Cities, Vol. 24, No. 2, p.

95–109, 2007
Ó 2006 Elsevier Ltd.
doi:10.1016/j.cities.2006.06.001 All rights reserved.
0264-2751/$ - see front matter

www.elsevier.com/locate/cities

Regional industrial policies driving

peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad,
India
Loraine Kennedy *,1
CNRS, Centre d’Études de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud (CNRS-EHESS), Paris, France

Received 1 July 2005; received in revised form 4 April 2006; accepted 5 June 2006
Available online 16 February 2007

Between 1995 and 2004, regional political elites in Andhra Pradesh sought to transform
greater Hyderabad into a dynamic economic region oriented toward global growth sectors.
Inspired by the infrastructure-led growth model, a dominant strategy consisted in fitting
out, via public–private partnerships, specialised business/technology parks and attracting
investment through carefully designed industrial policies. This study focuses on regional IT
policies, with attention to the strategic use of peri-urban space and examines the construction
of HITEC City and other large-scale projects. Using a multi-level perspective, the Hyderabad
case is contextualised in relation to India’s recent adoption of economic reforms. Recent lit-
erature on global city-regions and the development of global capitalism provides a macro
framework for analysing the role of a provincial government both in initiating and driving
industrial and urban dynamics. State re-scaling or re-territorialisation in particular is a compel-
ling concept for interpreting the strategies examined here, which aim to promote the compet-
itive advantages of Hyderabad in global economic processes by adapting institutional and
regulatory infrastructures. At the micro level, the analysis focuses on how policies are played
out in peri-urban spaces, and the implications for urban governance are discussed. Although
economic strategies have been fairly successful, top-down decision-making practices have
effectively excluded many local actors from the policy process, and the creation of special pur-
pose enclaves in suburban areas has weakened prospects for the development of governance
institutions at the metropolitan scale.
Ó 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Global city-regions, peri-urban dynamics, reterritorialisation, state re-scaling, urban governance, Hydera-
bad, India

Introduction infrastructure-led growth, a dominant strategy con-

Hyderabad is the capital of the southern Indian state
of Andhra Pradesh and constitutes the core of its
largest metropolitan area (population 5.7 million).
Between 1995 and 2004, the state government
sought to transform Hyderabad into a dynamic
economic region oriented towards global growth
sectors. Inspired by international models such as
*
Tel./fax: +33-556-24-7115; e-mail: kennedy@ehess.fr.
1
Administrative address: CEIAS, EHESS, 54 Boulevard Raspail,
75006 Paris, France.
sisted in fitting out specialised business/technology
parks and attracting investment through carefully
designed industrial policies.2
This study examines these recent state-led efforts
to promote growth in Andhra Pradesh, a state of
76 million people, with special attention to the impli-
2
A preliminary version of this text was presented in New Delhi at
the international workshop on ‘‘Peri-urban Dynamics: Population,
Habitat and Environment on the Peripheries of Large, Indian
Metropolises’’, organised by the Centre de Sciences Humaines and
the India International Centre, 25–27 August 2004.

95
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
cations for peri-urban spaces around Hyderabad.
The transformations currently underway include
the emergence of new industrial and service
activities, the realisation of large investment projects
involving ‘‘world-class’’ infrastructure, and the con-
struction of new housing colonies and commercial
ventures catering primarily to upper income groups.
Using a multi-level perspective, the aim of this paper
is to analyse how regional industrial policies are
playing themselves out in Hyderabad’s peripheries
and their consequences for urban governance. This
case is situated both within its wider political and
economic context and with regard to recent litera-
ture on the renewed role of cities in post-fordist cap-
italism. It is argued that recent developments in
Hyderabad, quite remarkable in the Indian context,
are the outcome of a process of political assertion on
the part of the regional government in the sphere of
economic policy-making. The policies can be inter-
preted as a strategy of re-scaling on the part of the
provincial state, in an attempt to adjust its actions
to the imperatives of the global economy. Through
such processes of reterritorialisation, similar to that
described by Brenner (1998, 2004), the aim has been
to make metropolitan Hyderabad a growth engine
for the entire region. These policies have been suc-
cessful in many respects, attracting private firms
both domestic and international and creating wealth
and employment. At the same time, they have raised
important questions with regard to urban gover-
nance. Private sector actors have emerged on the
scene, for instance as builders and managers of infra-
structure complexes, mainly through public–private
partnerships. In contrast, locally elected representa-
tives have been largely excluded from the policy
process, as have civil society groups, learning about
major decisions only after the fact. Large tracts of
peri-urban space are being transformed into special
purpose enclaves, governed by specific regulatory
frameworks. By subdividing peri-urban spaces and
increasing spatial differentiation, such policies ap-
pear to weaken prospects for governance institutions
at the metropolitan scale.
Method and context
The research presented here is based on information
collected during several study trips to Hyderabad
between 2002 and 2006. Although essentially an
empirical study, it engages with recent theoretical
literature in order to interpret and situate local
developments. The method involves several layers
of analysis. Although the study focuses on regional
industrial policies and their interaction with the
metropolitan region of Hyderabad, it is crucial to
place the analysis within the Indian context, where
economic liberalisation has spurred important
changes and where the federal set-up requires taking
into account several superimposed spatial scales. It
should be recalled that the state (regional) political
96
sphere is partly subsumed within the national polity,
although separate elected bodies exist at each eche-
lon (national, state, and local), and the Indian econ-
omy constitutes an integrated market for all
practical purposes.
India’s economic reforms, adopted by the federal
government in 1991, constitute an important back-
drop to this analysis because they have deeply af-
fected economic and political processes in the
country at all levels. Of particular interest is the fact
that as the federal government loosened its centra-
lised control over the economy, some state-level
governments began taking initiatives to promote
growth and attract investment, giving rise to regional
economic policies for the first time in post-indepen-
dence history.3 Although macro-economic policies
remain the prerogative of the central ministries, it
has been convincingly shown that state governments
have a decisive role to play in the reform process,
with regard to both the scope and the pace (Jenkins,
1999).4 Regional political elites are discovering that
they can craft their own strategies, prioritise their
public investments, and negotiate directly with for-
eign investors. Between 1995 and 2004, Andhra Pra-
desh stood out as one of the more pro-active states,
and has arguably taken economic reforms further
than any other state.5
In addition to economic reforms, political devel-
opments, notably the formation of coalition govern-
ments at the national level, have given regional
political parties greater influence in national affairs.
Although it will not be elaborated upon here, this
evolution is important in explaining how Andhra
Pradesh’s state government managed to assert itself
so effectively in both national and international fora.
Two facts are of particular importance: during the
period under study, the government was led by a re-
gional political party, the Telugu Desam Party
(TDP), which had been demanding greater decen-
tralisation from New Delhi since its creation in the
1980s. Secondly, the TDP was a major partner in
the national coalition government between 1999
and 2004, giving it a distinct advantage in its negoti-
ations with the federal government.
From these brief remarks, it is apparent that eco-
nomic reforms and political change are contributing
to the emergence of new forms of governance in In-
dia and this study is an attempt to examine this pro-
cess. There can be no doubt that economic reforms
have deregulated many aspects of production and
trade, facilitated private investment, including for-
3
India gained independence from Britain in 1947.
4
As Sinha points out (2004), many state governments are
reregulating as the federal government delegates more and more
decisions to them, thereby leading to a new layer of bureaucracy
and differentiated rules and regulations across national space.
5
Although less far than the state’s political rhetoric would
suggest. See Kennedy (2004), Kirk (2005), and Mooij (2005).
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
eign direct investment, all of which have increased
competition. However, it will be evident in the
course of this narrative that state forces continue
to play a crucial role in the economy at both the na-
tional and regional levels where they are increas-
ingly compelled to adapt to a more competitive
environment and to more stringent fiscal constraints.
It is in this context that Indian cities, after years of
neglect, are receiving renewed attention from pol-
icy-makers at the central and regional levels.6 One
reason is that since the start of reforms, investments
have concentrated in urban areas. The growing con-
tribution of cities to national income, and their po-
tential to act as growth engines have spurred
efforts in recent years to improve basic urban infra-
structures and strengthen municipal finance. It is
striking to observe how policy-makers have been in-
spired by international examples, and how they are
adjusting their strategies to global market condi-
tions. As indicated above, one of the objectives of
this analysis is to explore the ways that specific,
localised strategies interact with global economic
processes. Recent theoretical work provides some
compelling insights and suggests a number of
hypotheses. It will be seen that whereas the Hyder-
abad case validates certain trends discussed in the
literature it also diverges in some respects from
other contemporary patterns.
Interpretive frameworks
Much current literature on large cities and their artic-
ulation with the global economy emphasizes the
influence of exogenous forces shaping outcomes,
especially footloose capital, multinational firms and
international aid agencies. This is a compelling per-
spective for several reasons: it appears to corroborate
the widely held view that globalisation has led to a re-
treat of the nation-state; it corresponds to percep-
tions about the rapid changes taking place in large
metro areas in the developing world, such as the
mushrooming of commercial and entertainment cen-
tres; lastly it explains the conspicuous presence of
multi-national firms in places where they were previ-
ously absent. However, this ‘‘global forces’’ perspec-
tive tends to conceal the fact that public actors too
are actively shaping urban outcomes, taking the deci-
sion to leverage their large cities to better attract glo-
bal investment flows. States are ‘rescaling’ their
internal institutional hierarchies to adjust to eco-
nomic realities; state territorial power is being rear-
ticulated and reterritorialised (Brenner, 2004).
Following Brenner, whose work has focused on the
6
It may be recalled that one of the goals of centralised economic
management was balanced regional development and planned
urbanisation. Indeed, to avoid massive migration from the coun-
tryside, and ‘‘uncontrolled’’ urban growth, policy-makers con-
sciously strove to make large cities unattractive by blocking
productive investments and neglecting infrastructure (Dupont,
2002, p. 73).
European context, cities are at once ‘‘coordinates’’
of state territorial power, embedded within larger
state institutions, and sites of reterritorialization for
post-Fordist forms of global industrialisation where
they function as ‘‘nodes of accumulation’’ in global
flows (1998: 3, 17). Concretely, this means promoting
the productive capacities of specific localised spaces
in urban regions, for instance through the creation
of immobile assets like conference centres or enter-
prise parks. This re-scaling hypothesis will be exam-
ined here, in relation to emerging trends in India’s
metro cities, which mirror those observed in other ur-
ban regions that aspire to ‘‘global city’’ status.
The ‘‘global city-region’’ perspective also offers an
attractive framework for analysing the Hyderabad
case (Scott, ed, 2001), although a closer examination
reveals an important discrepancy, which will be dis-
cussed later in the paper. In this literature, city-re-
gions function as the basic motors of the global
economy and their development is intimately linked
with globalisation: ‘‘They function as territorial plat-
forms for much of the post-Fordist economy (. . .)
and as important staging posts for the operations
of multinational operations. Above all, they are
important centers for flexible-manufacturing sectors,
as exemplified by high-technology or neoartisanal
industry, and for service sectors, . . .’’ (Scott, 2001,
p. 4). Like in the case of rescaling strategies, global
city-regions are emerging as a result of efforts to
strengthen regional competitiveness and face the
challenges of globalisation. In most cases, this strat-
egy involves consolidating the metropolitan territory
by bringing together fragmented territorial units in
order to build regional political competence (Scott,
2001). It underscores the importance of political
leadership, of the state and other organised actors,
both local and supra-local.
The term ‘governance’ is used in this paper with
the following meaning in mind: ‘‘Governance, as dis-
tinct from government, refers to the relationship be-
tween civil society and the state, between rulers and
ruled, the government and the governed’’.7 Given
the particular focus of this study, Jefferey Sellers’
definition of ‘urban governance’ provides a useful
complement by underscoring the economic dimen-
sion of cities: ‘‘actions and institutions within an ur-
ban region that regulate or impose conditions for its
political economy’’ (Sellers, 2002, p. 9).
Regional growth policies and Hyderabad’s
peri-urban areas
As indicated above, economic reforms and political
change are redefining relations between the federal
government and the states, and have effectively con-
tributed to a form of political decentralisation. From
the point of view of the states, one of the trade-offs of
7
McCarney et al. (1995, p. 95), cited by Stren (2001, p. 205).
97
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
decentralisation is that they are required to take on
greater responsibilities in resource generation and
sound fiscal management. States have reacted differ-
ently to these opportunities and constraints and have
adopted various approaches with regard to empow-
ering local governments including their largest cities.
Most states, including Andhra Pradesh, have been
reluctant to cede significant powers to elected muni-
cipal councillors, or indeed to include them in
decisions that directly affect their constituencies.
Economic policies in particular are considered to fall
outside the purview of local governments, although
the 74th constitutional amendment ratified in 1993
advocates extending their functions to include plan-
ning for economic and social development.
Soon after Chandrababu Naidu took over as Chief
Minister8 in 1995, the government of Andhra Pra-
desh announced a series of policies to stimulate
growth and economic development. It openly en-
dorsed economic reforms, which marked a rupture
with earlier practices and rhetoric of the TDP, and
indeed of previous Congress governments in the
state, both of which followed regimes that can be
broadly classified as populist.9 A detailed policy doc-
ument released in 1999, Andhra Pradesh: Vision
2020, put forth a ‘‘new and comprehensive growth
agenda’’ based on a threefold approach consisting
of building capacity, focusing on high-potential sec-
tors to be mobilised as engines of growth, and trans-
forming governance, namely ensuring transparency
and accountability of government and a strong voice
for the population (Government of Andhra Pradesh,
1999, p. 10). The aim was to profoundly modify the
state’s economy in order to favour it integration into
the national and global economies. Clearly the idea
was to ‘‘leapfrog’’ conventional development stages,
i.e. labour-intensive manufacturing, and take advan-
tage of opportunities created by new technologies to
break into knowledge intensive, high value added
sectors with strong growth potential.10 The tremen-
dous capital investment required for this massive
restructuring project was to be provided by the pri-
vate sector, while the role of the state was to facili-
tate by providing a conducive atmosphere for
business, including administrative transparency and
strong legal institutions. Governance reforms were
thus emphasised as part of the overall strategy for
the making the state an attractive place for business,
8 have a direct impact on peri-urban spaces.
This position is the regional equivalent of a Prime Minister.
9
The TDP was founded in the early 1980s as an oppositional
force to the Congress party, which had dominated state politics
without interruption for about thirty years. The TDP was largely
constructed on the basis of Telugu regional identity, which
crystallized during the colonial period and combines linguistic
and territorial dimensions.
10
It was proposed, for instance, that agriculture’s contribution to
state domestic product be reduced over twenty years from 33% to
12% and that the service sector’s contribution be increased from
nearly 50% to 67%.
98
especially in the global growth sectors, where inter-
national standards are considered de rigueur.
What is particularly relevant for the perspective
examined here is that the government’s efforts to
promote growth largely focused on cities, and on
Hyderabad in particular. It is not an exaggeration
to say that in the decade from 1995 to 2004, Hyder-
abad’s peri-urban areas provided a laboratory for
the implementation of several key strategies like
infrastructure-led growth and a focus on global
growth sectors such as IT and biotechnologies.
Although the spectacular development of the IT
industry in Hyderabad can be explained in part by
the presence of an existing industrial base11, the
main reason is no doubt the policy thrust given by
Naidu’s government. Indian and international entre-
preneurs have responded positively to a series of
generous investment incentives including an attrac-
tive location and state-of-the-art telecommunica-
tions infrastructure.
Industry-friendly policies for the IT sector
Naidu’s government designed specific policies for
developing IT and related services. In 2002, the
Andhra Pradesh government released a new ICT
policy, replacing the 1999 policy, which outlined
incentives and investment subsidies available to IT
hardware and software industries, as well as to the
IT service sector, called ‘‘IT Enabled Services’’
(ITES) (Government of Andhra Pradesh, 2002).
The latter are also known as business process out-
sourcing (BPO), and include such services as medi-
cal transcriptions, accounting and billing services,
call centres, and also engineering design. The policy
extended some of the incentives to IT infrastructure
companies, such as those building IT parks, and to
telecommunications companies.
Numerous incentives were designed to attract
investment to the IT sector, many granted automat-
ically, such as: exemption from purview of statutory
power cuts, exemption from inspections under most
labour laws12 in exchange for self-certification, and
permission for three-shift operation. Incentives that
are not automatic but for which a company may ap-
ply include: a 25% rebate in power tariff, a 50%
reimbursement of registration fee, stamp duty and
transfer of property duty, exemption from zoning
regulations, and a rebate on the cost of land. (Gov-
ernment of Andhra Pradesh, 2002). The last two
items are particularly relevant for this study, as they
11
Interview by author, J.A. Chowdary, former director of the
Bangalore and Hyderabad branches of the Software Technology
Parks of India, in Hyderabad, 23 November 2002.
12
These include: The Factories Act 1948, The Maternity Benefit
Act 1961, The Contract Labour Act 1970, The Payment of
Minimum Wages Act 1936, The Employment Exchanges (Com-
pulsory Notification of Vacancies) Act 1959.
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
IT software units have been exempted from most
zoning regulations including those designated as
conservation/agricultural use, residential use, com-
mercial use and institutional use, and from payment
of conversion charges (Government of Andhra Pra-
desh, 2002, Annex IV). IT parks, including those
developed by private builders, are also exempted
from these same zoning regulations, with the excep-
tion of land designated for agricultural use, and here
also land-use conversion charges are waived. It is
interesting to note that these parks must meet
certain conditions laid out in the policy i.e., mini-
mum area of 4000 square meters, provision of tele-
communication infrastructure such as optic fibre
connectivity, and access to the satellite earth station
(Government of Andhra Pradesh, 2002, pp. 9–10).
100% on-site power back-up to support office equip-
ment and lighting must be provided, and in terms of
amenities, all buildings must meet minimum floor
space and floor to ceiling norms, and provide air-
conditioning and parking, as well as 24-h security.
With these strict mandatory requirements the state
government clearly wants to ensure a minimum level
of quality in infrastructure, to meet its claim that
Hyderabad’s IT environment meets international
standards.13
Rebate on government land
A rebate in the cost of land is a key provision of the
IT policy linking financial incentives in the form of
land rebate to employment creation. IT companies
can receive a rebate of 20,000 Rupees14 per job cre-
ated, to be put toward the cost of undeveloped land.
In order to avail of the rebate, a minimum number of
100 employees must be hired.15 Interestingly, the
policy also includes an incentive for paying higher
salaries: for employment to be considered, the mini-
mum gross salary must be 5000 Rupees per month.
The land rebate provision clearly illustrates the
government’s direct participation in identifying spe-
cific zones in which IT companies can establish
themselves, and its willingness to use public re-
sources, here government-owned land, to buttress
its growth policies. The rebate only applies to lands
allotted by the government and its agencies, primar-
ily the Andhra Pradesh Industrial Infrastructure
Corporation (APIIC), the main body in charge of
13
The ICT Act includes a second list, which outlines optional but
‘‘desirable amenities’’ for IT parks that include a food court and a
health club (‘‘equipped with an aerobics studio, games area,
karaoke lounge . . .’’). It is stated that large parks (over 1,000,000
square feet or 93,000 square metres) are expected to plan for
residential, retail and entertainment infrastructure (Government of
Andhra Pradesh, 2002, p. 11).
14
One Rupee is worth approximately 0.019 Euros, or expressed
differently, one Euro is worth about 54 Rupees (January 2006).
15
Companies availing of this rebate are not eligible for other
incentives such as investment subsidy, exemption of stamp duty,
etc.
developing industrial estates and facilitating large
investment projects. In the case of Hyderabad, the
plots offered by the government are located mainly
in the peri-urban areas on the city’s periphery. In
particular large tracts have been reserved in the wes-
tern periphery for specialised parks, like HITEC
City (cf. below), where numerous large firms have
set up office space on extensive campuses.
Policy-makers in Naidu’s government gave partic-
ular emphasis to ITES, which has a greater capacity
to create employment and where Hyderabad is con-
sidered to have strong potential. This is a fast-grow-
ing sector in the global economy, around 60% per
year for off-shore, and India is well placed to benefit
from this market.16 According to data provided by a
government agency, Hyderabad had the fastest
growth rate in India for ITES between 2000 and
2002, measured in terms of export value of services.
It should be noted, however, that in absolute value
terms, its exports were far behind the National Cap-
ital Region (including Delhi, Gurgaon, and Noida).
Hyderabad’s advantages include a large number of
graduates (B.Sc/B.E./B.Com), and relatively lower
wage rates than other metro cities in the country.
In order to promote this fast-growing sector, ITES
was declared as an ‘‘essential services’’ industry
and companies are authorized to operate 24 hours
a day, 7 days a week, 365 days a year. Among finan-
cial incentives for this sub-sector, an investment sub-
sidy of 20%, up to a limit of 2 million Rupees
(approx. 354,400 Euros), is available. To meet the la-
bour requirements, the government set up a subsi-
dized training facility specifically geared for call
centre operations.17 This pragmatic stance offers fur-
ther evidence of the state’s determination to actively
steer the growth process, and not wait for market
forces to lead.
Building HITEC City on the periphery of
Hyderabad
In addition to creating a conducive policy environ-
ment, Naidu’s government was the main driving force
behind the realisation of HITEC City i.e., Hyderabad
Information Technology Engineering Consultancy
City, a large-scale industrial park dedicated to IT
and related activities. HITEC city is situated about
20 km from the centre of Hyderabad, towards the
west, and approximately the same distance from the
airport (see Figure 1). It is the result of a public–
16
It is estimated that India captured 55% of the total market of
outsourced services in 2002. The sectors most concerned are banks
and financial services, followed by telecommunications and
industry.
17
According to an official interviewed in early 2003, the govern-
ment saw its role here as temporary and planned to withdraw as
soon as private sector companies came up to take over. Interview
by author, Sulaksh Dikshit, AP First manager (marketing), 3 April
2003.
99
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
Figure 1 HITEC City in Hyderabad’s western suburbs.
private partnership (PPP) between the government,
through the APIIC, which provided the land in the
form of equity, and a private promoter, which man-
ages the park. Located on a large campus, nearly
65 ha, the concept and site are explicitly modelled
on successful international examples (Hsinchu Sci-
ence-based Industrial Park in Taiwan, and Research
Triangle Park in North Carolina). The main architec-
tural features of the first phase of HITEC City are
three large office buildings: Cyber Towers, a ten-
story futuristic high-rise inaugurated in November
1998, Cyber Gateway, a larger complex completed
in 2001 and Cyber Pearl in late 2004 (see Figure 2).
In this same locality, the government is involved in
a second large-scale PPP called ‘‘Mind Space’ cover-
ing 45 ha, currently under construction (see Figure 3).
Besides the main office buildings, which offer fully
equipped ready-to-purchase or lease space, 50% of
the HITEC City campus is reserved for private firms
wishing to erect their own facilities. Moreover, in the
vicinity numerous Indian and international firms,
including famous names like Infosys, Wipro and
Microsoft have established their own offices on plots
designated by the APIIC.18 The infrastructure facil-
ities that are extended to these customised premises
include: roads, water supply, drainage, street lighting
and provision for data and voice connectivity. Inter-
estingly, the APIIC, the public agency that built
18
Some of these plots, which are provided by the government at
nominal cost as part of the overall IT policy, are as large as 24 ha.
100
much of the basic infrastructure here is the ‘‘deemed
local body’’ i.e., the local administration, for this en-
tire zone and constitutes the interface between the
firms and various utilities, regulatory bodies, and
branches of government.
It should be noted here that the architectural style
of HITEC City and of the large office buildings built
by IT firms, the vast landscaped campuses, and the
remarkable quality of the roads mark a striking con-
trast with the surrounding environment, which is
generally dry and rocky and poorly equipped in ba-
sic infrastructure. In this way, HITEC City is ac-
tively contributing to the formation of highly
differentiated ‘‘mixed spaces’’ midway between ur-
ban centres and rural spaces that characterise peri-
urbanisation (cf. Dupont’s introduction to this issue)
(see Figure 4).
Apart from the spatial and environmental impacts
of such large-scale projects, the increasing impor-
tance of private actors in providing and managing
infrastructure has important implications for urban
governance. PPPs have played a critical role in HI-
TEC City, and also for setting up the reputed Inter-
national Institute of Information Technology, an
engineering school that offers specialised training
courses through ‘‘corporate schools’’ sponsored by
prominent IT firms. On its own, the private sector
has set up numerous educational institutions in the
immediate area, including exclusive residential
schools. The Indian Business School was established
in partnership with several internationally recogni-
sed management institutions including the Kellogg
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
Figure 2 Cyber Pearl, HITEC City. Photo credit: L. Kennedy.
School of Management, the Wharton School and the
London Business School. These specialised institu-
tions reflect the global orientation of the economic
policies and the preference for private sector service
providers, ostensibly as a gage of quality and
transparency.
Performance of the IT sector
Various indicators show that the IT sector has devel-
oped quite significantly in recent years, and it ap-
pears to be one of the more dynamic sectors in the
city.19 Based on data concerning large investment
projects, IT investments in HITEC City and sur-
rounding area were estimated to account for over
70% of the total investments under implementation
in Hyderabad in the late 1990s (Shaw, 1999, p. 976).
Public sector spending, mainly on infrastructure, was
estimated at less than 10% of total, but this figure
may not take account of public equity in the form
19
There are no official city-level economic statistics produced in
India, so estimates have to be used.
of land. According to the Hyderabad branch of Soft-
ware Technology Parks of India (STPI)20 software
exports from Andhra Pradesh increased from
roughly 13 million dollars US in 1995–1996 to more
than one billion dollars in 2003–2004 (1109 million
USD). In the same period, the number of companies
registered with STPI and in operation rose from 31
to 860, providing employment to nearly 86,000 per-
sons, of which nearly 77,000 are technical staff. All
but 80 of these units are located in Hyderabad and
surrounding suburbs.
The break-down of exports by sub-sector, pre-
sented below (see Table 1), gives an indication of
the structure of the industry. ITES have been on
the rise in the last few years and now generate
roughly half of total exports.
20
Software Technology Parks of India is an autonomous agency
set up in 1990 by the Ministry of Communications and Information
Technology, Government of India. I thank Bart Rijken for the
compiled figures.
101
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
Figure 3 Construction at HITEC City. Makeshift camps for construction workers and their families in the foreground,
Cyber Towers in the background. Photo credit: L. Kennedy.
Notwithstanding the remarkable performance of
IT industry in Hyderabad, it is no doubt still too
early to evaluate the capacity of HITEC City to sus-
tain its growth and develop into an innovative indus-
trial district. Be that as it may, it is undeniable that
government-led efforts have resulted in new invest-
ments and put Hyderabad on the map as a high-tech
hub in India, alongside Bangalore and Chennai.
The making of place: Cyberabad ex nihilo
In January 2001 the government of Andhra Pradesh
created the ‘‘Cyberabad Development Area’’
(CDA) with the purpose of developing a large area
around HITEC City into a model enclave (see Fig-
ure 5).21 The stated goal: to create an enclave that
‘‘will become a model for other urban areas in the
country by providing clean air and water, high qual-
ity of services such as sanitation and waste manage-
ment, and the best standards of power, housing and
21
See Government Order Ms No. 21 MA, dated 20 January 2001.
102
transport’’ (Government of Andhra Pradesh, 2001,
p. 1). A Master Plan for CDA was drawn up with
the help of special consultants defining specific land
use zoning regulations and building regulations in
order to ‘‘provide a framework for the creation of
high quality infrastructure’’. To finance the creation
of capital infrastructure such as road and urban ame-
nities, the plan provides for raising resources inter-
nally by way of user charges, but also external
betterment charges, and changes in the structure of
property tax and recovery rates.
The area, which covers 52 square kilometres, was
carved out of Seriligampally Muncipality and con-
sists of 17 revenue villages (cf. Figure 6). Currently
the cluster around HITEC City, with its impressive
buildings and state-of-the art infrastructure, occu-
pies only a small portion of CDA. Although numer-
ous commercial and residential buildings are under
construction, primarily along the main roads, there
are still plenty of open spaces. Major efforts have
been undertaken to connect the area to the city,
via wide well-maintained concrete roads, and
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy

Figure 4 Peri-urban mixed spaces: herding (foreground) and HITEC City (background) in Cyberabad. Photo credit: L.
Kennedy.

Table 1 Sector-wise exports by STPI-Hyderabad units in 2003– ple employed at HITEC City, these suburbs offer
04 (%) many amenities such as luxury hotels, restaurants,
ITES 46.70
shops and entertainment. The promoters of HITEC
Application software 10.50 City, and urban planners at CDA have planned
System software 7.30 housing colonies, commercial buildings, as well as
Application re-engineering 4.03 recreation facilities, the idea being to create a self-
E-commerce/web applications 7.50 reliant ‘techno’ township. As Véronique Dupont
Consultancy services 4.25
Communication software 7.85 demonstrated in the case of Delhi, these various ef-
ERP/client server 9.37 forts contribute to the creation ex nihilo of new
VLSI and embedded software 2.50 areas capable of providing upper income groups
with the kind of working and living conditions to
Source. Compiled by B. Rijken, with data from STPI, Hyderabad. which they aspire (2001). These are becoming
increasingly self-sufficient areas, capable of meeting
all the needs of the residents, and do not appear to
through a recently inaugurated mass transit com- be particularly integrated in Hyderabad’s urban
muter train. A new ring road is being built and will fabric.
facilitate links to the planned international airport at
Shamshabad, south of the city. When approaching
HITEC City from the centre of Hyderabad the road A knowledge corridor bridging Hyderabad and
travels through Banjara Hills and Jubilee Hills, both Bangalore
of which are affluent residential areas. In addition to In addition to planning numerous specialised enter-
providing attractive housing opportunities for peo- prise parks in Hyderabad’s western periphery, and

103
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
Figure 5 Cyberabad development area – CDA.
promoting private educational and training institu-
tions, Vision 2020 includes plans for a ‘‘knowledge
corridor’’ consisting of three high-tech zones, each
dedicated to a particular sector of activity: biotech-
nology/medical research, industrial technologies
and IT enabled remote services (Government of
Andhra Pradesh, 1999). A schematic map indicates
the three zones will skirt around Hyderabad on the
western, south-western and southern borders, with
extensions from HITEC city toward the south along
a planned Hyderabad–Bangalore expressway.22 What
is clearly stated is that the government intends to de-
velop a ‘‘large area’’23 to the south of Hyderabad in
order to ensure a scale proportionate to the state’s
ambitions and to international examples it is trying
to emulate:
22
Bangalore, India’s IT capital, is located about 560 km from
Hyderabad.
23
A recent press report indicated 20,000 acres (8094 ha). cf.
‘‘More land identified for IT firms’’, The Hindu, 4 August 2005,
Hyderabad edition.
104
The State will need to develop a much larger area
than HITEC City as the State’s IT hub and equip it
with world class facilities. HITEC City is only one
square kilometre whereas the US’ Silicon Valley is
an 80 km strip and Malaysia’s Multimedia Super
Corridor (MSC) is a 750 km strip. By planning a
large location early, Andhra Pradesh will be able to
avoid the unnecessary congestion that occurred in
some states and keep real estate prices at reasonable
levels for a longer period of time (Government of
Andhra Pradesh, 1999, p. 282).
An international airport, to be built and
managed by the private sector, is under construc-
tion at Shamshabad and is considered a very
important element of the overall strategy. About
20 km southwest of the city, it will be accessible
by a national highway connecting Hyderabad with
Bangalore. Like for Cyberabad, a special statutory
authority has been created called HADA,
Hyderabad Airport Development Authority. With
a jurisdiction of 458 km2, HADA’s mission is to
promote planned development in and around the
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy

to Nizamabad to Nagpur
NH 7

to Mumbai Kukatpally
Kukatpally

NH 9
Alwal
Qutubullapur

to Kazipet
Kukatpally
Serilingampally Kapra
SC Malkajigiri
to Mumbai
CDA
Uppal
MCH Musi River

L.B.Nagar

NH 9

Rajendranagar to Vijayawada
Gaddiannaram
Gaddi annaram

Proposed
International
NH 7 Airport
to Bangalore INDIA

10 km Hyderabad
ANDHRA
PRADESH
MCH - Municipal Corporation of Hyderabad

SC - Secunderabad Cantonment

CDA - Cyberabad Development Area Boundary of Hyderabad Urban Development Authority (HUDA)

Municipalities Major Roads

Water Bodies Railways

Source: HUDA Draft Master Plan (2003)
Graphic design : Aimée Lafitte (CNRS, ADES)

Figure 6 Hyderabad urban agglomeration (within HUDA area).

airport, and act as the coordinator between
government and the various agencies concerned.
A Master Plan outlines the development strategy,
including stipulations on land use and building
requirements. Even more so than the area falling
under CDA, HADA covers a largely rural
area. Shamsabad is the largest settlement with
less than 20 000 inhabitants, the remaining
settlements are classified as villages and hamlets
(HADA Draft Master Plan 2005, p. 12). The

105
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
total population in 2001 was just above
154,000, and it is projected to reach 2 million by
2021.24
Glocal scalar ‘‘fixes’’ and global city-regions
Both CDA and HADA resemble textbook examples
of ‘‘glocal fixes’’, i.e. place-specific production com-
plexes, which are the outcome of a strategic approach
to infrastructure development that seeks to facilitate
capital accumulation through intense global-local
interaction.25 These fixes, often in the form of science
parks or enterprise zones, involve providing excel-
lent quality technical networks and services to attract
firms, often custom designed for their needs. This
strategy has been interpreted, notably by Brenner
(1998, 2004), as a rescaling of the state territorial
organisation as it involves the creation of a localised
framework for intensifying productive forces, here
‘‘special development areas’’, governed by specific
rules and regulations. Instead of applying a uniform
regulatory regime throughout the national (or regio-
nal) territory, fitting out specialised spaces allows
policy-makers to offer what investors are seeking,
and what they themselves are unable to provide to
the territory as a whole. Rescaling is a compelling
concept, and one that appears quite powerful for
explaining the current trend of city-focused growth
strategies in India, deployed by both central and re-
gional governments. Notwithstanding, rescaling
strategies, premised on uneven spatial development,
are strongly contested. It is argued in particular that
they exacerbate urban fragmentation to the extent
that they involve improving services for powerful
users while bypassing economically or socially weak-
er groups.26 Within the HITEC City enclave, there is
clearly a case of increasing differentiation in service
levels at the local scale, and in this sense it effectively
combines global connectivity and local disconnection
(Graham and Marvin, 2001, p. 377). However, there
has not been a deterioration in local services levels,
and in some cases there appears to have been slight
improvement. This observation joins other recent
scholarship in underscoring the necessity for precau-
tion when transposing across diverse political and
cultural situations assumptions about the conse-
quences of specific policies and of ‘‘uneven develop-
24
Some local environmental groups opposed the planned inter-
national airport at Shamshabad on grounds that it violated existing
statutes protecting water bodies. The public interest litigation filed
with the Supreme Court by the NGO, Forum for a Better
Hyderabad, was unsuccessful in blocking the plan.
25
These concepts were elaborated in the 1990s by several scholars.
See Neil Brenner (1998, 2004) for a discussion and preliminary
synthesis of this literature.
26
Stephen Graham defines ‘‘premium networked spaces’’ as
follows: ‘‘new or retrofitted transport, telecommunications, power
or water infrastructures that are customized precisely to the needs
of powerful users and spaces, whilst bypassing less powerful users
and spaces’’ 2000, p. 185.
106
ment logics’’ generally.27 In this context, two remarks
are in order. Firstly, patterns of social and spatial seg-
regation are best understood within their specific so-
cial and historical contexts, and policy choices with
regard to public utilities generally reflect broader so-
cial institutions (Lorrain, 2005, p. 24). Secondly, in a
global context where spaces in developed and devel-
oping countries are increasingly in direct competition
for capital investment, these strategies may be the
most effective, from the point of view of the latter,
for overcoming, albeit partially, infrastructural weak-
ness and increasing capacity for promoting economic
growth. An evaluation of the consequences would
necessarily involve taking into consideration the
overall policy approach, including efforts to redis-
tribute wealth generated by these global growth
sectors.
Weak political mobilisation
The growth strategies being deployed in Hyderabad
are identical in many respects to those observed in
large cities across the globe, in both developed and
developing countries. Likewise, one observes similar
patterns with regard to the types of economic and
commercial activities that are most dynamic (busi-
ness services, high-technology industries and ser-
vices, shopping and entertainment complexes). In
many ways then Hyderabad manifests key character-
istics of global city-regions explored in Scott et al.
(2001); not surprisingly it has more affinities with
city-regions in developing countries which ‘‘. . . rep-
resent the best and the worst of the development
process. They are places where highly productive
and innovative economies are often in evidence,
but they are also places where the multi-faceted
market failures, historical imbalances, and brutal
power relations of the development process are
painfully in evidence.’’ (Scott et al., 2001, p. 26).
However, Hyderabad diverges from the global
city-region framework in one important aspect,
namely the lack of political mobilisation at the
metropolitan scale, observed in other city-regions,
whose objective is to build regional political compe-
tence ‘‘. . . in pursuit of mutual aid and advantage in
the face of the mounting challenges that globaliza-
tion is now bringing to the fore at the local level’’
(Scott, 2001, p. 4).28 City-level political representa-
tives in Hyderabad as well as in the surrounding
municipalities have been conspicuously absent from
the policy process at every stage, from the broad
vision statement to the specifics of sectoral policies.
Indeed, even within the administration the planning
27
On Mumbai, see Zérah, 2003. On cities in sub-Saharan Africa,
see Jaglin, 2005. For a recent critical appraisal of the ‘‘splintering
urbanism’’ thesis elaborated by Graham and Marvin (2001), see
Coutard et al. (2005).
28
This point is explored in more detail in Kennedy and Ramach-
andraiah (2006).
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
authorities for the Hyderabad metropolitan area
were not consulted about the decision to create
CDA.29 In the period examined here, the state gov-
ernment indulged in a classic top-down decision-
making process, which is emblematic of the political
culture in Andhra Pradesh and in many Indian
states. Attempts by the central government to
strengthen political decentralisation in both urban
and rural areas, most recently through constitutional
amendments, have not always met with success,
although situations vary enormously across regions.
Civil society organisations, often with support from
international NGOs, continue to demand more
effective democratic decentralisation while
denouncing political corruption at all levels.30 One
key question that arises here, which will require fur-
ther research, is the extent to which such top-down
decision-making, in conjunction with regulatory
tools that carve out selected areas for development
within largely undeveloped peri-urban spaces, are
effectively weakening prospects for participatory ur-
ban governance at the metropolitan scale. There is
at present a distinct contradiction between the gov-
ernment’s rhetoric, which emphasises its commit-
ment to improving popular participation, and its
actions, which have excluded both elected represen-
tatives and civil society organisations from the policy
process.
Greater Hyderabad on the horizon?
Interestingly, the state government recently issued a
proposal that, if enacted, would lead to the forma-
tion of a political entity at the metropolitan level,
the Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation.
This would be formed by merging the municipalities
and small towns surrounding Hyderabad.31 This pro-
posal was not publicly discussed before the
announcement of the Government Order, again
symptomatic of top-down political practices, and
met with hostility from the elected councillors of
the Hyderabad Municipal Corporation, a majority
of whom voted against it (75%).32 The fate of this
initiative is unclear at present, but it seems likely
that the state government will pursue it, citing the
necessity of creating an appropriate management
structure for coordinating overall city level systems,
(e.g., road network, water supply and drainage net-
work, public transport system, etc.) consolidating
29
Interview with a senior planning officer, Hyderabad Urban
Development Authority, Hyderabad 25 November 2002.
30
Lok Satta (People Power) is an example of a powerful NGO,
based in Hyderabad, that focuses on political and governance
reforms in its pursuit of development goals. See www.loksatta.org.
31
Cf. G.O.Ms. No. 704, Municipal Administration and Urban
Development Department, Government of Andhra Pradesh, dated
20th July 2005. cf. http://www.aponline.gov.in/apportal/depart-
ments/GosbyDepts.asp.
32
Cf. ‘‘Majority corporators vote aginst Greater Hyderabad
proposal’’, The Hindu, 5 August 2005, Hyderabad edition.
technical capabilities and improving possibilities
for resource mobilisation. Such justifications are no
doubt founded, and indeed they are in line with
emerging norms at the national level. Locally, the
need for metropolitan planning appears ever more
urgent as more and more suburban spaces are being
developed, albeit selectively as we have seen,
increasing spatial differentiation. However, the ab-
sence of political debate, indeed the total lack of
prior consultation, has soured the proposal for many
local political actors and may compromise its ulti-
mate success. A more palatable proposal may be
to conserve existing local bodies, while still creating
an overarching metropolitan body, perhaps with
indirectly elected representatives from the corpora-
tion and the surrounding municipalities and towns.33
Given the themes discussed in this paper, it is inter-
esting to note that one of the six reasons listed in the
notification for constituting the Greater Hyderabad
Municipal Corporation refers explicitly to the state’s
economic strategy: ‘‘to make the city internationally
competitive with world class infrastructure and
services’’.
This example illustrates how global models are
selectively chosen in Andhra Pradesh: whereas the
state government has been very clear about its com-
mitment to city-centric, infrastructure-led growth, it
has granted scarce attention to governance issues.
The international literature on strategic urban plan-
ning stresses the importance of engaging a political
process with the major social and economic groups.
Although, as Stren points out, the ability of civil
society and specific stakeholders to participate in
setting the agenda and devising policies depends
on ‘‘how well (they) are engaged with municipal
institutions, and how much power and effective
authority these institutions command.’’ (2001,
p. 206, emphasis added). This is a reminder that,
even in the event that the Greater Hyderabad Muni-
cipal Corporation is created, it will not suffice to
automatically transform the relationship between ci-
vil society and the state. In Hyderabad, for now,
metropolitan governance is dominated by a strong
state, which sets the priorities and pursues them in
a top-down manner. Although new actors are pres-
ent on the scene, they tend to represent private eco-
nomic interests, and the consultation process with
the state, to the extent it takes place, is mainly
through informal channels.
Conclusion
The main objective of this paper was to examine
how efforts to promote growth in the southern In-
33
This would be less threatening perhaps to the dominant political
party in Hyderabad, the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen, whose
constituency is based in Hyderabad City, and whose political
survival is directly threatened by the Greater Hyderabad proposal.
107
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
dian state of Andhra Pradesh are impacting the
Hyderabad metropolitan region and the conse-
quences for urban governance. As we have seen,
the state government’s growth strategies, based on
high-tech industries and services and large-scale
infrastructure projects, largely targeted Hyderabad
and its peri-urban periphery. To promote the IT sec-
tor, a dual strategy was engaged: on one hand, an
aggressive policy offers numerous incentives to
investors, including concessions on land, on the
other hand, specially designed enterprise parks are
being built in peri-urban areas through public-pri-
vate partnerships, and fitted out with ‘‘world-class’’
infrastructure. The analysis focused considerable
attention on the case of HITEC City, the most
prominent IT park. Of particular interest is the fact
that the state government designed a special regula-
tory framework for the park and for a large area
around it, the Cyberabad Development Authority,
with the stated purpose of developing it into a ‘mod-
el enclave’. It was argued that this regulatory tool
constitutes a key component of a reterritorialisation
strategy, here the creation of a new territory
equipped with excellent quality infrastructure and
governed by specific rules, which aim to ensure a
certain type of urban development. This example
provides a striking illustration of state re-scaling as
developed by Brenner (1998, 2004), whereby states
seek to adapt to capitalist restructuring by promot-
ing their major cities as key coordinates of rescaled
state territorial power.
What is remarkable here, with regard to the
rescaling literature, is that fact that the strategy is
being played out at the regional level. This was ana-
lysed as an expression of political affirmation on the
part of the state government, whose policy-making
capacities have been enhanced in recent years as a
consequence of both economic reforms and pro-
found changes in India’s polity. More opportunities
for attracting capital, but also greater competition
among states, are driving political elites in some of
India’s states to devise policies that are responsive
to the norms of the global economy. Their efforts
concentrate on their largest cities and are character-
ised by large-scale infrastructure projects, often lo-
cated in the urban peripheries, public-private
partnerships, and also special regulatory instru-
ments. Andhra Pradesh has been at the forefront
of these trends.
The relatively strong role played by public ac-
tors in this case study appears significant in light
of the fact that much of the literature on global
cities tends to emphasise the predominant role
played by exogenous global actors, notably multi-
national firms. This does not suggest that the latter
are not important, indeed their presence is grow-
ing; rather it underscores the fact that the regional
state is mobilising its considerable powers to shape
conditions for investors and for the urban region’s
political economy as a whole. In that fundamental
108
sense, the state government constitutes the key ac-
tor of urban governance in Hyderabad; indeed
other local actors are conspicuously absent from
the policy process. Governance continues to be
characterised by centralised political institutions.
In the economic sphere, interface with investing
firms is carefully controlled by government agen-
cies. Such institutional arrangements in conjunc-
tion with special regulatory frameworks like
CDA and HADA would appear to weaken pros-
pects for governance institutions at the metropoli-
tan scale.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Dr. Véronique Dupont for provid-
ing me with an opportunity to present a first draft
of this paper at the workshop she organised in
New Delhi in 2004. I would also like to thank Dr.
Marie-Hélène Zérah for her suggestions, and two
anonymous referees for their valuable comments.
The usual disclaimers apply.
References
Brenner, N (1998) Global cities, glocal states: global city formation
and state territorial restructuring in contemporary Europe.
Review of International Political Economy 5(1), 1–37.
Brenner, N (2004) New State Spaces. Urban Governance and the
Rescaling of Statehood. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Coutard, O, Hanley, R and Zimmerman, R (eds.) (2005)
Sustaining Urban Networks. The Social Diffusion of Large
Technical Systems. Routledge, London and New York.
Dupont, V (2001) Les nouveaux quartiers chics de Delhi. Langage
publicitaire et réalités périurbaines. In: Nommer les nouveaux
territoires urbains, (ed.) Rivière d’Arc, H. Editions UNESCO/
Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Paris, pp. 39–
61.
Dupont, V (2002) Le monde des villes. In: Population et
de´veloppement en Inde, (ed.) Saligo-Yatzimirsky, M-C. Car-
refours de géographie, Ellipses, Paris, pp. 55–84.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (1999) Andhra Pradesh: Vision
2020.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2001) Cyberabad Master Plan.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2002) ICT Policy 2002–2005,
Information Technology and Communications Department.
Government of Andhra Pradesh (2005) Hyderabad Airport
Development Authority Draft Master Plan.
Graham, S (2000) Constructing premium network spaces: reflec-
tions on infrastructure networks and contemporary urban
development. International Journal of Urban and Regional
Research 24(1), 183–200.
Graham, S and Marvin, S (2001) Splintering Urbanism. Networked
Infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban Condi-
tion. Routledge, London.
Jaglin, S (2005) Services d’eau en Afrique subsaharienne. La
fragmentation urbaine en question. CNRS Editions, Paris.
Jenkins, R (1999) Democratic politics and economic reform in India.
Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Kennedy, L (2004) The political determinants of reform packag-
ing: contrasting responses to economic liberalization in Andhra
Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. In Regional Reflections: Comparing
Politics Across India’s States, (ed.) R Jenkins. pp. 29–65.
Oxford University Press, New Delhi.
Kennedy, L, Ramachandraiah, C (2006). Logiques spatiales d’une
stratégie régionale ‘‘high-tech’’. L’exemple de HITEC City à
Hyderabad (Inde). Flux 63/64, 54–70.
 Regional industrial policies driving peri-urban dynamics in Hyderabad, India: L Kennedy
Kirk, J (2005) Banking on India’s States: the politics of World
Bank reform programs in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka.
India Review 4(3–4), 287–325.
Lorrain, D (2005) The rise of technological networks in daily life.
In Sustaining Urban Networks. The Social Diffusion of Large
Technical Systems, (eds.) O Coutard, R Hanley and R
Zimmerman. pp. 15–31. Routledge, London and New York.
McCarney, P, Halfani, M and Rodriguez, A (1995) Towards an
understanding of governance: the emergence of an idea and its
implications for urban research in developing countries. In
Urban Research in the Developing World, (eds.) R Stren and J
Bell. Perspectives on the City, vol. 4. pp. 91–141. Centre for
Urban and Community Studies, University of Toronto,
Toronto.
Mooij, J (2005) Hype, skill and class. a comparative analysis of the
politics of reforms in Andhra Pradesh, India. Working Paper
Series No. 413, Institute of Social Studies, The Hague.
Scott, A J (2001) Introduction. In Global City-Regions. Trends,
Theory, Policy, (ed.) A J Scott. pp. 1–8. Oxford University
Press, New York.
Scott, A J, Agnew, J, Soja, E W and Storper, M (2001)
Global city-regions. In Global City-Regions. Trends, The-
ory, Policy, (ed.) A J Scott. pp. 11–30. Oxford University
Press, New York.
Sellers, J M (2002) Governing from Below. Urban Regions and the
Global Economy. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
Shaw, A. (1999) Emerging patterns of urban growth in India,
Economic and Political Weekly, 17–24 April, 969–978.
Sinha, A (2004) Ideas, interests and institutions in policy change. a
comparison of West Bengal and Gujarat. In Regional Reflec-
tions: Comparing Politics Across India’s States, (ed.) R
Jenkins. pp. 66–108. Oxford University Press, New Delhi.
Stren, R (2001) Local governance and social diversity in the
developing world: new challenges for globalizing city-regions.
In Global City-Regions. Trends, Theory, Policy, (ed.) A J
Scott. pp. 193–213. Oxford University Press, New York.
Zérah, M-H (2003) Gouvernance métropolitaine et pilotage de
réseaux techniques: le cas de la région métropolitaine de
Mumbai (Bombay). Revue française d’administration publique
107, 395–408.
109