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Theories of International Migration: A Review and Appraisal Author(s): Douglas S.

Massey, Joaquin Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino, J. Edward Taylor Source: Population and Development Review, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Sep., 1993), pp. 431-466 Published by: Population Council Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2938462 . Accessed: 22/06/2011 14:35
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Theoriesof International A Migration: Review and Appraisal


DOUGLAS S. MASSEY JOAQUIN ARANGO GRAEME HUGO ALI KOUAOUCI ADELA PELLEGRINO J. EDWARD TAYLOR

OVERTHEPAST30 YEARS, has as imrnigration emerged a major force throughout In theworld. traditional immigrant-receiving suchas Australia, societies Canada, andtheUnited has and the of States, volume immigration grown itscomposition has shifted decisively away fromEurope,the historically dominant source, In and countries that toward Asia,Africa, LatinAmerica. Europe, meanwhile, for centuries had been sendingout migrants were suddenly transformed in intoimmigrant-receiving societies. After 1945,virtually countries Western all Europebeganto attract significant numbers workers from abroad.Although of the migrants were initially drawnmainly from southern Europe,by the late in 1960sthey mostly came from developing countries Africa, Asia,theCaribbean,and theMiddleEast. in By the 1980s even countries southern Europe-Italy,Spain, and Portugal-which onlya decadebefore beensending had to migrants wealthier in countries the north, workers from began to import Africa, Asia, and the MiddleEast.Atthesametime, birth Japan-withitslow and still declining rate, its aging population, and its high standard living-founditself of turning increasingly migrants poorer to from in countries Asiaand evenSouthAmerica to satisfy laborneeds. its Mostoftheworld's have multiethnic developed countries becomediverse, in and that havenotreached state moving this are societies, those decisively that direction. emergence international The of as feature migration a basicstructural all and ofnearly industrialized to of countries testifies thestrength coherence the
POPULATION AND DEVELOPMENT REVIEW 19, NO. 3 (SEPTEMBER 1993)

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THEORIES

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these remains base understanding forces forces. thetheoretical for Yet underlying and has taken officials, boominimmigration therefore citizens, weak.Therecent migration, and when it comes to international by demographers surprise, and in concepts, models, mired nineteenth-century remains popularthinking assumptions. migration, theory international of coherent there no single, is Atpresent, in from largely isolation that set onlya fragmented oftheories have developed boundaries. but by one another, sometimes notalwayssegmented disciplinary that a full and trendsin immigration, however,suggest Current patterns processes will not be achievedby migratory of understanding contemporary on levelof alone,or byfocusing a single relying thetoolsofone discipline on a theircomplex, multifaceted naturerequires sophisticated Rather, analysis. and a levels, assumptions. of that theory incorporatesvariety perspectives, the contemand is of article toexplicate integrate leading Thepurpose this that models We by migration. begin examining theories international of porary that consider theories and movement then describe initiation international the of acrossspaceand time. flows persist population account whytransnational for a we Rather thanfavoring theory overanother priori, seekto understand one in and key each model on its own terms orderto illuminate assumptions do separately we has been considered Only after each theory hypotheses. to frameworks revealareas of and contrast different the conceptual compare In this disagreement.undertaking exercise, and substantive logical inconsistency and a the empirically, tolay evaluating models we seektoprovide soundbasisfor of theory an the groundwork constructing accurateand comprehensive for century. migration thetwenty-first for international

of The initiation intemational migration


to whyinternational A variety theoretical of modelshas beenproposed explain the seeks and eachultimately toexplain samething, begins, although migration of and different assumptions, frames reference. concepts, radically they employ condiinwagesandemployment focuses differentials on economics Neoclassical it generally conceivesof and on migration tionsbetweencountries, costs; The maximization. "new ecofor decision income movement an individual as in of in conditions a variety markets, considers nomics migration," contrast, of as notjust labormarkets. viewsmigration a householddecisiontakento It on capitalconstraints family incomeor to overcome minimize risks family to and world systems theory Dual labor market theory activities. production instead forces on decision focusing processes, suchmicro-level ignore generally The links to at levels aggregation. former immigration of operating muchhigher sees whilethelatter industrial of thestructural economies, requirementsmodern and of globalization market as consequence economic immigration a natural boundaries. acrossnational penetration

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Given fact theories the that causalprocesses suchdifferent at conceptualize levelsof analysis-theindividual, household, national, theinterthe the and national-they cannot assumed, priori, be inherently be a to incompatible.is It quite possible, example,thatindividuals to maximize for act incomewhile families minirnize and thatthe context risk, within are whichbothdecisions madeis shapedby structural forces operating thenational international at and levels.Nonetheless, variousmodels reflect the different research objectives, focuses, interests, waysofdecomposing enormously and an complex subject into analytically manageable basis forjudging parts;and a firm their consistency requires theinner that logic, propositions, assumptions, hypotheses each and of be theory clearly specified well-understood. and Neoclassical economics: Macrotheory Probably oldestand best-known the of was theory international migration in the processof economic to developedoriginally explainlabor migration and Todaro,1970; development (Lewis, 1954; Ranis and Fei, 1961; Harris and Todaro,1976). According this to theory itsextensions, international migrain is differences the tion,like its internal counterpart, caused by geographic of supply and demandforlabor.Countries witha largeendowment labor of relative capital to have a low equilibrium market wage,whilecountries a with limited are endowment labor of relative capital characterized a high to market by of and interaction laborsupply wage, as depicted graphically the familiar by demand The inwagescausesworkers curves. resulting differential from lowthe to As of wagecountry moveto thehigh-wage country. a result this movement, thesupply labordecreases wagesrisein thecapital-poor of and while country, thesupply labor in of increases wagesfall thecapital-rich and at country, leading, to that equilibrium, an international wage differential reflects thecostsof only international and movement, pecuniary psychic. the from labor-abundant labor-scarce to counMirroring flowofworkers tries a flowofinvestment is to from countries. capital capital-rich capital-poor Therelative scarcity capital poorcountries of in yields rate return ishigh a of that The investment. movement of by international standards, thereby attracting also includes humancapital, withhighly skilled workers from capital moving in to returns their skills capital-rich capital-poor countries order reaphigh to on in a human capital-scarce of environment, leadingto a parallelmovement managers, technicians, otherskilledworkers. and The international of flow labor, therefore, be kept distinct theassociated from must conceptually international flowofhumancapital. Evenin themostaggregated macro-level models, theheterogeneityinmmigrants skill linesmust clearly of be along recognized. Thesimple compelling and offered explanation international of migration neoclassical and has macroeconomics strongly has by shapedpublicthinking the basis formuchinmmigration The perspective provided intellectual policy. contains several and implicit propositions assumptions:

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1 Theinternational migration workers causedbydifferenceswage of is in rates between countries. 2 The elimination wage differentials end themovement labor, of will of and migration notoccurin theabsenceofsuchdifferentials. will 3 International flows humancapital-that highly of is, skilled workersrespond differences therateof return humancapital, to in to whichmaybe different theoverall from wagerate, a yielding distinct pattern migration of that maybe opposite that unskilled of workers. 4 Labor markets the primary are mechanisms whichinternational by flows laborareinduced; of other kinds markets nothaveimportant of do effects on international migration. 5 The way forgovernments control to migration flowsis to regulate or influence labormarkets sending in and/or receiving countries. Neoclassical economics: Microtheory to Corresponding the macroeconomic model is a microeconomic model of individual choice (Sjaastad, 1962; Todaro, 1969, 1976, 1989; Todaro and Maruszko, 1987). In thisscheme, individual rational actors decideto migrate becausea cost-benefit calculation leads themto expecta positive return, net usually monetary, movement. from International migration conceptualized is as a form investmenthumancapital. of in Peoplechoosetomovetowhere can they be mostproductive, giventheir but skills; before theycan capture higher the wages associated withgreater laborproductivity mustundertake they certain investments, whichinclude material the costsoftraveling, costsofmaintethe nancewhilemoving looking work, effort and for the involved learning new in a languageand culture, difficulty the in experienced adapting a new labor to market, thepsychological ofcutting tiesand forging ones. and costs old new Potential migrants estimate costs benefits moving alternative the and of to international locations migrate where expected and to the discounted returns net are greatest sometimehorizon over (Borjas,1990). Netreturns each future in periodare estimated taking the observed by to earnings corresponding the individual's skillsin the destination country and multiplying theseby the of probability obtaining job there(and forillegal a migrants likelihood the of beingable to avoid deportation) obtain"expecteddestination to earnings." Theseexpected earnings then are subtracted those from in expected thecommuof nity origin (observed earnings there multiplied theprobability employby of ment) and thedifference is summed overa time horizon from ton,discounted 0 bya factor reflects greater that the utility money of earned thepresent in thanin thefuture. Fromthisintegrated difference estimated the costsare subtracted to the yield expected return migration. net to Thisdecisionmaking process summarized is analytically thefollowing by equation:

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ER(O)

ffl

[PI (t)P2(t)YOt)

P3(t)Yo(t)]ertdt

- C(0)

(1)

whereER(0) is the expectednet return migration to calculated just before P1 departure time tistime; (t)istheprobabilityavoiding at 0; of deportation from the area of destination forlegal migrants <1.0 forundocumented (1.0 and
niigrants);P2(t) is the probability employmentat the destination;Yd(t) is of P3(t) is the probability if earnings employed the place of destination; at of

in if in employment thecommunity origin; of Yo(t)is earnings employed the r and community origin; isthediscount of factor; C(O)isthesumtotal thecosts of ofmovement (including psychological costs). Ifthequantity for destination, rational the ER(0) ispositive somepotential ifit is negative actorstays;and ifit is zero,the actoris actormigrates; the indifferent between moving staying. theory, potential and In a migrant to goes wherethe expected returns migration greatest, net are to leadingto several important conclusions differ that slightly theearlier from macroeconomic formulations: 1 International in both movement stems from international differentials earnings employment and rates, whoseproduct deternines expected earnings full (theprior model,in contrast, assumed employment). 2 Individual humancapital the characteristics increase likely of that rate remuneration theprobability employment thedestination or of in relative the to sendingcountry (e.g., education, experience, training, languageskills)will increase likelihood international the of movement, other things beingequal. 3 Individual or that characteristics, conditions, technologies lower social to migration costsincreasethe net returns migration and, hence,raisethe probability international of movement. 4 Becauseof2 and 3,individuals the can within samecountry display very different proclivities migrate. to 5 Aggregate sumsofindicountries simple are flows between migration vidualmovesundertaken thebasisofindividual calculations. on cost-benefit in 6 International movement notoccurin theabsence differences does of occursuntil earnings and/or employment ratesbetweencountries. Migration and expected earnings product earnings employment (the of rates)have been and does equalizedinternationally ofthecostsofmovement), movement (net notstopuntil product been equalized. this has in expected 7 Thesizeofthedifferential returns determines sizeofthe the international ofmigrants flow between countries. 8 Migration decisions stem between from or disequilibria discontinuities markets notdirectly the to labormarkets; other do influence decision migrate. 9 If conditions receiving in are attractive to countries psychologically In prospective migrants, migration costsmaybe negative. thiscase,a negative differential be necessary haltmigration to between countries. earnings may

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10 Governments controlimmigration primarily through policiesthat in affect and/or countries-for expected earnings sending receiving example, of or thosethatattempt lowerthelikelihood employment raisetheriskof to in the area underemployment destination (through employer sanctions), those that seek to raise incomesat the origin(through long-term development programs), thosethataim to increasethe costs (bothpsychological or and material) migration. of Thenew economics migration of In recent has years, "neweconomics migration" arisen challenge a of to many of the assumptions and conclusions neoclassical of theory (Starkand Bloom, is are 1985). A keyinsight thisnew approach thatmigration of decisions not made by isolatedindividual actors, but by larger unitsof relatedpeoplefamilies households-inwhichpeopleact collectively onlyto not typically or maximnize expected income, also tominimize and toloosenconstraints but risks in market associated with variety market a of failures, apart from those thelabor and (Stark Levhari, 1982; Stark, 1984; Katzand Stark, 1986; Laubyand Stark, 1988; Taylor, 1986; Stark, 1991). risks their Unlike are to to individuals, households in a position control such economic well-being diversifying allocation household by the of resources, as family labor. Whilesomefamily members be assigned can economic activities inthelocaleconomy, in others be sent work foreign may to labor markets where correlated weaklycorreconditions negatively are or wagesand employment latedwiththosein thelocal area. In theeventthatlocal economic conditions in and fail thehousehold deteriorate activities there to bring sufficient income, can rely migrant remittances support. on for In developedcountries, minirisks household incomeare generally to but mizedthrough private insurance markets governmental or programs, in riskare countries these institutional mechanisms managing for developing themincentives or to to imperfect, absent, inaccessible poor farnilies, giving In risksthrough credit diversify migration. developedcountries, moreover, markets relatively are to new well-developed enablefarnilies finance projects, to in In suchas theadoption newproduction of technology. most developing areas, is credit usually available is procurable at highcost.In the not or contrast, only and absence accessible of insurance credit public affordable or private programs, market failures createstrong for as pressures international movement, the show. following examples insurance marketsWhenever households time and money farmn Crop put a at intosowing crop, they betting theinvestment payoff a future are that will datein theform a product canbe soldfor of that cashtopurchase desired goods and services, whichcan be consumed or for Between the directly subsistence.

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humanor natural timea cropis planted and harvested, however, events may reduceor eliminate harvest, the the withinsufficient leaving family incomeor foodfor subsistence. Likewise, introduction new agricultural the of technology (such as high-yielding seeds or new methods cultivation) of may alterthe farm objective and/or risks a subjective confronting households. Using new seed variety increase farmner's ifthedevelopment may a yield expert right; ifhe is but or sheis wrong, household the the of insufficient or faces prospect having food income. In developed countries, thesesorts objective of and subjective risks are managedthrough formal insurance arrangements, whereby agricultural producers a feetoa company a government pay or to the agency insure crop against future loss. The insuring assumesthe riskto the future institution crop,and shoulda drought flooddestroy harvest a new technology or the or backfire, it paystheproducer theinsured for market valueofthecrop, thereby guaranteeing theeconomic is of If families well-being thefamily. cropinsurance notavailable, havean incentive self-insure sending ormore to by one abroad remit workers to eveniftheharvest fails. earnings home,thereby guaranteeing income family Futures marketsWhenever household a sowsa cashcrop, assumes it that thecrop, whenharvested, be soldfor price can a sufficientsustain family the or to In its improve well-being. making bet,however, this there a risk theprice is that the for cropmaydrop belowexpected the with levels, leaving family insufficient In income. developed is countries, risk managed price through markets futures thatallow farmers sell all or partof theircrop forfuture to at delivery a guaranteed price. Investors assumetherisk lossshouldprices belowthe of fall and rise guaranteed price, they level. reapthegainshould prices abovethis Most developing countries lack futures and markets, when theyexist, poor farm households generally lack access to them.Migration offers mechanism a by which farm families self-insure can income risks from against arising cropprice fluctuations. insuranceNonfarm as farm Unemployment housefamilies, wellas many If holds, dependon wagesearned family by workers. localeconomic conditions and deteriorate employment levelsfall,or ifa family is and member injured thehousehold's cannot work, livelihood or maybe threatened a reduction by In lossofincome. wealthy countries, governments maintain insurance programs that workers their and families this protect from risk, inpoorcountries but such and unemployment disability programs absent incomplete their are in or coverfamilies age,againgiving incentives self-insure sending to by workers abroad. Ifemployment conditions foreign locallabor in and markets negatively are correlated are uncorrelated, international or then a migration provides way of reducing risk family the to wagesand guarantees reliable a stream income, of in theform remittances, support family. of to the Moreover, migration fulfills this

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observed. Migrants, insurance function whether notremittances actually or are The likeformal insurance contracts, have to pay outiflossesare realized. only insurance however, havean can existence an implicit explicit of or arrangement, and to important effect a household's on economic behavior, thedesire acquire in for to this insurance motivation families participate may be a primary international migration. the of marketsHouseholds Capital may desireto increase productivity theirassets,but to do so theyneed to acquirecapitalto make additional their Farm for apply investments. families, example, mayseekto irrigate fields, or but machinery, they may fertilizers, scientifically buy improved seeds, acquire families seektoinvest in these Nonfarm lackthemoney purchase to may inputs. or of or theeducation training household capital goodsthat members, toacquire but sale canbe usedtoproduce markets, againthey may goodsfor on consumer are investments funded In lackmoney cover to these costs. developed countries, both are assisted or either by through private savings borrowing, ofwhich greatly can accessto a sound and efficient Borrowing also provide banking system. In risk protection against consumption ifincomeis variable. manydeveloping or and are institutions unreliable underdeveloped, countries, however, savings to to their peopleare reluctant entrust savings them. In poorcountries neededfunds to because the mayalsobe difficultborrow thefamily for is of lackscollateral qualify a loan, becausethere a scarcity to incomplete coverage, lending capital, becausethebanking or system provides the real serving mainly needsoftheaffluent. poorfamilies, only accessto the For is from who local moneylenders chargehighinterest rates, borrowing often costsprohibitive. Underthese circumstances, migration makingtransaction attractive an alternative as source capital finance of to improveagainbecomes in in and and has ments productivity ensure stability consumption, thefamily a incentive sendone ormore to workers abroad accumulate to savings to or strong transfer backin theform remittances. of capital in A key proposition the foregoing is discussion thatincomeis not a The homogeneous good,as assumedby neoclassical economics. sourceofthe incentives invest to incomereallymatters, households and have significant in scarcefamily resources activities projects and thatprovide access to new income increase total income. sources, evenifthese activities notnecessarily do The new economicsof migration the assumption that also questions incomehas a constant effect utility an actoracross socioeconomic on for a in to settings-that $100 realincrease income meansthesamething a person of in regardless localcommunity of conditions irrespectivehisorherposition and theincomedistribution. new economictheorists The argue,in contrast, that income absolute in terms, households sendworkers abroadnotonlytoimprove butalso to increase and,hence,to reduce incomerelative other to households, their relative somereference group (see Stark, Taylor, deprivation compared with

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and Yitzhaki, 1986, 1988; Stark and Yitzhaki, and Taylor, 1988; Stark 1989, 1991; Stark, 1991). A household's senseof relative deprivation dependson theincomesof in If whichit is deprived thereference-group incomedistribution.F(y) is the cumulative incomedistribution h[1-F(y)] represents dissatisfaction and felt the an bya household with not is income from having income y that slightly higher than (i.e.,y+ A), thentherelative of y withincome deprivation a household y can be expressed as: conceptually
RD(y)

y1 h[l-F(z)]

f ymax

dz

(2)

is in where In incomefound thecommunity. thesimple case ymax thehighest h where [1 - F(y)] = 1- F(y), this is expression equivalent theproduct two to of the terms: shareof households thany, and the average withincomegreater difference incomes and y (Stark betweenthesehigher household and Taylor, 1989). To illustrate concept relative this of income, in consider increase the an of If income affluent households. poorhouseholds' then incomes unchanged, are If is their relative affected deprivation increases. household utility negatively by relative deprivation, eventhough poorhousehold's then a and absolute income in its expected gainsfrom migration remain to unchanged, incentive participate international a migration increases bysending family if, member abroad, can it hopeto reapa relative income gainin thecommunity. likelihood migraThe of tionthusgrowsbecauseofthe changein other households' incomes. Market failures constrain that localincome for opportunities poorhouseholds mayalso increase attractiveness the ofmigration an avenuefor as effecting inrelative gains
income.

Thetheoretical models growing ofthe"new economics" migration out of yielda setof propositions hypotheses are quitedifferent those and that from from and leadtoa very emanating neoclassical different ofpolicy set theory, they prescriptions: 1 Families, households, otherculturally or defined unitsof production andconsumption theappropriate ofanalysis migration are for units not research, theautonomous individual. 2 A wagedifferential a necessary is not for condition international migrationto occur;households to risks mayhave strong incentives diversify through transnational movement evenin theabsenceofwagedifferentials. 3 International and or migration local employment localproduction are not mutually exclusivepossibilities. for Indeed,thereare strong incentives in households engage both to migration localactivities. fact, increase and In in an the returns local economicactivities to of the may heighten attractiveness as in migration a meansofovercoming and on capital risk constraints investing thoseactivities. within neednot Thus,economic development sending regions reduce pressures international the for migration.

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stop 4 International movement notnecessarily whenwagedifferendoes for boundaries. Incentives migration acrossnational tialshavebeen eliminated within countries absent, are sending to may continue existifothermarkets imperfect, in disequilibria. or on willnothavethesameeffect the gainin income 5 Thesameexpected in points theincome located different at for probability migration households of withdifferent income or distribution, among thoselocatedin communities distributions. ratesnotonlythrough policies migration 6 Governments influence can labor markets, also through those thatshape insurance thatinfluence but insurance programs, markets. Government markets, futures and markets, capital for affect can unemployment insurance, significantly theincentives particularly international movement. that distribu7 Government and changes shapeincome policies economic and alter their of tions change relative the deprivation somehouseholds thus will incentives migrate. to affect distribution the 8 Government and changes that policies economic of effects on ofincome willinfluence international migration independent their meanincome In that produce higher a government policies meanincome. fact, if do poor inmigrant-sending mayincrease migrationrelatively households areas if policiesmay reducemigration not sharein the incomegain. Conversely, do relatively households notsharein theincomegain. rich theory Dual labormarket of theory thenew economics migraand humancapital Although neoclassical of abouttheorigins nature international and tionlead to divergent conclusions are decision models. Whatdiffer the both micro-level migration, are essentially or the assumed makethedecision individual thehousehold), entity to units (the abouttheecoor assumptions (incomeor risk), beingmaximized minimized and well-functioning markets nomic contextof decisionmaking (complete or and to versus markets), the extent whichthemigration missing imperfect in incomeis evaluated absolute decisionis socially contextualized (whether these to terms relative somereference or distinctly from apart group).Standing is dual labormarket whichsetsits modelsofrational theory, choice, however, and thatinternational made by individuals argues decisions sights away from of industrial societies. from intrinsic demands modern the labor migration stems and of Piore(1979) has been the mostforceful elegant proponent this is theoretical that international migration caused by a viewpoint, arguing demand forimmigrant labor thatis inherent the economic to permanent is not of structure developed nations. According Piore, to immigration causedby in but countries (low wagesor highunemployment), by pushfactors sending in and needfor foreign countries chronic unavoidable (a pullfactors receiving

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This demand immigrant stems for labor from fundamenfour workers). built-in talcharacteristicsadvanced of industrial societies their and economies. Structural inflation Wages not only reflect conditions supplyand of demand;they also confer status prestige, and socialqualities inhere the that to In jobs to whichthe wages are attached. general, peoplebelievethatwages should reflect social status,and theyhave rather rigidnotionsabout the correlation between occupational status pay.As a result, and wagesoffered by in A employers notentirely torespond changes thesupply workers. are free to of variety informal of social expectations formal and institutional mechanisms (suchas unioncontracts, service civil rules, bureaucratic regulations, company job classifications) ensures thatwagescorrespond thehierarchies prestige to of and status peopleperceive expect. that and Ifemployers to attract seek workers unskilled at thebottom an for jobs of occupational hierarchy, cannotsimply they raisewages.Raising wagesat the bottom the hierarchy of between would upsetsocially defined relationships status If willbe and remuneration. wages are increased thebottom, at there to amounts other at levelsofthe strong pressure raisewagesbycorresponding in of If hierarchy.thewagesofbusboys raised response a shortage entryare to levelworkers, example, for they mayoverlap withthoseofwaitresses, thereby their and undermining accepted socialhierarchy. Waitthreatening status the in resses, turn, demanda corresponding wage increase, whichthreatens the of whoalsopressure for Workers be aided position cooks, employers a raise. may in their efforts unionrepresentativescontracts. by or Thusthecostto employers raising of workers is wagestoattract low-level morethanthe cost of theseworkers' typically wages alone; wages mustbe in in to increased proportionately throughout job hierarchy order keepthem the linewith socialexpectations, a problem known structural as inflation. Attracting is nativeworkers raising by entry wages during timesof laborscarcity thus and witha strong incentive seek to expensive disruptive, providing employers of easierand cheaper suchas theimportation migrant workers who solutions, willaccept low wages. for Motivational hierarchies also critical the are problems Occupational motivation workers, of the sincepeopleworknotonlyfor but income, also for and accumulation maintenance socialstatus. of Acutemotivational problems arise at the bottomof the job hierarchy because thereis no statusto be The is maintained thereare fewavenuesforupwardmobility. problem and from the inescapable structural and becausethebottom cannotbe eliminated labormarket. classof to the and leastdesirable Mechanization eliminate lowest a new bottom composed jobs that of usedto be just create tier jobs willsimply of abovethebottom has Sincethere rung. always tobe a bottom anyhierarchy, who motivational are Whatemployers areworkers need problems inescapable.

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viewbottom-level simply a meansto theendofearning jobs as money, for and whomemploymentreduced is to with implications status for solely income, no or prestige. For a variety reasons,immigrants of satisfy need, at least at the this beginning their of migratory careers. Most migrants beginas target earners, seeking earnmoney a specific that to for goal willimprove their status wellor for beingat home-buildinga house,paying school,buying land,acquiring in consumer goods.Moreover, disjuncture living the standards between develevenlow wagesabroadappearto be oped and developing societies meansthat of and a generous thestandards thehomecommunity; eventhough migrant by mayrealize a foreign isoflow status that job abroad, doesnotviewhimself he as as Rather seeshimself a member his he of beinga partofthereceiving society. homecommunity, within whichforeign laborand hard-currency remittances carry considerable honorand prestige. Economic dualism Bifurcated labor markets come to characterize adlaborand vancedindustrial economies becauseoftheinherent duality between capital. Capital a fixed is factor production can be idledbylowerdemand of that butnotlaidoff; owners capital of must bearthecosts its of unemployment. Labor is a variable factor production canbe released of that whendemand falls, that so workers forced bear the costsof their are own unemployment. Whenever to of possible, therefore, capitalists outthestable, seek permanent portion demand andreserve for employment equipment, of of it the whereas variable the portion is methods usedtomeet are demand met adding by labor. Thus, capital-intensive basic demand,and labor-intensive methodsare reserved the seasonal, for This leadcreates distinctions fluctuating component. dualism amongworkers, of ingto a bifurcation thelaborforce. in Workers the capital-intensive sector stable,skilled primary get jobs to in and are withthebestequipment tools.Employers forced invest working Their and education. are theseworkers providing by specialized training jobs and experience perform to and considerable complicated require knowledge of humancapital. to well,leading theaccumulation firm-specific Primary-sector with that workers tendto be unionized highly or professionalized, contracts of share thecosts their of idlement the require employers beara substantial to (in form severance and unemployment Becauseofthese costs and of pay benefits). in to workers theprimary sector becomeexpensive let continuing obligations, becomemorelikecapital. go; they In thelabor-intensive workers holdunstable, secondary sector, however, unskilled or jobs; theymaybe laid off any timewithlittle no costto the at lose workers the will employer. Indeed, employer generally money retaining by duringslack periods.Duringdown cyclesthe first thingsecondary-sector in do As force workers this employers is cuttheir payroll. a result, employers sector bearthecosts their to of a factor of unemployment. remain variable They and production are,hence,expendable.

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Thus, inherent the dualism between laborand capital extends thelabor to in force theform a segmented of labormarket structure. wages,unstable Low conditions, thelack ofreasonable and prospects mobility thesecondary for in sector makeitdifficultattract to native workers, areinstead who drawn intothe primary, capital-intensive sector, where wagesarehigher, aremoresecure, jobs and there a possibility occupational is in of improvement. filltheshortfall To demandwithin secondary the sector, employers to inmmigrants. turn The demography of labor supply Theproblems motivation structural of and inflation inherent modemoccupational to hierarchies, together thedualism with intrinsic market to economies, create permanent a demand workers are for who to with under at willing labor unpleasant conditions, lowwages, great instability, and facing In little chanceforadvancement. the past,thisdemandwas met partially twosetsofpeoplewith by socialstatuses characteristics and conducive to thesesorts jobs: womenand teenagers. of in Historically womenhavetended participate thelaborforce to the to up children grown. had timeoftheir first birth, to a lesserextent and after They for or families. sought earnsupplemental to income themselves their Theywere notprimary breadwinners their and principal socialidentity that a sister, was of or to wife, mother. Theywerewilling put up withlow wagesand instability becausethey as and as the viewed work transient theearnings supplemental; the which to mainsocialstatuses, were positions heldwereunthreateningtheir they grounded thefamily. in have intoandoutofthelabor force Likewise, teenagers historically moved in with and to to great frequency order earnextra money, gainexperience, totry outdifferent roles. occupational Theydo notviewdead-end jobs as problematic becausetheyexpectto getbetter after jobs in the future, completing school, or their social gaining experience, settling down. Moreover, teenagers derive from identities their parents families orientation, their and of not jobs.They view work The as a and instrumentally meansofearning spending money. money the that their status their the things itbuysenhance among peers; job isjusta means to an end. In advanced of industrial societies, however, these twosources entry-level workers haveshrunk time over becauseofthree fundamental socio-demographic trends: risein female the laborforce participation, whichhas transformed women's work a career into for as the in pursued socialstatus wellas income; rise divorce whichhas transformed women'sjobs intoa sourceof primary rates, of incomesupport; and the declinein birth ratesand the extension formal whichhave produced smallcohorts teenagers of the education, very entering labor force.The imbalancebetweenthe structural demand forentry-level workers and the limited of has the domestic supply such workers increased underlying, long-run demandfor immigrants. Dual labor market neither theory positsnor deniesthatactorsmake rational, self-interested decisions, predicted microeconomic as by models.The

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to jobs, countries attach low-wage that negative qualities peopleinindustrialized to workers, opportunities foreign forexample,may open up employment to risk their their expected earnings, increasing ability overcome thereby raising income gains to relative households achieve and andcredit constraints, enabling helpsto overby members abroad.Recruitment employers family by sending on international movement, enand come informational otherconstraints or incomegeneration risk for value as a strategy family hancing migration's diversification. dual economics, labor conflict neoclassical with not Although in inherent that implications corollaries are quitedifferent and does carry market theory models: micro-level decision from from thoseemanating 1 International migrationlargely and by demand-based isinitiated labor is in societies, bygovernments or on of recruitment thepart employers developed on behalf. acting their growsout ofthe structural 2 Sincethedemandforimmigrant workers rather than practices through recruitment and needsoftheeconomy isexpressed a nor a are wage differentials neither necessary international wage offers, have for Indeed, employers incencondition labormigration occur. to sufficient tives recruit to workers whileholding wagesconstant. in societies 3 Low-level wagesininmmigrant-receiving do notrise response in they to a decrease thesupply immigrant of workers; arehelddownbysocial in and to to andinstitutional and mechanisms arenotfree respond shifts supply demand. in as of 4 Low-level however, a result an increase the wagesmayfall, checks that keep of workers, sincethesocialand institutional supply immigrant from falling. do them rising notprevent low-level wagesfrom 5 Governments unlikely influence are to international migration through in rates; immigrants smallchanges wagesor employment that produce policies post-industrial built filla demandforlaborthatis structurally intomodern, in and this majorchanges economic economies, influencing demandrequires organization. World theory systems has of theorists on of (1974),a variety sociological Building thework Wallerstein of of not linked origins international the migration to thebifurcation thelabor of but national economies, to thestructure theworld market within particular and the and since sixteenth century (Portes market hasdeveloped expanded that
Walton, 1981; Petras, 1981; Castells, 1989; Sassen, 1988, 1991; Morawska,

into economicrelations of 1990). In thisscheme,the penetration capitalist that a societies creates mobilepopulation is proneto noncapitalist peripheral, abroad. migrate and Drivenby a desireforhigher wealth,ownersand profits greater of on firms enter of poorcountries theperiphery theworld managers capitalist

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In markets. and in labor, newconsumer of economy search land,rawmaterials, administhat by regimes was this penetration assisted colonial thepast, market in societies. interests colonizing of for tered poorregions thebenefit economic firms and governments multinational by Todayitis madepossible neocolonial in who either participate theworld elites the that perpetuate powerofnational finns to resources global or their as themselves, offer nation's economy capitalists terms. on acceptable of outgrowth migration a natural is theory, According worldsystems to occurin the processof capitalist that and disruptions dislocations inevitably from core in Western its has As development. capitalism expandedoutward of ever-larger portions theglobe America, Oceania,and Japan, Europe, North into havebeenincorporated the shares thehumanpopulation of and growing As and peripheral worldmarket economy. land,raw materials, laborwithin are migration flows of and regions comeundertheinfluence control markets, 1989). moved abroad(Massey, havealways someofwhich inevitably generated, agrarian profit fromexisting Land In orderto achieve the greatest in farmers capitalist commodity markets, within global resources tocompete and introto consolidate mechanize areasseek production, landholding, peripheral producedinputssuch as fertilizer, duce cash crops,and apply industrially systraditional destroys seeds.Land consolidation and insecticides, high-yield and of temsof land tenurebased on inheritance commonrights usufruct. manuallaborand makesmanyagrarian the decreases needfor Mechanization of The workers redundant production. substitution cash cropsforstaples to based on subsistence social and economicrelations traditional undermines at highcropyields produces 1966); and theuse ofmodeminputs (Chayanov, All farmers oflocalmarkets. out small, noncapitalist which drives lowunit prices, from laborforce displaced ofthese to of forces contribute thecreation a mobile to communities. attachment localagrarian thelandwitha weakened for RawmaterialsTheextraction rawmaterials sale on globalmarkets of of Theoffer wagestoformer that on industrial methods rely paidlabor. requires forms social and economicorganization of traditional peasantsundermines labor and and role basedon systems reciprocity fixed relations creates of incipient of gain,and social private markets based on new conceptions individualism, of the mobility labor in likewisepromote geographic change.These trends often withinternational spillovers. regions, developing to from countries developing Labor Firms corecapitalist countries enter often within of establish thattakeadvantage low wage rates, assembly plants The governments. dezones by specialexport-processing created sympathetic and traditionlocal markets weakens mandfor workers strengthens labor factory and is al productive Muchofthelabor however, the demanded female, relations. for limits opportunities men;butsince of feminization theworkforce resulting

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a tend only work to and paid,women thenewfactory isdemanding poorly work The few years,after whichtimetheyleave to look fornew opportunities. regions undermines thus the factories peripheral into insertion foreign-owned of by with those madelocally; goodsthat compete peasant economy producing by factory-based employment opporwithout providing feminizing workforce the workand modem tunities men; and by socializing womenforindustrial for a incomecapableof meeting albeitwithout providing lifetime consumption, of and that theseneeds.The result thecreation a population is socially ecois nomically uprooted proneto migration. and in migrants peripheral economic processes create that The samecapitalist Although some attract themto developedcountries. regions simultaneously to of moveto cities, leading penetration peopledisplaced theprocess market by of the urbanization developing inevitably manyare drawnabroad societies, links theplaceswhere to becauseglobalization material ideological and creates is economic globalization investment drives that capital originates. foreign The characteristics of whosestructural managed from smallnumber globalcities, a create strong a immnigrant labor. demandfor extract and Material links In orderto ship goods,deliver machinery, and coordinate business operations, manageexpatriate export raw materials, and in buildand expandtransportation assembly plants, capitalists corenations wheretheyhave invested. countries communication linksto the peripheral information, the of Theselinksnotonlyfacilitate movement goods,products, the of the of and capital, they also promote movement peoplebyreducing costs and Becauseinvestment globmovement certain international pathways. along of and alization inevitably are accompanied thebuild-up a transportation by of the movement laborgenerally communication infrastructure, international movement goods and capitalin the opposite of followsthe international direction. links The processof economicglobalization creates cultural Ideological within developthe and hinterlands links between corecapitalist countries their a linksare longstanding, reflecting ing world.In manycases,thesecultural and established adrninistrative educational colonial corecountries pastinwhich and exploit peripheral a that their own in orderto govern systems mirrored at and for learnFrench, study lycees, use a region. Citizens Senegal, example, of in tied franc economic transactions. Likewise, currency directly to the French and Indiansand Pakistanis takeBritish-style degrees, join with learnEnglish, in Even others a transnational Commnonwealth. in unionknownas theBritish can theabsenceof a colonialpast,the influence economic of penetration be at and Mexicansincreasingly speakEnglish, study US universities, profound: follow American consumer styles closely. and are Theseideological cultural connections reinforced masscommuby Television directed the campaigns from corecountries. nications advertising and

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programming theUnited from States, France, Britain, Germany and transmits information aboutlifestyles living and standards thedeveloped in world, and commercials modemconprepared foreign by advertising agenciesinculcate sumer tastes within peripheral peoples. Thediffusion corecountry of languages and cultural patterns thespreadofmodemconsumption and patterns interact with emergence a transportation/communication the infrastructure tochannel of international migration particular countries. to core cities The worldeconomyis managedfroma relatively small Global in number urban of centers which banking, finance, administration, professional and high-tech services, production tendto be concentrated (Castells, 1989; Sassen,1991).In theUnited States, global cities include NewYork, Chicago, Los Angeles, and Miami; in Europe,theyincludeLondon,Paris,Frankfurt, and Within these Milan;andinthePacific, Tokyo, Osaka,and Sydney qualify. global a are cities, great deal ofwealth and a highly educated workforce concentrated, a strong services from unskilled workers creating demandfor (busboys, garAt the hotel domestic deners, waiters, workers, servants). thesametime, shifting ofheavy industrial the of production overseas; growth high-tech manufacturing inelectronics, computers, telecommunications; theexpansion service and and of suchas health structure sectors and education create bifurcated market a labor withstrong demandforworkers boththeupperand lowerends,but with at relatively weak demandin themiddle. of Poorly educated natives resist taking low-paying at thebottom the jobs a occupational hierarchy, creating strong demandfor immigrants. Meanwhile, natives and skilled dominate lucrative at the the well-educated foreigners jobs and of uppertierof the occupational distribution, the concentration wealth are amongthemhelpsto fuelthedemandfor typeofservices the immigrants most willing meet. to Native workers modest with educations cling jobsinthe to out of global cities,or relyon social insurance declining middle,migrate programs support. for the World that follows thus systems theory argues international migration a and of political economic organization an expanding globalmarket, viewthat six yields distinct hypotheses: 1 International market is of migration a natural consequence capitalist in formation thedeveloping of into world;thepenetration theglobaleconomy is movement. peripheral regions thecatalyst international for 2 The international oflaborfollows international ofgoods the flow flow and capital, in theopposite but investment foments direction. Capitalist changes in that an whilesimulcreate uprooted, mobile countries population peripheral links with corecountries, taneously forging strong material cultural and leading to transnational movement. 3 International between colonial migrationespecially is likely past powers and their investformer because cultural, colonies, linguistic, administrative, links ment, transportation, communication wereestablished andwere and early

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the era, competition during colonial leading free outside allowed develop from to markets cultural and systems. transnational to theformation specific of of 4 Sinceinternational stems from globalization themarket the migration rates to immigration is byregulatgovernmentsinfluence economy, wayfor the internaand activities corporations controlling of ingtheoverseas investment are to however, unlikely be tionalflowsof capitaland goods. Such policies, international tendto incite to implemented becausetheyare difficult enforce, multinational and tradedisputes, worldeconomicrecession, antagonize risk to that political resources can be mobilized blockthem. firms withsubstantial counof 5 Political military interventions governments capitalist by and sympaforeign governments tries protect abroadand to support to investments produce refugee whenthey fail, of thetic theexpansion theglobalmarket, to another form of constituting to particular countries, core movements directed international migration. 6 International ultimately little do withwage ratesor has to migration it from dynamics the of betweencountries; follows employment differentials of and market creation thestructure theglobaleconomy.

of movement The perpetuation international


for income for of Imunigration begin a variety reasons-a desire individual may a of risks income, program recruitment gain, attempt diversify tohousehold an to an displacefor demands low-wageworkers, international to satisfy employer or within regions, some peripheral mentof peasantsby market penetration that international movement But combination thereof. the conditions initiate it from may be quite different thosethatperpetuate acrosstimeand space. and relative efforts, market risks,recruitment Although wage differentials, in that to penetration continue causepeopletomove,newconditions arise may causes themselves: as thecourseof migration come to function independent movement deinstitutions transnational networks supporting spread, migrant The in societies. general and of changes receiving velop, thesocialmeaning work a movement morelikely, thrust thesetransformations makeadditional of is to causation. process knownas cumulative Network theory former are ties migrants, networks setsof interpersonal thatconnect Migrant in areas through of ties migrants, nonmigrants originand destination and the community origin. Theyincrease likelihood and kinship, friendship, shared and risks movement of lowerthecosts ofinternational movement becausethey connections Network and increasethe expectednet returns migration. to thatpeoplecan drawupon to gainaccessto constituteform socialcapital a of a reaches critical Oncethenumber migrants of threshold, foreign employment.

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the expansionof networks of reducesthe costsand risks movement, which causestheprobability migration rise, of to whichcausesadditional movement, whichfurther and expandsthenetworks, so on. Overtime behavior migratory spreads outward encompass to broader of segments thesending society (Hugo, 1981; Taylor, 1986; Masseyand Garcia Espafia, 1987; Massey,1990a, 1990b; Gurak and Caces,1992). Declining costs Thefirst migrants leavefor newdestination no who a have social tiesto draw upon, and forthemmigration costly, is particularly it if involves entering another country without documents. After first the migrants haveleft, however, potential the costs migration substantially of are lowered for friends relatives behind. and left Becauseofthenature kinship friendship of and each structures, new migrant createsa set of people withsocial ties to the destination area. Migrants inevitably are linked nonmigrants, thelatter to and drawuponobligations implicit relationships as kinship friendship in such and to gainaccessto employment assistance thepoint destination. and at of Once the number network of in connections an origin area reachesa critical threshold, migration becomesself-perpetuating because each act of migration itself createsthe social structure needed to sustainit. Everynew migrant reducesthe costsof subsequent migration a set of friends for and relatives, someofthese and peoplearethereby induced migrate, to which further the expands setofpeoplewith abroad, ties in which, turn, reduces costs a new for setofpeople,causing someofthem migrate, so on. to and risks Networks Decdining also make international migration extremely as attractive a strategy risk for diversification. mnigrant When are networks welldeveloped, theyput a destination within job easy reachof mostcommunity and members makeemigrationreliable secure a and of source income. Thus, the self-sustaining growth networks occurs of that the through progressive reduction ofcosts mayalso be explained theoretically theprogressive by reduction risks. of new migrant Every expands network reduces risks movement the and the of for allthose whomhe orsheisrelated, to it eventually risk-free making virtually and to costless diversify household laborallocations through emigration. Thisdynamic theory acceptsthe view of international as migration an individual household or decision but process, argues actsofmigration one that at pointin timesystematically the context alter within whichfuture migration decisions made,greatly are the that increasing likelihood later decisionmakers willchooseto migrate. conceptualization migration a self-sustaining The of as diffusion has process implications corollaries are quitedifferent and that from those derived from general the equilibrium analyses to typically employed study migration: 1 Once begun,international tendsto expandovertimeuntil niigration network connections diffused widely a sending have in so that region all people

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who wish to migrate do so without can difficulty; migration then beginsto decelerate. 2 The size ofthe migratory between flow two countries not strongly is correlated wage differentialsemployment to or rates, becausewhatever effects thesevariables have in promoting inhibiting or migration progressively are overshadowed thefalling costsand risks movemnent by of from the stemming growth migrant of networks time. over 3 As international migration becomesinstitutionalized through forthe mation elaboration networks,becomes and of it progressively independent the of factors originally that causedit,be they structural individual. or 4 As networks expandand thecostsand risks migration theflow of fall, becomesless selective socioecononmic and morerepresentativethe in terms of sending community society. or 5 Governments expect havegreat can to difficulty controlling once flows they havebegun, becausetheprocess network of formation largely lies outside their control occurs matter and no whatpolicy regime pursued. is 6 Certain immigration policies, suchas thoseintended prohowever, to mote reunification between and immigrants their families work crossat abroad, withthe control immigration purposes of flows, sincetheyreinforce migrant networks giving by members kinnetworks of specialrights entry. of Institutional theory Once international has migration begun,private institutions voluntary and arise organizations to satisfy demandcreated an imbalance the by between the large number peoplewhoseekentry capital-rich of into countries thelimited and number immigrant thesecountries of visas offer. imbalance, This typically and the barriers thatcore countries erectto keep people out, createa lucrative economicniche forentrepreneurs institutions and dedicatedto promoting international movement profit, for a in yielding blackmarket mnigration.this As underground market creates conditions conducive exploitation victimizato and tion, humanitarian voluntary organizations arisein developed also countries to enforce rights the and improve the treatment legal and undocumented of migrants. For-profit organizations private and entrepreneurs providea rangeof services migrants exchangeforfees set on the underground to in market: surreptitious across smuggling clandestine borders; transport internal to destinations;laborcontracting betweenemployers migrants; and counterfeit documents and visas;arranged between marriages and migrants legalresidents or citizens thedestination of and country; lodging, and in assistance credit, other countries destination. of Humanitarian groupshelp niigrants providing by socialservices, counseling, shelter, legaladviceabouthow to obtain legitimate and papers, eveninsulation immigration enforcement from law authorities. Over time, and organizations individuals, firns, becomewell-known immigrants to

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and institutionally stable, constituting another fonnof socialcapitalthatmilabormarkets. grants drawupon to gainaccessto foreign can The recognition a gradual of build-up institutions, of organizations, and entrepreneurs dedicated arranging to immigrant entry, legal or illegal, again yields hypotheses arealso quitedistinct thoseemanating that from from microleveldecision models: 1 As organizations develop support, to sustain, promote and international movement, international ofmigrants the flow becomes moreand moreinstituthat causedit. tionalized independent thefactors originally and of 2 Governments difficulty flows oncethey have controlling migration have isdifficultregulate. the to Given begun becausetheprocess institutionalization of efforts profits be madebymeeting demand immigrant police to the for entry, only in and serve create blackmarket international to a movement, stricter immigrahumanitarian tionpolicies metwithresistance are from groups. Cumulative causation In additionto the growth networks and the development migrantof of in sustains supporting institutions, international nmigration itself other waysthat make additional movement progressively more likelyover time,a process Myrdal(1957) called cumulative causation(Massey, 1990b). Causationis in within which cumulative thateach actofmigration alters socialcontext the in subsequent migration decisions made,typically waysthat are makeadditional six movement morelikely. far, So socialscientists discussed socioeconomic have in fashion: the factors arepotentially that affected migration this by cumulative distributionincome, distributionland,theorganization agriculture, of the of of and thesocialmeaning the distribution humancapital, of of culture, regional are but work.Feedbacks other variables also possible, have notbeen through systematically treated (Stark, Taylor, Yitzhaki, and 1986; Taylor, 1992). ThedistributionincomeAs we have alreadynoted,people may be of motivated migrate onlyto increase to not their absolute income to diversify or in their but their income relative other to households their risks, also toimprove As so reference group. a household's senseofrelative deprivation increases, does the motivation migrate. from community, a to Before anyonehas migrated income rural is becausenearly all inequality within most poor, settings notgreat families closeto thesubsistence withminimal live level outside incomes. After inforeign one ortwohouseholds havebegun participating wagelabor, however, remittances increase their incomes greatly. Giventhecostsand risks associated withinternational the households migrate to are movement, moreover, first in of usually located themiddle upperranges thelocalincome or hierarchy. theirincomethrough Seeing some families vastlyimprove migration makes families lower theincome in distribution relatively feel deprived, inducing some of themto migrate, whichfurther exacerbates incomeinequality and

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increases senseof relative the deprivation amongnonmigrants, inducing still morefaniilies niigrate, so on. Incomeinequality relative to and and deprivation a thenhigh as the rate of go through seriesof phases,beinglow at first, outmigration accelerates, low againas a majority households then of participate in themigrant workforce, reaching minimum a whenpractically families all are involved foreign in wage labor (Stark, Taylor, and Yitzhaki, 1986; Stark and
Taylor,1989; Stark,1991; Taylor,1992).

Thedistribution for ofland An important spending from target migrants rural is communities thepurchase land. But land is purchased migrants of by abroadtypically itsprestige for valueor as a source retirement of income rather thanas a productive investment. International migrants likely use their are to higher earnings purchase to farmland, they more but are likely than nonmigrants to lettheland lie fallowsinceforeign wage laboris morelucrative thanlocal agrarian production. pattern landuse lowers demand localfarm This of the for labor, thereby increasing pressures outmigration. more the for The outmigration, the morepeople have accessto the funds to necessary buy land,leadingto additional and purchases migrants moreland withdrawn by from production, creating morepressure outmigration still for (Rhoades,1978; Reichert, 1981;
Mines, 1984; Wiest, 1984).

The Whenmigrant of production households farm do organization agrarian thelandthey own,moreover, aremorelikely thannonmigrant they families to use capital-intensive methods and (machinery, herbicides, irrigation, fertilizers, improved seeds)sincethey have accessto capital finance to theseinputs. Thus migrant households needlesslaborperunitofoutput thannonmigrant households, thereby displacing workers local from traditional and againincreastasks ingthepressures outmovement for (Masseyet al., 1987). Themoremigration, and the thegreater capitalization agriculture thegreater displacement the of of still agrarian labor, leading to greater migration. The culture migration migration As of withina growsin prevalence in it valuesand cultural increase the community,changes perceptions waysthat in of themigrants probability future migration. Among themselves, experience an advanced industrial and tastes motivations economy changes (Piore,1979). as Although earners to and migrants begin target may seeking makeonetrip earn for money a narrow after a purpose, migrating acquire stronger they of concept social and for mobility a taste consumer of that to goodsandstyles life aredifficult attain local labor.Once someonehas migrated, he through therefore, or she is to and an very likely migrate again, theoddsoftaking additional rise the trip with number trips of taken(Massey,1986). already At the community becomesdeeplyingrained intothe level,migration of repertoire people'sbehaviors, valuesassociated and withmigration become

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partofthecommunity's values.Foryoungmen,and in manysettings young womenas well,migration becomesa riteof passage,and thosewho do not attempt elevate to their status through international movement considered are lazy,unenterprising, undesirable and (Reichert, 1982). Eventually, knowledge aboutforeign locations and jobs becomeswidelydiffused, values,sentiand ments, behaviors and characteristicthecoresociety of spread widely within the sending region (Masseyet al., 1987; Alarcon, 1992). Theregional distribution ofhuman capital Migration a selective is process that at tends, initially least, drawrelatively to well-educated, skilled, productive, and highly communities pointed out motivated peopleaway from sending (as over as tends becomelessselective time thecosts to earlier, however, migration thus and risks becauseofnetwork fall Sustained formation). outmigration leads in and to thedepletion humancapitalin sending of regions itsaccumulation that receiving areas,enhancing productivitythelatter the of whilelowering of reinforces theformer. Overtime, therefore, accumulation humancapital the of in in areaswhileitssimultaneous economic growth receiving depletion sending the further for areasexacerbates their stagnation, thereby enhancing conditions migration (Myrdal,1957; Greenwood, 1981, 1985; Greenwood, Hunt,and McDowell,1987). Programs schoolconstruction educational of and expansion in sending areas reinforce cumulative this migration process because raising educational levelsin peripheral ruralareas increases potential the returns to and incentive leavefor to urban destinations at migration gives peoplea greater homeor abroad. Sociallabeling Within have been receiving once inimigrants societies, in recruited particular into occupations significant numbers, those jobs become labeledas "immnigrant and native workers reluctant fill are to culturally jobs" the them, reinforcing structural demandforimmigrants. Immigration changes the socialdefinition work,causinga certain as of classofjobs to be defined stigmatizing viewed culturally and as inappropriate native for workers (B1ohning, 1972;Piore, 1979).Thestigma comesfrom presence immigrants, from the not of thecharacteristicsthejob. In mostEuropean for of countries, example, jobs in in automobile came manufacturing tobe considered "immigrant jobs,"whereas theUnited States are "native they considered jobs." in international terms a cumulative as Viewing migration dynamic social process yields setofpropositions a broadly consistent thosederived with from network theory: 1 Social,economic, cultural and changes brought aboutin sending and receiving countries international by migration themovement peoplea give of internal momentum resistant easycontrol regulation, to powerful or sincethe feedback mechanisms cumulative of causation lie the largely outside reachof government.

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2 During times domestic of unemployment joblessness, and governments find difficult curtail it to labormigration to recruit and natives back intojobs A held has formerly byimmigrants.valueshift occurred amongnative workers, who refuse "immigrant" making necessary retain recruit it the to or more jobs, immigrants. 3 Thesociallabeling a job as "immigrant" of follows from concentrathe tionofimmigrants within once immigrants entered job in significant it; have a numbers, whatever characteristics, be difficultrecruit its itwill to native workers backintothat occupational category. Migration systems theory Thevarious propositions worldsystems of theory, network theory, institutional theory, thetheory cumulative and of causation suggest migration all that flows a acquire measure stability structure spaceandtime, of and over allowing the for identificationstable of international migration systems. Thesesystems charare and acterized relatively intense of by exchanges goods,capital, peoplebetween An certain and between others. international countries less intense exchanges a whichmaybe a includes corereceiving migration system generally region, and or of countries linked it to country group countries, a setofspecific sending of byunusually largeflows immigrants (Fawcett, 1989; Zlotnik, 1992). from Although a separate not theory muchas a generalization so following theforegoing a several theories, migration systems perspective yields interesting hypotheses propositions: and 1 Countries a close neednotbe geographically sinceflows within system ones.Although reflect political economic and relationships rather thanphysical it facilitates formation exchange the of proximity obviously relationships,does them. notguarantee them does distance nor preclude 2 Multipolar a core are systems possible, whereby setofdispersed counnations. tries receive from immigrants a setofoverlapping sending but 3 Nations maybelongto morethanone migration system, multiple is thanreceiving nations. membership morecommon amongsending 4 As political and economic conditions change, systems evolve,so that a structure. Countries join or dropout ofa stability notimply fixed does may in or to economic system response socialchange, fluctuations,political upheaval.

Evaluation of theories
the Becausetheories to and of proposed explain origins persistence international at the migration positcausal mechanisms manylevelsofaggregation, various are unless one adopts the rigid explanations not necessarily contradictory thatcausesmustoperate one leveland one levelonly.We find at no position a priori As it for that grounds suchan assertion. stated earlier, is entirely possible

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act calculations; households to diversify that individuals engagein cost-benefit context withinwhich these labor allocations; and thatthe socioeconomic at forces by operating thenational decisions madeis determined structural are and and international levels (Papademetriou Martin,1991). Thus, we are of conthat skeptical bothofatomistic theories denytheimportance structural to and theories denyagency that straints individual on decisions, ofstructural individuals families. and exclusivity, we the argument theoretical of Rather thanadopting narrow migrathat relevant international to adoptthebroader position causalprocesses and out sorting which tion on levels simultaneously, that might operate multiple task.Each are is and oftheexplanations useful an empirical notonlya logical examined on and itsleadingtenets modelmustbe considered itsown terms the specify data to testable Only can carefully derive propositions. then we clearly them empirically. and methods required evaluate to prediction in that, modelyields clear a empirical Theneoclassical economic of migration that principle, should readily be verifiable: thevolume international to related, time over and across countries, thesizeof is directly significantly and the of theinternational in wage rates. testing theories Regression analyses gap transnational contain Lewis(1954) and Ranisand Fei (1961) shouldtherefore distance between as with wage differentialsthe leadingpredictor, geographic countries as for of perhaps entered a proxy thecosts movement. thatthe suggest Laterrefinements the neoclassical of model,however, in is the earnings notthe gap, decisionmaking expected pertinent factor migration absolutereal-wage differential (Todaro,1969, 1976; Todaroand Maruszko, in in as expected earnings defined realearnings the are 1987).Atanypoint time, there. under of consideration multiplied theprobability employment by country rate, as Although typically estimated one minustheunemployment thelikelias the moreappropriately measured one minus hoodofemploymentprobably is the of part-time employunderemployment given pervasiveness sporadic, rate, in of ment low-skill within developing regions. keypredictor internaThe jobs wages tional flows an term cross-multiplies and migratory isthus interaction that A test the of interaction employment probabilities.statistical for significance this constitutes model real to where wagesaloneappear, term, compared a regression of a critical comparison test betweenthe Ranis-Feiand theTodaroversions reviews the of 1980,andGreenwood, 1985,for neoclassical theory. Todaro, (See substantial the research literature testing Todaromodel.) empirical A logicalcorollary bothmodels, movehowever, thatinternational is of ment should occurin theabsenceofan international in either observed gap not shouldcease when or expected countries between wages,and thatmovement of and have monetary wagedifferentials beenerased(netofthecosts movement, International thatoccurin theabsenceofa wage gap,or flows psychological). that that before gap has beeneliminated, end a anomalous conditions represent constitute the of primafacieevidencechallenging assumptions neoclassical economic theory.

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At theindividual level,theTodaromodeland itssuccessors predict that individual household and characteristics arepositively that related therateof to remunerationtheprobabilityemployment destination willincrease or of in areas returns international the probability migration raising expected of by the to movement. Hence, likelihood emigrationpredicted be reliably the of is to related to suchstandard humancapital variables age,experience, as schooling, marital and The propensity international for is to status, skill. migration also expected vary with household's a accesstoincome-generating resources home(suchas at a willaffect net the landor supportingbusiness since owning enterprise), these return movement. to Sincehumancapital variables affect ofemployment remurates and that in rates neration destination areasalso tendto affect wage and employment in placesof origin, keyempirical a issueis wheretheeffect humancapitalis of greater, homeorabroad. at Given fact international the that migration involves a at humancapital changeoflanguage, culture, economic and system, acquired homegenerally transfers abroadimperfectly Chiswick, (see 1979). In thiscase, suchas international migrants be negatively may selected with respect variables to education job experience. and the returns schooling to Amongrural Mexicans, example, economic for havehistorically greater urban been in areasofMexicothanintheUnited States. an with education thesame Whereas undocunmented migrant a secondary gets at minimum-wage in Los Angelesas one with no schooling all, that job the or education would qualify same personfora clerical whitecollar in job and MexicoCity, the of thereby raising likelihood rural-urban migration loweringtheprobability international of movement (Taylor, 1987). Thispattern negative of selectivity cannotbe hypothesized universally, however, since selection human capitalvariables on dependson the transis itself determined of or under which ferabilitytheskill ability consideration, by In involved. and to conditions social, economic, historical specific thecountries in valueofhuman that the general, socialchange affects market any capital either of has of the society the potential shifting size and direction the relationship variables thelikelihood international and of movebetween specific predictor ment. of a to the Thus it is nearlyimpossible, priori, predict direction the variable theprobability and of an individual relationship between background to a test and difficultderive convincing ofneoclassimigration, itis consequently cal economic at levelina reduced-form theory themicro regression-that one is, in whichthe probability migration modeleddirectly a function as of is of In the individual household and variables. general, only universal prediction that can be offered that is humancapital be related the to shouldsomehow reliably of likelihood international of movement, the strength direction the but and is relationshipimpossible knowintheabsenceofhistorical to information about thecountries involved. the circumstances beenclearly have Onlyafter historical

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of to forms humancapital influence thereturns specific on specified their and test microeconomic modelbe formucan clarified, a critical oftheneoclassical lated. strucA moreformal of alternative to modeltheprobability migration is and as of incomedifferential, simultaneously turally a function the expected of and modeltheexpected-income differentiala function individual houseas In variables on hold variables. thisway,the effects individual of background can differential be their influence theexpected-earnings on migration through In of variables migration on tested the effects these explicitly. addition, possible can independent their of influence expected on earnings be explored (Taylor, to microeconomic 1986). In theabsenceofstructural it is difficult falsify tests, The theory examining by individual regressions. only evidencethatcould of conceivably serious cast doubton thevalidity thehumancapitaltheory of migration would be the complete absenceof a relationship betweenhuman and migration. capital In contrast neoclassical to economic theory, new economics migrathe of as tionfocuseson the householdor family, rather thanthe individual, the relevant is to decisionmaking anditposits migrationa response income unit; that riskand to failures a variety markets in of (insurance, credit, labor),which The constrain local incomeopportunities inhibit and together risk-spreading. direct ofthis most test theory wouldbe torelate presence absence such the or of in market imperfectionshouseholds' to propensities participate international to If is migration. thenew economics migration correct, of households confronted local market by the greatest imperfections shouldbe mostlikely adoptan to international migration strategy, other things beingequal. other are there a is Unfortunately, things generally not equal. Typically high correlation between market imperfections other and variables (namely low wages and incomes)thatare the focusof the neoclassical (humancapital) model.The greatest is migration challenge this of direct then, to isolate the test, influence market of imperfections risk international and on migration the from roleofother income and employment variables. One of the mostdistinguishing contributions the new economics of of is of migration itsintegration migration with remitdecisionmaking migrants' tance behaviorand households'remittance use-aspects of migration that hitherto have been treated in separately theliterature.risks incomeand a If to desire overcome to localconstraints production thedriving on are forces behind then the outcomesof migration migration, (e.g., the patterns and uses of shouldreflect fact.A number indirect remittances) this of testsof the new economics modelare available. If riskdiversification underlying is the motivation, migrant then remitin tances should greatest households be mostexposed localincome to risks and in periodswhen thisriskis most acute (e.g., during severedrought, a as demonstrated Lucasand Stark, by 1985).Ifa primary motivation migration of is

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riskand credit on from stemming to overcome constraints local production should influence local market failures, migration remittances then and positively would income-generating activities (Lucas,1987; Taylor, 1992). Suchfindings becausepositive provide evidence favor thenew economics migration, in of of are on activities ruledoutby neoclassical effects migration local production of focuses an individuon economic theory, arerisk as effects. Neoclassical theory incomeand assumesthatmarkets complete are al's maximization expected of and well-functioning. within broader a The new economics migration placesmigration of also a decision its to community context, specifically linking household's migration in The of deprivation position the local incomedistribution. theory relative are the predicts a household's that oddsofsending migrants abroad greater larger income theamount incomeearnedbyhouseholds above itin thereference of in the distribution, more generally, greater incomeinequality the and the A a reference community. systematic ofthis test proposition requires multi-level and statistical not the modelthat onlycontains usualindividual household-level ofincome predictor variables, alsoincorporates community but the characteristic inequality, an operational or measureof relative income.Starkand Taylor in income (1989) found relative that income was moresignificant absolute than withina sampleof ruralMexican international labor migration explaining households, except thetwoextremes theincome at of distribution. level.Unlike Thenew economic modelcan also be tested theaggregate at in of theneoclassical model, diversification for risk allows movement theabsence in migrainternational differenceswagesor employment rates, becauseitlinks in in and tionnotjustto conditions thelabormarket to failures thecapital but In order testthisconceptualization, regressions insurance markets well. as to as predicting international population movements should contain, independent of indicators thepresence absence insurance or of (e.g.,crop variables, programs the insurance and unemployment insurance), presenceor absence of key and levels market of coverage capita (per markets (e.g.,futures capital markets), measures market and costs(e.g.,insurance and of participation), transaction In in markets predicted are to interest rates). general, deficiencies these ancillary that the increase sizeofinternational and to raisethelikelihood particular flows in conditions the labor households send migrants abroad,holdingconstant market. struca occupational Although labormarket dual theory posits bifurcated tureand a dual pattern economicorganization advancedindustrial of for in it to this market societies, practice has proveddifficult verify segmented structure 1982). Usuallythe empirically (Cain, 1976; Hodsonand Kaufman, distinction is between and sectors arbitrary, to leading "primary" "secondary" in of great instabilityempirical estimates a high and degree dependency results of on thedecision chosen allocate rule and to Horan, Beck, jobs to sectors (Tolbert, 1980; Hodsonand Kaufman, 1981; Horan,Tolbert, Beck, 1981; but see and an Dickens and Lang,1985,for exception this to criticism).

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Ratherthan attempting verify empirical to the structure the labor of market, therefore, a moreefficacious strategy might to focus thetheory's be on predictions regarding patterns international of movement, which are quite specific and objectively testable. Pioreand others arguethatimmigration is driven conditions labordemandrather In by of thansupply. statistical models thatregress seculartrendsin international migration changing on market in conditions sending and receiving countries, shouldtherefore one a observe higher degree explanatory of poweramongreceiving-country indicators comwith pared those sending for If countries. realwagesandemployment conditions are entered intoan equationpredicting movement between and Turkey Germany, example, for in German indicators shoulddominate terms predictive of power. Beingdemand-based, dual labormarket the approach also predicts that international flowsof labor beginthrough formal recruitment mechanisms rather than individual efforts. principle, shouldbe easy to verify In it this proposition simply listing majorinternational by the migration flows that have since1950 and documenting emerged whichoneswereinitiated formal reby If cruitment either orprivate. most alloftheflows traceor are procedures, public abletosomesort recruitment of marprogram, a key then prediction duallabor of kettheory havebeen sustained. hisbook,Pioredoes notundertake will In this he exercise; refers toseveral only casesthat to happen beconsistent histheory with an of (for example suchan exercise, see and however, Massey Liang, 1989). One lastprediction dual labormarket of is theory thatsecondary-sector but Over fluctuations wagesareflexible downward, notupward. time, therefore, in wage ratesin jobs filled immmigrants not be strongly by should related to in fluctuations laborsupply demand. and of During periods low laborimmigrationand highlabordemand,wages in receiving countries shouldnot riseto attract nativeworkers becauseofinstitutional but of rigidities, during periods high imrnigration low demand and there nothing prevent is to wagesfrom falling in response competitive to pressure. thusexpectan interaction We between changesin wage ratesand whether not immigration contracting or was or the is expanding the to case during period: effect expected be zeroin theformer in and negative thelatter. also expect widening We a these wage gap between workers overtime. jobs and thoseheldbynative Although a complex at times world systems theory constitutes and diffuse it and conceptual structure, yieldsseveralrelatively straightforward testable propositions, first which is thatinternational the of flowsof labor follow international ofcapital, flows only theopposite in direction. to According Sassen and others, are in emigrants created direct investment developing by foreign countries the disruptions such investment and that brings. Thus,we should observe streams foreign that of intoperipheral are capital going regions accomof outflows emigrants. paniedbycorresponding Thisbasic migratory processshouldbe augmented the existence of by ideological material created prior and ties by colonization well as ongoing as

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processes market of If penetration.one wereto specify modelofinternational a migration flowsto testworldsystems theory, one therefore, would want to includeindicators priorcolonialrelationships, prevalence common of the of languages, intensity traderelations, existence transportation the of the of and communication links, therelative and frequency communications travel of and between countries. the Finally, worldsystems theory specifies onlythat not international migrationshouldflowfrom to periphery corealongpathsofcapital investment, but it also that is directed certain to "globalcities" that channel and control foreign investment. Although theory the doesnotprovide specific criteria defining for a "1global city," setofoperational a criteria might developed be from information aboutcapitalassetsand corporate headquarters. couldthenexaminethe One relative frequency movement global of to cities, opposed other as to placeswithin thedeveloped developing or world. Network leads to a seriesof eminently theory testable propositions. to According Piore, Massey,and others, once someonehas migrated internahe tionally, or sheis very likely do so again,leading repeated to to movements over time. Thusthelikelihood an additional should of increase with eachtrip trip the of taken; probability transnational should greater be migration amongthose withpriorinternational than among those without and the experience it; likelihood additional of migration shouldincrease the amountof foreign as
experiencerises.

A secondproposition that is controlling a person's for individual migrant the experience, probability international of shouldbe greater migration for individuals arerelated someone who to who has prior international experience, or for individuals connected someonewho is actually to abroad.Moreliving of shouldincrease withthe closeness the of over,the likelihood movement relationship having brother Germany more a in (i.e., is a to likely induce Turk to there thanhaving cousin, neighbor, a friend); itshouldalso a a or and migrate risewith quality thesocialcapital the in of embodied therelationship a (having who brother has livedin Germany tenyears morevaluableto a potential for is than one who has justarrived, having who is a legal and one emigrant having is resident better thanhaving who lacksresidence one documents). Another the that hypothesis stems from recognition international movement requires migrants overcome to more barriers doesinternal than movement. In addition thenormal to costsoftravel searching workarethecostsof and for and adapting a new culture, costsof acquiring learning to the appropriate documentation, ifacquiring papers impossible, evading and, is of arrest legal and In the deportation. general, greater barriers movement, moreimporthe to the tant shouldnetwork becomein promoting ties since reduce the migration, they and costs risks movement. should of that We thusobserve network connections are systematically powerful predicting in more international than migration internal migration. Taylor(1986) finds thisdifferentiated of migration effect networks a sampleofMexicanhouseholds. for

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the of Within we households, shouldalso be able to detect effect social on In members households of capital individual migration behavior. general, in has which someone already abroadshould migrated display higher probabilities of movement thanthosefrom households thatlack migratory experience. If network theory correct, example, common is for a vector whichmigratory by behavior transmitted is is from fathers sons(Massey al., 1987). Dependent to et sonswhosefathers active former are or international migrants shouldbe more likely emigrate to thanthosewhosefathers foreign lack experience. the of Finally, thecommunity one should abletoobserve effect at level, be to abroadif theprevalence network Peopleshould more of ties. be likely migrate and a they comefrom community wheremanypeoplehavemigrated wherea large stock foreign of experience accumulated ifthey has than comefrom place a whereinternational is uncommon(Masseyand Garcia migration relatively Espafia, 1987). Moreover, thestock socialtiesand international as of migrant less shouldbecomeprogressively selecovertime, experience grows migration of tiveand spreadfrom middleto thelowersegments thesocioeconomic the In decisions needto individual household or hierarchy. general, then, migration a the be placed within local setting, suggesting need formulti-level analytic the indexes network connections within community. modelsincorporating of Institutional theory arguesthatdisparities betweenthe supplyof and demandfor visasintocorereceiving a societies create lucrative nichefor entry to licit and entrepreneursprovide and illicit entry services, that exploitation the thatresults from disparity also prompt this will humanitarian organizations to intervene immigrants' on behalf. establishment growth institutions The and of dedicated facilitating to constitutes another form socialinfraof immigration structure persists that over timeand increases volumeof international the movements. population it case studiesto document Although may be feasible through such institutional development itseffect immigration, more and on itis difficultlink to institutions aggregate to population flows micro-level or migration decisions in an analytically rigorous fashion. specialsurveys, On migrants nonmigrants and be to might asked whether theyare aware of institutions providing support immigrants, responses this and to question maybe usedtopredict likelihood the of movement. the presence such organizations Or of be might documented acrosscommunities used to predict rateofoutmigration thecomand at the munity level,or, in a multi-level model,the probability emnigration of at the or individual household level. the of causation states general the Lastly, theory cumulative hypothesis that in to sustains itself sucha waythat tends create more migration migration This hypothesis thatindividual or migration. followsfromthe proposition householddecisions affected the socioeconomic are by context within which in are at affect context the actsofmigration one point time they made,and that within whichsubsequent decisions made. Migration decisions made by are families individuals and the influence social and economicstructures within

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community, whichinfluence laterdecisions other individuals houseand by levelincrease odds of the holds.On balance,the changesat the community cumulative subsequent movement, leading migration's to causation overtime (Masseyet al., 1987; Massey,1990b). In The systematic testing thistheory of poses substantial demands. data order test cumulative to for causation theaggregate using at level cross-sectional data,complicated recursive systems structural of equations mustbe specified, and these typically require instrumental variables aredifficultdefine that to and in identify, especially international sets. data Ideally theory the should tested be usingmulti-level longitudinal data, which containvariables defined the at individual, household, community, perhaps and evennational levels, meaall in suredat different points time.Onlywithsucha data setcan thereciprocal feedback effects individual householddecisions social structure of or on be discerned measured. and Thetheory cumulative of causation, whileinmany waysstill rudimentary in its development, in does pointto several factors particularly as important individual behavior community and structure. channeling feedback the between The first factor migrant is the detailed networks, suggesting need to gather A and infornation aboutkinandfriendship between ties migrants nonmigrants. is the of secondfactor incomeequality, whichrequires accurate measurement A detailed dataon household income. third landdistribution, is whichrequires A is landtenure ownership. fourth, and pertaining torural only areas, thenature of agrarian whichrequires information the use of irrigation, on production, machinery, hiredlabor,herbicides, and seeds by both pesticides, improved and The to families. lastand perhaps mostdifficult factor migrant nonmigrant in is whichrequires informameasure testing cumulative for causation culture, tionaboutbeliefs, values,and nornative practices. in all be factors should measured Ideally ofthese longitudinally, although the Given somecases-culture, example-this for wouldbe nextto impossible. in of information changes theprevalence on of difficultysecuring longitudinal the the migrant networks, degreeof incomeinequality, skewnessof land an and of distribution, thecapitalintensiveness agricultural production, alterin across native strategy might to rely geographic be on diversity thesefactors to recursive structural communities, specifying equationsystems model the to but issues withrespect feedbacks, thisapproachraisesserioustechnical identification instrumentation. and The finalconceptual schemewe discussed was thesystems perspective, whichargues at that causalforces of of operating a variety levelslenda degree to flows leadtotheemergence stable of pernanence international and overtime mnigration systems. Thesesystems characterized relatively flows are of by large between to the member countries from outside system. migrants compared flows the is matter of of Verifying existence suchsystems a straightforward empirical within systemnic a some of for of establishing threshold intensity inclusion a flow

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in it thoseprevailing theworldtoday. structure, thenapplying to identify and 1992). beenattempted (Zlotnik, Some efforts alongtheselineshave already

Conclusion
processes international of contemporary Theoriesdevelopedto understand levelsof at that migration positcausal mechanisms operate widelydivergent from and derived assumptions, hypotheses analysis. Although propositions, the carry very they each perspective notinherently are contradictory, nonetheless on Depending whichmodel is different for implications policyfornulation. recommend might a socialscientist supported underwhatcircumstances, and wages migration changing by that attempt regulate to international policymakers in economic and employment countries; promoting by conditions destination in programs socialinsurance of in countries; establishing by development origin in by income inequality placesoforigin; improvsending societies; reducing by of or markets developing in regions; bysomecombination ingfutures capital or are given all programs fruitless advisethat ofthese theseactions. one might Or out movement growing ofmarket thestructural for imperatives international economic relations. migration Whatever case, giventhe size and scale ofcontemporary the in and inherent the and the for flows, given potential misunderstanding conflict decisions around world, the political multi-ethnic societies emergence diverse, of madeoverthe aboutinternational will important rnigration be amongthemost for empirical support eachof sorting therelative out next twodecades. Likewise, evaluation be will them of thetheoretical schemes integrating in light that and in the out years. tasks among most important carried bysocialscientists ensuing and the of We hopethat explicating leading theories international migration by we assumptions keypropositions, have laid and byclarifying underlying their work. thegroundwork that for necessary empirical Note
The authors members theIUSSP Comare of mitteeon South-North Migration, which is a examinacurrently undertaking systematic tionoftheories international of migration and theevidence supporting them. Committee The is chairedby Douglas S. Massey,who took for the primary responsibility writing textof but and thispresentation, theideas,concepts, conclusions expressedin the articleare the members. collective work of all committee comments critiand Thecommittee welcomes readers. cismsfrom interested

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