
se fossem aprofundadas as investigações, toda a população de Minas deveria ser
indiciada, porque ou estava diretamente envolvida na conspiração ou dela tinha
conhecimento, apoiando-a tacitamente.

A Inconfidência Mineira não foi produto da mente de ninguém em particular. Nas-

ceu das condições da sociedade. O ambiente de Vila Rica nos anos do governo de
Luís da Cunha Meneses (1783-1788), o Fanfarão Minésio das Cartas Chilenas, só
favorecia a revolução. As Cartas Chilenas registram o péssimo ambiente político-
social da época com enriquecimento ilícito e prevaricação; alto custo e ineficiência
da justiça; prática do suborno; proteção escondida ao contrabando; corrupção na
venda de despachos; deficiência de abastecimento; alto custo de vida, entre outros
pontos negativos.

Dos depoimentos depreende-se que as conversas iniciais, as primeiras reuniões de

uma elite pensante, devem ter acontecido entre os anos de 1781 e 1785, a partir
de quando se intensificam os contatos e as providências preliminares. Tudo indica
que, pelas viagens constantes ao Rio, pela amizade e admiração que nutria por Luíz
Vieira da Silva, o principal planejador do movimento, Tiradentes fazia parte desse
grupo inicial restrito que começava os preparativos para o levante. Estava longe
de ser o inocente útil muitas vezes apresentado por alguns historiadores. As suas
atitudes nas reuniões finais põem por terra qualquer tentativa de lhe atribuir papel
secundário na conspiração.

Em 1786, estudantes de Coimbra iniciam contatos por correspondência com o em-

baixador dos Estados Unidos na França, Thomas Jefferson, ídolo daquele século,
para obter o apoio americano ao levante que se pretendia fazer no Brasil. O encon-
tro dos emissários “Vendek” com Jefferson se dá efetivamente em março de 1787,
em Nimes e Montpellier.

Em maio de 1787, Thomas Jefferson envia extenso relatório sobre as condições do

XII
Brasil que recebera de Vendek, contendo as linhas gerais do plano de guerra dos
insurgentes e revelando o teor de toda conversa ao seu superior, o secretário de
Estado John Jay.

Jefferson responde, dando a entender que seguia as orientações de seu líder

Washington, que uma nação não tem amigos, mas interesses. Em linhas gerais, es-
clarece que respondia como particular, pois não tinha autoridade e nem instruções
do governo americano sobre o assunto. Afirma que uma revolução bem-sucedida
interessava aos Estados Unidos, mas que os Estados Unidos não estavam em condi-
ções naquele momento de entrar em uma guerra, embora indivíduos movidos pelo
desejo de lucro certamente ajudariam o Brasil, além de outros, incluindo oficiais
excelentes movidos “por motivos mais puros”. Relata ainda que os Estados Unidos
não embaraçariam ninguém que tivesse a intenção de ir lutar no Brasil. Um ano
depois essa mensagem chega ao Brasil. Na prática, os Estados Unidos apoiariam o
Brasil depois da independência, antes não, mediante algumas condições, entre elas
a importação de bacalhau e trigo dos Estados Unidos.

O plano elaborado pelo Cônego Luís Vieira da Silva contava com a ocorrência de um
fato que abalasse profundamente o povo. A ocasião seria o lançamento da Derrama
– cobrança imediata e única dos impostos sobre a extração do ouro, atrasados e
acumulados por décadas. O débito calculado era de oito toneladas, ou 21 gramas
de ouro per capita. O volume era injusto, o sistema era injusto, e os devedores eram,
em sua esmagadora maioria, inocentes. A Derrama não foi, portanto, a causa da In-
confidência, mas sim o elemento catalisador capaz de superar o temor da repressão.

Os passos seguintes da revolução seriam dados principalmente por Tiradentes,

que promoveu a maioria dos aliciamentos de apoiadores do movimento. Várias reu-
niões aconteceram em 1788, não houve uma única reunião formal preparada para
decidir tudo. Uma série delas aconteceu no período de 15 a 26 de dezembro de
1788 em Vila Rica. Nenhuma delas reuniu a totalidade dos líderes, as informações
de um grupo eram repassadas a outro em intercâmbio constante. Uma reunião final,
decisiva, foi realizada na noite de 26 de dezembro de 1788 na casa do comandante

AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA XIII

do Regimento de Cavalaria Regular, Francisco de Paula Freire de Andrada, e a ela
compareceram os principais líderes de todas as comarcas de Minas.

De modo geral, acreditava-se que a Derrama seria executada em fevereiro ou março

de 1789. Em dezembro, teriam os inconfidentes dois ou três meses para cada um
providenciar suas respectivas missões com vistas ao levante.

Seria proclamada uma República dividida em províncias e parlamentos. Iniciada a

guerra, seria implantada uma Junta Governativa Provisória formada pelos principais
líderes civis e militares. Seria provavelmente composta por Tomás Gonzaga, Alva-
renga Peixoto, Luís Vieira da Silva, Carlos Toledo, Oliveira Rolim, Cláudio Manoel
da Costa e o Ten. Cel. Francisco de Paula Freire de Andrada, tendo como “primeiro
mandatário” Tomás Antônio Gonzaga, líder da conspiração e autor da Constituição.
Estimava-se que a guerra duraria dois ou três anos, período em que essa junta go-
vernaria, e a seguir seriam feitas eleições periódicas.

O autor da estratégia militar foi o Cônego Luís Vieira da Silva. O plano era a guer-
ra de guerrilha, o mesmo usado inicialmente na Revolução Norte-Americana. O
comando-geral ficaria a cargo do Ten. Cel. Francisco de Paula Freire de Andrada,
que seria declarado marechal. Tiradentes, em sua última viagem ao Rio, encarregou
diversos tropeiros de trazerem para Minas toda a pólvora e o sal que conseguissem.

O levante se daria tão logo se lançasse o decreto da Derrama. A Derrama era con-
dição essencial para o início da rebelião. Tiradentes, com um pequeno número de
militares, iria ao Palácio de Cachoeira do Campo, fracamente defendido, renderia
a guarda e prenderia o governador e sua família. Ali mesmo o Visconde de Barba-
cena seria decapitado, e sua cabeça seria mostrada ao povo em praça pública, em
Vila Rica. Nesse mesmo dia deveriam ter vindo do interior, das diversas comarcas,
os líderes com suas tropas, previamente avisados por carta enviada pelo Ten. Cel.
Freire de Andrade com a senha “Tal é o dia do batizado”. Esperar-se-ia a eclosão
do movimento no Rio de Janeiro e nas outras capitanias. A bandeira, criada por Tira-
dentes, continha três triângulos concêntricos com as cores azul, branco e vermelho

XIV
e era adornada com o dístico Libertas Quae Sera Tamen, sugerido por Alvarenga
Peixoto, em latim capenga.

O plano inconfidente tinha bem-delineados 39 pontos, abrangendo a situação geo-

política em todos os seus aspectos: militar, jurídico-político, social e econômico. Era
muito diferente daquela versão de alguns historiadores que chegaram a afirmar que
a revolução pretendida não passava de um sonho de uma noite de verão, de que
nada passou de conversas gerais. A sentença final da Alçada, que julgou o movi-
mento e seus autores traz claramente: “... os réus não só exprimiram seus intentos
pérfidos, mas passaram a uma formal associação e conjuração, formando o plano,
e ajustando o modo de executarem uma infame rebelião (…) e teria sido posta em
prática a sedição e motim se se lançasse a derrama, que era o que unicamente os
réus conjurados esperavam; (…) trataram com formalidade do levante, e ajustaram
e assentaram no modo de o executar”.

No dia 15 de março de 1789, Joaquim Silvério dos Reis compareceu ao Palácio da

Cachoeira do Campo e delatou a conspiração ao governador Visconde de Barbace-
na. A denúncia era sucinta, incriminava principalmente Tomás Gonzaga. Mas era de
certo modo completa, dando o estado da conspiração, os detalhes, a senha, o nome
dos principais conjurados. No dia 17, o governador suspendeu a Derrama.

No dia 18 de março, Vila Rica se entregou a manifestações de júbilo com a notícia

da suspensão da Derrama. Pela manhã, reuniram-se os principais líderes na casa
de Tomás Antônio Gonzaga, de Cláudio Manoel e Francisco de Paula Freire de An-
drada. Nesse mesmo dia, Gonzaga foi ao Palácio de Cachoeira tentar uma última
cartada: cooptar o próprio governador para o levante. De volta do palácio, encontra
os colegas dispersos e descrentes; o fim da Derrama fora a gota final. Gonzaga en-
tão desistiu também e espalhou a notícia de que a ocasião estava perdida. Com isso
deixou de retornar ao Palácio de Cachoeira do Campo para transmitir ao Visconde
de Barbacena a resposta dos conspiradores ao plano desesperado de fazer dele
“Rei na América”. O Visconde esperou por essa resposta por cinco dias. Não a ten-
do recebido, decidiu, em 25 de março de 1789, comunicar ao vice-rei a suspensão

AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA XV

da Derrama e a denúncia de Silvério dos Reis.

No dia 14 de março, Tiradentes dirigiu-se ao Rio de Janeiro. No caminho chegou a

encontrar-se com Joaquim Silvério dos Reis, que ia em direção a Cachoeira do Cam-
po, onde iria entregar a denúncia ao governador. Conversaram e Tiradentes revelou
ao amigo seus objetivos no Rio.

No Rio de Janeiro, Tiradentes falou a diversos oficiais e reuniu-se várias vezes com
partidários do levante. No final de abril ou início de maio, Joaquim Silvério dos Reis
foi ao Rio repetir a denúncia ao vice-rei, por ordem do governador Visconde de
Barbacena.

Na primeira semana de maio, Tiradentes percebe que está sendo seguido por milita-
res disfarçados e resolve fugir, voltando para Minas. Antes, procurou pessoalmente
o vice-rei para saber o motivo pelo qual estava sendo seguido. Pela resposta saberia
da gravidade do motivo. Intimamente ainda acreditava que a conspiração continua-
va em segredo.

Pediria ao vice-rei autorização para retornar a Minas. Por precaução com a possi-
bilidade de negativa, mandou dois escravos ao Rio Piabanha, onde atravessaria de
canoa as serras limítrofes de Minas e Rio. Cometeu, porém, o erro de ter revelado
isso ao próprio Silvério dos Reis.

O vice-rei desconversou. Elogiou Tiradentes, dizendo que ele era querido no Rio e
que ficasse sem sobressaltos. Mas continuou a mandar seguir seus passos, agora
de maneira visível. Tiradentes conseguiu despistar seus seguidores e, desesperado,
se deu conta da situação. Sem sua presença em Minas, era bem provável que o Ten.
Cel. Francisco de Paula não tivesse ânimo de deflagar a revolta. Escondendo-se
de casa em casa, dizia a si mesmo repetidamente “ah! se eu me apanhasse em
Minas!”.

Tiradentes consegue abrigo numa casa, por intermédio do Padre Inácio Nogueira

XVI
Lima, em 7 de maio. No dia 8, acuado e sem ponto de contato, pediu ao Padre Iná-
cio que fosse procurar alguém para obter informações sobre a situação. Para isso,
indicou o amigo Silvério dos Reis. Padre Inácio desconfia de Silvério e não lhe dá o
endereço onde estava Tiradentes. Em 10 de maio, o Padre Inácio foi preso e levado
ao vice-rei. Nega conhecer o paradeiro de Tiradentes, mas violentamente torturado,
indica então a casa onde ele se escondia.

Tiradentes foi preso no dia 10 de maio de 1789, num quarto de sótão, com um
bacamarte carregado de chumbo e com a escova pronta para o disparo. No dia
seguinte sofreu o primeiro de 11 interrogatórios. Visivelmente surpreendido, foi aca-
reado com seu colega de conspiração Silvério dos Reis e então soube o que tinha
acontecido.

Em Minas, a situação marchava definitivamente em direção à derrota. No dia 17 de

maio, à noite, a notícia da prisão de Tiradentes e de Joaquim Silvério chegou a Vila
Rica transmitida a Gonzaga e Cláudio Manoel pelo embuçado.

No dia 19 de maio, o governador recebeu a notícia da prisão de Tiradentes e de

Joaquim Silvério no Rio e da subida de tropas leais para Minas. Começou então a
prender, cautelosamente, os principais líderes, Tomás Gonzaga, Padre Carlos Toledo
e Alvarenga Peixoto e remeteu-os para o Rio.

Três anos durou o processo e a prisão dos inconfidentes. No dia 19 de abril de 1792
foi lida para eles a sentença condenando à forca Tiradentes, Freire de Andrada, Álva-
res Maciel, Alvarenga Peixoto, Abreu Vieira, Oliveira Lopes e Luiz Vaz, que deveriam
ser esquartejados após o enforcamento. A Amaral Gurgel, os Rezende Costa, pai e
filho, e Domingos Vidal seria dada apenas a forca, permitido o sepultamento. Aos
demais, o degredo. Vitoriano Veloso, além do degredo perpétuo, ganhou a pena
adicional de dar três voltas ao redor da forca porque era mulato. Todos tiveram
declarados infames filhos e netos, incluindo Cláudio Manoel, que já morrera. Contra
os religiosos nada se leu, pois a ordem era manter secretas suas penas.

AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA XVII

Após horas de desespero e tristeza, de repente o escrivão leu a ordem régia de
comutação da pena de morte por degredo perpétuo, já lavrada meses antes. Houve
um início de júbilo. Ao final da leitura todos estavam degredados, à exceção do
Alferes Joaquim José da Silva Xavier, o único a ser enforcado.

Tiradentes recebeu com serenidade a sua sentença. Deu parabéns aos outros com
“ar sincero e moderado”. Ao seu padre e confessor disse “que agora morreria cheio
de prazer, pois não levava consigo tantos infelizes a quem contaminara. Que isso
mesmo intentara sempre que levado à presença dos ministros, pois sempre lhes
pedira que fizessem dele só a vítima da lei”.

Na manhã de sábado, 21 de abril de 1792, o carrasco entrou na cadeia pública

do Rio de Janeiro e o procurou para vestir-lhe a alva e o capuz. Pediu-lhe como de
costume perdão pelo que iria fazer.

Entre 8 e 9 horas da manhã partiu da cadeia pública a pé, ladeado por nove padres
e a tropa do vice-rei, sob os olhares da população, para execução no Largo da Lam-
padosa, onde hoje é o Teatro João Caetano, no Rio de Janeiro.

Após o enforcamento, o corpo de Tiradentes foi colocado numa carreta do exército

e conduzido para o Arsenal, à época Casa do Trem, onde foi esquartejado para suas
partes serem conduzidas às localidades indicadas na sentença.

Deputado Lafayette de Andrada

Coordenador

XVIII
AUTOS DE
DEVASSA DA
INCONFIDÊNCIA
MINEIRA
 A U T O S D E D E VA S S A

DA

INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA
 C Â M A R A D O S D E P U TA D O S
GOVERNO DO ESTADO DE MINAS GERAIS

A U T O S D E D E VA S S A

DA

INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA

Volume 6

BRASÍLIA — BELO HORIZONTE

1982
 CÂMARA DOS DEPUTADOS

DIRETORIA LEGISLATIVA
 'LUHWRUG. Humberto Barbosa

CENTRO DE DOCUMENTAÇÃO E INFORMAÇÃO

 'LUHWRUAristeu Gonçalves de Melo

COORDENAÇÃO DE PUBLICAÇÕES
 'LUHWRUD Maria Liz da Silva Braga

FICHA CATALOGRÁFICA

$8726 GH 'HYDVVD GD ,QFRQ¿GrQFLD 0LQHLUD  HG

%UDVtOLD &kPDUD GRV 'HSXWDGRV % +RUL]RQWH
,PSUHQVD2¿FLDOGH0LQDV*HUDLV

9

S

0LQDV*HUDLV²+LVWyULD²,QFRQ¿GrQFLD
0LQHLUD,0DWKLDV+HUFXODQR*RPHVFRPS

&''  

&'8³´
 MESA DA CÂMARA DOS DEPUTADOS

BIÊNIO 1981-1982

Presidente: NELSON MARCHEZAN

1.° Vice-Presidente: HAROLDO SANFORD

2.° Vice-Presidente: FREITAS NOBRE

1.° Secretário: FURTADO LEITE

2.° Secretário: CARLOS WILSON

3.° Secretário: JOSÉ CAMARGO

4.° Secretário: PAES DE ANDRADE

Secretário-Geral da Mesa: PAULO AFFONSO MARTINS DE OLIVEIRA

Diretor-Geral da Câmara: ALTEREDO DE JESÚS BARROS

Supervisor da Edição: HERCULANO GOMES MATHIAS

GOVERNADO DO ESTADO DE MINAS GERAIS

Governador: FRANCELINO PEREIRA DOS SANTOS

Secretário de Estado do Governo: AFONSO CELSO MORAES DE SOUSA CARMO

Coordenado de Cultura: WILSON CHAVES

'LUHWRUGD,PSUHQVD2¿FLDO VIVALDI MOREIRA

Revisor e Anotador da Edição: JOSÉ SEIXAS SOBRINHO

ALEXANDRE MIRANDA DELGADO

Endereço dos Editores

Câmara dos Deputados ,PSUHQVD2¿FLDOGH0LQDV*HUDLV
Centro de Documentação e Informação Av. Augusto de Lima, 270
Coordenação de Publicações 30000 – Belo Horizonte – MG
70160– Brasília – DF. Brasil
 SUMÁRIO

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 INTRODUÇÃO

Este volume é inteiramente dedicado à publicação dos

Traslados dos Autos de Seqüestros feitos em bens dos réus da
Conjuração de Minas, acompanhados das avaliações e arre-
matações dos mesmos, cumprindo ordens dos juízes das De-
vassas abertas nas cidades do Rio de Janeiro e de Vila Rica,
além das determinações, no mesmo sentido, emanadas do Juí-
zo da Comissão da Alçada que, a partir de 1791, procedeu, sob
a presidência do Conselheiro Sebastião Xavier de Vasconcelos
&RXWLQKRiXQL¿FDomRSURFHVVXDO

Na edição publicada pelo Ministério da Educação e

Saúde, em 1936/1938, a documentação referente aos aludidos
seqüestros está contida em três dos sete tomos que compunham
os AUTOS DE DEVASSA DA INCONFIDÊNCIA MINEIRA.
No Volume I, a matéria vai da página 303 à 467; no V, da
página 217 á 494 H ¿QDOPHQWH QR 9, HVWHQGHVH GD SiJLQD  j
150.

Para o leitor de nossos dias essa dispersão poderia pro-

vocar uma certa confusão, já que nem sempre os documentos
obedeceram, em sua transcrição, à rigorosa ordem cronoló-
gica. Faltou, mesmo, certa lógica na distribuição da maté-
ria, invertendo-se a ordem em que foram produzidos vários
deles.

O saudoso historiador Dr. Tarquínio J. B. de Oliveira

deixou, a esse respeito, uma anotação, na parte desentranhada
do volume n.º 1, da edição da Biblioteca Nacional, com a qual
manifestei, na ocasião, inteira concordância. Escreveu ele:
“Os presentes seqüestros, avaliações e rematações perten-
cem á Devassa-RJ, presidida pelo Des. José Pedro Machado
 — 12 —

Coelho Torres, tendo sido realizados no Rio de Janeiro em

bens levados pelos Réus quando conduzidos às prisões da
UHIHULGD FLGDGH 'HYLDP SRUWDQWR WUDQVIHULUVH SDUD R ¿QDO
do Vol. V, que a partir das pp. 217 (Ed. MES), trata da
matéria, entrando pelo Vol. VI até pp. 150. Na verdade, se
não demorasse demasiado a publicação, a melhor sistemática
seria seguir as relações de apensos feitas pelos escrivães de
cada Devassa.”

Ao retomar a tarefa de coordenar e revisar os do-

cumentos da Conjuração Mineira depois do falecimento do
'U 7DUTXtQLR GH 2OLYHLUD YHUL¿TXHL TXH D VXJHVWmR SRU HOH
proposta só poderia ser executada em. parte. Estabeleci,
então, um novo critério na publicação de todo o material re-
lacionado com os seqüestros. Para isso concentrei no volu-
me n.º 6 da atual edição toda a documentação sobre o assun-
to, dividida nos três tomos da edição anterior, reunindo-a,
depois dessa providência, segundo o critério da coordenação
cronológica.

Tudo que se refere ao destino dado aos bens dos in-

FRQ¿GHQWHV D SDUWLU GRV VHTHVWURV ID] SDUWH DVVLP GR SUH
sente volume. As anotações foram reduzidas ao mínimo pos-
sível dado o número considerável de páginas do tomo.

Mais uma vez esclareço que as peças juntadas aos autos

por determinação dos juizes são traslados e não os originais.
Estes se dispersaram encontrando-se o maior número de có-
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leiro, no Rio de Janeiro.

Concluída a impressão deste volume está praticamente

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blicar, encerrando a série dos AUTOS DA DEVASSA, o índice
JHUDODELEOLRJUD¿DHDOJXPDVLOXVWUDo}HVMiVHOHFLRQDGDV

Rio de Janeiro, janeiro de 1982

HERCULANO GOMES MATHIAS

SUPERVISOR DA EDIÇÃO
 EXPLICAÇÃO

Neste volume continua a publicação da Devassa do

Rio de Janeiro, presidida pelo Desembargador Sebastião Xa-
vier de Vasconcelos Coutinho, pelos autos de perguntas feitas
aos réus da conjuração formada em Minas Gerais, autos de
acareação entre os mesmos e depoimentos de testemunhas in-
formantes ou de referimentos. Seguem-se os autos de se-
THVWURV QRV EHQV GRV LQGLFLDGRV FRP D HVSHFL¿FDomR H D DYD
liação desses bens em dinheiro.

Os depoimentos, arrancados aos réus e testemunhas

por métodos inquisitoriais perfeitos, esmiuçam fatos e cir-
FXQVWkQFLDV GD YLGD GRV LQFRQ¿GHQWHV VHXV PyYHLV H Do}HV
no crime que lhes era atribuído, ou, com, relação às teste-
munhas, no que sabiam ou deviam saber a respeito, instados
uns e outros, a todo momento, que dissessem a verdade, porque,
faltando a ela, não só carregavam suas consciências, como
incorriam nas severas penas da lei.

O réu Vicente Vieira da Mota, em seu depoimento, re-

fere-se ao Alferes Joaquim José da Silva Xavier, o Tiradentes,
dizendo conhecê-lo porque pusera nele depoente um dente
de osso; diz ainda que desde o tempo em que governou Minas
Luís da Cunha & Meneses, o alferes já pregava o levante,
o que, sabido por aquele Governador, respondera que ele era
um louco e que lhe dessem com um chicote.
 — 14 —

Uma testemunha, Inácia Gertrudes de Almeida, viúva

do porteiro da Casa da Moeda do Rio de Janeiro, Francisco
da Silva Braga, revelou que seu conhecimento com o Tira-
GHQWHV SURYLQKD GD FXUD TXH HVWH ¿]HUD HP XPD VXD ¿OKD
padecendo de uma chaga cancerosa em um pé, que muitos
professores de Medicina não conseguiram fazer que sarasse.
Outra testemunha, o Padre Inácio Nogueira Lima, sobrinho
H D¿OKDGR GH ,QiFLD *HUWUXGHV FRQ¿UPDQGR R FDVR DFUHV
centa que o alferes ministrou una água a sua prima, com a
qual em poucos dias recuperou ela a saúde.

A prisão do Tiradentes no Rio de Janeiro, por denúncia

de Joaquim Silvério dos Reis ao Vive-Rei Luís de Vasconce-
los, vem aqui narrada em um papel por aquele assinado em
17 de. junho de 1791. Esse documento vai em ³IDFVtPLOH´

Entre os outros depoimentos merece menção especial

R GR %DFKDUHO -RVp GH 6i H %LWWHQFRXUW IRUPDGR HP )LORVR¿D
e História Natural pela Universidade de Coimbra, e que aca-
bados seus estudos viajara pela França e Inglaterra. Vivia
no Caeté, quando foi buscado como suspeito de ter tomado
parte na conjuração; mas conseguiu escapar-se pelos sertões
e chegar a Bahia, com o designo de despedir-se dos pais e
emigrar para os Estados Unidos; mas seu tio, o Dr. João Fer-
reira de Bittencourt e Sá, convicto de sua inocência, o dissua-
diu do intento. Apenas constou ao Governador da Bahia a
presença do acusado no distrito de sua jurisdição, ordenou
ao Ouvidor dos Ilhéus que o prendesse. Foi, de fato preso e
recolhido à cadeia de Camamu, transferido depois para a
%DKLD H ¿QDOPHQWH UHPHWLGR SDUD R 5LR GH -DQHLUR $TXL IRL
interrogado pela Comissão expedida contra os réus da conju-
ração, pela primeira vez em 9 de setembro de 1791, pela se-
 — 15 —

gunda no dia 10 e pela terceira no dia 12, quando, com sur-

presa para quem lê o requisitório dos juizes e considera os
rigores com que o faziam, foi julgado sem culpa e mandado
pôr em liberdade, com a obrigação de voltar diretamente para
a Bahia, onde devia apresentar-se ao Governador da Capi-
tania e dali não sair sem a permissão daquela autoridade. A
brandura da justiça a seu respeito, assegura-se que custou, a
uma sua tia, residente no Caeté, duas arrobas de ouro. —
³$¿UPDP RV TXH FRQKHFHUDP HVVD VHQKRUD QD LGDGH GH 
anos que ela mostrava um lugar de suas lavras, onde dizia
que Nossa Senhora do Bom Sucesso (padroeira do Caeté), lhe
havia indicado para tirar em quinze dias meia arroba de
ouro, com que inteirou duas para gastar com. o livramento de
seu sobrinho...” — Revista do Instituto Histórico, tomo VI,
ps. 108. (1)

Vêm a seguir os autos de seqüestros feitos sobre os

bens dos réus: terras de cultura, sesmarias, lavras minerais,
títulos de crédito, escravos, instrumentos agrícolas e de mine-
ração, engenhos, utensílios do fabrico de açúcar e aguarden-
te, um engenho de fazer farinha de trigo, com seus pilões e
plantação, carros, animais de tração e de condução, mobi-
liários, louças, prataria, livros, e toda espécie de objetos, mes-
mo de uso pessoal das vítimas, inclusive roupa branca. Dos
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0DFLHO H -RVp GH 5HVHQGH &RVWD SRU VHUHP ¿OKRVIDPtOLD H
viveram debaixo do pátrio poder de seus pais, o capitão-mor
e o coronel dos mesmos e respectivos nomes.

 2V GRFXPHQWRV DWp DTXL PHQFLRQDGRV SHOR KLVWRULDGRU 5RGROIR *DUFLD IRUDP
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 ——

São esses autos de seqüestro documentos prestimosos

para o estudo da sociedade mineira da época, não somente
em suas relações econômicas, como também culturais. Fica-se
sabendo que o preço dos escravos variava de 210$000 para o
escravo válido que tivesse ofício, até 10$000 para uma escrava
velha e achacada, ou um molecote de um ano de idade. O
Q~PHUR GH HVFUDYRV HUD DYXOWDGR H WRGRV RV LQFRQ¿GHQWHV RV
possuiam.

As livrarias do Cônego Luís Vieira da Silva, de Mariana,

dos Drs. Cláudio Manuel da Costa e Inácio José de Alva-
renga Peixoto e Capitão José de Resende Costa, denunciam
um índice de cultura bastante elevado em relação ao meio co-
ORQLDO HP TXH ÀRUHVFLDP FRQKHFLGRV RV yELFHV RSRVWRV SHOD
metrópole no que entendia com a entrada de livros no Brasil.

O alto interesse que por parte dos estudiosos da His-

tória Pátria tem despertado esta publicação, veio plenamente
MXVWL¿FDU D IHOL] LQLFLDWLYD GR 6U 'U *XVWDYR &DSDQHPD HV
clarecido Ministro de Estado da Educação e Saúde, incluindo-a
em seu programa de cultura e fazendo-a levar a efeito no mais
breve prazo e do melhor modo possíveis.

Biblioteca Nacional, 29 de maio de 1937.

RODOLFO GARCIA
DIRETOR
 SEQÜESTROS

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José Frrª Campos

Manuel Francisco
José Pereira Pina
Gervásio Frz’ de Meneses

CONTINUAÇÃO DO INVENTÁRIO

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Gervásio Frz’ de Meneses

Manuel Francisco
José Pereira Pina
Joaq.m José de Olivença

*
 — —

CONTINUAÇÃO DO INVENTÁRIO

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 — 31 —

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 — 32 —

8POLYURGHTXDUWR5HWLUR(VSLULWXDO
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 — 33 —

'RLVWDODEDUWHVGH&DUDYHOKRV
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 — 34 —

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 — 35 —

8PD IRUPD JUDQGH H RXWUD SHTXHQD GH ODWmR GH ID]HU

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3HGUR+HQULTXHGD&XQKDRHVFUHYLHDVVLQHL

João Gomes Braga

Gervásio Frz’ de Meneses
Joaq.m José de Olivença
José Pereira Pina
Manuel Francisco

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 ——

TERMO QUE ASSINA O DEPOSITÁRIO DE NÃO LEVAR

COMEDORIAS

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João Gomes Braga

AUTO DE DEPÓSITO DA PRATA E OURO NA CASA

DA MOEDA

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 — —

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 — 38 —

SHGUDV H XP ERFDGR GH RXUR PL~GR HP XP SDSHOLQKR TXH
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 — 39 —

( IRUDP RV WUDVWHV TXH VH GHSRVLWDUDP QD PHVPD &DVD

GD 0RHGD GRV TXDLV WRPRX FRQWD R 7HVRXUHLUR GHOD R PHV
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Tomás Fernandes Novais

Pedro Henrique da Cunha
Gervásio Frz’ de Meneses

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 ——

TXDWUR GH MXQKR DFRQWHFHX VHU HVWH SUHVR SRU 2UGHP GH 9RV
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 — 41 —

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Francisco Xavier da Fonseca

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Manuel Tomé de Sousa Coutinho

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 — 54 —

Vila Rica — 25-05-1789 — Juramento de Tesoureiro e Escri-

vão do Juízo de Ausentes da Provedoria de Vila Rica.

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Saldanha — Gonçalo Pr.ª Barreto — Luís Domingos

da Fonseca.
ALFERES JOAQUIM JOSÉ DA SILVA XAVIER

9,/$5,&$²
VILA RICA, 25-05-1789 — Traslado do seqüestro feito ao
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 — 59 —

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José Luís França Lira

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José Luís França Lira

DR. CLÁUDIO MANUEL DA COSTA

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da Costa (1)

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 — 98 —

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 — 99 —

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 — —

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 ——

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 — —

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 ——

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Francisco Xavier da Fonseca

(FRQIHULGRFRPLJR,QTXLULGRU

Manuel Tomé de Sousa Coutinho

Seqüestro feito ao Dr. Cláudio Manuel da Costa

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 ——

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