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Election issues
The election had not been anticipated until 2010, but a snap ballot was called in April due to the ongoing political stalemate in parliament as well as the reform package sought by Gruevski's government and the "name issue," which continues to thwart Macedonia's path to NATO membership despite a vigorous endorsement by US President George W Bush at the recent NATO summit in Bucharest, Romania. When Yugoslavia began to break apart in 1991, the Yugoslav republic of Macedonia became a sovereign state and christened itself the "Republic of Macedonia," sharing a name with Greece's northernmost province and buying the new country 17 years of difficulties with its more powerful southern neighbor. Greece has successfully blocked NATO membership over the name issue, charging that its northern neighbor is attempting to appropriate Greek history and covets the Greek province of Macedonia. (See, Greece, Macedonia: Sticks and stones by Anes Alic for ISN Security Watch.) Compromises such as "Republic of Macedonia (Skopje)" and "Upper Macedonia" have been proposed, but
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In what was dubbed "Operation Mountain Storm," Macedonian forces killed at least six of the guerillas, who were perhaps euphemistically described by the government as "criminals," but reportedly had a huge weapons cache stored in the mountains near the village of Brodec that included mortars, artillery pieces and anti-aircraft missiles. Among the dead was one Ramadan Shiti, a long-time fugitive who reportedly blew himself up with a hand grenade. Another wanted Albanian extremist, Lirim Jakupi, also known as "Commander Nazi," escaped. Ohrid is still a defining moment for Macedonia, but the occasional eruption of violence and simmering distrust reveals just how dysfunctional Macedonian politics is. A "third way" between the DUI and DPA has not emerged, and there is no sign that such an option will resonate with Macedonia's Albanians. Alsat TV's Muhamed Zequiri told ISN Security Watch that the cleavage in the Albanian community preceded the 2001 conflict, and that it continues because it is in the prime minister's interest. After Ohrid, "the third way was DUI, which emerged from the conflict as the most legitimate force in Albanian politics. The main problem occurred in 2006: The DUI was a very constructive force and had more votes than the DPA, but the prime minister preferred the DPA, which led to the political problems that we still have today." But Vankovska disagrees strongly. The differences between the DUI and the DPA go back to their roles during the conflict and the post-2001 period, she says: "The [] intolerance has its roots in the fact that DUI achieved by violence what DPA (and other Albanian parties) were trying to achieve through a long and hard political process. The lesson learned for each side was/is: violence pays []" In the coming weeks, Macedonians will know which of the two Albanian parties will participate in the new government, but real change and stability - despite the prime minister's victory - is unlikely.
Karl Rahder is a senior writer for ISN Security Watch. Related ISN Publishing House entries State-Building and Regional Cooperation in the Western Balkans Europe Briefing, Nr. 41: Macedonia - Wobbling Towards Europe Macedonian Elections 2006: Ohrid Accords Survive Minority Issues Mainstreaming Peacemaking through Interreligious Dialogue in Macedonia Comment on this story Earlier news
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