Jennifer Seward 10 Program of Study: I intend to pursue my Master of Arts Degree in sociology at Dalhousie University.

In my thesis, I intend to explore the sociology of food and food production. My thesis is well-suited to the Economy, Work, and Development component of the Masters of Arts in Sociology program, as I will explore work, capitalism, and social change within an Atlantic Canadian context. Context: Over the last number of years, concerns surrounding the affects of eating food grown both across continents and out of the local growing season have emerged, such that an average North American meal comprised of what I like to call metalocal food, travels approximately 8,000 kilometres before it arrives on one's table (McLeod & Scott, 2010). For example, a green pepper purchased at the local grocery store probably traveled hundreds, if not thousands, of kilometres before it arrived on the store shelf; a typical Gala apple purchased that the local grocery store was probably grown out of the country, even though apples are grown in Nova Scotia; and while locally, strawberries are only in season for about six weeks per year, one can purchase a variety of out-of-season berries any time of the year, (Davison, Duy & Jorgensen, 2010; McLeod & Scott, 2010). There are a number of reasons why our food typically travels such great distances. First, global markets are such that it is often cheaper to import food rather than grow it locally (Hinrichs, 2000). Second, importing out-of-season fruits, such as strawberries, affords us choice and variety in our diet that agriculture in our local climate may not provide (McLeod & Scott, 2010). Third, there is often consumer demand for products (such as pineapples) that are not grown locally (McLeod & Scott, 2010). While there are advantages to this model of food production, realized by its propensity for low cost and general availability, there are a number of negative affects of relying on metalocal food. First, importing inexpensive, efficiently-produced food on a global market creates an increased reliance on fossil fuels, as fuel-reliant mechanization is required to produce food cheaply, and furthermore, fuel is required for long distance food transport (Halweil, 2004; Macias, 2008; Horrigan, Lawrence & Walker, 2002). Second, relying on imported foods often results in a financial loss for local farmers (Coleman & Scott, 2008a). Third, the increasing reliance on imported food is such that we lose the ability to feed ourselves as we become dependent on others for our basic agricultural needs (Coleman & Scott, 2008a). The general concern when thinking about feeding ourselves takes on a particular concern in local contexts such that the highest class of farmland in Nova Scotia used for growing high-value crops is in very short supply... where increased competition with housing and commercial developers threatens to shrink rather than expand available farm land (Coleman & Scott, 2008b). In other words, the reliance on the global agriculture is exacerbated as we increasingly loose agricultural land to real estate markets. Certainly, the reliance on food imports and the loss of farmland has met with some opposition in Nova Scotia in particular and in North America in general, as alternatives to these metalocal foods are emerging. For example, there is a general increase in the prevalence of farmers markets (that specifically sell local food) in both the United States and Canada (Gorelick, Merrifield & NorbergHodge, 2002). Locally, Halifax has recently opened the Halifax Seaport Farmers Market, that specializes in local (and often organic) food, wines, and crafts (Unknown, 2010). Also, within urban environments throughout North America, community gardens are emerging whereby garden members exchange work for food (Cooley & Lass, 2008). Locally, the Peninsula Urban Garden Society (PUGS) provide[s] local, non-market sources of inexpensive, fresh, nutritious produce to its members as community gardens everywhere are helping to integrate people back into the food production process as food production is increasingly unknown within the global marketplace. (Unknown, n.d.:1). Similarly, Community supported agriculture (CSA) is an emerging alternative to conventional agricultural production (Gorelick, Merrifield & Norberg-Hodge, 2002). CSAs are unique in that members pay a yearly fee to member farms in exchange for the benefit of inexpensive, locally-grown food, while both farmers and consumers share the risks of farm production (Cooley & Lass, 1998). For example, a member farmer can rest assured that a bad crop, will not result in a complete economic loss

Jennifer Seward 11 for that season. Locally, there are twelve such CSAs in Nova Scotia (McLeod & Scott, 2010: 25). Theoretical Framework: In my thesis, in an effort to better understand the local alternatives to food imports, I will utilize a critique of Marxism to analyze the local food movement in Nova Scotia. According to Simone Weil (1958), a general change from capitalist modes of production (such as the current, global economic model of food imports) to more collectivist modes (such as CSAs and urban gardens) will not necessarily solve all social and economic problems (Weil, 1958). Similarly, social institutions do not adapt to new productive forces; new modes of production (such as CSAs and urban gardens) will not simply solve the problem of global dependency in Nova Scotia, as new modes of production create new problems of which to solve. And while those involved with alternative approaches to local agriculture are attempting to buffer some of the negative affects of global agricultural imports, Research Question: Are particular attempts to keep food local in Nova Scotia actually resolving problems associated with agricultural imports, or are these attempts creating unintended, negative consequences? Objectives: In order to answer this question, I will need to fulfill two research objectives: (i) to describe the landscape of the local food movement in Nova Scotia with an eye toward the complexities of locallybased agriculture, and (ii) as Weil points to the lived complexities of social change, I will need to identify unforeseen problems of locally-based agricultural practices. Methodology: To fulfill these objectives, I will employ both content analysis and semi-structured, indepth interviews to describe and examine the complexities involved in agricultural change. Through the use of content analysis, I will examine various online documents, such as government websites and web pages of urban gardeners, as well as local zines, pamphlets, etc. I will use content analysis for two reasons: first, there is a great deal of easily accessible information online and in print form, so that I will have almost instant access to a great deal of data. Second, this method will allow me to discover themes in the data that I may not initially anticipate (Marvasti & Silverman, 2008). Once I have collected the data, I will code this information into a number of themes. And while themes will emerge from the data after its collection, I anticipate coding the data into such themes as: (i) references to change in agricultural practice (ii) references to collectivist and market approaches to production. However, there are limits to this approach, such that the data is static (Marvasti & Silverman, 2008). In an effort to flesh out a more dynamic understanding of the complexities of agricultural change, and to paint a more dynamic picture of the agricultural landscape, I will also use semi-structured, in depth interviews, as this approach will allow me to develop an understanding of the experiences of those directly involved with local food that content analysis may not provide. For example, I will be able to examine attitudes, beliefs, and practices that may not be readily apparent (or available) through content analysis (Silverman & Marvasti, 2008; Stake, 2010). And while I will allow themes to emerge from the data while utilizing this qualitative interview approach, I will structure the interviews around: (i) assumptions surrounding agricultural production (ii) the experience of the farming practice. I will interview both farmers and consumers of CSAs, members of community gardens, and both patrons of farmer's markets and the participating farmers. Once I have collected the online data and transcribed the interviews, I will analyze the data using Weil's (1958) conceptual framework of the lived complexity of social change. I will look for common themes as I explore the relationship between these themes in terms of how particular assumptions affect agricultural practices, and how these practices contribute to the success (or lack thereof) of the local food system in Nova Scotia. Contribution to Knowledge: This research will contribute two things to the advancement of the knowledge of local food systems. First, this research will paint a more detailed picture of the local food landscape on which both academics and growers of local food can draw. Second, this research will contribute to a refined understanding of local food production in Nova Scotia.