Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
5. IAC protects gas tanks and uses ballistic glass laminates…………………. 091
PERSONALITIES……………………………………………………………….. 143
Maytime for May Sison………………………………………………………….. 143
Faustino Lichauco, the rich and the famous…………………………………… 145
To Mariano and Cynthia de Castillo on their 25th Wedding Anniversary…… 147
GEORGY BUSH…………………………………………………………………. 149
1. Resume of George W. Bush………………………………………………….. 149
2. The Madness of King George………………………………………………… 153
BELGIAN ASSHOLE…………………………………………………………… 154
1. The Belgian Ambassador does not pay his debts………………………….. 154
2. The Belgian Ambassador is arrogant………………………………………. 156
3. Belgium is the doormat of Europe………………………………………….. 157
4. The Belgian Congo was cruelly exploited by Belgians……………………… 159
HUBERT WEBB………………………………………………………………… 160
1. The most perfect love is Webb’s love for Hubert…………………………… 160
2. Caught in the Webb of lies…………………………………………………… 162
3. One is presumed innocent till defended by Saguisag………………………. 163
4. Utter the Curse of the Undead………………………………………………. 164
5. The Vizconde case revisited…………………………………………………. 165
6. Hubert’s Web of preponderant evidence…………………………………… 167
7. Vizconde murder trial, judgment by a mountain climber…………………. 168
FOREWORD
Written for Larry Henares’ book, “Suns and Stars Alight”
By Honorable Juan L. Manuel
Secretary of the Department of Education
Republic of the Philippines
1976, before the betrayal of Marcos, Virata, Fernandez, Jimmy Ongpin etc.
The good old days were economically speaking never that good. Prewar
Philippines, then a colony of the United States was a feudal, agricultural, export-import-
oriented backward country, dominated by land-owners and foreign trading corporations.
Even the candies we ate and the soap we used, made out of Philippine sugar and coconut
oil, were imported from the United States.
The Second World War laid waste our country’s meager resources and made us
realize the importance of economic self-sufficiency. At the same time World War II in
the United States gave rise to tremendous advances in all areas of human endeavor,
particularly in technology, management and economics.
After the war an economically prostrate Philippines accepted Independence from
the United States along with “parity rights”, the right of Americans to enjoy the same
rights as Filipinos to operate public utilities and exploit national resources, later to
operate “all forms of business activities”.
The War became a demarcation line between the old generations of Filipinos with
a lingering sense of gratitude to Americans, comforted by the pastoral peace of an
agricultural economy, and a new generation, heirs to the great advances of the war years,
born without an umbilical cord to the colonial past, restless, independent, whose destiny
it was to rebuild our nation out of the ashes of World War II.
Hilarion M. Henares, Jr. was of this new generation, the “New Filipino” as
President Marcos was to label them in the 1970’s.
The Philippines of 1970’s, a modern industrial nation, independent, nationalistic
and proud, is the result of the struggles of the 1950’s and 60’s in which Henares and his
generation played their part. Fiercely nationalistic, Henares chose as his field of battle
the area of economics. There are many milestones that marked our way to economic
emancipation and Henares was there first. He was a visionary, a gadfly, and achiever
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whose writings, speeches, TV programs, actions and actuations prodded this country
almost against its will to accept the challenge of change in the postwar years.
Consider these milestones:
1. The Management Revolution:
In the 1950’s, fresh from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), Henares
visited one Filipino firm after another, and like Frank Gilbreth before him he
proposed: “Let me handle your firm for a year and I’ll double your profits. Just give
me 10% of the profits over and above twice your profits now.” He was consultant to
20 large firms, and for the first time, scientific Management in project study,
production planning, work simplification, wage classification and financial
management was applied in the Philippines. To train his managers, Henares set up a
Graduate School for Management in Feati and Lyceum Universities, also for the first
time in the Philippines. He was Dean of two Colleges at the age 25, and spearheaded
Philippine participation in International Management Conferences.
A decade later, when Scientific Management became a regular course in all
universities in the Philippines, culminating in the establishment of the Asian Institute
of Management (AIM), one recalls what Lillian Gilbreth said of Henares: “Henares
is the Father of the Management Revolution in the Philippines”.
2. The Industrial Revolution.
What was the exact turning point at which the Philippine government took a
concrete step to revise its economic policy and embark on an all-out industrialization
program? Most economists point to the time, during the era of Import Controls, when
the Central Bank decided to reallocate dollar quotas on the basis of “historical pattern
of import.” Before that date, in 1954, traders and agricultural export industries had
priority; after that date, industries manufacturing goods for domestic consumption
began to intrude on the economic scene.
It is for record that it was young Henares, then representing his own company and
the Philippine Chamber of Industries, who challenged for the first time the “historical
pattern import” policy of the Central Bank. He demanded and got public hearing
before the Monetary Board, and after a brutal and often comic confrontation with
viii
representatives of 10 American firms, won the day for the cause of Philippine
Industrialization.
Almost single handedly, young Henares lobbied for the passage of Tax
Exemption Law for new and necessary industries, and prodded the Tariff
Commission to issue, for the first time, tariff amendments to protect local industries.
Thus did Henares initiate the Industrial Revolution in the Philippines through
Foreign Exchange Priority for Industries, Tax Exemption for New Necessary
Industries, and Economic Protectionism by Tariff Amendment.
He practiced what he preached. The small paint factory he took over from his
father became an industrial complex making 56 different products, and made him a
millionaire before the age of 30.
3. The Revival of Nationalism.
It was Senator Claro M. Recto who unfurled the flag of Nationalism in the post-
war years but his approach was mostly political, in the field of foreign policy.
Henares was one of his many admirers. When Recto died, in a cocktail party where
drunken Americans toasted the death of the great nationalist, Henares stood up and
cried, “Recto alive was vulnerable. Recto dead is invincible”.
It was Henares who moved the field of battle into the arena of economic policy
which became in turn the overriding concern of every government administration.
He took issue with the Americans on foreign investment, industrial development,
the Laurel Langley Agreement, the Bell Trade Act, the Asian Common Market, Trade
with Socialist countries, and even the Bases Agreement. As director, vice president
and eventually the President of the Philippine Chamber of Industries, he debated with
representatives of the American Chamber of Commerce and the now-defunct Free
Enterprise Society. As a cabinet-ranked Chairman of the National Economic
Council, he took on the American Embassy and the US Agency for International
Development.
He was reviled in poison pen letters, rebuffed by government officials and
sneered at by Americans, but with his 2 books, 1 documentary movie, 10 pamphlets,
5 newspaper columns, 1 television program, 1500 public debates and speeches, and
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2500 press statements, he almost single-handedly persisted in his “lonely battle” and
lived to see all his battle won. Just look at the record:
4. Control of Foreign Investment.
In the December 7, 1960 issue of the New York Times, Hilarion M. Henares, Jr.,
first came to attention of the world. There headlined on page 7, was his heretical
view that Foreign Investment is not necessarily desirable as an instrument of
economic progress, a view he expressed in the Businessmen’s Conference of the
International Chamber of Commerce at Karachi, Pakistan, on December 6, 1960. (He
introduced himself “as Chairman, and Jose Aspiras as Vice Chairman of a delegation
of two.”)
By today’s standard, it was a rather innocuous statement, but it sparked a
propaganda war that involved the Henares in a series of debates with the Americans
and their allies in the Philippines. In the next ten years, Henares was able to prove,
against all conventional wisdom, that foreign companies took out considerably more
dollars than they put in, that they secured 85% of their capital expenditures from local
sources, that they have considerably more privileges than their Filipino competitors,
that they discriminate against Filipino employees, and that they “intrude upon centers
of political power with such offensive familiarity”.
Henares made his position clear right from the start. “We welcome foreign
assistance, primarily as foreign loans, secondarily as joint ventures, as partners not
masters, to supplement not to supplant Filipino capital, to stimulate not to overwhelm
Filipino businessmen, and only in areas where Filipinos are unable or unwilling to
invest”. The phrases where originally those of Henares, but if they seem familiar to
us who have listened to many a public pronouncement, it is because Henares
succeeded in making his “private vision” become a “public truth”.
In these days of the 1970’s when the Lockheed and ITT scandals have rocked the
political institutions of many countries, in these days when the Board of Investment
has strictly hewed to the policy of social control of foreign investments, we may look
back and thank Henares for what he started and fought for almost alone in the 1960’s.
5. The End of the Laurel Agreement.
x
Perhaps the greatest battle Henares fought was against the Laurel Langley
Agreement. Earlier as a student he expressed strong opposition to the Bell Trade
Agreement which gave Americans the same rights as Filipinos in the operation of
public utilities and exploitation of natural resources. Later as a businessman, he
assailed the Laurel-Langley Agreement for expanding American parity rights to
include “all forms of business activities”.
He was relentless in his opposition to parity rights, against the prevailing view
that American parity rights should be extended beyond July 3, 1974 the termination
date of the Laurel Langley Agreement. As Chairman of the Economic Council, he
held public hearings in all the major school schools in Manila, urging students to
debate the merits of parity rights and crystallize their opinions on the Laurel Langley
Agreement. For the first time, students began to demonstrate in the streets against
American Imperialism. And to fan the flames of dissent, Henares began to write
speeches for politicians and legislators to deliver.
Caught flatfooted by this unexpected opposition to parity rights, Americans began
to argue for recognition of their “vested rights”, that is, the right of Americans already
enjoying parity to keep on enjoying parity beyond the terminal date of the Laurel
Langley Agreement as a matter of vested right. Henares encountered by having the
National Economic Council pass it famous resolution #90 series of 1965, which
denied Americans “vested rights” and advised all government agencies to limit all
contract, licenses, concession, leases and other forms of authorization for American
companies to period up to and not beyond July 3, 1974.
By the 1970’s before martial law, students, legislators and delegates to the
Constitutional Convention were already near-unanimous in their opposition to parity
rights. And in 1974, President Marcos refused to renegotiate the Laurel Langley
Agreement and the termination of the agreement ended forever American parity
rights in the Philippines.
For this, a large measure of our gratitude goes to Mr. Henares.
6. Trade with Developing Nations and Socialist Countries.
Henares had always expressed dissatisfaction with the traditional pattern of trade
between the Philippines and the industrial nations led by the United States and Japan
xi
claiming that our nation has been reduced to an exporter of raw materials and
importer of finished goods, a “vegetable garden to an industrial colossus”.
For that reason, Henares proposed as early as 1958, a Pan Malayan Common
Market among the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia, by which he felt that a
common source of materials including iron ore and oil, and a common market of 160
million people will provide a basis for the industrial development of the region. This
led to Mr. Henares being asked by President Macapagal to be chief negotiator for the
historic Philippine Indonesian Trade Agreement and Manila Memorandum. This
further led to the establishment of Maphilindo, and later the Association of Southeast
Asian (ASEAN).
In 1960, Henares proposed trade with the Socialist countries. In 1974, he was
part of a mission to bolster trade with Russia and to follow up the proposal for
Philippine-Soviet Trade Treaty. And today, the Philippines is trading with all
Socialist countries.
Likewise, he opened the Philippine Japan Treaty of Trade, Friendship and
Navigation, and the entry of the Philippines into the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade (GATT), until the Philippines is committed to a regional common market.
It is amazing to note that Henares single-handedly through a series of public debates,
was able to delay the ratification of the Philippine-Japan Treaty and Philippine entry
into GATT for a full 15 years, until ASEAN finally became a reality.
Also, he singled out the Military Bases Agreement for making “honky-tonk
towins out of Olongapo and Angeles City”, and for “economic sabotage through the
sales of tax free PX goods”. With his NEC Assistant Manuel Salientes (soon to be
Undersecretary for Munitions), he established a munitions plant to lessen our
dependence for ammunition on American military sources. And he called for the
renegotiation of the Military Bases Agreement.
7. The Multiple Man
A writer once called Hilarion M. Henares, Jr. the Multiple Man, for Larry is an
economist, engineer, industrialist, management expert, educator, essayist, poet,
columnist, movie maker, photography enthusiast, electronics buff, radio amateur and
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civic leader, who was at one time or another, a cabinet official, treaty negotiator and
senatorial aspirant.
As a public speaker and debater, he was one of the best, a familiar guest in Rotary
meetings and university convocations, who invariably applied the dictum of his old
professor, Father Mulry: :First all, make them laugh to open their minds. Now plant the
seed of thought. Then water it with their tears”.
As a writer, he is to be found in many textbook anthologies; and his books are to
be found in every library of the nation. His first two books were entitled “With Fervor
Burning”, and Behold the Radiance”, titles taken from the English version of the
Philippine National Anthem, like his subsequent books, “Sun and Stars Alight” and “For
Us Thy Sons”.
Land of the morning / Child of the sun returning /
With Fervor Burning / Thee do our souls adore. . .
Ever within thy skies / And through thy clouds /
And o’er thy hills and seas / Do we behold the radiance /
And feel the throb of glorious liberty . . .
Thy banner dear / to all our heart /
With sun and stars alight . . . .
But it is glory ever / when thou art wronged /
For us thy sons / To suffer and die.
As a nationalist, Larry Henares was a voice in the wilderness who lived to see
himself vindicated.
In 1961, Congressman Ferdinand E. Marcos pinned on Henares the “Pride of
Youth” Award on the occasion of the Rizal Centennial.
In 1974, President Marcos gave him an autographed picture that said “To Larry
Henares, nationalist and economist”.
The judgment of posterity will be no less.
Nota Bene: Subsequently the Filipino people were betrayed and delivered to the
IMF, GATT, WTO and the Americans by President Ferdinand Marcos,
Prime Minister Cesar Virata, Central Bank Governor Jose B. Fernandez, the
Opus Dei and the rest of the colonial lackeys.
1
CLARO M. RECTO
Yet he failed in his first bar exam, in one subject Civil Procedure, because he
could not express himself in English and the examiner Justice Fischer could not make
heads or tails of his handwriting. He then wrote two books on Civil Procedure that
became the standard textbooks and authority on the subject. He became one of the few
Filipinos ever admitted to the American Bar.
The mind of Claro M. Recto spanned two cultures: the Spanish, under which he
received his education and made his early incursion into Poetry and Letters; and the
American, under which he pursued a distinguished career as a politician, jurist and
statesman.
He wrote two Spanish plays that brought to full flowering the Intellectual
Renaissance started by Rizal and his band of propangandists. He dared to revive the
Nationalism of Rizal at the time the Filipinos started their love affair with Mother
America, and provoked a storm of controversy that branded him an “anti-American” and
a reactionary.
Such savage criticism moved him to abandon Spanish letters and make the
weapons of his enemies his own. He mastered the English language, the English
parliamentary procedure, law and American style politics. In time, he became a
Congressman, a Senator, the President of the Constitutional Convention, a Justice of the
Supreme Court, and the Great Nationalist.
Part II. The Mind of Recto spanned all time and all seasons
In his first term as a member of the House of Representatives, Claro M. Recto
was elected Minority Floor Leader. He went to the United States as a member of the
Independence Mission. He became a Senator of the Republic, a successful practicing
lawyer, a Justice of the Supreme Court, and the President of the Constitutional
Convention of 1935.
In 1931, he ran for the Senate for the first time against Jose P. Laurel who was
supported by Manuel L. Quezon the Philippines’ political kingpin. A loner and a
novatos, Recto was not given the ghost of a chance, but he won in what was to be the
most memorable upset in Philippine political history.
In the heat of the campaign, Recto and Laurel found themselves on the same
3
platform. Laurel spoke first: “My opponent Clarito is a very good looking man, and as
you can see I am pock-marked and not so good looking. Unfortunately for Clarito, there
are more not-so-good-looking voters who will vote for me, than there are good-looking
voters who will vote for him."
When his turn came, Recto stood up and scanned his audience most studiedly, and
said slowly with mock deliberation: “From where I stand.... I can see that everyone
around here is good-looking... except one... I am afraid, Mr. Laurel, you can only count
on your OWN solitary vote.”
Recto and Manuel L. Quezon, Sergio Osmena Sr., Rafael Palma, Jose P. Laurel,
Manuel Roxas and Benigno Aquino Sr., sometimes in partisan opposition to one another,
but always united against American Imperialism, dominated the decades before the
World War II, demanding “total, immediate and absolute independence from the United
States.” It was a youthful Nationalism, untroubled by doubts and extremely self-
confident, that impelled Quezon with a toss of his handsome head to exclaim: “Better a
government run like hell by Filipinos than a government run like heaven by Americans.”
Yet forces were already at work to undermine the Nationalism of Recto and Rizal.
A new generation was growing up that looked to Washington and Lincoln as exemplars,
to Tin Pan Alley, Madison Avenue, Wall Street and Hollywood for attitudes and
appetites -- the generation of Carlos Romulo, Ramon Magsaysay and Ferdinand Marcos
who were to fight bravely and loyally under two flags in Bataan and in the mountains,
while the old nationalists, from Emilio Aguinaldo and Artemio Ricarte to Laurel and
Recto himself sought to protect the people in the Second Republic under the Japanese
from conscription and other excesses.
When the Americans returned with Camel cigarettes, Coca Cola, K-rations and
condoms, and the Philippines gained its Independence, it seemed “almost callous
ingratitude to haul down the good old Stars and Stripes, and leave the Filipino Flag lost
and forlorn over the ruins of Manila.” Presidents Roxas, Quirino and Magsaysay set
down the policy to “follow in the wake of America,.” America the Beautiful, America the
Bountiful. And Filipino Nationalism entered a new phase under the leadership and
inspiration of Don Claro M. Recto.
The mind of Claro M. Recto also spanned all time and all seasons --- the past,
4
China after the United States made peace, and had a détente with them. Exactly the way
we are fighting the Arabs and our own Muslims today because Mother America wants us
to. He warned that as a small nation we must not involved with the quarrels of the great
powers, that in doing so, we may be plunged into a surrogate war, awaiting “liberation,”
as we were during World War II. He spoke of being the target for the first volley of
nuclear warfare. And he ends his speech with one of the greatest perorations ever made,
like the closing of great cathedral doors:
“Let not Macaulay’s traveler from New Zealand exploring the spectral ruins of
Manila in the course of his post-atomic war peregrinations, and cautiously testing the
radioactive waters of the Pasig, from the broken arches of the Quezon Bridge, have cause
to ponder that in those shattered tenements and poisoned fields and rivers once lived a
nation unique in the annals of mankind, free men who put their liberties on the auction
block, a sacrificial race with a mysterious urge to suicide, who, being weak and
weaponless took upon themselves the quarrels of the strong, and having been warned of
their abandonment still persisted in their lonely course, and whose brutalized and
monstrously deformed survivors, scrambling with stunted limbs in the infected debris of
their liberated cities, had forgotten even the echo of the memory of the strange illusion
for which their race had fought and perished.”
Recto’s words still ring true in our time and place.
In the last years of his life, Recto would regret the grant of excessive powers to
the President as conducive to dictatorship: “The President could easily convert himself
into an actual dictator within the framework of the Charter... with his control of local
governments, with huge sums and unlimited sinecures to distribute, with emergency
powers to rule by executive decree as a last resort... restrained only by his own
conscience from perpetuating himself or his party in power.”
Recto would challenge the continued use of emergency powers by President
Quirino in a period of normalcy, and a courageous Supreme Court would declare those
powers null and void, something our present Supreme Court failed to do the crucial days
of Martial Law.
Recto spoke of the many enemies of the Constitution: “the corruption of
Imperialism, the criminal assaults of its own defenders and protectors... the most sinister
9
and deadly of all its dangers, the danger of its own suicide... the pretense that the
Constitution could be nullified by the Constitution itself, that the provisions of the
Constitution were at war with one another so that an apparent constitutional power and
prerogative could be used and abused to destroy the entire structure of our democracy.”
What Recto meant was that the Constitution is supposed to limit the powers of
rulers, and any provision that allows the President to exercise powers solely on his own
judgment without check or balance or public accountability is against the spirit and very
essence of the Constitution.
rights, like those who jailed political enemies without charges, and killed Ninoy on the
tarmac and who would now demand the right of “due process” in our courts, Recto had a
very special and very poignant warning:
“The very persons who now defy the Constitution or allow it to be subverted and
undermined without protest, may themselves cry out for its protection tomorrow, and
bewail of the loss of the guarantees that they themselves destroyed or denied to their
enemies. Then indeed may they weep like Boabdil, the last Moorish king of Granada,
who pausing in his flight at a bridge for one last look at his beloved city, wept for his lost
dominions only to be bitterly reproached by his mother in these unforgettable words:
“Weep like a woman for the loss of the kingdom you did not defend like a man.”
And to all Filipinos Claro M. Recto cried out with all the pain and anguish of a
haunted heart:
“Neither in the toils of the day nor in the vigils of the night can the sentinels of the
Constitution relax their vigilance. Let us all be wary and stand on our arms, lest by
culpable tolerance or by criminal negligence, our country should in some forbidding
future become a desolate Carthage, wherein only the naked ruins of our Republic shall
remain, fallen monuments of the past in whose debris our descendants, by then the
forlorn bondsmen of some corrupt despot, shall in vain, endeavor to decipher the
language of the Constitution, inscribed as in forgotten hieroglyphs on the sarcophagus of
our dead freedoms.”
Like the closing of great cathedral doors.
We are all his heirs, and may God give us the strength and determination to accept
this inheritance with all its burdens, obligations and sacrifices. For in the long run, the
judgment of history will be upon us Filipinos, his contemporaries and successors, who
will be measured by the Ideas and Ideals of Don Claro M. Recto.
A Titan walked among us. Well may we exclaim with Shakespeare’s Mark
Anthony upon the death of mighty Caesar: “When comes such another??!!”
December 29,1984; February 8, 1985, Recto’s 95th birthday anniversary and the Golden
Anniversary of the 1935 Constitution; February 10, 13, 17, 1995 , ISYU
Sources quoted and paraphrased: Emmy Arcellana, Leon Ma. Guerrero, Teodoro Locsin
11
NE REQUIESCAT IN PACE
Don Claro, rest not in peace.
Fifty million hearts in these un-Pacific isles
Drumbeat a dirge for your passing...
The arms we stretched out to you for guidance
Now fall to our sides, empty, apart ...
Who shall now protect us from ourselves?
And from those who pretend to be our friends?
Never was there a foil to our frailties and follies,
Never a shield against the heavy hand of friendship,
Save your wrath, your wit and your wisdom.
Don Claro, rest not in peace.
Where is the Constitution you fathered
To shield us from the tyranny of despots?
The Industrialization you envisioned
To nourish hopes for a better life?
The Nationalism you espoused to unite us
In common purpose and common destiny?
Where are your legacies, your dreams, your wild hopes?
Lost perhaps, misplaced, but not forgotten, never!
The battle you fought is still to be won.
Let your spirit live on to inspire us to fight
For that cause for which you gave your mind,
Your heart, your soul, your life,
And all you have --- beyond all measure.
Don Claro, rest not in peace.
You were the greatest and the noblest Filipino
That ever lived in our tide of times.
Wherever you are, far above the far horizons
Where faith and prayers and visions have wing-room,
Sing out the songs that sing of our past glories,
12
And last but not least, young David who fought Goliath (Editor: Raul Roco), Sir
Galahad seeking the Holy Grail, Moses parting the Red Sea and leading his people to the
Promised Land.
In the free-for-all battle on the mat, I saw The Macho Man sitting in his corner,
with his three legs and four beauties, sipping Johnny Walker Blue -- while the other three
contenders were beating each other up at the center of the ring. Finally The Macho Man
was proclaimed winner by default, with hardly a scar of battle. And I woke up in cold
sweat. Is this the battle of the century, of the millennium, of the centenary of our
nationhood? A nightmare bathed in cold sweat?
I went back to sleep with another dream. I dreamed of two presidents that might
have been. The president we should have in the year 1998, the year of the Philippine
Centennial, the eve of the third millennium and the onset of the 21st century, is one who
is no longer with us -- the great Claro M. Recto. No man incarnated the spirit of Filipino
nationalism as much and as long as he did. He belonged to the two generations that
spanned the century. Schooled in Spanish, he was not too young to remember
Aguinaldo’s republic; and he lived long enough to shine in the era of Magsaysay,
Macapagal and Marcos.
Recto was the last of a generation to imbibe the European culture that bred the
1898 revolution. Yet his was a modern mind attuned to the great events and issues of our
time. Of him it was said, “Recto is ahead of his time.” It is because of him that the US
bases no longer blight our land. It was he who foresaw the recognition of China and
Russia, and the end of the Cold War. He was a man steeped in the classics, a man of
thought and action, a prophet.
Another who could have been worthy of being our president in this Centennial
Year and Third Millennium is Ninoy Aquino – freedom fighter, martyr, who even in
death gave us our Edsa Revolution and a renewed sense of freedom. Recto and Ninoy,
what great presidents they would have been! We are all their heirs and may God give us
the wisdom to be worthy of their legacy.
It was a dream bathed with the warmth of the sun, not a nightmare lashed by a
storm of tears and cold sweat. Oh the glory of what might have been!
May 11, 1998, ISYU
14
necessary policies towards safeguarding them, sacrificing if necessary the more transitory
interests, like temporary trade advantages, in the same way that the good strategist
foregoes a battle to win the war.
To be a realist is to accept the fact that it is to serve her own self-interest and to
safeguard her security and position as a world leader, and only incidentally for our own
protection, that America built her imposing military and diplomatic establishments in our
country, and it is only in that sense that the words common defense, mutual security, and
partnership must be understood.
Time and time again I have consistently opposed dangerous and provocative
entanglements. They distract our attention from our own grave and urgent problems;
they dissipate our already limited strength and energy which we need so much to
establish our political, social, and economic security; and, what is worse, they expose our
people to the fearful consequences of another war, a war which will be fought on Asian
soil with only expendable and bewildered Asians for sacrificial victims on the altar of
power politics and international intrigue.
We have become victims of our own propaganda which we pompously call
“psychological warfare”. Like a small dog, we go tagging along behind Uncle Sam
wherever he goes in Asia, barking here and there at the Communists, with our little,
almost inaudible, bark. Of course the enemy knows that “our bark is worse than our bite”
and so far we have not produced any reaction except perhaps some annoyance.
Let us awake from the daydreams of adolescence, and cease to imagine ourselves
as saviors of a world in distress, riding on our fanciful adventures for which we have
neither heart nor strength, while we neglect the care of our own concerns. We have no
manifest destiny to fulfill, no historical missions to carry out in the age of superpowers.
Our aims are simple and well defined: to preserve the integrity of our national territory, to
safeguard the independence and liberties of our people, and to promote their welfare by
the enforcement of our rights and the fulfillment of our obligations. It is on this
irreducible basis of national interest that we should build our foreign relations.
We are faced with the problem of our people's survival. I said that it is the
problem of problems. If we all must die in a nuclear war, we at least have a right to know
why we have accepted such a sacrificial resolution. If after we have been properly
16
We are a small nation surrounded by the most populous races on earth, Christian
among non-Christians, westernized in Asia, conservative in the face of a continental
revolution, clinging to a high standard of living amid perennially starving masses, and yet
unable in an age of industrialization even to feed, clothe, and arm ourselves.
Weak in numbers, we have compounded our weakness with disunity. Poor in
developed resources and therefore under the necessity of pooling our strength, we have
plunged into a fratricidal struggle for whose prosecution the government must waste fully
one-third of its revenue, and which not only has rent national solidarity, but also has
worked incalculable harm on the nation’s economy. Still worse, each faction in the
conflict has openly proclaimed its adherence to one or the other of the two great
antagonists in another world war which they believe inevitable, so that if war comes it is
a certainty that we shall become involved in the most cruel and sanguinary manner, for
our own people are already set, brothers against brothers, with unforgiving hatreds.
Unable to defend ourselves against foreign aggression, we have not only
weakened ourselves further with domestic strife but also given cause and provocation for
attack. We have become war-mongers without armies, by making boastful challenges,
threats and denunciations.
But what is beyond comprehension is that, having fought three wars for our
independence, we have surrendered it without a fight; and while vociferating about the
reality of our national freedom, we have acted as if we did not want it or believe in it.
We are tied to the dollar without having any dollars. We continue to be dependent upon
the American market without having retained any permanent right of access to it. We
continue to be equally dependent upon American protection without any real guarantee
that it will be timely and adequately extended.
The tragedy of our foreign policy is that, being an Asian people ten thousand
miles away from the effective center of American power, our behavior has been that of a
banana republic in the Caribbean. We have fed upon the fancy that we are somehow the
favorite children of America, and that she, driven by some strange predilection of our
people, will never forsake us nor sacrifice our interests to her own or to those of others
for her own sake.
Unfortunately, our preferences have been disappointed by so prosaic a thing as
18
geography, and so indelicate a topic as race. The Creator, in His inscrutable wisdom,
gave a brown pigment to our skins, and brought forth our people in the littoral of Asia. It
is therefore an illusion to believe that America has the same strategic obligations to a
Caribbean republic as to a distant archipelago across the expanse of the Pacific, fairly
exposed to enemy conquest; while to believe that America, or any other great power for
that matter, in the terrible crisis of war, will under the imperative urge for self-
preservation, ever sacrifice her own security and interest to idealism or to continental
attachments, is to misunderstand the biological laws which determine the course of
action of any great power in war or in peace, and to ignore the categorical imperatives of
international behavior.
Yet our foreign policy was conducted from the very beginning, and is being
pursued, on the erroneous assumption of an identity of American and Filipino interests,
or more correctly, of the desirability, even the necessity, of subordinating our interests to
those of America. Thus, on the fourth of July 1946 it was announced that our foreign
policy would be to follow in the wake of America. We have, indeed, followed. We
followed America out of Spain and back again; we followed America in her aimless
pilgrimage in the Holy Land, from Jew to Arab and Arab to Jew, as the American need
for Arab oil and the administration’s desire for Jewish votes dictated; we recognized e
independence of Indonesia when America did, and not one moment before. In the world
parliament of the United Nations, it is no more difficult to predict that the Philippines will
vote with the American Union, than that the Ukraine will vote with the Soviet Union.
American policy has found no more eloquent spokesman and zealous advocate, and
Russian policy no louder critic and more resourceful opponent, than the Philippines.
Americans may disagree violently with their own foreign policy, but it has no better
supporters than the Filipinos.
We have followed America even in our domestic affairs. Nowadays any
American Ambassador to the Philippines may be given, without incongruence, the
concurrent title of Governor-General, High Commissioner or Proconsul, to whom the
President of this Republic himself must go humbly to apologize in person for an
offensive press release. For its part, we have seen our Congress, since the fourth Monday
of January, engrossed in the singular task of enacting into law the recommendations of an
19
American economic survey mission. Organized pressure has been brought to bear with
ill-concealed impatience to stampede the passage of the desired legislation.
Whom are we to blame for this curious process of legislation through foreign
control, this unprecedented surrender of the most cherished privileges of an independent
state? When we are so dishonest, inept, and prodigal, that we cannot run a government
on the resources of the potentially richest and most democratically schooled people in
Asia, and must beg constantly for subsidies, then the United States have the right to see to
it that the dollars they lend are not dissipated in extravagance, purloined by malefactors
in high office, or misspent on fraudulent elections, and that, in return for their assistance,
they shall have the final say on our foreign policy and receive the services of our
diplomats as their spokesmen and press relations officers.
A bankrupt administration must necessarily have a foreign policy of mendicancy;
and it is inevitable that it should invite foreign intervention to do what it cannot do for
itself. When a government cannot count on the united support of its own people, then it
must unavoidably have recourse to the support of a foreign power; and because beggars
cannot be choosers, we can be safely ignored, taken for granted, dictated to, and made to
wait at the door, hat in hand, to go in only when invited.
Our only possible lifeline is obviously the traditional American connection, drawn
across the vast expanse of the Pacific, and made more tenuous still by lack of confidence.
Dependent entirely upon American arms for self-defense, we find it increasingly difficult
to secure them. Having rested our hopes upon American bases, we find that rather than
be a source of protection they may become targets for attack. We have been encouraged
to oppose and fight the expansion of Communism in Asia, and we have done as we have
been told, but in return we have received only vague and uncertain promises of
assistance, and the confirmation of a policy that would surrender Asia rather than imperil
Europe.
If war should come, therefore, we would be doomed to another and a worse
Bataan. Once again, as Manuel Quezon feared and lived to see from the tunnels of
Corregidor, ill-fed, ill-armed and ill-trained Filipinos, discriminated against by their
friends and outmatched by their enemies, would take on their flesh and bone the first
shock of aggression by an overwhelming power. Once again our people would have to
20
endure the horrors of war, compounded beyond human experience by weapons of mass
extermination and wholesale destruction, and the agony of enemy occupation, stretched
beyond human endurance by the perfected techniques of tyranny; and, for added tragedy,
would find themselves divided into irreconcilable factions, one clearly committed to the
United States, and the other allegedly aligned with Soviet Union, in the most cruel of all
wars, a fratricidal war.
But as long as we are an independent Republic, we can and should act as a free
people and as Filipinos. As Filipinos we must profess and declare that the security of our
nation is paramount, and as a free people we must profess and declare that, while the
liberties of other peoples are important to us in this world of interdependence, our first
duty is to our own.
The first objective of our government must be peace, for, as a small and weak
nation, it is to our prime interest to explore with patience and sincerity every avenue of
honorable and enduring settlement by negotiation and mutual concessions. If war must
come, it must not be of our own making, either directly or indirectly.
We understand that even the vast resources of America are not unlimited, and
that, in the priorities that must be assigned between Europe and Asia, every appeal of
racial instinct, every atavistic impulse, every consideration of a common heritage of
culture, and even the requirements of domestic politics, would draw the American people
to the homelands of their ancestors. If that is so, and it is so, then America should also
understand that Asia cannot be more solicitous than America herself for her own
interests.
While the American administration has openly reaffirmed its preference for
Europe and its racial kinsmen in the Atlantic Community, we continue parroting the
slogans and mimicking the gestures of American policy.
But no reasonable, no patriotic, no self-respecting Filipino can be content with
promises to return, or relish a situation where we place ourselves in the vanguard of an
atomic war, without arms, without retreat, without cover or support, destined to be
annihilated at the first encounter, and therefore rendered unfit for a belated liberation. If
America really believes that war is inevitable, then let her give us in Asia a resolute
leadership we can trust; let her give us the same unconditional pledge and guarantees and
21
the same actual evidence of a spirit of equality and common fate that she has given to her
kinsmen and allies in the Atlantic Community; and we shall have justification for the risk
of war, and incentive to make common cause.
Otherwise, we must restrain our enthusiasms, dissemble our sympathies, moderate
our words and actions, and in fulfillment of the primordial duty of self-preservation,
make no enemies where we can make no friends, and hold our peace. It may be a
precarious peace, of uncertain duration, at the mercy of military time-tables and power-
politics, but if it is broken, at least it shall not be said that we sought it, and if we are
attacked, that we deserved it. Meanwhile we must, whether in rebel camps or in the inner
sanctums of governmental power, whether within or beyond the pale of present authority,
forswear allegiance to any foreign power, and cease to fight the battles of one or the other
of the super-states beyond our borders. Whatever our economic theories, social
grievances, and political beliefs and affiliations, and whatever the future has in store, we
must stand united, under a lawful and legitimate leadership, as citizens of one country,
one flag, and one Constitution, so that if war comes, it will not find our nation rent
asunder in a paroxysm of self-annihilation.
Let not Macaulay’s traveler from New Zealand exploring the spectral ruins of
Manila in the course of his post-atomic war peregrinations, and cautiously testing the
radioactive waters of the Pasig, from the broken arches of the Quezon Bridge, have cause
to ponder that in those shattered tenements and poisoned fields and rivers once lived a
nation unique in the annals of mankind, free men who put their liberties on the auction
block, a sacrificial race with a mysterious urge to suicide, who, being weak and
weaponless took upon themselves the quarrels of the strong, and having been warned of
their abandonment still persisted in their lonely course, and whose brutalized and
monstrously deformed survivors, scrambling with stunted limbs in the infected debris of
their liberated cities, had forgotten even the echo of the memory of the strange illusion
for which their race had fought and perished.
December 22, 1984; February 8, 1992;
22
There is a special bond that unites the new nations and the peoples of Asia and
Africa. In these two areas of the globe, once the sites of great ancient civilizations and
ever the cradle of faith and spiritualism, but now, in the eyes of the economically
advanced West, merely a conglomeration of underdeveloped countries, a new and mighty
force is stirring nations and peoples, opening new vistas, and raising new hopes for the
future. Peoples inhabiting far-flung territories, with widely divergent cultures, find that
they all have one common ideal, one common rallying point, one common allegiance --
Nationalism. For the emerging nations of Asia and Africa have come to realize that their
aspirations to freedom, equality, social justice, prosperity, and peace can be achieved
only by a resolute assertion of the nationalist spirit.
Nationalism is the natural antagonist of colonialism. Nations that are still ruled
by imperial powers are rallying behind nationalist leaders to secure their independence.
Nations, like Indonesia and the Philippines, that have succeeded in regaining their
political independence must still rely on the nationalist spirit in their struggle against
colonialism. For the independence of countries such as ours cannot be complete until the
last traces of colonialism have been eradicated.
What are the basic components of nationalism? One is the growing and
deepening consciousness that we are a distinct people with our own character and spirit,
our own customs and traditions, our own ideals, our own way of thinking, our own way
of life. What sets us apart as a people distinct from any other are the experiences and
vicissitudes we have gone through together as a nation in our own environment. A
Filipino cannot assert this identity and call himself a nationalist unless he is one with his
people’s history and has enshrined in his heart the precepts and examples of our heroes
and martyrs.
Yet it is strange indeed for us to hear, in the very morning of our independent
existence, the voices of some of our own countrymen, decrying in borrowed accents and
servile flattery, the very nationalism that has made us what we are. The great and noble
achievements of our nationalism are depreciated; its very desirability is questioned. It is
mocked as impractical; it is disparaged as an actual danger to the prosperity of the
Republic.
We are beginning to catch up with the nationalism that is raging all around us in
24
Asia. But, perhaps, because of the corruption and the demoralization to which many of
us have been for years exposed as a result of alien interference in our political, economic,
and even educational life, and because of the evil proclivities of our leaders, the cause of
nationalism has not advanced as fast and as far as it should have. There are still in our
midst a few anti-nationalists. You can find them among those who covet positions of
privilege or influence but who can obtain them only by renouncing nationalism and
becoming advocates or agents of foreign interests. They are few today, but they are well
entrenched in the executive and legislative departments. And as the foreign stranglehold
on our national economy increases, their number will increase, unless the tendency is
counteracted by a stronger movement for nationalism.
Today, the prime problem of the nationalist is how to enlighten those Filipinos
who fail to recognize the root cause of their predicament, how to make them understand
that they are the victims of their own distorted ideas, planted and nurtured in their minds
by subtle colonialistic methods.
This task is made more difficult by the emergence in our midst of different types
of so-called nationalists who stand in the vanguard of this movement while blunting,
distorting, perhaps destroying it. First, there are the barong tagalog nationalists who deal
in superficialities. The sum total of their nationalism consists in singing the national
anthem in the national language, reciting the sophomoric piece "I am a Filipino", and
wearing the national costume. Then there are the "internationalist" nationalists, who
would rather sacrifice nationalist advances in the political and economic fields than dare
touch a hair on the head of one foreigner who must be granted national “parity” in the
name of “special relationship”, in exchange for a military protection of dubious value, at
whatever cost to us, Filipinos, in sovereignty, national dignity, and physical survival.
Finally, there are the hypocritical nationalists who mouth nationalist slogans but have no
intention of living up to them, or who actually use these slogans to camouflage their
active undermining of nationalist objectives, because to them there are authorities
superior to the Republic and laws superior to the Constitution.
Our peculiar situation has been heightened by the unique circumstances in which
we attained our independence. The other liberated Asian nations have been spared the
ambiguities under which we labor; they faced issues that were clear-cut; blood and tears,
25
exploitation and subjugation, and centuries of enmity, divided the Indonesians from the
Dutch, the Indians and the Burmese from the British, the Vietnamese from the French;
and their nationalist victories were not diluted by sentiments of gratitude, or by regrets,
doubts and apprehensions.
But an intensive and pervasive cultural colonization, no less than an enlightened
policy of gradually increasing autonomy, dissolved whatever hatreds and resentments
were distilled in the Filipino-American war, and, by the time of the enactment of the
Jones Law, promising independence upon the establishment of a stable government, an
era of goodwill was firmly opened, one which even the cabinet crisis under Governor
General Wood could only momentarily disturb. A system of temporary trade
preferences, under which our principal industries were developed, cemented the
relationship with the hard necessities of economic survival, for it was belatedly realized
that the same system of so-called free trade had made us completely dependent on the
American market. The vicissitudes and triumphs of the common struggle against the
Japanese Empire completed the extraordinary structure, and it was not at all strange or
unexpected that, when our independence was finally proclaimed, it was not so much as an
act of separation, as one of “more perfect union.”
Great numbers of Filipinos, therefore, pride themselves in professing fealty to
America even without the rights of Americans. Their gaze is fixed steadily and
unwaveringly on the great North American Republic, which is to them the alpha and the
omega of human progress and political wisdom.
The habit of continuously and importunely soliciting American assistance, and of
running to the seemingly inexhaustible treasury in Washington whenever faced with
financial difficulties, has only fostered a thoughtless and irresponsible prodigality, which
has already been condemned by the most responsible among the Filipinos and the
Americans, and has led to the preaching of the new gospel of self-reliance and self-help.
I cannot emphasize too strongly my firm belief and conviction that only an
administration which shall have Nationalism as the unifying factor and basis of its social,
political and economic policies can solve the grave, manifold problems which afflict our
country today.
Lack of Nationalism is behind the half-hearted attempts at industrialization,
26
because colonial minds do not dare take a step which would undermine the favored
positions of foreign interests.
Lack of Nationalism is behind our continued reliance on a disadvantageous raw
material export economy, because colonial minds believe that only by dovetailing our
economy with that of the United States can we survive as a nation.
Finally, lack of Nationalism is behind the weak, docile and unassertive policies of
our government, which have resulted in a high degree of foreign control over our
economic life, because colonial minds instinctively underestimate native wit, ingenuity,
and skill, while self-respect and self-reliance are strange concepts to them.
Since our lack of Nationalism has prevented us from using our resources in the
most effective way and primarily for our own benefit, we are today a poor nation beset by
problems of unemployment, low per capita income and underproduction.
Today the Nationalist struggle is far from won. There are elements in both parties
that seek to perpetuate colonial rule. Alien economic interests are trying hard to oppose
and to sabotage the movement. Some enemies of nationalism are fighting it frontally.
Others, masquerading as nationalists, are boring from within, acting as fronts for
powerful foreign interests, or seeking to emasculate its meaning by trying to limit its
operation to our cultural life alone so that the nation’s economic exploitation by aliens
may continue undisturbed behind a pleasant facade of cultural nationalism.
But these anti-nationalists must realize that their hours are numbered, that
everywhere there are unmistakable signs that the people are experiencing a reawakening
of the nationalistic faith which animated and gave meaning and substance to the lives of
their forefathers, a growing awareness and understanding of the vital importance of
reshaping our policies with a view to freeing them from alien control, so that, after our
economy shall have passed into Filipino hands, this and future generations may at long
last come into the full fruition of their priceless heritage.
I trust that a generation from now, the Filipino people may stand with legitimate
pride before the world and before history as a paragon of democracies; and that it may be
said of us that, in adversity, we were united and undismayed; in prosperity, magnanimous
and prudent; against dictators, whether fascistic, or communistic, or just opportunistic,
relentless and uncompromising; against demagogues, aloof and contemptuous; in
27
fulfillment of our duties, earnest and self-exacting; in love of country, pledged with “our
lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor,” and practicing a firm but restrained
Nationalism illumined by the thought that this world is one world and we are one with
humankind.
Only when we rise from the knees we have bent in beggary, and stand beside the
other nations of the world, not on crutches but on our feet, thinking and speaking and
acting as free men and as free citizens of a true Republic, in name and in fact, with
undivided loyalties to our own sovereign nation and people, and under a legitimate
regime dispensing justice and promoting the general welfare, then and only then can we
rightly claim to have achieved and deserved our independence, and have cause to indulge
in a national celebration of the glorious resurrection of our freedom after the long and
mournful season of its betrayal, passion and crucifixion.
I place in your hands this message, from one whose authority is a firm conviction
and a lifelong experience, and who, in his declining years, still loves to plant trees
knowing that he will never sit in their shade, happy in the thought with Tasio, the
Philosopher, that some day, in a distant future, one may say of him and the nationalists of
his generation: “There were those who kept vigil in the night of our forefathers.” (No
todos dormian en la noche de nuestros abuelos.)
Filipinism, Nationalism: this is my unconquerable faith and my burning hope... It
is the one logical and courageous answer of Filipino patriotism to all the plots and
designs to keep our people forever subservient to foreign interests. It is a banner of
freedom proclaiming the national interests of the people, to be promoted and safeguarded
by themselves, so that the fruits of their efforts and the wealth derived from their God-
given resources shall, at long last, accrue to them and thus enable all of our people to rise
above poverty and march on to prosperity, contentment, and dignity.
A Nationalist Crusade is long overdue. I have, in all humility and with dedicated
love of country and countrymen, undertaken to lead it. I am confident that our people
will rally behind it. As long as there is an ounce of breath in me, I shall never fold the
banner of this crusade. So help me God.
December 22,1984; January 15, 1985
28
In an American magazine (The New Yorker, Dec. 27, 1952) I read many years
ago that the original documents containing the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution of the United States were transferred from the Library of the United States
Congress to the National Archives Building. The editor of the magazine, after reporting
that a military escort and military band had attended them observed: “How
uncomplicated it looked, this physical act of guarding our greatness treasures! And
serene” -- he continued -- “life would be if the essence of the documents could be
guarded so easily, so precisely, and with such gay props as bagpipes and such exact ones
as machine guns! Ah, liberty” -- the magazine editor concluded -- “you look so simple
crossing town!”
We are perhaps in a clearer position. The war destroyed the original of the
Constitution, and we are free from any confusion between the historic document itself as
a treasured possession and the infinitely more precious spirit which it once embodied. It
is only the spirit of the great charter over which we must stand guard to preserve its
purity and integrity.
Yet we may regard that spirit to be too simple a thing, just a matter of
bureaucratic routine, adorned with good intentions and vehement protestations of loyalty
to the ideals of freedom. We may grow to believe that the Constitution will work on us
like grace from heaven, or like a guardian angel, benevolent and detached, leading us
away from temptations of personal vainglory and unbridled love of power and riches, and
delivering us from all the evils of misgovernment.
And yet such is not the case, for when the people no longer agree on the necessity
of living under the Constitution both in good and in bad times, when they are ready to
discard it for immediate material rewards or to close their eyes to its violation for
temporary advantage, the Constitution cannot work.
These are not idle speculations. Our faith in the Constitution has been repeatedly
tested by numerous events during the twenty-five years of its life and often found
wanting.
Let us ask ourselves certain questions and answer them honestly in the sanctuary
of our conscience.
Are we ready to defend the freedom of speech of those with whom we disagree,
31
of those whose concepts of society and political authority we violently detest? Are we
ready and willing to test the validity of our beliefs in the open market of ideas? Are we
disposed and willing to maintain the purity of suffrage even at the price of an adverse
popular verdict? Shall we keep faith with the Constitution even though it may mean the
sacrifice of our political fortunes or economic security?
Throughout the history of democracy men have faced these questions and have
seldom given clear and definite answers. In the late 1930s the German people, in their
millions, haunted by fear of Communism, groaning under the weight of the Treaty of
Versailles, desperately eager for security, infinitely weary of destitution and
unemployment, cast aside the Weimar Constitution and gave absolute power to a mad
dictator, only to suffer the calamitous consequences of such an injudicious choice. Can
we, who believe in democracy and in the advantages of our Constitution over any other
form of government, take for granted that our people, if put to the same test shall always
believe what we ourselves now believe, or that we ourselves shall always be true to our
present convictions?
In our country, democracy is still an educational process. We must train
ourselves in its principles and practices; we must help to train all the people by precept
and example; we must risk unpopularity and misunderstanding to show the people the
distant goals, the hidden dangers the necessity of temporary sacrifices if our democratic
system is to survive. And this obligation rests more particularly on those of us who had a
hand in the framing of the Constitution or who are vested with the powers of government
it has defined and provided.
I see around me tonight old and beloved colleagues of the Constitutional
Convention of 1934, I take it that not only they but all the Filipinos in this distinguished
audience are committed by their very presence here, to the defense of the Constitution. I
should like to see all of us unite in the common effort of making our people deeply
conscious that the Constitution must be obeyed by and enforced upon both rulers and
governed, and that its ultimate and permanent advantages will far outweigh any
temporary discomforts and privations we may suffer in enforcing it. Only thus can we
make certain that the Constitution shall long endure, and with it the system of
government and way of life which it was its purpose to establish, guarantee and preserve.
32
The plebiscite of 1935 that stamped its approval on the greatest instrument which
the Constitutional Convention adopted as the supreme law of the land, did not adjudicate
the question for all time. It was not a final judgment. In a democracy such as ours there
is a permanent plebiscite in which we cast our votes for or against the Constitution by the
way we act or fail to act.
For, let us not forget, the ideals of democracy, the spirit of the Constitution, not
only may be uprooted or felled by direct assault, but they can also wither through disuse
or abandonment. Inasmuch as in the course of our national existence we are bound to
face, oftener than not, the temptations of expediency and suffer frustration and the fears
that ripen into despair, the faith of our people in the Constitution must be constantly kept
militant, vigorous and steadfast.
I do not mean to underestimate the wisdom and maturity of our people when I say
that the gospel of democracy must be constantly preached to them. When even lawyers
cannot agree on what the Constitution says, it is folly to expect the lay mind to perceive
fully the implications and effects of any encroachment upon its dominions. When ancient
and cultured peoples have despaired of the efficacy of democratic processes in times of
upheaval, we can hardly expect our people to maintain an unwavering faith in the
Constitution under adverse circumstances, unless, in this formative period our Republic,
they are thoroughly acquainted with it principles and constantly disciplined in habitual
loyalty to them.
Their doubts and difficulties must, therefore, be squarely met and resolved as
soon and as often as they arise, and the dangers of hasty and opportunistic decisions
fearlessly and promptly exposed. Those who can now look beyond present fears and
desires must share their forebodings with the people, not in a spirit of vainglory, or
presumptuousness, or of defeatism, but simply in the consciousness of a common fate.
For all of us, regardless of party, regardless of ideology or condition, must suffer
equally from the debasement of the Constitution and the resulting impairment of
democracy. Isolated infractions, if left uncorrected may in time become a chronic
condition. If the Constitution is allowed to be violated in one provision, it will be easily
violated in another provision. If the Constitution is suspended as to one group of citizens,
it can be suspended as to another group of citizens. If one department of the government
33
can invade and usurp the powers of another, so can it invade and usurp the powers of still
another, so can it invade and usurp the totality of power.
And if, as a result, the Constitution falls, all of us shall fall with it, the learned and
the untutored, the foresighted and the improvident, the courageous and the hesitant, the
wealthy and the poor, the lovers of liberty and its enemies and detractors.
None of us can be sure that he will have no need of the Constitution; it behooves
us all therefore, to protect and preserve it for an evil day. The very persons who now
defy the Constitution or allow it to be subverted and undermined without protest, may
themselves cry out for its protection tomorrow, and bewail the loss of the guarantees that
they themselves destroyed or denied to their enemies. Then indeed may they weep like
Boabdil, the last Moorist king of Granada, who, pausing in his flight at a bridge for one
last look at his beloved city, wept for his lost dominions only to be bitterly reproached by
his mother in these unforgettable words: “Weep like a woman over the loss of the
kingdom you could not defend like a man.”
It is true that upon our judges rests the responsibility of interpreting and applying
the Constitution, finding its true spirit in and between the faltering language of its human
authors. The Congress has convened in regular session a few days ago in the usual
atmosphere of political intrigues, selfishness, and lust for power. Before the 100-day
period ends we shall, I am sure, witness bitter and protracted political battles between
Congress and the President, between the two houses of Congress and between the
members of each House not only among those professing diverse party loyalties but even
among those under the same political banner.
I am not to decry such conflicts when they arise from honest differences of
opinion and for altruistic motives. It is good, within limits, that we should disagree.
There are less chances that the people will be robbed and swindled of their rights when
their agents and trustees are mutually jealous and vigilant. Such conflicts and differences
are part of a democratic system; only tyranny can impose an artificial unanimity of
thought and action, the unanimity in a graveyard. Politics, by its very nature, is conflict,
and conflict for power, which is the most unrelenting of all conflicts.
Let us then congratulate ourselves that we still have the inclination and the ability
to disagree, to expose errors and misdeeds wherever they are found, and to detect and
34
resist any conspiracy to unite and seize political power, and in the end, to call upon the
people to restore the balance.
I am reminded of a character in Bernard Shaw’s play, The Devil’s Disciple. A
woman reputed to be religious, finds her faith shaken when she sees her enemies, whom
she considers sinful, succeeding and prospering while she fails, and she upbraids the
minister of the gospel with a heart full regrets for her virtue. “Why should we do our
duty and keep God’s law,” she remonstrates, “if there is to be no difference made
between us and those who follow their own likings and dislikings and make a jest of us
and of their Maker’s word?” I wonder if there are some of us who, like that embittered
old woman, believe that we should keep the Constitution and love democracy only in the
expectation of material rewards. Can our faith surmount the trial of suffering and resist
the temptations of prompt and relief in times of distress or ignore the lure of expediency
for the attainment of political ends?
What if we were facing a real national emergency? Could we be sure that the
majority of our people would not follow the sad examples of desperate and angry nations
in the annals of the democratic experiment, and that they will not discard the Constitution
to gain a delusive salvation?
Perhaps we believe in the Constitution only because it is the thing to do, because
we have learned its provisions by rote in school like arithmetic and spelling and the
Lord’s Prayer, and not because we sincerely and consciously believe it to be the best and
surest guaranty of our chosen way of life.
The Constitution, through which all good things in our democracy have come into
being, and without which they could not have come to be, is the light of our nation, but
this light cannot illumine those who neither understand it nor love it, because men of little
faith, Pharisees and money changers, generations of vipers, in the angry words of the
Lord, have hidden it under the bushel of their hypocrisy and greed.
Let us then bear witness to the Constitution, so that in the language of the gospels,
all the people may learn to believe. If our nation is to survive and attain greatness in
freedom, the Constitution must live in our actions, both as individuals; and as a people, in
the enlightened conviction and steadfast belief that only in the spirit of the Constitution,
infused in us, shall democracy abide with us and our nation forever enjoy the blessings of
35
independence under a regime of justice and liberty, and fulfill its destiny within the
Lord’s Kingdom.
Neither in the toils of the day nor in the vigils of the night can the sentinels of the
Constitution relax their vigilance. Let us all be wary and stand by our arms, lest, by
culpable tolerance or by a criminal negligence, our country should in some forbidding
future become a desolate Carthage, wherein only the naked ruins of our republic shall
remain, fallen monuments of the past in whose debris our descendants, by then the
forlorn bondsmen of some corrupt, despot, shall in vain endeavor to decipher the
language of the Constitution, inscribed, as in forgotten hieroglyphs, on the sarcophagus
of our dead freedoms.
February 8, 1960; January 9, 1985
Prime Minister, something like the English system; then the offices of the President and
Prime Minister were merged during the transitory period; then separated again, this
time, we have a strong President under a system like that of France; with Amendment #6
it has acquired the trappings of one of those newly independent African states. Perhaps
ruling by decree can be beneficial in times of emergency under a wise and self-restrained
ruler; but it can be an instrument of abuse in the hands of an unscrupulous tyrant.
Claro M. Recto, the Father of our 1935 Constitution makes the point that WE are
the Constitution; that the “Constitution is only as good as the men who enforce it and the
men who obey and respect it.” Who shall rise to defend it, he asks, “when the people
shall have been inured to the repeated spectacle of the Constitution violated, the
Constitution defied, the Constitution desecrated and contemned?”
***
I wish to thank your President, my good friend Dr. de los Santos, as well as the
members of the administration, faculties, and student body of this university, for the
opportunity afforded me to be with you this evening. I have always entertained a high
and special regard for the University of Manila. In fact, I consider myself an alumnus of
this institution of learning, having received from it the honorary degree of doctor of laws.
Moreover, it has seemed to me that, without ostentation and false pride, the
University of Manila has quietly done more than its share in educating our youth in
nationalism, democracy, self-reliance, and industry. The high standards of its educational
mission were again demonstrated when a graduate of this university obtained the highest
rating in the last bar examinations.
I deem it not inappropriate, therefore, to speak before the students of this
university on what has become a grave national problem, calling for the prudent and
patriotic consideration of all our citizens. I refer to our chronic constitutional crisis; a
crisis, because the very effectiveness of our Constitution has been placed in doubt, and
chronic, because it has persisted for more than a decade.
Indeed, it has been more than a decade. From the year 1941 we have had, if we
are to confine ourselves to the legal technicalities, two legislative bodies in the Republic:
one, the Congress created by the Constitution and vested exclusively with the power to
make laws; and the other, the titular Chief Executive who, not content with the normal
37
executive and administrative powers granted to him by the Constitution, claims also,
under his so-called emergency powers, to exercise the prerogative to make laws. And
this has been done, with the sufferance until only recently of the majority in the
Congress, and with a Supreme Court crippled by an indecisive division.
Furthermore, from the year 1950, a vital part of the Constitution has actually
ceased to operate, and citizens of this Republic can be arrested without warrant, and held
under custody indefinitely, deprived of their liberty without knowing the charges against
them, without, in fact, any charges having been filed against them in a regular
information, and without either trial or bail. Again, I must repeat, this has been done, and
is being done, and, to all appearances will continue to be done, without the least protest
from the majority in the Congress, in the face of the self-contradicting pronouncements of
the Executive, and the inability of the Supreme Court to arrive at a valid judgment.
Surely, no one can honestly deny that in such a situation as we now find ourselves
in, there is a constitutional crisis, a grave and chronic constitutional crisis. When public
funds can be spent for purposes other than those for which they were appropriated by the
Congress; when in fact, they can be spent without authority of Congress and merely on
executive fiat; when, to make it still worse, they can be spent by executive fiat for private
purposes; and when all the safeguards provided by the Constitution against such practices
are set at naught, when neither Auditors General nor Houses of Congress can/or are
willing to prevent them; when the results of presidential and senatorial elections can
remain in doubt, in one case without hope of resolution, and in the other for what seems
to be an indefinite period; when the fundamental division of powers established by the
Constitution is defied, and the basic democratic rights of citizens can be suspended, and
yet the Congress does not act, and in fact the Senate cannot even organize itself, while the
Supreme Court is unable to render judgment -- that is a crisis, a continuing crisis, a crisis
the most grave, and a crisis, not only for the Constitution, but for the Republic itself and
its most cherished institutions.
Yet it is a crisis that few of us recognize for what it is. Men grow accustomed to
anything, and we have grown accustomed to this crisis. We have lived with it for more
than a decade, and it has lost its urgency and its sting. We were roused to excitement
over it briefly, in the sensation of famous test cases but the test case took their indecisive
38
and ambiguous place in the official reports, and the excitement died down. The crisis,
however, is still alive, and I am heartened by the fact that the House of Representatives
only the day before yesterday recognized the gravity of the situation by repealing the
anachronistic emergency powers, granted to President Quezon under actual enemy
bombing in 1941, yet sought to be exercised still in 1952 after the peace treaty has
brought that war officially to its end.
I am also gladdened by the fact that courageous members of the opposition in
both Houses of the Congress led by that great statesman and vir bonus, Dr. Jose P.
Laurel, have never tired to expose, at every opportunity that was opened to them, the
assaults that were being made, and continue to be made, upon the Constitution, and we
must continue to hold fast to the conviction that, sooner or later, these determined efforts
will bear fruit in obedience to the mandate of the people, and that reason and justice will
impose themselves on executive ambition, legislative submission, and judicial indecision.
Yet, even if the situation should be remedied, we would always be troubled by the
thought that it might happen again, and we must therefore look deeper into the causes of
the crisis. Whose fault is it? Is it the fault of the present Constitution? Does it carry
within it the seeds for its own destruction? Did the makers of the Constitution produce a
contradiction in terms?
There is a salutary doctrine in law that men cannot be held responsible for what
they cannot reasonably foresee, and today the members of the Constitutional Convention
of 1934 cannot be blamed if the Constitution they wrote is challenged by forces, events,
andantes of mind that they could not have reasonably foreseen.
The Constitution, as we wrote it, sought to provide for future contingencies, to
guard against human ambition, to make allowances for human frailty, to balance rights
with obligations, and freedom with authority, and to place careful limitations both on the
exercise of the powers of government and on the enjoyment of civil liberties, in the
interest of the commonweal and for the safety and preservation of the state.
I believe, in all humility, that the Constitution of 1935 was a good Constitution,
that it was as perfect as any human institution can hope to be perfect. Enforced, obeyed,
and interpreted, in the pristine spirit in which it was adopted and promulgated, by a
people dedicated to the ideal of self-government and human freedom which they had so
39
long pursued and saw at last within their grasp, the Constitution of 1935 could be an
inviolable sanctuary for our rights and liberties.
But it has not been so enforced, obeyed, and interpreted. Its best intentions have
been perverted, its balanced machinery upset, its mandates defied and ignored, its most
basic guarantees violated by men who have interpreted it in the false light of their own
political convenience.
The Constitution omitted, for example, to provide for a presidential electoral
tribunal because we could not reasonably foresee that unscrupulous and unprincipled men
in the very seats of government would, by the cynical and ruthless use of terrorism and
indiscriminate fraud, and relying on their official immunity from accountability, place in
doubt the results of the election for the very Chief Magistracy of the Republic.
We could not reasonably foresee that, in total disregard of the most sacred and
solemn oaths of office, and in violation of manifest duties to the people and the
Constitution, the exercise of dictatorial powers would be sought, and the most cherished
rights of a democracy suspended.
We could not reasonably foresee that the very men charged with upholding and
defending the Constitution would be the very first to violate and prostitute it.
We could not reasonably foresee that the fundamental democratic process of
election would be subjected, to suit the convenience of the party in power, to the
infamous device of block-voting, and thus the Constitution failed to prohibit this
ingenious instrument for the commission of indiscriminate electoral frauds, which has
given us a President without a people, and a people without a President.
These are only some, the most outstanding, of the breaches opened in the
sanctuary of the Constitution by the malice and perversity of men, breaches which have
had indeed such grave and fundamental effects that they have already opened the way for
open rebellions and undermined the very foundations of our faith in democracy.
The Constitution, as we wrote it, sought to provide for future contingencies, to
guard against human ambition, to make allowances for human frailty, to balance rights
with obligations, and freedom with authority, and to place careful limitations both on the
exercise of the powers of government and on the enjoyment of civil liberties in the
interest of the commonweal and for the safety and preservation of the state.
40
It was to repair the damages that the Constitution has suffered, before it is too
late, that I recently proposed that we reexamine our Constitution. It was for this reason
that I suggested that a new Constitutional Convention be elected in presidential elections
of 1953, and convened immediately thereafter, in order to formulate a new Constitution
that, reflecting our tragic experiences with unmeasured ambition and criminal folly,
would prove unassailable by even the most subtle or brutal of tyrants.
There has been a growing clamor for this reexamination in recent years,
particularly after the elections and events of 1949. A project for the general revision of
the Constitution was submitted to the Senate in that year. Amendments of particular
provisions of the Constitution have been imposed in the House of Representatives this
year.
I must admit that our first and only experiment in amending the Constitution has
had unfortunate results, and has only confirmed the wisdom of the Convention of 1934.
Our experience with those amendments is perhaps the root of the sincere opposition to
any further changes.
The abolition of the single term for the President of the Philippines, made to
maintain the late President Quezon at the helm of the ship of state on the basis of the
sophism that a six-year term is too short for a good president when it should be long
enough even for the best of presidents, has, in our days, given us presidents who are more
intent on promoting their reelection than the best interests of the people, presidents who
claim against all the available evidence that they are good presidents, so good that not to
extend their terms would presumably be a crime against the people, presidents from
whose actions it may be gathered that a life term would not be long enough for them.
On the other hand, the abolition of the unicameral National Assembly, and its
substitution with a bicameral Congress intended to provide a so-called “school of national
leaders” in a Senate elected at large by the entire country, has given us, not new national
leaders, but political adventurers who, from their anonymity, through the undemocratic
systems of party conventions and block-voting, abetted by a nationwide display of fraud
and terrorism, were catapulted to the highest national positions in the government of this
Republic.
But if these amendments of 1940 were bad, that is only all the more reason to
41
Indeed our actual experience in the past few years is the best argument for a
reexamination of the Constitution. No Filipino with an understanding of the basic
premises of democracy would willingly place his life, liberty, and property at the mercy
of power-drunk officials intent on assuring their continuance in power.
And if we should, the root of the opposition to it are precisely those who have
breached it and assaulted it, and profited from the crime, and who now seek to perpetuate
the misinterpretations and violations of a Constitution that was intended for men of good
will, but was tragically subverted by men of boundless ambitions and perversity.
The life of any Constitution is the love of freedom in the people it serves. A
people like the Russian masses may have what is theoretically the best Constitution in the
world, but it will avail them nothing if they submit to a tyranny that makes such a
Constitution a mockery and a fraud. On the other hand, a people like the English may not
have a written Constitution at all; they may theoretically depend upon the shifting
judgment of their Parliament on what their constitutional traditions are; but their
freedoms are safe and inviolate because they know the worth of those freedoms and
guard them with their lives.
We must aspire to build our democracy upon such a pattern, for it is not for
nothing that the English have the best and oldest democracy in the world. We must learn
to make democracy more than a word, a slogan, a fetish and to look upon it as a dynamic
thing, a practical business, not only something to live with, but also something we must
live in, and live by, and live for, something that must work for the welfare of our people
if it is to mean anything.
We must learn that democracy is not a lifeless idol but a living being, and we
must train ourselves to keep it alive with our loyalty, our devotion, our every thought,
word, and action. The best amendment to the Constitution for the sake of that democracy
would be the amendment of our own lives, the amendment of our attitudes, outlook, and
actions, the realization that we are free men, and the resolution to live and act as free
men.
The free and ordered life of our nation depends upon the preservation of the
Constitution. Without its orderly processes and guarantees, its discerning allocation of
governmental authority, and its calculated system of checks and balances, it would be
43
difficult, not to say impossible, for our people to choose a truly representative
government, or having chosen it and entrusted it with power, to protect themselves from
its deterioration into an irresponsible and tyrannical oligarchy.
And yet our Constitution, or any constitution for that matter, does not and cannot
work miracles. Its lofty declaration of principles, its wise commands and injunctions, are
neither the open sesame to all the promised treasures of a republican regime, nor a magic
formula which by mere fiat will restore youth and vigor to a decrepit polity. It is an
instrument, noble, it is true, in its origin and purpose, but a very human thing, and it can
only attain validity and dynamism with popular consciousness, faith and militancy.
A Constitution is only as good as the men who enforce it, and the men who obey
it and respect it. We may embody in a new Constitution the lessons we have learned, in
peace and in war, from contemporary rackets, shady deals, administrative inefficiency
and scandals, vacillating and temporizing tribunals, communist subversion, and open
rebellion. We may foresee all that can be reasonably foreseen. And we may have as a
result a theoretically perfect instrument to promote the general welfare.
But if the men entrusted with the enforcement of the Constitution are the first to
violate it, to ignore it, and to evade it, if the men who have taken public office, swearing
on the Constitution, are the first to call it a scrap of paper to avoid its injunctions and
disobey its mandates, then no Constitution can work.
And if we the people permit such men to remain in power, fear to denounce them,
compromise with their misdeeds, and perhaps even profit from their violations, then we
are a people that do not deserve a Constitution.
We are the Constitution in the sense that it can live only in us, through us, for us,
and because of us. The best amendment to the Constitution would be the amendment of
our lives, the amendment of our attitudes, outlook and actions, the realization that we are
free men, and the resolution to live and act as free men.
Let us so live and act that our lives and deeds will be the safest stronghold against
the abuse of tyrants, the schemes of the ambitious, and the cupidity of the corrupt. Only
thus can we have a Constitution worthy of our great libertarian patrimony and the heroic
ancestors who founded it, for us to preserve it and protect it, for us to enjoy in perpetuity
its incomparable blessings.
44
When the balance of power which is the soul of democracy is destroyed, the
outward forms of democracy become meaningless. When President and Congress,
joining the power of appointment with the power of confirmation, the power of
legislation with the power of enforcement, the power to declare a policy with the power
to carry it out, the power to raise money with the power to disburse it, conspire in the
interest of total power by one man or one party, then democracy is in peril of its life.
No matter what the Constitution may say, such a joint power can exert well-nigh
irresistible pressure on the courts, wear out the rights of the people through the erosion of
repeated encroachments, or carry them away in a bold sweep against which redress shall
no longer be found within the framework of the Constitution.
And who shall rise to defend the Bill of Rights, who shall rise to fight for the
supremacy of the Constitution, and how can those who may do so expect the support of
the majority of the people, when the people, by then, shall have been inured to the
repeated spectacle of the Constitution violated, the Constitution defied, the Constitution
desecrated and contemned?
The obligation to uphold and defend the Constitution is, I should repeat, even
more pressing on those who enjoy the powers and privileges it has provided. They are
creatures of the Constitution. They are sworn to protect, obey and defend it. And by the
very nature of their office, by the authority which invests their pronouncements and their
actions, they are the better placed to shape the mind of the people and influence their will
and course of conduct.
It is incumbent upon our judges to interpret and apply the Constitution, finding its
true spirit in and between the faltering language of its human authors.
It is our manifest fortune as a democracy that we have been endowed with learned
and upright judges throughout our modern history, from the days of the Arellanos and
Mapas and Araullos, to the present; judges like those of Israel, whose verdicts were not
only testimonies of the truth but lessons and examples to their people in the face of
tyrants. The popular faith in the courts, by and large, remains unshaken, something
which can hardly be said of the other two departments of the government.
But the Constitution, after all, is political law, and democracy is a political
system, and it is inevitable that both the Constitution and democracy should be the
45
particular concern of the two political departments of the government. They it is that are
called upon to lead in the preservation of the system of government we have rightly
chosen, by showing in words and deeds that it can succeed, and succeed more fully than
any other system, in any conceivable situation, for any legitimate objective.
The Constitution is not, and should not be, an idol under strict taboos. It is not,
and should not be, a straitjacket for the growing and developing nation which it was made
to serve. The Constitution itself outlines the procedure for its own amendment, and is
thus expressly devoted to the principle that it is neither inviolable nor permanent, but a
working instrument to secure the general welfare of the people.
In truth, actual events “tamper” with the Constitution much more than persons or
parties. History reveals its defects and dangers. I believe we can do better service to the
Constitution by remedying its defects and meeting the criticisms against it, than by
closing our eyes to them in blind idolatry.
The Constitution of our Republic has known many enemies. It has felt the mailed
fist of the invader, the torch of rebellion, the corruption of imperialism, the criminal
assaults of its very sworn defenders and protectors. But I believe I do not exaggerate
when I say that it has survived the most sinister and deadly of all its dangers, the danger
of its own suicide.
For in the famous test cases whose decision we celebrate today (the Supreme
Court decisions against the emergency powers exercised by President Quirino), it was
pretended that the Constitution could be nullified by the Constitution itself, that the
provisions of the Constitution were at war with one another that an apparently
constitutional power and prerogative could be used and abused to destroy the entire
structure of our democracy. Fortunately for that Republic, the highest court of the land
has repudiated this preposterous theory of constitutional suicide. Fortunately for our
people, it has been solemnly proclaimed and declared, for all who love democracy to hear
and understand, that the will of one man, no matter how exalted his position as the chief
magistrate of the nation, cannot prevail against the Constitution.
God save the Constitution from personal ambition and partisan corruption. God
save the Constitution from the inroads of imperialism and all forms and brands of
totalitarianism. I give you the Constitution, that sacred “scrap of paper” which is the
46
embodiment of the fondest hopes, the noblest ideals, the most cherished rights, and the
inalienable freedoms of the Filipino people, the sacred scrap of paper which like another
sacred scrap of paper, the ballot of every free citizen of this Republic, is our inviolable
stronghold against tyranny and oppression, the impregnable bulwark of justice, freedom
and liberty, and the guarantee of our democracy and our victory!
Long live the Constitution!!
February 16, 1952; December 22,1984
V. ECONOMIC NATIONALISM
Note: In anticipation of Recto’s 95th birthday anniversary on February 8th, this
speech dated March 28, 1957 is offered to a generation that has never known such great
man, and is now suffering an economic crisis resulting from policies imposed by
Extraneous Forces long decried by Recto. It is specially offered to the 3 Vs -- Prime
Minister Cesar Virata, NEDA Director General Vicente Valdepeñas and CRC head
Bernardo Villegas who mouth the IMF doctrine of “Export Oriented Agriculture” so
diametrically opposed to the Economic Nationalism of Don Claro. To be kind, we do not
believe that Virata and Villegas seriously accept what the IMF prescribes -- they lack
conviction when they speak -- Virata with his hesitant speech, and Villegas with his
indeterminate bobbing of the head halfway between the shake of a No and the nod of a
Yes. In the case of Valdepeñas, we suspect he is afflicted with the post-hypnotic
suggestion of the late Father McPhelin who within his fruitful lifetime managed to set
back Civil Rights in Cornell University saying that blacks are biologically inferior and
getting thrown out as an exchange professor, and also to dim the cause of Nationalism in
the Ateneo University, with his obnoxious colonial espousal of IMF policies.
***
If according to Webster, “nationalism” and “patriotism” are synonymous, then, to
be a patriot is to be a nationalist, and vice versa.
It is for this reason that I do not believe in qualifying “nationalism” with such
restrictive adjectives as “positive” and “balanced.” To dilute nationalism thus would be
like emasculating “patriotism.”
Assuming that we are agreed on the concept of Nationalism which, as applied to
47
the Philippines, and in the light of Webster’s definition, is devotion to, and advocacy of
Filipino interests and Filipino unity and independence, zealous adherence to our own
Filipino nation and its principles, in brief, Filipino patriotism, let us examine what are the
present realities and those that characterize our “special relationship” -- so it is called --
with the United States.
Ours is still the underdeveloped country that it has been for centuries. And while
our population has increased our economy has lagged behind. Mass poverty and mass
unemployment have been the logical and inevitable results. It cannot be doubted that if
things continue drifting the way they have been, we will soon fall prey to communism,
for the decisive battle against this enemy shall be fought in the social and economic field,
and won only by giving all the people economic security and comfort, and not through
lip-service to democracy and tongue-lashing against the communists, or through
injudicious amendments of our time-tested codes and statutes that will place our
freedoms and liberties at the mercy of the power-mad and the unscrupulous. Only a bold
competent leadership can produce the break-through that will set us moving away from
this extremely perilous situation.
This requires economic planning which should be the government’s special
concern, because it has been our sad experience that private Filipino entrepreneurs,
without government initiative and intervention in the form of incentives or aid, have not
been able to offer opportunities for increased production, employment and decent
livelihood for all the people.
Our economy is heavily dominated by non-nationals. They have, per capita, more
income than our own people, which is understandable since capital, which here is to a
large extent foreign, begets profits, and profits increase capital that begets further profits,
while salaries and wages which, in general terms, constitute the share of the people in a
colonial economy, are never high enough to allow their recipients much beyond their
needs for daily sustenance, and almost nothing for savings. If, therefore, we mean to
develop an economy that will bring welfare and economic security to our people, the
pattern must be changed.
In the last three years I have been trying to show in a series of public addresses
why the Philippines must industrialize, by citing America’s own experience in
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developing her economy from the agricultural or rural to the industrial stage. For the
benefit of those who still believe that to ensure our prosperity we must remain producers
of raw material for the use of industrial countries, and consumers of finished products
manufactured by the same countries, I beg to state anew my position in this regard with
the aid of unimpeachable historical facts and statistical data.
In 1820 the ratio of America’s working force engaged in agriculture to her total
working force was 71.8%. Which means that, as the case is with the Philippines today;
her major activity in 1820 was agricultural. In the decades that followed there was a
gradual reduction of the percentage: in 1830 - 70.5%; in 1840 - 68.6%; in 1850 - 63.7%;
in 1860 - 58.9%; in 1870 - 53%; in 1880 - 49.4%; in 1890 - 42.6%; in 1900 - 37.5%; in
1910 - 31%; in 1920 - 27%; in 1930 - 21.4%; in 1940 - 17.6%; in 1950 - 11.9%. Today
the ratio is about 5%. These figures show that from 1820 to 1870 America was
predominantly an agricultural nation, but that she became less and less so as she changed
the quality, pattern or structure of her economy in the last quarter of the last century, until
she attained her present position as the most highly industrialized nation and
consequently the wealthiest and most prosperous in the world.
These figures indicate not only that there has been a continuous reduction in the
ratio of the agricultural labor force to the total working force but also that there is a
necessary correlation between prosperity or higher production and reduction of the
working force engaged in agricultural activities.
Looking at it from a slightly different angle, we shall find that in 1910 the farmer
population in the U.S. was 34.7% of the total population and the agricultural income was
16% of its total national income. Since 1910, the percentages of the farm population and
of the agricultural income fell continuously every decade, so that in 1952, the farm
population was only 13.4% of the total population and the farm income only 6% of the
total national income. According to the latest figures the farm income in the United
States, as of 1955, was only 3.9% of the total national income, and this despite the
existence of agricultural surplus. From these facts it is clear that, as the share of its farm
income in the national income has decreased, the U.S. economy has prospered and
progressed, and that in any given year or number of years the proportion of agricultural
effort to the total economic effort has been always larger than the proportion of the
49
agricultural product to the total product. It is for this reason that economists describe
agricultural occupations as occupations of low marginal productivity. Conversely, the
share of manufacturing industries in the total product is always bigger than the
corresponding share of manufacturing effort (working force) in the total economic effort.
Thus the economists describe manufacturing occupations as occupations of high marginal
productivity.
The UN figures make the case airtight for industrialization. The relative value of
output per worker in agriculture and in manufacturing was recently studied for seventeen
nations, and it was found that with the value output per worker in agriculture as basis for
comparison set at 100, the value of output per worker in manufacturing is always above
100, ranging generally from 200 to 400 or even 500. In the United States, it is 227; in
Poland, 335; in Norway, 402; in Greece, 577. Said the report: “The value of output per
worker is generally higher in industry than in agriculture and this difference is especially
large in underdeveloped countries. In industrialized countries, mechanization and
modern practices in agriculture are important factors tending to raise the value of
agricultural output per worker to levels approximating those attained in manufacturing
and mining.” Statistics show that farm workers have the lowest income, with the only
exception of those in the domestic service. Thus, with the exception of servants, the
agricultural workers anywhere are the workers that produce the lowest value.
In the light of the above statistics no Filipino economist could be so stubbornly
skeptical as not to believe that Industrialization is the key to economic progress and that
an industrial economy like that of the United States or Britain should be our goal.
From the experience of all industrial countries we have learned that economic
progress requires the shifting of the major part of the people from the soil to industrial
pursuits. Rural development program must go on, but we must always bear in mind that,
as has been the case with other countries, increase in agricultural productivity and in
agricultural production can never hope to keep up with the growth of our population.
People in the rural areas should for their own benefit gradually turn to industry, for it is
there that they will find deliverance from an occupation which, according to the UN
Report I have already cited, for the greatest efforts gives the least returns to the worker
outside of domestic servants. It is disheartening to note that because of false propaganda
50
this is not yet fully understood amongst our people, due to the fact that our leaders have
been allowing themselves to be misled for a long time. It is only fair that they know the
truth, and it is for this reason that I decided to expose the defects of an agricultural
economy and the evils of a program designed to tie us down to such an economy.
Russia today, with all her undemocratic and godless ideology that we detest, is the
second industrial power in the world. Communist China’s amazing progress in this field
is nowhere denied. It must be on the basis of these facts that Toynbee predicted that
before the end of this century the major powers of the world would be China, the Soviet
Union, the United States, India, Germany and Japan, in that order. Why have Russia and
China progressed so fantastically in their economic development? Certainly not because
of their resources because they had those resources during their long period of economic
backwardness. Neither is it because of communism, since non-communist countries like
Britain, the United States, Germany and Japan had progressed just as fast. It must be
industrialization, their common denominator.
We must, of course, begin with industries which will use primarily raw materials
produced here, and will gradually fill the needs of our own local market, but heavy
industry - base metals, power and fuel, machine tools, machinery and chemicals ---
should not be ignored. For obvious reasons, heavy industry is the basis of any
industrialization, for it is heavy industry that insures greater potentialities for continued
increase in the production of consumer goods.
For our industrialization foreign capital is needed. But by foreign capital I mean
loans in the form of capital goods coming from foreign sources, not capital as
investments owned by foreign investors.
Time and again I have voiced my opposition to further direct investments here.
And my stand is based both on political and economic grounds. As a writer in the N.Y.
Times Weekly Review (Aug. 5, 1956) has well pointed out, foreign investment is closely
linked with political power, and “Economic independence may be far more important
than political independence. Hence the fear in some countries that foreign capital may
undermine their independence.”
Recently two distinguished Americans gave the same warning to the Filipinos.
One of them, who was here three months ago, Mr. John I. Snyder Jr., President of the
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“U.S. Industries Incorporated” said that: “The Filipinos should guard their patrimony
zealously and institute executive and legislative safeguards or controls against greedy
foreigners who want to acquire wealth quickly.” The other, James M. Langley, former
Chairman of the American panel that negotiated with his Filipino counterpart the revision
of the Bell Trade Agreement resulting in the Laurel-Langley Agreement, recently warned
that “it would be disastrous to local trade and commerce if too much foreign investments
were permitted to engage in industrial and commercial enterprises here.”
Although it must be admitted that there is need for dollars for the importation of
capital goods from abroad, it should not be overlooked that in any industrialization we
have to depend mostly on internal financing. The reason is obvious. For payment of
wages, which constitutes the bulk of the cost of production, and of raw materials locally
produced, we use our currency. We only need dollars or yens or pounds for foreign
purchases. I am afraid we have become unduly dollar-conscious as if our economy
depended under all circumstances on the dollar. That is, I believe, a mischievous error,
obviously inspired and fostered by those who will benefit from our continued dependence
on the dollar. It is, therefore, necessary to emphasize the fact that in any economic
development the chief instrument of the entrepreneur is the local currency -- the peso, in
our country -- and not the dollar.
In our historical archives there is no declaration of independence except that of
Kawit. But that independence was buried in half a century of foreign domination. When
we regained our independence in July 1946, we did not make a declaration for the
purpose; we were satisfied with a Proclamation issued by the American President, it was
the American concept, not ours, of Philippine independence that was placed in the
document: a grant, not an assertion of rights. We became officially independent in the
community of nations, but are we truly independent for instance, in the realm of foreign
relations, national defense, finance and economics? Shall we blame on others our own
shortcomings and complacency?
But we must not despair. A true national awakening shall doubtless come. The
ranks of nationalists cannot but increase; the collective conscience continues to grow; the
day of realization nears, because the moving finger continues to write. And someday this
nation will realize, and will shape in deeds, Mabini’s puissant and uncompromising
52
exhortation which just before the turn of the century: “Strive for then independence of
thy country because thou alone hast real interest in its greatness and exaltation, since its
independence means thy own freedom, its greatness thy own perfection, its exaltation thy
own glory and immortality.”
For our country today, industrialization and nationalism are twin goals. Indeed, they
are two sides of the same coin. Nationalism cannot be realized and brought to full
flowering without a thorough-going industrialization of our economy by the Filipinos
themselves. And you cannot have an industrialized Philippine economy controlled and
managed by Filipinos without the propulsive force of a deep and abiding spirit of
nationalism.
The propulsive force that will take us to our economic goal is nationalism. We
achieved political independence, or the restoration of our sovereignty as a people, by
asserting consciously, fearlessly, and unceasingly, our aspiration to become a free and
independent nation, until the foreign sovereign. power, America, finally agreed to the
restoration of our independent political status. In other words, we asserted the
prerogatives of our nationalism. Today, we are free politically, but we are far from free
economically. A nation that has been a colony for a long time cannot and does not, on
the day of its political independence, achieve simultaneously its economic independence.
But we have had ample time to be well past the first stages of the transformation, and we
would be so now were it not for the stubborn insistence of past administrations to cling to
the old system. That transformation can still be worked out by the people themselves,
under the guidance and inspiration of their leaders, through the stimulus of wise and
farsighted policies, perhaps with calculated sacrifices, and perhaps also with the advice
and suggestions of disinterested foreign friends. It is the people, through their leaders,
who must achieve economic freedom, or the change from a colonial pattern of economy
into an independent one. Only economic nationalism will enable us to achieve basic and
lasting solutions to our problems of mass poverty, unemployment, underproduction,
perennial trade imbalance, and misery and backwardness in the midst of rich natural
resources and abundant manpower.
My program of industrialization is a logical outgrowth of my stand on Philippine
Nationalism. Nationalism in the economic field is the control of the resources of a
53
country by its own people to insure its utilization primarily for their own interest and
enjoyment. Its political expression is independence and sovereignty, the desire to he
treated with respect by all other nations, and to decide, without bowing to outside
pressure, the most advantageous course of action for a country vis-a-vis these powers.
This political aspect of nationalism becomes a dynamic mobilizing force which insures
the realization of the economic objectives. In turn, the economic objectives lend practical
reality to the fight for sovereignty.
What does economic nationalism mean for us, Filipinos? Economic nationalism
means the control of the resources of the Philippines so that they may be utilized
primarily in the interest of the Filipinos. What course does this economic self-interest
indicate for the Philippines at the present time? I have demonstrated by means of facts
and figures that a raw-material exporting nation, that is, an agricultural nation, is always
dependent on a manufacturing nation. In any relation between the two, the industrial
nation is the gainer, the agricultural nation, the loser. This is implicit in the fact that we
export our raw materials cheaply, because we cannot use them as such; and we import the
finished products at high prices, because we need them in our daily lives. Clearly, under
this set-up, we are not in control of our natural resources for our best interest. But if we
industrialize, we shall no longer be at the mercy of manufacturing nations, and, in more
and more instances, as we thoroughly industrialize, our own people shall become the
beneficiaries of the values added to raw materials by the manufacturing process. There is
no question, therefore, that economic self-interest demands that we industrialize.3
The simple meaning that may be given to economic nationalism is a nation’s
aspiration, desire, and willingness to improve its material and cultural condition through
its own talents, resources, and sustained labor, and for the benefit of the whole national
community. Its mainspring is a strong sense of togetherness of the people in a common
desire to progress, to improve livelihood, to achieve worthy and noble things, to enhance
the good name, even the glory;, of the national community, of the country which is the
homeland, of the flag which symbolizes country and nation and the nation’s history and
ideals.
March 28, 1957; December 22, 1984
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and asks, “All right! Now who said that?” Again Dagohoy answers, “George Bush Sr. to
the Japanese Prime Minister during the state dinner, Tokyo, 1991.”
Now furious at being shown off as an ignoramus, another American student yells
to Dagohoy, “Oh yeah? Suck this!!” Dagohoy jumps out of his chair waving his hand
and. shouts to the teacher at the top of his voice, “Bill Clinton to Monica Lewinsky, the
Oval Office, 1997!!”
Someone shouts, “You little shit, if you say anything else, I’ll kill you.” Dagohoy
yells, “Congressman Gary Condit to Chandra Levy, Washington, DC, 2001!”
The teacher faints. “I'm outta here!” mutters one student as he sidles to the door.
“President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Baguio City, December 30, 2002, when she
decided not to run for the presidency,” Dagohoy responds.
As the class gathers around the teacher on the floor, someone says, “Oh shit, now
we’re really in big trouble!” “Saddam Hussein, on the Iraq invasion, Baghdad, May
2003!” Dagohoy bellowed.
“Now, I really have to run,” Jack mutters, heading for the exit. “Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo again, Pampanga, October 4, 2003, when she changed her mind about
running,” Dagohoy shouts triumphantly, jumping with glee.
February 25, 2004, DWBR-fm
learned, generate and destroy empires, inspire poets (not always witnesses to the truth),
and drive human beings to heroic sacrifices, intolerance, massacre, and the quest of
knowledge.” In the course of history, men have acted on beliefs not shared by others, so
that we must admit that for many, history has been largely the Theater of an Illusion. So
wrote Umberto Eco, Italian intellectual, novelist and essayist. And he provides many
examples.
The Ptolemic Theory of the sun revolving around the earth, evolved every
possible argument to compensate for the falsity of the image, inventing epicyles and
deferents, and even dividing the globe into parallels and meridian degrees that prove later
to be valid. But even Ptolemy knew the earth to be round, otherwise he wouldn’t have
divided it into latitudes and 360 degrees of longitudes; so did Erastosthenes 300 years
before Christ, and so did Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, Euclid and Archimedes. But still
the flatness of the earth persisted among Christians who argued that the earth is flat with
an arc that extends heavenward like a tabernacle – simply because they could not accept
the idea of antipodes on the opposite side of the earth where men walk with their heads
down and their feet in the air, hahaha. Columbus sailed west to prove that the world is
round, but he was wrong about the size of the earth. The sages of Salamanca who tried to
dissuade him from his quest, were more precise in estimating that the world though round
was vastly bigger than Columbus supposed and that Columbus was mad to
circumnavigate it. Though they were right, the sages of Salamanca were wrong; and
Columbus though he was wrong, faithfully pursued his error and proved to be right, for
between Europe and India lay a new continent. How fragile are the boundaries between
truth and error, right and wrong.
Another falsehood that changed history was the Donation of Constantine, a 1,600
year-old forgery supposedly written by Emperor Constantine giving the Catholic Church
dominion over the rulers of Europe. Without it there would have been no mortal struggle
for the Holy Roman Empire, no temporal power of the Popes, no Vatican state, no
Crusades, no Holy Inquisition. Also the forged Letter of Prester John, who supposedly
ruled a Christian kingdom in the Far East in the 12th century. Until the 17th century, the
Letter, generating a geographical fantasy, had a decisive importance in the expansion of
Christian West toward the Orient, including the travels of Marco Polo, and then to Africa
57
a Mercedes 100 diesel van. When I decided to buy a new sedan, my son Atom offered to
give me one of his Mercedes Benzes. My other son Danby said it was not worth owning
a Benz, the maintenance cost is astronomical, P26,000 to replace the rear view mirror,
P40,000 to make one window go up and down. Danby who owns a Porsche, BMW and a
Benz, recommended that I buy a Toyota Camry, the bestselling car and the most
carnapped vehicle in the USA.
When my cousin Atio Maramba retired in IFC/World Bank, he had a Benz, a
Pajero and a Camry which he wanted his children to take over; everyone of them wanted
the Camry. My balae, Zosimo Angeles swears the Camry is the best car he ever had, and
after 9 years, he replaced it with another Camry. My son’s partner, Dennis Villareal says
the Camry is the best buy for the amount he paid. My cousin Tony Oppen has a Bentley
and several Benzes, but it is the Camry he uses most of the time. Discovery Channel
discussed the merits of the 3-series BMW, the C-Class Benz and the Toyota Camry, and
came to the conclusion that of the three the Camry is the most reliable, the best-priced,
and the cheapest to maintain. With less power (who needs power on city streets?),
“Camry had all the features of German cars at discounted prices.”
And I bought the Camry, a damn good car, and I have no reason to regret it.
August 4, 2003
The Long March was the retreat of the Red Army of 90,000 soldiers in the face of
the "Final Extermination Campaign" by Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang Armies of nearly
a million men. Under the advice of German generals von Seekt and Falkenhausen, with
brilliant new tactics, the Kuomintang was able to decimate the 180,000 strong Red Army
in positional battles around towns and cities. Inevitably the Red Army lost, and after
suffering all but complete catastrophe, the Communist Central Committee decided to
leave control of the remains of the Red Army and its much shrunken base of operations to
a young man by the name of Mao Zedong.
With forces reduced to 90,000 man, with the enemy almost completely encircling
them, Mao's army had to face surrender --- or retreat which would have to be speedy,
secret, and in itself a running battle. Mao decided on retreat, and on October 16, 1934,
the Red Army with scanty supplies, abandoned their hard won base in Kiangsi Province
and started out on a strategic retreat which came to be known as the Long March.
A year later on October 25, 1935 when Mao Tse-tung and his army reached their
goal, the city of Yenan in Shenshi Province far in the northwest of China, the Red Army
was reduced to less than one twentieth of its original strength, from 90,000 to 4,000 men.
Their main route covered more than 6,000 miles, but with all the twists and turns, tactical
backtracking, and circumventions, very many units were to travel twice that distance.
That is like walking the whole distance from Aparri to Jolo seven times back and forth,
sick, scared and hungry, and being shot at every step of the way!!
Mao's Army marched 368 days, more than a year; crossed 18 mountain ranges
much higher than the Cordilleras; forded 24 rivers including the great Yangtze River;
crawled through icy mountain peaks with its blinding snowstorms, deep gorges and
ravines and towering cataracts, steaming jungles, dank forests, quicksand-filled marshes;
fought a skirmish somewhere along the way once a day; and fought 15 major battles each
as terrible as the Battle of Bataan. They passed through 12 provinces, each as large as the
whole Philippines, and eluded, tricked, or defeated Kuomintang armies numbering from
300,000 to 500,000 men, while breaking through the local forces of ten different
warlords. They marched through aboriginal territories in which no Chinese army had
been seen for centuries.
In Chinese, the Long March is translated as Chang Cheng. But the word Chang
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also invokes a meaning of immortality. Indeed it should be, because the Long March was
to be one of the greatest triumphs of men against all odds and over nature --- greater even
than the march of Xenophon's ten thousand Greeks in 401 B.C. from their defeat in
Babylon to the shores of the Black Sea as recorded in Anabasis. Compared to it,
Hannibal's crossing of the Alps, and Napoleon's Russian campaigns, even Hitler's retreat
from Moscow seem like barrio fiestas. (more tomorrow)
It may surprise our generals to know that the Chinese also had their perennial
Muslim problem --- with the Chinese Muslims, fierce and fanatical, intermittently
warring against Chinese governments for centuries in defense of their rights and native
customs. Mao knew as he approached the Muslim territory, that if the Muslims were not
to attack en masse his weakened troops, they would have to be won by man-to-man
contact and personal examples of good conduct on the part of his troops. Mao issued a set
of rules:
1. Mosques and priests must be protected. Do not enter Holy Places. Do not stick
posters on the side of mosques.
2. Never eat pork, horse or mule in a Muslim house.
3. Leave Muslim women alone and never enter their houses.
4. Do not interrupt religious services.
5. Do not use Muslim baths.
6. Wash your hands before taking water from a Muslim well and never throw
water back into the well.
7. Call the Muslims "Old Compatriots" or "Old Cousins", but never use any term
of disrespect toward them.
8. Never mention pigs in front of a Muslim. Never ask them why they do not eat
pork or what goes on in their mosques.
9. Never drink or smoke in a Muslim house.
10. Explain to everyone the party's policy regarding the national minorities.
build, to labor, to dream, if we will ... the time to fight, to bleed, to die, if we must ... in
order to link a glorious past with an equally glorious future.
When we learn the lessons of the Long March and realize that behind the stout
heart of a leader is the soul of a poet, a source of strength and inspiration, then surely as
God is in his heaven, we Filipinos shall overcome and will at last prevail.
October 11-14, 1999, Philippine Post
GOLD
in everything from pocket computers to washing machines. Gold plated connectors are
used in expensive audio equipment. And gold wires are used in every computer chip.
Space shuttles are lined with gold-brazing alloys to reflect heat, building windows,
temples and lunar modules are lined with gold foil to reflect heat and act as radiation
shields. And of course for centuries gold was used in dentistry to cap teeth and fill in
cavities, and used as adornments in jewelries, watches and what-nots, and stored in
government bank vaults as gold reserves to guarantee the value of paper currency.
Gold, gold, gold. There are 140,000 tons of gold existing as of the year 2001.
The biggest government depository of gold is in Fort Knox in the United States. The
country with the biggest store of gold is India, where it is used as a store of value for
savings and investment. The biggest user of industrial gold is Japan, the premier
producer of electronic products. The largest producer of gold jewelry is Italy. The most
expensive gold coin in the world is the US Double Eagle, minted during the depression
and never circulated because the US went off full Gold Standard. It has a face value of
$20, but is worth $7.59 million in the open market, since only ten of this coin exists in the
world. The World Cup Soccer Trophy is 32 centimeters high and is made of solid 18-
carat gold. The oldest gold jewelry was a necklace from the Sumer civilization between
the Tigris and the Euphrates Rivers in southern Iraq, made 5000 years ago. The most
famous piece of gold is the face mask found in the grave of the boy-king Tutamkamen of
Egypt who died 3,500 years ago. Gold, gold, gold.
sapphires, one carat being equivalent to about 200 milligrams. But for gold it has come
to be used as a measure for purity where pure gold is defined as 24 carats, and 18 carat
gold has a purity of 18 parts out of 24. The Romans started this practice when they
designated a silver coin called Siliqua, as one twenty fourth of the value of the gold coin
Solidus which is about one Keration of gold or one gold carat. Gold purity is also
measured in terms of “fineness” or parts per 1000, 18 carats being equivalent to 750
fineness or 750 parts per thousand.
Who owns most of the world’s gold? If we take national gold reserves, then the
most gold is owned by the USA, followed by Germany and the IMF. If we include
jewelry then India is the largest depository of gold in terms of total gold within the
national boundaries. If we make all the gold ever produced into a thin wire of 5 microns
diameter, or 5 millionths of a meter, the finest one can draw a gold wire, then all the gold
would stretch around the circumference of the world astounding 72 million times.
Gold is one of the heaviest metals on earth, with a density of 19.32 grams per cc
(cubic centimeter). A small cube of pure gold measuring 37.27 centimeters or 15 inches
on each side, will weigh one metric ton. Gold is priced per “troy ounce” which is equal
to 31.1 grams. The official price for gold is dictated daily by the London Exchange and
is presently quoted at $353 per troy ounce. Unscrupulous Chinese traders weigh the gold
they sell in terms of “avoirdupois ounce” which is lighter (28.35 grams) than the troy
ounce (31.1 grams).
Up to the Nixon years in the 1970s, the price of gold was pegged at $32 per troy
ounce, the price at which the United States government guaranteed the worth of the
dollar, under the gold standard. Based on this guarantee, the governments of the world
accumulated dollars instead of gold in their foreign exchange reserves, and the dollar
became the universal currency in the postwar world, its worth guaranteed by America’s
mighty economy.
The Americans printed a lot more dollars than it should and bought 32 percent of
the world’s resources with overvalued dollars. All of a sudden in the 1970s, President
Nixon got the USA off the international gold standard. And the price of gold spiraled
from $32 to $400 per ounce, and the value of the dollars in the hands of nations and the
people plummeted down to less than one tenth of its original value. Who lost? The
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dollar owners of course. Who benefited? The gold owners of which the USA had the
biggest national reserves.
Nobody ever dared accuse the US government of cheating. But that is what it did.
It robbed the world of nine tenths of the value of the dollars it accumulated in exchange
reserves and personal accounts. The Americans are cheaters, there I said it. And they did
it by flooding the world with overvalued dollars, buying assets cheap, and then
withdrawing the guarantee of its worth in terms of gold. All governments do the same
thing in a lesser way by overprinting currency, by budget deficits and inflation.
quoted from London, at present $353 per troy ounce minus a little percentage for
processing. Beware of unscrupulous traders who offer more money based on the
avoirdupois ounce which is 9.7 percent smaller in weight than the troy ounce. Empty
your drawers of scrap jewelry, old watches, false teeth and coins – one lady was able to
get P100,000 for her junk.
Money, money, money! In Spanish, money is called dinero, how come we call it
pera?? There is an interesting story to this. In 1833, when Fernando Rey or King
Ferdinand of Spain died, his baby daughter Isabella was declared queen with her mother
as regent. In 1843, Isabella, now 13 years old, was declared legally of age, and assumed
the crown as Isabella II. Throughout her reign, the money circulated in the Philippines
bore her likeness in gold coins (denominated in P4, P2 and P1) and silver coins (10 and
20 centavos). Apparently Isabella II was unpopular, for she and the money bearing her
likeness were called The Bitch, or female dog, and eventually she was ousted in 1868.
Her money continued to circulate till the American Occupation. Isabella II died in 1904.
In Spanish, a dog is called Perro, and a female dog is Perra. That is how our money was
called Pera, which another name for Puta or Bitch, which Isabella and her money was
known. Tom Taylor, our gold expert showed me a collector’s gold coin minted in 1862
with the likeness of the Bitch, with the markings “Isabel 2, Reina de las Españas
Filipinas, por la G de Dios y la Const.” It is mint-fresh and is part of an aras of four
coins bought by a rich Chinese for his daughter’s wedding. It is worth P8.000; but one
minted in 1867, being rare, costs P700,000.
January 27-29, 2003
DEBUNKING HISTORY
They have through the centuries from the French Indian Wars to the recent
imbroglio over Iraq in the United Nations managed to alienate the French from the
Americans – by stressing their Anglo Saxon blood kinship – despite the fact that the
American Revolution was partly inspired by the French Philosophers and France gave
America General Lafayette and financed 1/15 of the cost of the American Revolution
against England, and then gifted them the Statue of Liberty, the symbol of the American
dream and destiny – while the United States had to fight two wars (1776 and 1812) to get
rid of the pesky British..
Recently the Discovery Channel on the Cable Network featured episodes of
“battle detectives” to debunk many a historical myth. By looking at original historical
records, by close examination of the battlefield, by forensic evidence of the dead, these
scientists were able to reconstruct the events of long ago and the truth of what really
happened. They were able to convincingly debunk the British myths surrounding the
defeat of the Spanish Armada, the Battle of Agincourt and the Charge of the Light
Brigade.
Take the defeat of the Spanish Armada. In the 1500s, the Spanish Empire was at
its height, its treasure ships constantly harassed by English pirates (euphemistically called
privateers) with the tacit approval of Queen Elizabeth I. Finally King Philip II of
Catholic Spain, in 1588, with the blessings of Pope Sixtus V, undertook to invade
Protestant England with a mighty fleet of ships called the Spanish Armada. It consisted
of 130 large ships, manned by 7,000 sailors and 17,000 soldiers. The English had 197
ships mostly small vessels manned by seasoned sailors.
It was, according to the English myth makers, Sir Francis Drake’s dash and fire
that largely turned the scales. Drake was given carte blanche by Queen Elizabeth to
“impeach the provisions of Spain.” The year before, with a fleet of some 30 ships, he
showed that her trust in him had not been misplaced. He stormed into the Spanish harbor
of Cádiz and in 36 hours destroyed thousands of tons of shipping and supplies, all of
which had been destined for the Armada. This action, which he laughingly referred to
“as singeing the king of Spain's beard,” was sufficient to delay the invasion fleet for a
further year, according to British historians
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But the resources of Spain were such that by July 1588 the Armada was in the English
Channel. In a mighty sea battle, the English credited their victory on a new super-cannon
called “Calveran” so powerful that can shoot 600 yards at zero elevation.
Yet despite the maneuverability of English ships, and close combat, the result was
a stand-off. The Flagship of the Spanish Duke of Medina was hit 200 times but did not
sink. The super-cannon was tested by Discovery Channel and found to be extremely
unreliable. It couldn’t even hit a large target at point blank range (150 yards).
The English withdrew because they ran out of ammunition. The Spanish Armada,
still largely intact, decided to go back to Spain via a long route to the north of the
Channel, east towards the Atlantic, then south along the Irish coast on the way to Spain.
Then “the Winds of God blew,” so that half Spanish fleet was wreaked on the
Irish Coast. Drake was England’s hero, achieving a popularity never to be equaled until
Horatio Nelson emerged 200 years later. The actual truth is that, by examining weather
records of tides and storms the Discovery Channel concluded that it was the “Gulf
Stream” with its treacherous tides that drove the Spanish ships aground – the existence of
which was never known till 500 years later. Francis Drake never touched a single
Spanish ship. The myth of the Spanish Armada is British bullshit.
Once more unto the breach, dear friends, once more, / Or close the wall up with
our English dead. / In peace there’s nothing so becomes a man / As modest stillness and
humility; / But when the blast of war blows in our ears, / Then imitate the action of the
tiger; / Stiffen the sinews, summon up the blood…/ For there is none of you so mean and
base, / That hath not noble luster in your eyes. / I see you stand like greyhounds in the
slips, / Straining upon the start. The game’s afoot! / Follow your spirit, and upon this
charge / Cry “God for Harry! England and St. George!”
The Battle of Agincourt on October. 25, 1415, marked a decisive victory of the
English over the French in the Hundred Years’ War. To the English it is the greatest
battle ever fought when King Henry V’s ragtag army of commoners invaded Normandy
in France, and “outnumbered 20 to one,” conquered a grand French army of well-armed
aristocrats. Not really 20 to one. Henry’s original army of 11,000, wasted by disease and
casualties at Harfleur, was reduced to a mere 5,000 archers and 900 men at arms, when
he faced a French Army of 30,000 in Agincourt, most of them mounted knights in heavy
armor. The French outnumbered the English 5 to one, still an overwhelming advantage.
The battle turned out to be a disaster for the French under the constable Charles I
d’Albret. . The constable himself, 12 other members of the highest nobility, and 6,000
men (some 1,500 knights, and about 4,500 men-at-arms) were killed on the French side,
while the English lost less than 450 men – a casualty ratio of 13 to one.. The English had
been led brilliantly by Henry, who vastly outnumbered, achieved one of England’s
greatest battlefield triumphs, a victory that changed the face of Europe for generations to
come. Shakespeare’s play Henry V is a timeless classic, overflowing with action, passion
and majesty.
History records that the victory was achieved with a new English weapon, the
long bow with arrows tipped with iron points, the equivalent of the “machine gun” of the
time because it’s arrows were easier to load than those of the crossbow, with longer range
and enough power to penetrate the heavy armor of the French. Discovery Channel’s
“battlefield detectives” in its series on Unsolved History, debunks this claim, by
demonstrating the use of the long bow arrows tipped with iron, which failed to penetrate
the French armor made of steel, even at point-blank range.
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The spoils of war at the time were captured nobles held prisoners until ransomed
by their families. The French nobles at war fully expected to kept alive for ransom, but
the common English yokels were bloodthirsty cut-throats with no such regard for the
niceties of war. They simply massacred the French, even when they surrendered.
were easily slaughtered by the English, who unencumbered, were wielding axes and
swords.
But the deciding factor was the size and shape of the battlefield terrain. The
French unwisely chose a battlefield that funneled into a narrow frontage of only about
1,000 yards of open ground between two wooded areas. In this cramped space, which
made large-scale maneuvers almost impossible, the French virtually forfeited the
advantage of their overwhelming numbers.
The battlefield detectives demonstrated what happens to a thick crowd in a
football stadium funneled into narrow entrances and exits; a few persons stumble and the
entire crowd fall down like dominoes. That is what happened to the French in Agincourt.
At dawn on October 25, the two armies prepared for battle. Three French
divisions, the first two dismounted, were drawn up one behind another. Henry arrayed
his men in a dismounted line, the dismounted men-at-arms in three central blocks linked
by projecting wedges of archers, and additional masses of archers formed forward wings
at the left and right ends of the English line
Henry’s long-range archery provoked the French into an assault. Several small
French cavalry charges broke upon a line of pointed stakes in front of the English archers.
Then the main French assault, consisting of heavily armored, dismounted knights,
advanced over the sodden ground. As more French knights entered the battle, they
became so tightly bunched that some of them could barely raise their arms to strike a
blow.
At this decisive point, Henry ordered his lightly equipped and more mobile
English archers to attack with swords and axes. The unencumbered English hacked down
thousands upon thousands of the French, and thousands more were taken prisoner, many
of whom were killed on Henry’s orders, because his force is too small to handle large
numbers of prisoners. The French nobles fully expected to be kept alive for ransom as
the spoils of war, but English commoners were cut-throats who massacred them without
mercy even when they offered to surrender. The English had been led brilliantly by
Henry, but the incoherent tactics of the French contributed greatly to their defeat.
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to relieve them overslept and arrived three hours late. The Russian were observed
carrying off three captured field guns when Lord Raglan gave the order to the Light
Brigade to disrupt them. The final order became confused, however, and the brigade, led
by Lord Cardigan, swept down the valley between the heights rather than toward the
isolated Russians on the heights. The English charging in the valley between two heights
commanded by Russian guns, were massacred, according to official accounts.
But that account is inaccurate, said Discovery Channel. Judging from the 2,000
meter battle run in the valley and the positions of the Russian guns, the cavalry charge
could not have lasted more than 7 ½ minutes before the English got out of the line of fire.
The Russian guns could not have fired more than 70 shells, and not so accurately because
the valley was blanketed by gun-smoke. And the casualties? Out of 608 cavalrymen,
40% or 243 was supposed to have perished. Not true, reconstructed records show that
only 102 or 17% were killed; 56 were taken prisoners, and 450 or 74% were able to
return to England to bask in the glory of Tennyson’s poem written a year after the battle.
The Charge of the Light Brigade is nothing but British bullshit.
given a hero’s burial at West Point. His heroic Last Stand against all odds, to the last
man and to the last bullet against savage bloodthirsty Indians, became legend.
What is the real truth? Battlefield detectives in “Unsolved History” series on
Discovery Channel, visited the site of the massacre, and scoured the field with metal
detectors and found two kinds of bullet cartridges on the ground – one fired from the
army issue 1873 Springfield carbine, a single shot designed for deadly and accurate fire
up to 700 yards away – and the other fired by the Henry hunting rifle, which is lever
operated rapid fire. By the location of the bullets, Custer’s men were armed with the
single shot carbine and the Indians were armed with the rapid fire rifle. The Henry rifle
can fire 13 rounds in the same 20 seconds that the Springfield rife can fire only 3 rounds.
Thus the Indians were better armed in close combat. There were many more bullet
cartridges on the Indian positions. Custer’s men were overwhelmingly outgunned.
The US troopers followed the rules of skirmish to the letter, dismounted in threes
while a fourth man held the horses, thus one fourth of the force did not really participate
in combat. The Indians were professional hunters, each taking initiative in attacking with
stealth and taking advantage of every situation, armed with axes and knives, and mounted
on horses. In close combat, the troopers suffered ghastly wounds from stone axes that
must have caused trauma and pain beyond endurance. The Indians simply rode into their
formations and mowed them down. Custer’s men were overwhelming outfought.
The legendary 7th Cavalry brigade was pictured to be made up of the pick of
American manhood. Official records revealed that they were only 21 years old on the
average, many of them as young as 16. Their skulls show that they were poor
immigrants, with bad teeth and diseases resulting from bad diet. They were in a bad
condition, tired after riding all night. The Indians were in a better shape and in better
condition to fight than Custer’s men were.
Did Custer and his men really fight bravely? Close analysis of the cartridges
showed that the cavalry men were bunched up, while the Indians were upon them from
every side. Many troopers were shot at the back while fleeing in fear and panic. At the
site of the so-called Last Stand, Custer’s men could not load their carbines properly,
many unfired bullets were scattered on the ground. We can only grieve for men who
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desperately tried to push the cartridge into the chamber while being hacked by axes. The
so-called Last Stand lasted less than a minute.
Custer’s assignment was to protect railway surveyors and gold miners
encroaching on Indian territory, doing so by killing women and children in a surprise
attack on Chief Black Kettle’s village on the Washita River. Custer’s death was avenged
when the Indian leader Sitting Bull was killed while he was helpless in Army custody.
Indians were defending their homes and families. In an age without heroes, the Indians
were perhaps the most heroic of all Americans.
March 1-5, 2004
AIR POLLUTION
CNG-based engines by April 2001. Four months later, in August 2001, Delhi had the
largest fleet of CNG buses in the world. In that year it increased from 900 to 6,811; and
by August, 2002, there were 10,234 buses, 5,973 taxis and 43,156 tricycles using CNG.
The cases filed by M.C. Mehta and decisions made by the Supreme Court of New
Delhi were a first in world jurisprudence, where public policy was initiated by a private
individual and carried to its full realization through exercise of judicial activism by public
service minded justices. And history can be rewritten again in the Philippines, where our
judiciary system allows this procedure.
Other countries have tried to push for the use of CNG by either making diesel and
gasoline prices higher, and/or by providing various incentives for the use of CNG.
However, this has proven ineffective due to pressure from business, especially the owners
of public utility companies; and due to lack of political will to resist pressures. CNG is
not universally used because of the lack of refueling stations.
In the Philippines, mandating public vehicles to use CNG would provide an
instant market that would make viable setting of refueling facilities in existing gas
stations. At the same time, the instant market for CNG would make full use of our vast
natural gas reserves (one to three trillion cubic feet) from Malampaya in Palawan. The
gas is now being moved through an undersea pipe line from Palawan to Batangas, ready
for use as an alternative fuel to diesel for buses and trucks, to gasoline for taxis, jeepneys,
motorcycles and tricycles, and saving for the Philippine economy ten of millions of dollar
exchange. The Shell Exploration is offering to sell its natural gas at 30 to 40% less than
the equivalent price of diesel fuel. The Asian Development Bank and the Development
Bank of the Philippines are willing to subsidize the conversion of diesel and gas engines
to the use of CNG. Without the political complications of passing legislation, we utilize
our natural gas resources, phase out the obsolete jeepney system, clean our air and free
our population from respiratory ailments.
paper submitted in the 8th National Clean City Conference in Oklahoma City, on May 14,
2002, it was reported that the annual average of particulate pollution in New Delhi in
1987 was 539 micrograms per cubic meter, in 1998 went down to 390 micrograms, and
in 2001 further down to 179 micrograms per cubic meter. In contrast, the particulate
pollution in Metro Manila, lower than in Delhi, started from 180 micrograms per cubic
meter in 1987, increased to 275 in 1995, and slid back to 180 micrograms per cubic meter
in 2001 – it hardly changed between 1985 and 2002.
In an independent study submitted to the World Bank in 1998, data taken from the
United States shows that the use of compressed natural gas instead of diesel, showed a
reduction of 58% to 97% in pollutants, to wit:
Emissions Benefits of Replacing Conventional Diesel with CNG in Buses
Fuel Carbon Monoxide Nitrogen Oxides Particulate Matter
Diesel 2.4 g/km 21 g/km 0.38 g/km
CNG 0.4 g/km 8.9 g/km 0.012 g/km
% reduction 84% 58% 97%
Conversion kits to convert diesel engines from compression ignition to spark
ignition, are available in the market, plus installation, from approximately US$833 to
US$1,000. The only change needed in a gasoline engine, is the substitution of CNG
pressure tanks for gas tanks, and slight adjustment air/fuel ratio in the carburetor. "Slow"
fill (up to 8 hours) and "quick" fill (3 to 5 minutes) are available for CNG. Latest world
statistics estimate the number of vehicles using CNG to be 2,814,438, and the number of
refueling stations to be 6,455.
The Henares family who joined Victor Agustin in filing this petition are Hilarion
M. Henares Jr., former Chairman of the National Economic Council, his son Alfredo
”Atom” L Henares, businessman, and his grand children Enrique “Quark” Belo Henares,
Palanca Awardee and movie director, and Cristina “Cristalle” Belo Henares, student, all
of whom suffer respiratory ailments because of the pollution of Metro Manila.
The pollution in Metro Manila is primarily due to vehicular traffic. Of the 1.3
million vehicles registered in Metro Manila as of 2001, a full 44% or 572,000 are utility
vehicles (jeepneys, taxis and vans), 14% or 182,00 are motorcycles and tricycles (of
which 75% have two-stroke engines, the biggest contributor to pollution) and 5% or
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65,000 are buses and trucks. Most of these 819,000 vehicles may be affected by a
judicial order to convert all public utility vehicles to the use of CNG.
The fight to rid Delhi of pollution started with the imposition of a deadline with
the expectation that the government would take care of the implementation. The
movement had its ups and downs, mostly due to opposition and sabotage by franchise
operators, and inaction and incompetence of government agencies insistently asking for
postponement of deadlines. Finally on April 5, 2002, the Supreme Court of India put all
arguments to rest with finality, and intervened to tell the government itself how it
implement its order. The Philippines following the same road map and taking a lesson
from India’s experience may easily jumpstart and leapfrog to achieve the same result is
very much less time.
June 24-2003, DWBR-fm
If one were to look at the Earth through a spectroscope from outer space, the
radiant energy from the Internet and the web of communications covering our planet
would make it glow like a resonant sphere of light, like a bright new star in the heavens.
of the light. So as the brightness increases, its average color also inches up the spectrum.
The global iridescence changes its dominant hues. If it were a rainbow, the center of
intensity would move from red through green to violet.
Ultimately this radiant light of the Internet will run most of the commerce of
the world. In fact more value will move by resonant light than by all the world’s
supertankers, pipelines, 18-wheeler trucks and airships put together. Yet all these
frequencies, visible on the spectroscope in space, are invisible to you.
The Internet is a cloak of many colors for the communications of the world, but
human senses can grasp none of its tints and spangles. The 400 terahertz of visible light
are absent in the links. On the ball of the Internet frequencies the only light visible to you
sparkles in the billion phosphorescent spots where there is a computer or TV screen.
The Internet is a network of networks of learning curves and melodies
seeking their points of harmonic resonance. It triumphs by proliferating the slopes
of learning, the songs of searching, the quests of curiosity that are at the heart of
wealth creation. The Internet offers a near-zero impedance environment to innovation.
It offers a promise of new freedom and prosperity to the poor of all nations. The crystal
cathedrals of light and air are increasingly reachable anywhere on the face of the earth,
eroding the power of tyrants, bureaucrats and monopolists, linking us to the global
communities of mind and liberty.
Yet turn off the spectroscope and the Web is as invisible as the life of the
mind and the laws of liberty that sustain it and which it sustains. Although the
sphere of light spans the globe and rises to 23,000 miles up in the sky, it appears to
us humans as a single point of light on a cathode ray tube rastering back and forth
60 times a second and tricking our eyes to see a single image.
It is the brightest star in all the universe.
Boldly explaining the passage from the age of guilds and crafts to the age of mass
manufacturing, he showed than the factory workers of the industrial age were not twice
or even 10 times more productive than craftsmen were, but 5,000 times more productive.
A key reason that specialized workers can produce so much more is their faster process
of learning. Each worker has to master only one part of the process, does it more
frequently and therefore accelerates his learning.
In the time of Adam Smith, the workers could not gain the five-thousand fold
increase in productivity without coming together in a single factory in a single time, to
accomplish which, one must have scarce and costly capital and organization.
Imagine today through the Internet Web, oceans of capital flowing readily across
borders, and the cost of equipment based on microchips and glass fiber threads
plummeting down to less than one dollar for every million instructions per second.
Imagine that any worker can collaborate with other workers, not in a single time and
place, but anytime, anywhere in a virtual web throughout the world.
This is a measure of the meaning of the light of the Internet in our time. The
nodes of creative effort could summon their five-thousand fold magic increase in
productivity at will, in minutes rather than in years.
Rising up with little overall planning or guidance, the Internet raises again the
riddle faced by every sophomore physics student: the rise of civilization in the face of the
law of rising entropy. The Second Law of Thermodynamics defines a property called
entropy, a measure of how close a system is to equilibrium, or a measure of the disorder
in the system. It states that the entropy of an isolated system can never decrease.
In the Internet, there is the message and the carrier signal that carries it. The
entropy is the measure of “unexpected bits,” the only part of the message that bears
information; it is also the measure of “unexpected bits,” breakdown or defect that inflicts
the carrier system. By eliminating the entropy from the Net, you increase its ability to
carry information.
In the old days there was initial waste in the setting up of factory equipment and
regimented workers. Today the high entropy of heavy manufacturing is transformed to
nearly costless shuffle of photons and electrons.
In the old days when a complicated set of instructions were needed to operate the
85
ARMOR PLATING
It is infinitely worse when gunmen invade your private space, your sanctuary,
your house where you and your family ought to feel safe and secure from the rest of the
world. Few armed men can invade your house. They can only do so if they are
welcomed into your home as friends, or as trusted servants, or those in cahoots with your
domestic help.
You have another private space and sanctuary, an extension of home sweet home,
and that is your car. The car is the worst place to be when there are sworn enemies
planning to kill you. Your enemy can observe your car movements from afar, and find
out the routines you are bound to do day by day. He can riddle your car with bullets
when you least expect it – while you’re backing out from your driveway, or on a lonely
street or a stretch of highway, at a time and place of his own choosing. In doing so, he
can indiscriminately kill anyone inside the car as well, your driver, your wife, your
children. Then in a fast motorcycle that can squeeze through traffic or a stolen car with
stolen license plates, he can escape easily before the police can even pursue him. The car
is the most dangerous place especially for politicians with murderous political rivals, and
especially between now and the time of elections in May, 2004.
How do you protect yourself and your family from assassins who riddle your car
with bullets? Well, you can buy yourself a war tank plated with special steel that can
resist 50 caliber machine guns and rocket propelled missiles, or have your car armor
plated with the same kind of steel. Or you can buy a Ford BPS vehicle, BPS the initials
for Ballistic Protection Series. Or you can buy NEW Hummer H-2 series of cars made
by General Motors. Or you can have the armor-plating done by a company from Utah,
USA, the same company which armor-plates the Ford BSP armored cars and the General
Motors Hummer armor plated H-2 models. This company is the International Armoring
Corporation of America, and it has ten years’ experience protecting the cars of business
leaders, religious leaders, government officials, and diplomats in over twenty countries –
Afghanistan, Iraq, Israel, Egypt, Indonesia, Nigeria, Mexico, Colombia, Brazil, India,
Russia, Turkey and many other nations. It has manufacturing facilities in the United
States, Mexico, Brazil, Ecuador, Israel, El Salvador and Argentina. It is a tribute to our
welcome to foreign investment (hahaha) and to the level of violence that is inflicted on
our population that the International Armoring Corporation of America has chosen our
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their new Hummer H-2 models. Furthermore, the company was the recipient of the 2001
United States Chamber of Commerce Award for manufacturing technology, and also
Utah’s 2002 Best Business Award, and in addition, the 1999 Blue Chip Award for
technological advancement. The International Armoring Corporation of America
continues to revolutionize the armored passenger vehicle industry with continuing
improvements to its proprietary armoring materials.
With the use of its patented armoring material Armormax, the company maintains
the original performance of the vehicle without weighing it down too much, or interfering
with its normal operation. In addition it also incorporates the Elitus Overlap System in its
process, to seal off all ballistic gaps within the hinges of the vehicles and prevent
penetration by deadly fire in those weak areas.
The Armormax composition is, pound for pound, ten times more resistant to
bullets than conventional ballistic steel, and weighs up to 60 percent less for the same
level of protection. It is the best car armoring material in the world, and is used in the
cars of the richest men in twenty countries.
extreme hot and cold climates. In addition, it also incorporates the patented Elitus
Overlap System, by which all the ballistic gaps and weaknesses of the vehicle are sealed
off and protected from penetration by bullets.
International Armoring Corporation of America has the capability of giving
protection to all kinds of cars and vehicles, according to established specifications. It can
provide National Institute of Justice NIJ Level III-A protection against 9mm and 44
magnum bullets. It can when upgraded, provide up to NIJ Level V protection against M-
16-SS109 and M16-M193 Armalites, the M-14 and Garand 30.6 caliber bullet fire, and
even from the excellent Russian made AK-47, and the Israeli Kalashnikov assault rifle. It
can provide protection for SUVs and sedans including the Nissan Patrol, Ford
Expedition, Ford Excursion, Chevrolet Suburban, Chevrolet Tahoe, Nissan Cefiro,
Toyota Camry, Mercedes Benz and BMW sedans. The company can also armor plate
other vehicle makes and types according to specified requirements.
With the advent and rise of kidnapping incidents, bank robberies and political
assassinations, the International Armoring Corporation of America, through its local
subsidiary, the International Armoring Corporation of the Philippines, strives to bring
peace of mind to the people of the Philippines and Asia, especially those threatened by
vendetta and death threats. All Malacañang vehicles, especially those ridden by the
President should be armor-plated. The same should be done for important cabinet
members, especially Bayani Fernando, Mike Defensor, and Lito Camacho, who attract
the most controversies. Also the head of the BIR Guillermo Parayno and the Customs
Chief Tony Bernardo, and their personnel. All legislators, congressmen and senators
alike, especially House Speaker Jose de Venecia, Reps. Mark Cojuangco, William
Fuentebella, Gilbert Teodoro and all those who signed the impeachment papers, as well
as those who opposed it, Senators Joker Arroyo and Kiko Pangilinan. Also Presidential
candidates Ping Lacson, Raul Roco, FPJ and Gringo Honasan. Above all, we urge the
richest and most powerful men in the country to armor plate their cars – Bulletin’s Emilio
Yap, San Miguel’s Danding Cojuangco, Fortune Tobacco’s Lucio Tan, Metro Bank’s
George Ty, Sta. Luisita’s Peping Cojuangco, Universal Corn’s John Gokingwei, the
Madrigal Family, RCBC’s Alfonso Yuchengco, Jaime Zobel de Ayala, the Ortigas
family, SM’s Henry Sy, ABC’s Tony Boy Cojuangco, Ch. 2’s Gabby Lopez, Rustan’s
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Tantoco family – all these rich men deserve to be protected from kidnappers and armed
robbers.
about the same gauge as a car body. Both are 5 inch square in area. The conventional
steel material is half as thick as the IAC Armomax, but it weighs twice as much (3
pounds) as the Armomax (1 ½ pounds). Presumably they are both at the same level of
protection. The International Armoring Corporation of America (IAC) is the premier
designer and manufacturer of armored passenger vehicles in the world. It was founded in
1993 in Ogden Utah, USA, with the main objective of producing the finest, the most
technologically advanced armored passenger vehicles in the world. With the advent of
lightweight synthetic armor laminates and molded armored to fit the vehicle rather than
modifying it to fit the armor, IAC quickly moved to the forefront of the industry, setting
standards that few have been able to reach. IAC has produced over 2,000 vehicles in its
first seven plants around the world. Each vehicle IAC produces adheres to the strictest
standards. Each level of protection and type of armor is independently tested. When is
vehicle is built by IAC certified technicians, three goals are kept in mind constantly.
First, IAC armors the vehicle according to the perceived threat including doors, pillar
posts, roof, floor, all window areas, lateral panels, etc. Second, with proprietary designs,
IAC maintains the original appearance of each vehicle. Both inside and out, these
vehicles have that original look. Third, with the use of it registered armoring material
Armormax, IAC maintains the original performance of the vehicle. IAC’s armor is
the lightest and most ballistically resistant armor in the industry.
Level V protects against M-80, M-16/193 and .308 Winchester FMJ, with projectiles
from 45 to 150 grains, traveling at 2,750 to 3,250 feet per second. And Level VI protects
from 30.6 caliber Perforante and Garand with bullets weighing 166 grains, and traveling
at 2,850 feet per second.
How does the IAC armor your car? Well, first, the trained personnel weigh and
strip your car. Second, all original window glass are removed and replaced with ballistic
transparent glass and polycarbonate laminates that match the original glass with no
optical distortion. Third, all operable door windows are made to operate normally.
Fourth, all posts and sail panels are armored with molded Armormax. Fifth, Each door is
armored with molded Armormax to the perceived level of threat. Sixth, the entire
passenger compartment including the roof is armored with Armormax. Seventh, Elitus
Overlap System is placed around door windows and hatch openings, to seal off the weak
spots. Eighth, the floor is armored with molded Armormax to protect the underside of the
car. Ninth, the gas tank is sealed against gas explosions. Tenth, the wheel hump is
given armor protection. Eleventh, a Run Flat device is installed in each wheel so that
the vehicle can still drive off even with a flat tire. Twelfth, there is optional armor for the
hood. Thirteenth, also optional is a siren/ public address system / intercom system.
Fourteenth, the vehicle is re-assembled, weighed, tested and given an IAC Certification
that it has been armored to the level of protection desired.
The General Manager of the International Armoring Corporation of the
Philippines is young Mr. Dennis Oliva, a neighbor of mine in Dasmariñas Village,
Makati. You may get in contact with him at his office address, phone and e-mail address.
His office is located at 181 Katipunan Avenue, Quezon City 1105, Metro Manila,
Philippines. His telephone number 995-0477 and 995-0647, office cell phone 0917-812-
0727, and e-mail address iac@mydestiny.net. The company’s main website is
www.armormax.com in the Internet. For those interested in securing car armor
protection, be informed that the process is labor intensive and requires 2 months to finish
the job. So make your order early. Price is about $75,000 converted to pesos at current
rate. Terms are usually half the price down and the balance upon inspection and delivery.
For multiple installations, special terms may be discussed. Government jobs may be a
little more expensive due to the inherent risks of delay or non-payment. Political
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candidates are given priority especially during the electoral season. Also given priority
are those subject to threats of kidnapping or assassination.
The company is prepared to serve the needs of the entire Asia-Pacific region.
November 17-21, 2003, DWBR-fm
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verifiable golf association is the Honorable Company of Edinburgh Golfers, which date
back to 1744. And the oldest and most famous golf course is the Royal and Ancient Golf
Club at St. Andrews, Scotland, treeless but fringed by impenetrable grasses into which a
golf ball can disappear.
The great golf writer Herbert Warren Wind once put it this way: “Of all the games
man has devised, supposedly for his enjoyment, golf is in a class by itself in the anguish
it inflicts.” And that’s from someone who loved the game. Those who don’t play
sometimes can’t even see the point. Winston Churchill, for example, compared golf to
“chasing a quinine pill around a cow pasture.” Despite its reputation as an exquisite form
of self-torture — or a waste of time — this venerable sport has undergone a remarkable
explosion in popularity.
Robin Williams has video clip on the Internet that gives a hilarious account of the
origins of golf, using the word fuck 15 times in 3 minutes. I cleaned up his act a bit.
This is what he said:
***
If you want a linguistic adventure, go drinking with a Scotsman, ‘cause you can’t
understand them at all. You land in Scotland, the first thing a Scotsman does is to drag
you into a goddamn bar.
Here have a glass of piss, laddie.
And you realize how drunk they get -- they could wear a skirt and not care! And
they’ll tell you how they invented a sport like golf.
Now, laddie, here’s my idea for a goddamn sport. You knock a ball in a gopher
hole.
Oh, you mean like pool?
Hell no, not pool! Not with a straight stick, but with a little crooked stick. You
whack the ball and it goes into the gopher hole.
Oh you mean like croquet?
Hell no, not croquet! I put the hole hundreds of yards away! You have to whack
it straight or it falls into a goddamn ditch.
Oh, like a bowling ditch.
Hell no. Not like that, not there. I put shit in the way, like trees and bushes and
97
high grass, so you can lose your ball! And can go on whacking away, whacking in the
grass! Whacking away, and each time you miss, you feel you’re gonna have a stroke!
Hahaha! A stroke! Shit that’s what we’ll call it! A stroke, ‘cause when you miss, you
feel like you will goddamn die! Hahaha.
Oh, this is the better part. Oh, this is brilliant. Right at the end, I’ll put a little flat
place, with a little flag to give you goddamn hope! But then I’ll put a pool of water and a
sand box beside it to fool with your ball again! You’ll be there thrashing your ass,
jacking away in the sand, hahaha! And the ball falls into the goddamn water, hahaha!
Thrashing your ass!
And I’ll do this just one time?
Hell no! Eighteen goddamn times!
April 22, 2003
***
In the midst of the cement jungle that is Liwasang Bonifacio, with lumbering
elephants disguised as buses, and growling tigers disguised as jeepneys, devouring
masses of humanity, shines a sanctuary of culture called the Metropolitan Theater.
Here at the Met I brought my first date and forgot to kiss her because I was so
absorbed with the movie As You Like It by Shakespeare, with Elizabeth Bergner as
Rosalind and a very young Laurence Olivier as Orlando.
Here during the Japanese Occupation, Lamberto Avellana's Dramatic Philippines
staged the world's best plays, translated into Pilipino by Francisco ``Soc'' Rodrigo:
Cyrano de Bergerac (translation still available), The Monkey's Paw (Paa ng Kuago), even
Hamlet.
Even then, the Met was already losing the battle with movie houses belonging to
the Rufinos on Rizal Avenue and Escolta. Destroyed during the war, it was rented to
Danny Aguinaldo's companies for office space, became a boxing arena, and was invaded
by squatters.
***
Rebuilt to the elegance it was during Quezon's time, it is now under Conching
Sunico, who dispenses culture with the battle cry ``Save the Met!''
Here at the Met, we were treated to a musical extravaganza only Conchita Sunico
could have conceived and executed -- a four piano concert by four of our greatest concert
pianists: Rowena Arrieta, Raul Sunico, Rene Dalandan, and Corazon Pineda Kabayao.
And Jeffrey Ching who together with Fabian Obispo composed four-piano music for the
occasion.
There they were, so young, so talented, sparkling with confidence and verve,
gleaming with their Colgate smiles. And there in the front row were my wife Cecilia,
Pearl Doromal, myself, Mel Gamboa, Imelda Sarmiento, Ramona Cabrera Ferrer and TV
idol Raymund Lauchengco. All so good-looking.
“By God!”' King Doromal was moved to exclaim, “with the possible exception of
Dante Santos and Dick Romulo, we Filipinos are a handsome race.”
The four pianists, kings and queens in their own right, humbly submerged their
personalities into a harmonious whole, and brought forth a performance greater than the
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This is Larry Henares making your day, saying good day, God bless you and
thanks for being with us. Till next time, hasta la bye bye.
January 8, 2003, DWBR-fm
can understand a young generation being turned on at first and for a short while by his
sexual gyrations on stage, but it was all so fake and badly acted that I do not understand
why it didn’t eventually turn them off. In spite of all the pelvic activity, he never seemed
very masculine.
I have heard people who claim to have known Elvis Presley, speak as if he were
some kind of misunderstood intellectual. They talked about his depth of character. Was
that when he was on drugs or off them? I didn’t know he had any character, let alone
depth. He seemed weak and ineffectual. If he had any opinions, he kept them hidden.
Did he vote? If so, for whom? Was he philosophically liberal or conservative?
Elvis Presley made 33 movies that were memorable only because they were so
bad, they were hard to forget. This was partly because he was often under the control of
tasteless, money-grubbing managers, agents and friends. He was manipulated like a
boxing champion who made millions of dollars but couldn’t count.
The circumstances of Presley’s death were as mysterious as his success. No one
seems to know for sure what he died of. Pictures of him before his death show him
looking like a bloated, overweight marshmallow.
Other than that though, I liked Elvis.
August 8, 2003, DWBR-fm
well. No American has been able to do one. We all doubted if Quark could pull it off,
but he did.
I have not laughed so much since the 1949 film, Kind Hearts and Coronets, a
peerless black comedy of a cast-off member of a titled family setting out to eliminate all
his relatives. Sir Alec Guiness played the role of every one of the eight victims, male and
female, old and young, and made a name for himself as one of the greatest actors of all
time. Sir Alec Guiness did it again in 1955, this time with the incomparable Peter
Sellers, in the movie The Ladykillers, a droll black comedy of not-so-bright crooks
plotting to kill a seemingly harmless old lady. I thought I would never see the likes of
such a comedy again, till I saw the movie Keka, written and directed by my grandson
Quark Henares, a Carlos Palanca Awardee before he was 20 years old.
Keka is Theater of the Absurd, with the story line mostly carried by a stream of
consciousness from the main actors, talking at the camera to no one in particular. The
mammiferous sex star, Katya Santos, was surprised to learn from her director that she
was not to take off her clothes, that she was to carry out her role purely by acting. Wow,
she was definitely better as an actress as she could have ever been as a sexpot.
Wendell Ramos, playing opposite her in Keka was better than he was in Quark’s
first movie, Gamitan. Little surprises illumine the story line, as delightful as those ever
made by director Ernst Lubitch (Ninotchka, Shop Around the Corner)
– the doctor performing the autopsy on the victim and describing vividly how he
died, choked by vomit, which he proceeded to taste to see if it was poisoned.
– a badly acted scene between the son of Mark Gil and his girlfriend which turned
out to be a TV novella.
– the TV director Quark Henares giving his star the dirty finger.
-- the detective musing about his new love in front of the only audience who
would listen, jailbirds in the hoosegow
-- a hilarious song-and-dance performed by Keka, her past and present boyfriends
and the five victims whose deaths she sought (life, she said, is not like a movie)
– detective Jason (played by Wendell) arresting the murderess Keka, pointing a
gun at her, and caressing her with words of love, while her intended victim asks “What
the hell is going on?” and was told to shut up
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– and the movies’ end with the obligatory clinch by hero and heroine, surrounded
by armed policemen pointing guns at them, while the show-stopper line is muttered by
Keka, “It does not really matter how my story ends, love conquers all.”
I hate to boast, but this grandson of mine, Quark Henares, is a superb storyteller,
with a penchant for original story-line twists that tickle your funny bone, while making
you cringe at the horror of it all. Charlie Chaplin was a genius that can make you laugh
and cry at the same time. Quark Henares is a genius who can make you laugh and horrify
you at the same time. This picture is one of the best film comedies I have ever seen.
August 18, 2003
A couple of jokes
Just to break the monotony, today we will tell you a couple of jokes. The first one
is from Ron Hontz from Pennsylvania by e-mail.
It's a beautiful, warm spring morning and a man and his wife are spending the day
at the zoo. She's wearing a cute, loose-fitting, pink spring dress, sleeveless with straps.
He's wearing jeans and a T-shirt.
The zoo is not very busy. As they walk through the ape and gorilla section, they
pass in front of a very large hairy gorilla. Noticing the girl, the gorilla goes ape (No pun
intended). He jumps up on the bars, and holding on with one hand (and 2 feet), he grunts
and pounds his chest with his free hand. He is obviously excited at the pretty lady in the
dress. The husband, noticing the excitement, thinks this is funny. He suggests that his
wife teases the poor ape some more.
The husband suggests she pucker her lips, wiggle her bottom at him, and play
along. She does, and Mr. Gorilla gets even more excited, making noises that would wake
the dead. Then the husband suggests that she let the straps fall to show a little more skin
and cleavage. She does, and Mr. Gorilla is about to tear the bars off his cage. “Now try
lifting your dress up to your thighs and sort of fan it at him,” he says.... This drives the
gorilla absolutely crazy and now he’s doing backflips.
The husband then grabs his wife, rips open the door to the cage, flings her in with
the gorilla, and slams the cage door shut. “Now, tell HIM you’ve got a headache.”
Hahaha, Tell HIM you’ve got a headache!
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I remember how my wife used to tease me to the point of no return, only to tell
me she has a headache. Every wife does that to her husband. Hahaha.
***
The second joke is something I cooked up for Erap Estrada for his presidential
campaign. He loved it, it’s better than any joke Reli German has plagiarized and
published. And it is really original. Here it is:
Erap Estrada decided to improve his status among the Filipino people. What
better way, he said, than to get himself another wife, this time a real princess. So he went
to the oil kingdom of the Middle East and asked for the hand of the king’s daughter.
The king told him. “Erap, in this country, you just do not ask for the hand of my
daughter. You have to prove yourself worthy of her.”
“What would you have me do?” asked Erap.
“First, we put you into a room with three lions, and it is your job to pull out all the
teeth of each lion. That is to show your courage and your strength.
“If you survive that, we put you in another room with three beautiful women.
This time you have to make love to those women, after another, over and over again till
they fall faint from sheer exhaustion. This is to prove your stamina and capacity for
loving.”
“Shucks, that’s nothing. I used to do those tricks in the movies. Lead on.”
And so first, Erap was put inside a room with three lions. The doors were closed,
and for a whole hour, one could hear Erap shouting and the lions roaring.
Suddenly silence. The doors opened, and there stood Erap bloody but unbowed,
and there in a corner lay the three lions all unconscious.
Erap thumped his chest, “I’m good, I’m good, I’m good,” he trumpeted, “I did it,
I did it, I did it!”
And then he added, “Now, where are those three women whose teeth I have to
pull???”
Hahaha.
May 19, 2003, DWBR-fm
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MICHAEL BUBLE
doting grandfather who kept telling him to learn and sing his favorite songs, “Please
indulge your grandfather who is about to die of old age,” he would say. Michael wryly
remarked, “I am fortunate my grandfather kept dying for 13 years. He is now 79 years
old, still dying and still asking me to sing the songs of his youth. My only regret is that
he no longer is strong enough to travel and attend all my concerts abroad.”
Michael Buble’s grandfather is a plumber. Now in the United States a plumber
makes more money than a factory worker. The factory worker is trained to do repetitive
tasks, which does not take much skill. On the other hand, a plumber or a master
mechanic is trained to trouble shoot and fix things that do not work, and that takes a lot of
initiative, knowledge and intricate skill. In the Philippines this is not fully appreciated
and plumbers and mechanics are paid less that factory workers are.
Well, Michael grandfather promoted his grandson’s career by promising to fix the
plumbing of anyone who gives him a chance to sing on the stage, on radio and on
television. Thus Michael’s career prospered and whole areas of Hollywood and New
York had excellent plumbing for years. If his grandfather could still travel, Manny
Pangilinan’s bathroom would be in excellent shape. He invited Michael Buble to have
two concerts in the Philippines.
more than Gary Valenciano could prosper by being billed as an imitation Michael
Jackson.
But Michael Buble did a make a good impression nonetheless. He did sing
Sinatra songs, not the way he did in his CD record, but jazzy without a Big Band. He
sang with Martin Nievera (whom Paul Anka asked him to look up) Sinatra’s For Once In
My Life, and sang solo such Sinatra favorites as Come Fly With Me, All of Me, The Way
You Look Tonight, but the only time he really sounded like Frank Sinatra was when he
sang for his grandfather, his favorite song You’ll Never Know, and his song for a new
Album, My Funny Valentine.
Michael Buble was at his best in the concert when he sang a Bob Darin favorite,
Mack The Knife, and Bee Gee’s immortal How Can You Mend A Broken Heart? He
brought the house down with the remark, “People asked me if I wrote my own songs.”
The boy is certainly young and fresh and extremely good-looking, though by
America standards, like his friend Martin Nievera, he is a trifle short in stature. He still
does not have Sinatra’s ability to hold a high note till kingdom come, or Sinatra’s
uncanny ability to weave in and out of the melody without missing a beat. But Michael is
still very young. Give him time. He will learn.
There is plenty of time in his later years to develop a style and reputation of his
own. But as of today, before our generation and that of his grandfather become extinct,
we beg Michael Buble to give us back our Frank Sinatra, our wonderful Frank Sinatra --
who was there for us in the morning of our youth, in his Dorsey years, a great voice
sharing our hopes and dreams, our joys and sorrows -- who was there for us in the high
noon of our lives, in his Capitol Years, sharing our loves and triumphs in the sunlit
uplands of our middle years -- and who was there for us in the evening of our lives, in his
Reprise Years, his thoughts turning to last hopes and remembrances and wishing as we
do for a better and more peaceful world. Give us back our Frank Sinatra, Michael.
I hope someday someone would suggest to Michael Buble that he give people like
me and his grandfather an evening of Sinatra songs, sung exactly the way Sinatra sang
them – The Song Is You, Stardust, All The Things You Are, My Way, New York, New
York. For that is exactly the reason I and many of his Filipino fans attend his concerts –
to recapture the remembrance of things long past and past forgetting – when the world
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was young, and safe from AIDS, weapons of mass destruction and pre-emptive wars –
when Frank Sinatra was The Voice, the idol of the Bobby-Soxers and the first Superstar
of the airwaves, enduring for 60 glorious years till the end of the 20th century.
October xx, 2003
SOLOMON SAPRID
1. Saprid, Then, Now and Forever, by Patrick Caoile and Vic Salta
Solomon A. Saprid once wrote that it is a rare privilege to be an artist. Such gift
can only come from God perhaps to make this world a more colorful and pleasant place
to live in. Art is almost life itself and you need not be an artist to know that it is part of
the daily activities-both social and domestic. Art is a visual statement of one’s feelings, a
mirrored reaction to personal and national issues and a way of sharing an artistic creation
with others who appreciate it.
We, Patrick Caoile and Vic Salta, met Mang Sol on August 24, 2003 with such
thoughts lingering in our minds, at the Marikina Museo ng Bato restaurant together with
Christine Caoile, Ogie and Cherie Pasicolan. The Museo is a Spanish era house that
traces its roots with the family of Ms. Cherie Pasicolan. Food was great and the company
was even greater. Mang Sol, artist, sculptor and painter-was born on March 13, 1917 in
Imus, Cavite. He started as a scientific illustrator in water color for the Bureau of Plant
Industry and then textbook illustrator of children’s books for the Bureau of Public
Schools. After a brief stint with the government, he joined the private sector initially
with the Audio Visual Department of the Federation of Christian Churches and then as
professor of Communication Arts of the University of the East. Formal art studies was an
abbreviated one semester at the University of the Philippines but he completed his M.S.
in Education at the Ohio University (1954). While in the U.S., he visited the various
museums such as the Metropolitan Museum and the Museum of Modern Art. ***
Saprid returned to his teaching job at U.E. and started joining the various art
competitions, starting with the “Sad Christ”, his entry at the 1967 Art Association of the
Philippines sculpture competition. His first commissioned work was St. Joseph, the
Worker at the Malate Church. He depicted St. Joseph mainly as a worker, succeeding by
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making him an Asian (rather than the typical Caucasian looking) and putting forth his
Protestant up bringing. With his earnings from his first major work, he bought a lot in
West Riverside SFDM where he built his home. His work GOMBURZA across National
Museum in Manila was a major turning point in his life as an artist. He became a full
time artist while completing this work. Throughout his four decades of constantly
developing his skill, his craft and his love of his art, Mang Sol has recurring themes- (1)
mother and child, (2) tikbalang, (3) Don Quixote, (4) nudes, (5) folk dance, (6)
merchants, (7) still life fruits and flowers.
The authors asked him after the paella and the lengua setas and while having
coffee at Cherie Pasicolan’s home, why the recurring themes? Mang Sol’s answer was as
simple as it is profound. Because he was perfecting his craft and his art with every time
he does his recurring themes. He constantly experiments and even tries new or a
different medium. Always it is with loving joy, the toil of a worker, perhaps another St.
Joseph, the Miracle Worker. And while the themes and motifs are recurring, each work
of art is likewise unique and has its own story to tell. Born on March 13, 1917, Mang Sol
died on September 25, 2003 at the age of 86, after undergoing an operation, on the very
day he planned an exhibition of his works at the Artistree Fine Art in the Art Center in
the Edsa Plaza. This then is Solomon Arevalo Saprid, then, now and forever, a painter
and sculptor who deserves to be our National Artist.
Francisco painting, even just a small one, and told him to look one for me. For which I
am willing to pay P50,000.
He smiled and said, “What a coincidence! I think I have one in my car.”
We went to his car, and he showed me a pencil sketch of two people fighting with
arnis, a preliminary study by Botong Francisco for one of his murals. “My God,” I said,
“that is exactly what I wanted. How much is it worth?” Oh, Solomon said, “about
P80,000.” I whipped out my checkbook, and said, “To whom do I make it out to?”
Solomon smiled and said, “Kung pera ang pinag-uusapan, hindi bali na. This
painting is not for sale. It is yours for free.” I could not believe my ears. “Free? As you
crazy?” Solomon put the painting back in the car, saying, “Kung ayaw mo, di huwag!”
No, no, I said, “I accept.” The painting of Botong is still in my possession. My
friend Anding Roces later told me, “My God, Sol came from my house where I gave him
that same painting!” Anding is here, we have come to a full circle.
Later, my classmate AurelioMontinola Jr. fell in love with Cecilia’s two statues of
The Fisherman, and offered to buy one of them. Politely we refused. So he went to
Solomon Saprid to commission another Fisherman. Solomon Saprid told him that Cecilia
gave him the original idea, and that he promised to sell her all other Fisherman statues he
made.
Aureling and Solomon came to the house to beg Cecilia to allow Aureling to buy
one, arguing that a Fisherman in the Montinola Collection which was open to the public
would enhance all the other Fisherman statues in our possession. Cecilia being an astute
art collector and businesswoman, readily agreed. That is how Aureling got his
Fisherman.
Cecilia died in Paris in 1993. Solomon the painter gave me a painting of a nude,
and I bought a second one.
Then one day he came to the house and presented me a sculpture of a scorpion, a
conversation piece in brass, with a head that looks like a penis and somewhere a
depiction of a vagina.
For me? I exclaimed. No, Solomon replied, “I made it for Cecilia, because she
was born on November 22 under the sign of Scorpio. But it was so bastos, I did not have
the nerve to give it to her. Well, Larry, knowing your penchant for sex, now that Cecilia
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LIFE IS BEAUTIFUL
himself – is determined to protect the innocence of his son. His protective powers will
soon be tested to the full. In 1945, he is arrested with Giosue and transported to
Auschwitz. (Dora, not being a Jew, escapes the round-up but insists on boarding the train
with her family.). The heartbreaking power and beauty of the ensuing scenes owe much
to Benigni's sense of humour and their mirroring of earlier moments of hilarity and farce.
Pretending that the journey is a holiday trip and Auschwitz a resort much coveted by
travellers, Guido invents an elaborate game to keep Giosue hidden from the guards: the
inmates are all secretly competing for a prize, to be awarded at the end of their stay when
the winner is decided. The boy is still young and trusting enough to believe his father, but
old enough to sense that some kind of deception is being practised. It is an amazing
performance from the child: He looks simultaneously happy, puzzled and frightened, and
it is a measure of Benigni's skill that we fear as much for his innocence as we do for his
life.
Like Chaplin, Roberto Benigni understands the power of laughter as a weapon:
the fact, well known to politicians, that although those in authority can survive hatred and
contempt, nothing can survive ridicule. Once you become a joke, you are finished. In his
bold and triumphantly good film, Benigni treats the Holocaust as a joke: not, of course, as
something funny in itself but as something to which humour, the ultimate weapon, is a
legitimate and rational response. So long as the Holocaust is seen as merely horrific –
Benigni is telling us – there will always be those who can come to terms with it; worse,
there will be those who deny it. But as soon as it looks ridiculous, it loses something of
its hateful power, its evil fascination. Or at least we must hope so.
uses slapstick pratfalls, social commentary, and gentle satire to create a touching tale of
love.
April 29-30, 1999, Philippine Post
WORDS
measure of devotion – that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in
vain – that this nation under God shall have a new birth of freedom – and that
government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the
earth.
Lincoln was wrong in saying that his Gettysburg Address, ignored by the
newspapers at the time, would be little noted nor long remembered by the world. This
speech will live long after the Battle of Gettysburg is forgotten.
Four centuries before Christ was born, a Roman General named Julius Caesar
captured Gaul for the Roman Empire, and reported back to Rome: Veni, vidi, vinci! I
came, I saw, I conquered. The people of Rome wanted him to be their Emperor, but a
group of Roman Senators led by Brutus, fearful than the Republic of Rome was in danger
of being destroyed, assassinated Julius Caesar who cried out as his good friend Brutus
stabbed him, Et tu, Brutes, then fall Caesar.
Later, Caesar’s friend, Mark Anthony came upon the dead body of Caesar, and
swore, in Shakespeare’s deathless words: “O pardon me, thou bleeding piece of earth,
that I am meek and gentle with these butchers. Thou art the ruins of the noblest man that
ever lived in the tide of times. Woe to the hand that shed this costly blood! Over thy
wounds now do I prophecy (which like dumb mouths do ope their ruby lips to beg the
voice and utterance of my tongue): a curse shall light upon the limbs of men. Domestic
fury and civil strife shall cumber all parts of Italy. Blood and destruction shall be so in
use and dreadful objects so familiar, that mothers shall but smile when they see their
infants quartered by the hands of war. All pity choked with custom of fell deeds, and
Caesar’s spirit, ranging for revenge with Ate by his side come hot from hell, shall in
these confines with a monarch’s voice, cry ‘Havoc!’ and let slip the dogs of war, that this
foul deed shall smell above the earth with carrion men groaning for burial.”
Words, words, words, how many times were such words repeated, at the death of
Jack and Bobby Kennedy, of Martin Luther King, of Mahatma Gandhi, of Rizal and
Ninoy Aquino?
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Ninoy Aquino – not they whose bright promise was cut short by an untimely death. The
greatest Filipino is one who lived to a ripe old age of 70 years, who left behind a body of
work that analyzed our national problems and prescribed solutions that are still relevant
and true today.
His name is Claro M. Recto, and his words are his legacy. He spoke of our need
for nationalism industrialization, and an independent foreign policy. He spoke of
McCarthyist elements among us rushing to fight Russia and China after the United States
had a détente with them. Exactly they way are fighting the Arabs and our own Muslims
because Mother America wants us to.
He warned that as a small nation we must not involved with the quarrels of the
great powers, that in doing so, we may be plunged into a surrogate war, awaiting
“liberation,” as we were during World War II. He spoke of being the target for the first
volley of nuclear warfare. And he ends his speech with one of the greatest perorations
ever made, like the closing of great cathedral doors:
“Let not Macaulay’s traveler from New Zealand exploring the spectral ruins of
Manila in the course of his post-atomic war peregrinations, and cautiously testing the
radioactive waters of the Pasig, from the broken arches of the Quezon Bridge, have cause
to ponder that in those shattered tenements and poisoned fields and rivers once lived a
nation unique in the annals of mankind, free men who put their liberties on the auction
block, a sacrificial race with a mysterious urge to suicide, who, being weak and
weaponless took upon themselves the quarrels of the strong, and having been warned of
their abandonment still persisted in their lonely course, and whose brutalized and
monstrously deformed survivors, scrambling with stunted limbs in the infected debris of
their liberated cities, had forgotten even the echo of the memory of the strange illusion
for which their race had fought and perished.”
Recto’s words still ring true in our time and place. Read, my dear friends, and
you multiply yourselves a million times fold, an heir to the riches of the mind and to the
common heritage of man.
December 1-2, 2005, DWBR-fm
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LANI MISALUCHA
like a pig to please their audience, she sings it cool and easy, with not a drop of
perspiration to mar her brow.
What really distinguishes Lani Misalucha from many others is her dignity and
touch of class, something that reminds us of Kuh Ledesma long ago, without Kuh’s
coldness and distance. It may be said of Lani that she does not belong to her audience,
but that the audience belongs to her. She does not belong to the mass audiences that
often drag celebrities down to their level of notoriety, their tendencies towards dropping
out of school, fornication and sex scandals, their invasion of everyone’s privacy, their
prurient tastes, money-grabbing, fondness for public feuds and petty quarrels, and
penchant for cheating to get undeserved credit.
No, she does not belong to her audience. Rather, the audience belongs to her
because she treats them with respect and dignity, elevating them to be the best that they
could be. I can never forget when she appeared on the stage of the Music Museum for a
concert for the Mabuhay Deseret Foundation, for the benefit of indigents afflicted with
physical deformities, such as crossed-eyes, club foot, and harelip, with her entire
repertory of talents that included Gerard Salonga, musical director, the Session Band,
Noisy Neighbors back-up singers, singer Jed Maddela, plus the revered Manila
Philharmonic Symphony Orchestra – all of whose services are rendered free, gratis et
amore – and sang for an audience who paid as much as P5,000 per ticket. She raised
over a million pesos, plus a donation of two million pesos more to match it from abroad,
a total of P3 million to pay for over 1,200 operations that will change forever the lives of
poor Filipino children with physical deformities.
Imagine Lani Misalucha on the Broadway stage singing as the dying Grizabella,
on the eve of her resurrection, her voice weak at first, and then gaining in strength to a
stirring heart-wrenching finale that moves us to tears:
Memory. All alone in the moonlight/
I can smile at the old days,/ I was beautiful then./
I remember the time I knew what happiness was,/
Let the memory live again.
Daylight. I must wait for the sunrise./
the nasal voiced, pouty lipped and sexy Zsa Zsa Padilla (Hiram) and the high-pitched
Asia’s Songbird, Regine Velasquez (On The Wings Of Love). She is the only singer who
could imitate such well-known performers and do it well, amidst guffaws and thunderous
ovation, and in the words of aficionado Melquiades Gamboa, “she improves on some of
them.”
Lani Misalucha sings kundimans like the great Celeste Legaspi. She sings
Broadway musicals like Mary Martin. She sings modern pop songs like Mandy Moore.
She sings opera like Grace Moore. Oh, I must tell you of her concert in the San Agustin
Church Gardens in Intramuros, with the entire 60 man San Miguel Philharmonic
Orchestra and Master Chorale under the baton of Ryan Cayabyab, singing for the Bantay
Bata charity organization of Gina Lopez.
Lani enthralled the audience singing Nessun Dorma, an operatic aria that is part of
the repertoire of Luciano Pavarotti, and then captured their hearts by joining as soprano,
three opera singers, Jojo Velasco (bass), Julie Ann Hernandez (alto) and Frederick de
Santos (tenor), and the orchestra and chorale to render the Choral Finale of Beethoven’s
greatest work, the Ninth Symphony in D Minor.
Lani Misalucha is indeed a singer for all the seasons – kundiman, Broadway,
modern pop, opera – not only for the discriminating hifalutin, but also the baduy crowd
of the hoi-poloi, not only for the Filipinos but for the foreigners as well. She is probably
the most sought after singer in the concert circuit, filling up the rafters of the Hard Rock
Café, the Greenbelt On Stage, the Tent at Fort Bonifacio, the Aliw Theater at the Star
City, Discovery Suite and the Araneta Coliseum, as well as SRO performances in Cebu,
Bacolod, Davao, Pampanga and everywhere in the country.
Then there are her concerts in New York, Washington, Chicago, San Francisco,
Los Angeles, Las Vegas, Reno, San Diego, Atlantic City and Hawaii. In other countries
too, in Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and this year in the Middle East. Also
performances before King of Malaysia, Sultan of Brunei, President S. R. Nathan of
Singapore and Presidents Erap Estrada and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.
According to her manager Ronnie Henares of Prime Line Inc., Lani above all is
focused on the Lord and her family – her husband Noli, unassuming, supportive and very
wise; her two children who are ever protected by a veil of privacy; her parents and her
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siblings. She belongs to a musical family: her mother and elder sister, May, sing songs;
her father plays the piano; her youngest sister, Karlyn, plays the violin – while Lani
Misalucha reigns supreme as Asia’s Nightingale, a world-class universal singer.
July 21- 23, 2003, DWBR-fm
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Ateneo, they were forced to reconstitute their school records and student lists in
Montessori and Assumption, before they can be registered.
My secretary Flory Suaverdez delivered fraternal twin boys on May 13, 1971.
Upon Baptism she named them Samuel and Sandro, with nicknamed Sammy and Sonny.
However, the Certificate of Live Birth, filled in by the midwife, indicated only the
nicknames, Sommy (misspelled) and Sonny. You’d be appalled to find what problems
this mistake caused 30 years later. In school and at work, they used their formal names
Samuel and Sandro, but much later they found that they could not get their passports or
get their professional licenses as an engineers unless they changed their names to Sommy
and Sonny. Finally their mother Flory, who brought the twins into the world without
their consent and at her own pleasure, finally decided to go to court to change their names
back to the original ones she choose. It took her a year to do it
My bookkeeper Analie Espi could not take her CPA exams because her
Certificate had two versions, one issued by the Local Registrar spelled incorrectly as
“Analle” and another from National Statistics spelled correctly as “Analie.”
January 13, 2003
crafted in Sheffield, England, with hard crucible steel in the 18th and 19th centuries. The
forerunner of the modern safety razor, a steel blade with a guard along one edge, was
made in Sheffield in 1828.
In 1903 an American named King Camp Gillette wanted to make “something that
is used and then thrown away, to keep the customers coming back.” So he invented a
disposable “thin double-edged steel blade placed between two plates and held in place by
a T handle” – which enjoyed great popularity as a safety razor till the last quarter of the
20th century.
Then the Gillette company developed the sensational twin-blade embedded in a
disposable plastic, which gave a closer shave by pulling the hair from its roots with the
first blade before cutting it with the second. By the time the millennium began, Gillette
extended the principle to make the triple-bladed safety razor – which my grandson Quark
Henares uses today with erratic results.
Well, what is the use of being a grandfather, if I could not pass on my knowledge
and experience to my grandchild? Not to worry, Quarkie, every teenager nicks his face
often while he shaves. And the reason for it lies in the condition of the blade and the
manner and placement of the blade as it is dragged across the face.
First, you must realize that a fresh new blade is very very sharp and will wound
your face practically upon contact. So never never change the blade until you have used
it for at least two months. A new blade is not only expensive, it is lethal, and will only
begin to be really safe after a week’s continuous use.
Second, always drag the blade perpendicular to your skin, never in a sideway
motion which actually slices your skin. This habit you acquire only after long practice.
An inexperienced teenager might slide the blade sideways without thinking.
Third, please be aware of the difference between the standard twin-blade and the
newfangled triple blade. The twin blade is made like the original safety razor, like a
garden hoe or rake which cuts the hair like a scythe. The triple-blade is laid back and is
used like a lawnmower cutting grass. Use the twin-blade, it is more manageable.
Fourth, do not use a foamy shaving cream. I use soap instead so that I can see and
feel what I am shaving. The hairs do not grow straight up, they lean at an angle in all
directions. The trick is to direct the razor blade against the acute angle of the hair, not the
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obtuse angle. This means feeling over the skin with your fingers to determine the best
direction from which to cut the hair. You cannot do that with the damn shaving cream
obstructing your view and your feel.
This is a rite of passage you need to survive, Quarkie. And you will.
July 29, 2003
There used to be durian festivals in Davao, in Thailand, and other places, where
durian is offered free to friends and visitors. No longer. Because the Japanese acquired a
taste for this exotic fruit, it has become expensive. There was a time you can buy durian
at P1.50 to P2.00 per kilo. Today you have to pay as much as P400 per fruit, or P60 to
P80 per kilo. Most are exported to Japan, where the Japanese pay top price.
I was having lunch with my aunt Tita Nuning and cousin Tony Oppen in the old
house in Calle Roberts, dining on a piece of steak bigger than a plate, when suddenly at
the end of the meal, they brought out a large Tupperware container full of frozen durian.
“Have you ever tasted durian?” they asked. “No,” I said, “I understand it smells awful.”
Well, said Tony, “Taste it. The first time you will like it. The second time you
will love it. The third time you will become incurably addicted to it.”
Well, I had a slight cold and an impaired sense of smell, so I was able to endure
having to eat durian. Besides I had an appointment with some Indians from New Delhi,
and I figured this is as a good way as any to get back at them for eating Garam Masala, a
combination of pepper, pumin, pumeric, cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, and curry, that
ferments in their stomach and gets under their skin, then escapes out of their sweat pores,
and makes them smell like an unwashed goat. Anyone who ever sat beside an Indian
during a long airplane ride, will know what I mean. Maybe durian will even up the score.
Durian is served with its seed, and separating the meat from the seed is an art.
With a spoon and fork, you slightly wound the seed, break the cover and peel off the
meat. Nothing like it in the world, it tastes like nectar from the Gods, ambrosia from
heaven. One spoonful and I was addicted for life. The first time I ate 4 pods, the second
time, 8 pods, the third time 12 pods. It is the nearest thing to nirvana and heaven.
December 12, 2003, DWBR-fm
Let's say it's 6:15 p.m. and you're driving home (alone of course), after an
unusually hard day on the job. You're really tired, upset and frustrated. Suddenly you
start experiencing severe pain in your chest that starts to radiate out into your arm and up
into your jaw. You are only about five miles from the hospital nearest your home.
Unfortunately you don't know if you'll be able to make it that far. What can you do?
You've been trained in CPR but the guy that taught the course did not tell you how to
perform it on yourself.
How do you survive a heart attack when you are alone? Many people are alone
when they suffer a heart attack. Without help, the person whose heart is beating properly
and who begins to feel faint, has only about 10 seconds left before losing consciousness.
However, these victims can help themselves by coughing repeatedly and very vigorously.
A deep breath should be taken before each cough, and the cough must be deep and
prolonged, as when producing sputum from deep inside the chest. A breath and a cough
must be repeated about every two seconds without let- up until help arrives, or until the
heart is felt to be beating normally again. Deep breaths get oxygen into the lungs and
coughing movements squeeze the heart and keep the blood circulating. The squeezing
pressure on the heart also helps it regain normal rhythm. In this way, heart attack victims
can get to a hospital. Tell as many other people as possible about this, it could save their
lives!
Another important way to cope with a sudden heart attack is to have a packet of
nitroglycerine tablets with you all the time. When you feel a sudden chest pain, what is
called “angina pectoris,” just put one tablet under your tongue. Your blood vessel will
dilate to allow your blood to flow efficiently. The trouble with nitro tablets is that they
expire fast and have to be replaced every three months. A better substitute is an “Isoket”
spray which you spray into your mouth in case of angina pectoris attack. It has a life of
two years, instead of only 3 months. Keep it with you at all times, especially at late night
or early morning when you are apt to have a heart attack. I strap it into my belt inside a
leather pouch intended for a big Swiss knife, or have one specially made by Shoe Care of
Pasong Tamo, Makai.
But the best way to survive a treacherous heart attack is to prevent it by living a
good lifestyle: no smoking, no drinking, no eating too much (specially of cholesterol
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laden animal fat); no gambling (it raises your blood pressure when you lose), no
fornication (too much nagging from your wife will kill surely you); no stresses and
worries or losing your temper. However legitimate sex without guilt feelings is good
exercise for the heart. Avoid accompanying your wife on her shopping spree. That is
absolutely calculated to push you six feet under, pushing up daisies, and to give your wife
the chance to cash in your insurance. Beware.
January 11, 2003
vain.” An American says sanamagun or sonapeter instead of the more meaningful Son of
a Bitch. Well a Filipino is far more inventive, instead of calling your mother a whore, he
will say “Putong Ama mo,” –your father is a rice cake, or Anak ng Tapa – your mother is
a beaten meat. In Pangasinan, they say Anak na Lasi, or son of Lightning. In
Pangasinan instead of greeting you with Magandang Gabi or Maayong Gab-i, they are
more imaginative and religious, they say Masantos ya Labi ed sicayo – May you evening
be full of saints!
The Cebuanos, instead of insulting your mother, just say “Pesteng yawa
(pestilence and curses!) or Gibuti ang lagay mo, a pun on the Tagalog “Mabuti ang lagay
mo,” but means something different, “May your testicles be afflicted with smallpox.”
To a Filipino, the act of love and sex is euphemistically called “Luto ng Dios,” or
Food served by the Gods. The act of defecating or making Tae, is called Sarap na walang
sala, Ecstacy without Sin.
“Naku walang may gusto sa akin, and she would answer: Ooooooooo, I don’t
believe you. “Talagang bigatin ako, ano?” And she would react thus: “Yuks… ang
yabang mo.” “Inday, tumabi ka sa akin,” and she would react thus: “Ngu, ano ka
sinusuerte?”
But the most unique in the world is the Filipino dirty finger, which simulates the
male organ and refers to the act of procreation. The universal dirty finger points up with
the expression “Up Your Ass” and is intended to be a proctologist tool. It is intended for
a different hole, the exit point of your manure.
January 24, 2003
Stress Management
1 Studies have determined that vigorous exercise (60%-80% of your maximum
heart rate for 30 minutes) can reduce anxiety. New research now indicates that moderate
exercise will reduce anxiety even more quickly. Next time you feel stressed, take a break
and walk around the bloc.
2 Find time for yourself each day even if it is only five minutes. Close your eyes,
relax your shoulders and breathe deeply. Stress is brought on by feeling that you don’t
have control over your situation. Remind yourself that you are the master of your fate.
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Picture yourself in a peaceful place. When you return to the tasks at hand, you’ll feel
more relaxed.
3 Simplify your life. Take some time to ponder what is important to you and
what you can do without. Once you have identified what is important, you can start
eliminating the rest. This not only applies to clutter in your home or office, but activities
you no longer enjoy, or even relationships that you have outgrown.
4 Plan a day at the spa in your own home. Hire a massage therapist for an hour.
Workout to your favorite exercise videos. Plan a healthy easy menu for the day. Finish
the day with a great soak in the tub complete with bubbles and soft music.
5 Enjoy the little things that happen in daily life. Life truly is a journey, not a
destination. Unfortunately too many of us spend each day striving toward some far off
goal and not paying much attention to daily events. Take some time each day to simply
admire a sunset, watch the birds in the garden, the dog in your yard, a flower garden.
Remember, in life there is no reset button.
6 Give yourself time to make the transition from the working world to home life.
Some people live far enough away from their jobs that they have time to unwind on the
commute home. Instead of arriving at the house and moving directly to eating dinner,
take five minutes just to unwind. Talk with your children, play with your cat or dog,
open the mail, read the newspaper, pour a cup of coffee. Do something enjoyable to
rejuvenate your spirit. Then you’ll be ready to take on the tasks of the evening.
7 Get a hobby you enjoy and you’ll wonder where the time went! Gardening,
needlework, hiking, building models or anything that interests you. There is a great sense
of accomplishment and self-worth when you see your finished projects.
8 Learn to say “no”. Many times in our desire to be liked we are unable to say no
to the requests of others. We find ourselves spread too thin and trying to be everything to
everyone. If you cannot say no, try “I would love to, but I don’t have the time right now”
or if it is an invitation, you can say “I would like to, but I have other plans.”
9 Support your life, not your lifestyle. A great deal of stress comes from
financial worries. Being debt-free can be a wonderful feeling. Keep one credit card for
emergencies and get rid of the rest. Create a plan to pay off any credit card balances.
You’ll sleep easier knowing you have a plan.
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10 Vacations are a time to rejuvenate your spirit. Use your vacation time for a
much needed vacation. Plan ahead for next year by opening a bank account, and each
week depositing a budgeted amount of money. Next year you’ll be able to take that
vacation you’ve been hoping for and not be paying for it six months later!
11 Keep a basket by your door to hold things like car keys, outgoing mail and
sunglasses. You won’t have to stop and hunt for them when it’s time to go for work.
12 Learn to delegate tasks. This not only applies to you at work, but for chores at
home. If you have children, let them help with tasks appropriate for their age such as
setting the table. Sharing chores helps people feel needed, frees them up too.
13 Try to do some things just for the fun of it such as flying a kite or another
activity you did as a child. Being an adult doesn’t mean you have to be serious always.
14 Take a cat nap! Research shows that a short nap can be refreshing and
relaxing. When you give up sleep at night to finish a project at home or at work a quick
daytime nap may be in order to rejuvenate you.
15 Sit down with your kids and get out the crayons and coloring books. Coloring
is very relaxing, even for grown ups! Have quality time with the children.
16 Set bed times for each of your children and stick to them. Eventually the bed
times will become habit and the private evening time you gain for yourself, you can use
to simply relax or organize for tomorrow.
17 When Mom becomes the chauffeur for the children, keeping the schedules
straight can be challenging. Take a few minutes during dessert each night at the dinner
table and review tomorrow. You’ll be up to date and have a moment to catch up on each
other’s activities.
18 Get back to nature for a day! The sound of background noise if you live in an
urban or suburban environment can be aggravating. Set aside a day with a picnic lunch
and drive into the country beyond the sound of cars, sirens and people. Sit quietly and
enjoy the sights and sounds of nature. You’ll come back rested and ready to go!
19 Studies show that most people need eight hours of sleep to perform at their
best and most people today are sleep deprived. Try to set one night aside during the week
to get your full eight hours. You’ll wake up relaxed and energized!
20 Does it seem you end a long day at work with a headache? Get an eye
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examination. Eye strain can cause headaches and is an indicator that if you wear glasses,
you may need a new lens prescription or if you don’t wear glasses, you may need to.
21 It may be an obvious tip, but if you’re stressed, cut down on the caffeine.
That not only means coffee, but tea, chocolate and certain soft drinks as well. Don’t have
any caffeine in the evening after dinner so you can sleep at night.
22 When you find yourself in a situation where emotions are running high, take a
step back. Remove the emotion from the situation and look at the facts. Review the
situation with logic and try to reason through it. What is the worse result that can happen
from the situation? Many times it is not as bad as your emotions would have you believe.
23 Take a break from watching so much news. Watching news before you go to
work, again in the early evening and before you go to bed, you will think the world is
overwrought with violence and multiple horrors. Limit yourself to one informative news
program per day that also reports on some positive aspects of your living area.
24 Find a friend who will act as a sounding board for you. Ask their advice on
the problem that’s been bothering you. Sometimes the answer is right in front of you, but
you’re too close to see it. If you still don’t have a solution, you’ll at least feel better after
venting it to someone who will listen.
25 If during your commute home you find yourself stuck in traffic, don't despair.
Getting angry will not get you home any faster. Put on your favorite tape or CD and sing
along. If you have a book on tape, it’s a great way to pass the time. Make a mental list
of what you need to do when you get home. Take deep breaths to remain relaxed yet
alert.
July 31 to August 1, 2003, DWBR-fm
understanding. Someone by the name of Ruth Carter Bourdon posted in the Internet, an
imaginative tale of what happens if the Lord does respond to a Christian’s Prayer. Listen
and enjoy this.
WOMAN: In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit. 'Our Father
who art in heaven'…
GOD: Yes?
WOMAN: Don’t interrupt me. I’m praying.
GOD: But you called me.
WOMAN: Called you? I didn't call you. I’m praying. “Our Father who art in
heaven...”
GOD: There you did it again.
WOMAN: Did what?
GOD: Called me. You said, “Our Father who art in heaven.” Here I am. What’s
on your mind?
WOMAN: But I didn't mean anything by it. I was, you know, just saying my
prayers for the day. I always say the Lord’s Prayer. It makes me feel good, kind of like
getting a duty done.
GOD: All right. Go on.
WOMAN: “Our Father who art in heaven, Hallowed be thy name...”
GOD: Hold it. What do you mean by that?
WOMAN: By what?
GOD: By “hallowed be thy name”?
WOMAN: It means... it means... Good grief, I don’t know what it means. How
should I know? It’s just a part of the prayer. By the way, what does it mean?
GOD: It means honored, holy, wonderful.
WOMAN: Hey, that makes sense. I never thought about what “hallowed” meant
before. “Thy kingdom come, thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven.”
GOD: Do you really mean that?
WOMAN: Sure, why not?
GOD: What are you doing about it?
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WOMAN: Doing? Nothing, I guess. I just think it would be kind of neat if you
got control of everything down here like you have up there.
GOD: Have I got control of you?
WOMAN: Well, I go to church.
GOD: That isn’t what I asked you. What about your bad temper? You’ve really
got a problem there, you know. And then there’s the way you spend your money -- all on
yourself. And what about the kind of books you read?
WOMAN: Stop picking on me! I'm just as good as some of the rest of those
people at the church.
GOD: Excuse me. I thought you were praying for my will to be done. If that is
to happen, it will have to start with the ones who are praying for it. Like you, for
example.
WOMAN: Hey, wait a minute! What is this, “Criticize me day”? Here I was
doing my religious duty, and all of a sudden you break in and remind me of all my hang-
ups.
GOD: Praying is a dangerous thing. You could wind up changed, you know.
That’s what I’m trying to get across to you. You called me, and here I am. It’s too late to
stop now. Keep praying, I’m interested in the next part of your prayer...(pause).
GOD: Well, go on.
WOMAN: I’m scared to.
GOD: Scared? Of what?
WOMAN: I know what you’ll say.
GOD: Try me and see.
WOMAN: “Forgive us our sins, as we forgive those who sin against us.”
GOD: What about Ann?
WOMAN: See? I knew it! I knew you would bring her up! Why, Lord, she’s
told lies about me, spread stories about my family. She never paid back the debt she
owes me. I’ve sworn to get even with her!
GOD: But your prayer? What about your prayer?
WOMAN: I didn’t mean it.
GOD: Well, at least you”re admitting it. But it's not much fun carrying that load
of bitterness around inside, is it?
WOMAN: No. But I’ll feel better as soon as I get even. Boy, have I got some
plans for that neighbor. She’ll wish she had never moved into this neighborhood.
GOD: You won’t feel any better. You’ll feel worse. Revenge isn’t sweet.
Think of how unhappy you already are. But I can change all that.
WOMAN: You can? How?
GOD: Forgive Ann. Then I’ll forgive you. Then the hate and sin will be Ann’s
problem and not yours. You will have settled your heart.
WOMAN: Oh, you're right. You always are. And more than I want to get
revenge on Ann, I want to be right with you....(pause)...(sigh). All right. All right. I
forgive her. Help her to find the right road in life, Lord.
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But that is not so. The Dead Sea Scrolls show that some ideas and rites of the
New Testament are similar to those of the Qumran sect that existed a century before
Christ. The 4,000 year old Babylonian epic of Gilamesh finds striking parallels in the
Genesis story of Noah's ark.
The Greek pantheon of gods and goddesses were captured and renamed by the
Romans. Buddhism grew of Hinduism. Mohammedanism grew out of Christianity and
Judaism, as Christianity itself grew out of Judaism.
We tend to mock the unfamiliar in other faiths, by labeling them idolatry or
superstition. We hurl such words at others, rarely at ourselves. Yet every man
commands respect in the moment he bows his head before his god. At that moment of
prayer every man is at his best, and if we are wise, we shall try to understand and
appreciate his faith.
Buddhism is not one but three: Hinaya, Mahayana, the Lamaism of Tibet.
Judaism is also three: Orthodox, Reform and Conservative. Islam is two: Sunni and
Shiite. Christianity is Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, Anglican and hundreds of Protestant
sects. Hinduism consists of the mysticism of the sadhus, the profound speculations of
Hindu philosophers, and the animism of the unlettered millions.
Historian Arnold Toynbee sees the religions of the East as basically introverted,
and those of the West as extroverted. This is restating the familiar distinction between
Buddhism and Hinduism as life-denying, and Islam, Judaism and Christianity as life-
affirming faiths.
We caution against such generalizations. Buddhism which seeks to deliver man
from the pain of life and the ceaseless turning of the Wheel of Rebirth, also points the
way to Nirvana.
Hinduism which is indifferent to passions and sorrows of this life, at its best
shows concern here and now for the unfortunate. Confucianism, a philosophy of life,
concentrates on the search for the most satisfying way of life, in every sense life-
affirming. Christianity on the other hand had been accused of being a “pie in the sky”
religion.
Arnold Toynbee repeats the increasingly familiar refrain that all religions are but
different paths to the same God, and hopes for a synthesis, a “syncretism” of all faiths:
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“The four higher religions are four variations on the same theme. If all the four
components of this heavenly music of the spheres could be audible on Earth
simultaneously, and with equal clarity, to one pair of human ears, the happy hearer would
find himself listening, not to a discord, but to a harmony.''
In their religions, men do not really differ. They seek the favor of their gods,
protection from danger, community with their fellows, courage in the hour of conflict,
comfort in the hour of grief, guidance in their daily concerns, and some hope for
immortality.
Today the march of science makes it imperative that Man be saved from that most
demonic of all idolatries -- arrogant Self-Worship that leads ultimately to self-destruction.
Salvation comes only when, in the words of the prophet Micah, our faith inspires
us “to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with God.”
February 26, 2004, DWBR-fm
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PERSONALITIES
Tonight was no exception. I danced boogie for her and fall flat on my butt: “Keep
the video of this,” I told her, “I want you to remember how I fell for you!”
Earlier we heard the men in her life serenading her with Constantly, followed by
all her fellow doctors from Makati Med singing Magandang Gabi Sa Inyong Lahat.
Then her classmates from high school came to present a dance number of Tango
and Lacombia.
Her neighbors from Loyola Heights, her abode for 10 years, came to sing What
the World Needs Now Is Love.
And by golly, there was MAY SISON sparkling with wit and humor in the midst
of all, singing and dancing with them con todo amor y entusiasmo.
Only then did we learn that May used to haunt amateur contests, singing among
others, My Wooden Heart. She met her husband-to-be, Jorge, when he taught her group
how to sing Dahil Sa Isang Bulaklak for a contest. They won and he was paid an
honorarium. Imagine, he got paid to find the love of his life!
Tonight he sang for her the songs of their youth, and in his heart echoed with an
old familiar tune sung by Nelson Eddy long before May was even born:
Ah love is so sweet in the springtime, When blossoms are fragrant in MAY,
No years that are coming can bring time To make me forget, dear, this day.
I’ll love you in life’s gray December, The same as I love you today,
Ah my heart, ever young, will remember The thrill that’s new, this day in MAY,
Sweetheart, sweetheart, sweetheart, Will you love me ever?
Will you remember this day When we were happy in MAY, my dearest one,
Sweetheart, sweetheart, sweetheart, Though our paths may sever,
Through life’s last faint ember, Will you remember?
Springtime, Love time, MAY!
Ah Love in Maytime!
I wonder how many times Jorge has been tossed out of their bed.
May 17, 2003
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It is also safe to assume that the marriage between Mar and Cynthia has assumed
the proportions of an Edsa-type revolution. I say this because they married in February at
the same time of the year as Edsa I and II.
Secondly, because by marrying Mar, Cynthia actually accomplished a revolution
of sorts. Mar del Castillo was all set to become a priest of the Opus Dei, but Cynthia
Roxas was able to perform a miracle, she saved Mar from a fate worse than death, by
marrying him. To compound the miracle, they even asked Father Joe Cremades to marry
them. With a sigh, Cremades asked to be excused.
Thirdly, it was an Edsa type revolution because like Cory and Gloria 30 years
later, Cynthia became the actual CEO of the Mar Castillo family, because while Mar
brought prestige to the family, it was Cynthia who brought home the bacon by being a
successful practicing lawyer. Nowhere is this more evident than when Mar showed
Cynthia two paintings on his office wall, “These illustrate a woman’s role in the home –
in the bedroom making babies and in the kitchen cooking meals,” he said. Cynthia,
valedictorian of her law class, gave her classmate Mar a withering look and never went to
his office again.
Fourthly like the Edsa revolution, the marriage of Mar and Cynthia has spawned a
boisterous kind of democracy peopled by two children who cannot be told what to do,
and who threaten to mutiny all the time.
Fifth, the marriage is, like Edsa, a matriarchy – and Mar Castillo is a henpecked
husband, just like I was. Mar and I are proud to be henpecked husbands, for we
command legions of men, and we can afford of let our wives dominate us. Only the man
who gets kicked around in the office all day long, comes home at night to beat up his
wife out of sheer frustration.
Mar and I are also alike in another respect, like Ferdinand Marcos and Uncle Bob,
we are both members of the Lucky Seven Club. One day several years ago, a friend of
mine invited me to go with him to the races. It was July 7th, the 7th day of the 7th month,
and it was Saturday the 7th day of the week. To get there, we rode on a taxi with license
plate number 7777. When we go to the race track, the 7th race was going on, and there
were 7 horses on the track, so I bet P777 on horse number 7, and my horse came in 7th
place.
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Kulelat! What I found out later was that on the same day, July 7, 1977, at exactly
7 PM, Mar del Castillo first proposed marriage to Cynthia Roxas, and the answer was a
NO. Almost two years passed before they were finally married on February 3, 1979 – we
don’t really know that because the only witness, their best man, Supreme Court Justice
Rene Corona is still confused about the actual date – he sometimes thinks it happened a
years before, on December 8, 1977, the day of the Immaculate Conception. Of course
Cynthia was a virgin at the time, but her name was not Mary. Well, for Mar, Mary and
Cynthia, I’d like to propose a toast to the newlyweds of today: May the golden sun
crown your brow, and flowers bloom at your feet. May good fortune dog your heels, and
fair winds be ever at your back. And may you stay in heaven for a long time before the
devil finds out you’ve been gone.
February 28, 2004, Shangri-La Hotel, Makati
GEORGY BUSH
polluted state in the Union. I overturned fourteen of the last sixteen major EPA laws that
have been established since the early 1970s, all of them relating to the quality of air and
water, and most of them were nullified solely for the purpose for acquiring new energy
resources. I replaced Los Angeles with Houston as the most smog ridden city in
America. Cut taxes and bankrupted the Texas government to the tune of billions in
borrowed money. Set record for most executions by any Governor in American history. I
became president after losing the popular vote by over 500,000 votes, with the help of my
fathers appointments to the Supreme Court.
ACCOMPLISHMENTS AS PRESIDENT:
I attacked and took over two countries. I spent the surplus and bankrupted the
treasury. I shattered record for biggest annual deficit in history. I set economic record
for most private bankruptcies filed in any 12 month period. I set all-time record for
biggest drop in the history of the stock market.
I am the first president in decades to execute a federal prisoner. I am the first
president in US history to enter office with a criminal record. In my first year in office
set the all-time record for most days on vacation. After taking the entire month of August
off for vacation, I presided over the worst security failure in US history.
I set the record for most campaign fundraising trips than any other president in US
history. In my first two years in office over 2 million Americans lost their job. I cut
unemployment benefits for more out of work Americans than any president in US
history. I set the all-time record for most foreclosures in a 12-month period. I appointed
more convicted criminals to administration positions than any president in US history.
I set the record for the least amount of press conferences than any president since
the advent of television. I signed more laws and executive orders amending the
Constitution than any president in US history. I presided over the biggest energy crises in
US history and refused to intervene when corruption was revealed. I presided over the
highest gasoline prices in US history and refused to use the national reserves as past
presidents have.
I cut health care benefits for war veterans. I set the all-time record for most
people worldwide to simultaneously take to the streets to protest me (15 million
people),shattering the record for protest against any person in the history of mankind). I
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In the 18 months following the 911 attacks I have successfully prevented any public
investigation into the biggest security failure in the history of the United States. I
removed more freedoms and civil liberties for Americans than any other president in US
history. In a little over two years I created the most divided country in decades, possibly
the most divided the US has ever been since the civil war.
I entered office with the strongest economy in US history and in less than two
years turned every single economic category heading straight down. I took the biggest
world sympathy for the US after 9/11, and in less than a year made the US the most
resented country in the world (possibly the biggest diplomatic failure in US and world
history). I, with a policy of 'disengagement' created the most Hostile Israeli-Palestine
relations in at least 30 years. I am the first US president in history to have a majority of
the people of Europe (71%) view my presidency as the biggest threat to world peace and
stability.
I am the first US president in history to have the people of South Korea feel more
threatened by the US than their immediate neighbor, North Korea. I changed US policy
to allow convicted criminals to be awarded government contracts. I set all-time record
for number of administration appointees who violated US law by not selling huge
investments in corporations bidding for government contracts.
RECORDS AND REFERENCES:
I have at least one conviction for drunk driving in Maine (Texas driving record
has been erased and is not available). I was AWOL from National Guard and deserted
the military during a time of war. I refuse to take drug test or even answer any questions
about drug use. All records of my tenure as governor of Texas have been spirited away
to my fathers library, sealed in secrecy and unavailable for public view. All records of
any SEC investigations into my insider trading or bankrupt companies are sealed in
secrecy and unavailable for public view. All minutes of meetings for any public
corporation that I served on the board of are sealed in secrecy and unavailable for public
view. Any records or minutes from meetings I (or my VP) attended regarding public
energy policy are sealed in secrecy and unavailable for public review.
For personal references please speak to my daddy or uncle James Baker (They
can be reached at their offices of the Carlyle Group for war-profiteering.) In view of my
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record, and all things herein are totally verifiable for anyone who wants to take the time
to do the research, I fully intend to become your next president, simply because I can. In
fact, I am already ahead of the game; I know I can continue to count on the apathy of the
American people, their determined ignorance, and their unfailing gullibility to get myself
re-elected. George Bush, president
July 17-18, 2003
a thoroughly cowed Congress. It doesn’t make sense to reduce your income while
increasing your spending and plunging into massive debt. His blithe attitude toward the
public debt he is creating indicates a failure to grasp reality. His cavalier entry into two
wars within two years, in total disregard of world opinion on the second one, indicates a
man who just doesn’t care what anyone thinks. Now that his ill-planned schemes in
Afghanistan and Iraq are coming apart, I sense panic in him.
Bush knew what everyone knew, that our armies could conquer. But he had no
idea whether they, or anyone, could maintain a peace in nations as splintered as
Afghanistan and Iraq. They can’t. They’re not trained for that. That’s not their mission.
Bush is a good salesman, which is almost certainly why his father’s friends chose
him to be the front man for the Republican Party. He’s a charmer, no doubt of that.
Because of his sales ability, he was able to convince most Americans that war with Iraq
was a necessity. But America needs more than a slick salesman to lead the world. We
need, at the very least, a man with mental stability. We don’t have that with Bush.
His rapid rise to power, without truly earning it as most presidents before him
have done, has gone to his head. So what we have in the White House today is a
megalomaniac with a messianic complex, a man who believes that he and he alone can
resolve the world’s problems. I don’t expect many people to agree with my armchair
psychoanalysis of a man I’ve never met. We don’t like to admit that important people are
crazy, or even that our relatives are crazy. Typically, we overlook their bizarre behavior
until it gets so bizarre we can’t ignore it anymore.
So, all I ask is that you pay attention. A man who claims to get orders from God,
and who creates world-shaking events on the basis of those “orders,” needs watching.
August 22, 2003, DWBR-fm
BELGIAN ASSHOLE
December. The present lease agreement was signed last year and has still a year to run,
by the terms of which the Embassy is to pay the owner a year’s rent in advance last
December 2002, and occupy the premises till December of 2003. Every Belgian
ambassador assigned to the Philippines has honored this contract in the past.
Unfortunately a new ambassador, Christiane Tanghe, also known as Gul Tanghe, has
arrived to take up his post.
This Belgian Ambassador Gul Tanghe all of a sudden, without notice, suddenly
refused to pay his obligations under the valid contract because he feels the rent is too
high. During these bad times, when rents have been going down, he feels he has the right
to repudiate his legitimate obligations, and bully his way around. There are good times
and there are bad times, there are times when the rent is high, and there are times when
the rent is low. Honest men honor their contractual obligations through the good times
and the bad times. But not Belgian Ambassador Gul Tanghe who chooses to be a
balasubas, a welsher, and to be rude, boorish and obnoxious about it.
The property was originally owned by Eduardo Santiago who actually built it for
rent to the Belgian embassy which occupied it for the last twenty years. Unfortunately
Mr. Santiago died, and his heirs decided to sell the property to Grundy Holdings, owned
by my son Atom and his family. The price of the property included consideration of the
contract lease with only a year more to run. On September 10, 2002, the deed of absolute
sale was signed. On September 17, the Santiago heirs advised the Belgian Ambassador
Tanghe of the sale, and on October 25 personally introduced the new owner to the
ambassador. On December 4 Ambassador Tanghe met with my son and family in the
presence of real estate broker Paz Martelino. In that meeting, he arrogantly informed my
son that he wants to terminate the lease because the rent is too high, and demanded a
drastic reduction of the rent. Atom my son politely refused to have the contract
terminated or to reduce the rent, because he paid a premium price for the house and lot,
along with consideration of the year’s lease. Besides, the contract was valid and iron-
clad. Whereupon, Ambassador Tanghe presented my son with a House Inspection
Report, and my son, the new owner, asked Tanghe to write him of any repairs he wants
done on the property, and he promised to do so in two weeks. Instead, in a week on
December 12, Belgian Ambassador Tanghe, wrote to the previous owner, the heirs of
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Eduardo Santiago not my son, demanding minor repairs on the property. It was an
obvious move to break the lease, for Gul Tanghe wrote to the wrong person, the previous
owner who informed him that at the request of the previous ambassador Van Remoortele,
major repairs were already done to the property from January to March in 2002 last year.
On December 19 Atom made his first demand for the rental payment, on January
20, made his second demand for rental payment that was due early in December. On
January 27, Tanghe’s lawyer advised Atom of the Ambassador’s intention to break the
lease contract as of December 2002. without notice and without a valid reason. More
about Gul Tanghe and the Belgians tomorrow.
Hitler, wipes his feet on Belgium on the way to other countries worth conquering. And
no Belgian ever fought back to defend his country. Belgium has no heroes , except a
little boy, who the tourist guide tells us, climbed a tree and made pee-pee on Napoleon as
he rode by on his horse.
Today we see this national hero of the Belgians, called the Manekin Pis, in a
Brussels park, absolutely naked and uncircumcized, and urinating ceaselessly. It has
become a tourist attraction and an official functionary. Every June 12th, our Philippine
Day, our Ambassador to Belgium in an official ceremony dresses up the Manekin in
pants, barong and salakot, with his fly open of course, and making pee-pee. Only
tourists believe the story of the urinating hero. It is fiction according to the historians
Belgians prefer to believe the legend of the lost son of the Duke of Brabant during
the time of the Crusades. Only recently, the Belgians who have nothing better to do,
have set up a new statue called Jennikin Pis, this time a little girl, with her unsightly twat
in full view, also taking a leak. My God, these are the people worshipped by such as
DFA spokesman Victoriano Lecaros as superior human beings with license to insult us.
Belgium, once part of Gaul, was conquered by Julius Caesar 57 BC; overrun by
the Franks in the 5th century; became part of the Charlemagne's empire in 8th century; in
the 9th, absorbed into Lotharingia, then into the Duchy of Lorraine; in the 12th,
partitioned into Brabant, Luxemburg, Liege and Flanders; in the 16th, passed to the
Duchy of Burgundy, thence to the Hapburg Empire; in 1555, to Spain; in 1713, to
Austria; in 1800s annexed to France, then to Netherlands. Only in 1830 did Belgium win
its independence.
This itsy bitsy country has only 10 million people, one eighth that of ours, and
occupies only 11,780 square miles, less than one tenth that of ours (115,830). By God, it
is even smaller than Mindanao. Belgium is the doormat of Europe. Since Napoleon, no
one invader even found it worth his while to conquer Belgium. Most of them just breeze
through, wipe their feet on the Belgians and move on.
There is only one real Belgian in Belgium and he is King Baudouin. The rest are
either Dutch-speaking Flemish, or French-speaking Walloons, and the two rarely talk to
each other. In 1972, on a little matter of 6 small hamlets being transferred from Flemish
to Walloon administration, a civil war almost occurred and the government fell. The
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rivalry between the two ethnic groups is so delicately balanced that the position of prime
minister is passed from Flemish to Walloons and vice versa after every electoral term.
Since the previous Belgian Ambassador Van Remoortele is obviously a Dutch-
speaking Flemish, one can assume the present Belgian Ambassador Gul Tanghe, who
does not pay his debts, is a Walloon chevalier d’industrie. Tange, tuso, balasubas, switic,
hindi nag babayad ng utang.
children were detained and interrogated by the Belgian police in dawn raids, as reported
by Migrante International chairman Leo Legaspi, the DFA spokesperson Victoriano
Lecaros defended the Belgians saying that the Belgian police are only doing their job of
checking out aliens in the light of threats of global terrorism, in the same way Doy Laurel
defended the Belgian Ambassador Alain Rens in 1987 when he called us thieves and
idiots, the same way the DFA did nothing in 1991, when Jun and Jean Abello were
treated like common criminals in the Brussels Airport. To hell with them all.
But most especially we condemn as anti-Filipino and persona non grata the new
Belgian Ambassador Gul Tanghe whose first name translates to a Ghoul who robs graves
and preys on the dead, and whose last name in Filipino means a village idiot, brainless
and batty, with bats in his belfry.
The Belgian Ambassador Gul Tanghe looks like an alien. To be exact he looks
like Yoda of the Star Wars, with a head too big for his body and ears too big for his head.
He is a dead ringer for Yoda, that is if Yoda were stretched out to 5 feet ten inches and
had a Hitler’s mustache. He looks like Yoda, really, that is if Yoda were three days dead
and badly embalmed.
He wanted to get out of his lease contract by saying that no repairs were made
despite his repeated requests – but he never wrote the owner any request. He cancelled
his contract retroactively without due notice after he was refused a drastic reduction in
rent. He arrogantly and insultingly treated his Filipino landlord who happens to be my
son, with contempt, refusing to pay his legitimate obligations under a valid contract. Gul
Tanghe is a balasubas, a welsher, a Belgian.
March 3-6, 2003
HUBERT WEBB
love between daughter and mother, which involves Freudian competition for the father’s
love.
The most perfect love, according to Taning Fernandez, is a father’s love for his
son who bears his name and hopes for the future. Through his son, a father achieves
immortality and his love knows no jealousy, no envy, no reservations, no need for
reciprocity -- the most perfect love in the world.
And Taning, one of the Marcos lawyers in the Nalundasan murder trial, cited the
pathetic attempts of Don Mariano Marcos to take the blame for the crime of his son,
Ferdinand E. Marcos, then accused of having murdered Congressman-elect Nalundasan.
For the same reason Senator Freddie Webb takes up the cudgels for his son
Hubert, accused of having committed rape and murder on three members of the Vizconde
family on June 30, 1991. So frantic, so hysterical, so desperate, so pathetic indeed are his
attempts to get his son off the hook. We are sure Freddie would even prefer to stand trial
in place of his son, if push came to shove, and the nitty-gritty came to the rocky bottom.
Even from the very beginning, most people are aware that Freddie Webb stood on
shaky ground. Passports and passport entries can be forged, by God, we are the best
forgers in the world. Ninoy himself came back to the Philippines with a false passport,
and 80 percent of those who become immigrants to the US and other countries, have false
papers, according to official sources.
Gifted with a name like Webb, Freddie may assume that all Americans are
truthful and lily white, but that is not necessarily true. Americans have been known to
commit perjury for a little consideration (for money mostly), as many Filipinos would for
friendship and loyalty.
The check of $150 earned by Hubert for one month’s work in the USA,
considering that there are four 40-hour work weeks in a month, means that Hubert was
working for less than a dollar per hour, way below minimum wage of $4.25 per hour,
where the lowest domestic servant and baby-sitter work for $5 an hour.
And all that jazz about Americans certifying to the truth of Hubert’s stay in the
USA, is not worth a pitcher of warm piss, if those same people, including the FBI, are not
willing to be cross examined in our local court where the case will be tried.
Not even a perfect love can extricate Hubert from this mess.
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for deterrence or rehabilitation. I want the son of a bitch to pay for crimes that cry to
heaven for vengeance, I want his blood, I want to nail him to the wall, to twist the knife
in his belly, to make him suffer as he made his victims suffer.
St. Rene will give the worst criminal his due process, even if he has to defend
Ruffa Gutierrez for the awards cheating, Mayor Sanchez in his tax case, and now Hubert
Webb. He is the last defense in the losing battle, waving his tattered flag in defense of
the indefensible -- which leads the family to quip, unfairly but in a humorous vein,
“Everyone is presumed innocent until defended by Rene Saguisag!”
If the NBI can prove that Hubert was in the country instead of in the USA as
claimed by Senator Webb, then the senator will resign from the senate. Really now.
Proof to whose satisfaction? Freddie Webb himself? I just asked Malacañang lawyer
Tony Carpio if he was willing to testify as the Webb family suggested. He said, “What I
know is that Freddie Webb told me his son was in the USA. That is hearsay, and is not
admissible in court.”
It will take more than three years before this case is adjudicated. By that time,
Webb’s resignation is moot, his senate term will have expired, and I doubt if he will run
and win again. No, Webb’s offer to resign means nothing.
Goddamn the perpetrators of heinous crimes, may they rot in hell. In the
meantime, till justice is finally served, wait for the next full moon, when witches and
werewolves roam the labyrinths of blackness... when vampires lurk in shadows and
ghosts haunt the dead of night... as the clock strikes twelve and Dracula rises from his
coffin... and bats at their belfrys, corpses in their graves, gnomes at the burrows, warlocks
and zombies and dreaded creatures take over the bowels of darkness --
Take out your dolls, murmur incantations, stick pins into them, utter the curse of
the undead, weave the devil’s spell on these bastards, these sons of bitches --
And cast them out screaming in terror from the face of the earth!
July 3, 5, 6, 7, 1995, ISYU
Freddie Webb agreed. “I feel that my son is being disadvantaged because he has
been in jail for almost 4 years, and any delay in the case keeps him there unnecessarily.”
But he feels that the deposition of the US immigration authorities is important to his
son’s case. On the other hand, the lawyers of Lauro Vizconde and the government feel
that there is an unavoidable expense on their part to have to travel abroad just to cross-
examine the Americans who testified that Hubert was actually in the United States when
the crime was committed.
Actually the Webbs have already presented some 40 witnesses who swear they
had Hubert in their house or have seen him in Los Angeles and Orlando at the time
indicated. The witnesses included known and respected personalities and businessmen
Jack Rodriguez and his wife Sonia, as well as show biz whiz Salvador Vaca.
The Webbs debunk the contention of the prosecution that it was the brother Jason,
not Hubert who was using Hubert’s passport in entering the USA, because he did not
have a US visa. They said that Jason has his own passport with multiple entry and
indefinite validation, as most congressmen’s families are so accorded by the US
Consulate. There was no reason for him to use someone else’s passport and visa. Also
as a basketball player, Jason was publicly acknowledged by the newspapers to be in Iloilo
at the time he was alleged to be in the USA in place of Hubert.
Freddie also cited the testimony of then NBI Alfredo Lim who called attention to
a forced entry through the roof that contradicted state witness Jessica Alfaro’s story that
Hubert and company were admitted through the front door.
Yet despite this preponderance of evidence of his son’s innocence, Hubert’s case
is in jeopardy because the public mostly believes he is guilty. Any attempt on the part of
the judge to exonerate him will be fatal to the judge’s career. He will be hounded by the
press and the media for having been probably bribed, and for not knowing his law. Any
promotion to the higher courts will be hampered by the media and the commission on
appointments.
Freddie Webb points out that in criminal cases, the defendant’s guilt must be
proven beyond reasonable doubt. He feels this guilt has not been so proven.
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there is no case to speak of. Is Jessica Alfaro, the only witness, a credible witness? Is
she to be believed when she says the she actually saw the crime being committed by
Hubert? Only the judge will decide. The burden of proof is on the part of the
prosecution who has to show that there was guilt beyond reasonable doubt. If Hubert is
found guilty by the Regional Court, he can appeal to the higher courts, and ultimately to
the Supreme Court. If he is found innocent, by the principle of double jeopardy, prevents
him from being prosecuted for the same crime.
Perhaps the public is simply hungering for an end to this case, that they need
someone to blame and punish for this heinous crime, and Hubert seems to be the only one
available though another two sets of suspects were investigated for the crime before
Hubert was charged.
June 7, 8, 1999, DWBR-fm, Sun Star
with a verdict exonerating Webb. And so the buck was passed to the Justices for good or
ill. Their court has been accused several times of making bad decisions, but never
enough to impeach them.
Second, although the judge went out of her way to give credit to the testimony of
Jessica Alfaro (thrice inconsistent but collaborated in many ways by independent
witnesses), she also had to discredit witnesses trying to prove Hubert was in the USA at
the time of the crime. This is probably because to get a conviction, she must see to it that
the guilt is proven “beyond reasonable doubt.” But people will be surprised if the verdict
is reversed by the court. My heart really bled for my friend Freddy Webb as he stood
obviously in great pain as a boorish TV reporter kept pestering him. Let him take
consolation from the possibility that the Supreme Court may reverse the decision, or that
President Estrada may commute the sentence or even pardon Hubert. There is still hope,
Freddy and Elizabeth, father and mother of Hubert.
Third, Freddy should take heart from the fact that respected journalists Teodoro
Benigno and Ramon Tulfo, as well as his friends Jack and Sonia Rodriguez, are
unshakeable in their belief that Hubert is innocent. If not guilty, then who are? At this
juncture it is hard to believe that two other sets of suspects, poor and indigent, tortured,
and forced into confessing the crimes by the NBI, and subsequently exonerated by the
court and public opinion, were probably guilty. Who then is guilty?
Fourth, the crimes committed against the mother Estrellita Vizconde and two
daughters, Carmela (18 years, repeatedly raped, 17 stab wounds) and Jennifer (9 years,
19 stab wounds) were so horrible and horrifying that nothing less than a verdict of guilty
would have satisfied the public demand for justice. In an ABS-CBN poll, there were
6,000 respondents for guilty and only 900 for exoneration.
It was a courageous decision by Judge Amelita Tolentino, a decision which puts
her in line to the Court of Appeals. When the time comes, I will be the first to
recommend her to the position.
January 20, 2000, Philippine Post
END OF BOOK