Augoyard

Step by Step
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Step by Step
Everyday Walks in a French Urban Housing Project
JEAN-FRANOIS AUGOYARD
Foreword by Franoise Choay Translated and with an Afterword by David Ames Curtis
University of Minnesota Press

Minneapolis London
The University of Minnesota Press gratefully acknowledges the generosity of the French Ministry of Culture, which contributed nancial assistance to the publication of this book. Ouvrage publi avec laide du Ministre franais charg de la Culture Centre national du livre. The University of Minnesota Press acknowledges the work of Edward Dimendberg, editorial consultant, on this project. Photographs of the Arlequin neighborhood in Grenoble, France, were taken by Yves Bardin and Babette Mathieu. The map in Appendix B was created by Holger Sauer. Lines from Walking and Falling and Big Science, from the album Big Science by Laurie Anderson, quoted as an epigraph to the Afterword and in a note, are reprinted here courtesy of Laurie Anderson. Originally published in French as Pas pas. Essai sur le cheminement quotidien en milieu urbain by ditions du Seuil in 1979 as part of the Espacements series edited by Franoise Choay. Copyright 1979 ditions du Seuil. Copyright 2007 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Published by the University of Minnesota Press 111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290 Minneapolis, MN 55401-2520 http://www.upress.umn.edu Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Augoyard, Jean-Franois, 1941 [Pas pas. English] Step by step : everyday walks in a French urban housing project / Jean-Franois Augoyard ; foreword by Franoise Choay ; translated and with an afterword by David Ames Curtis. p. cm. Translation of: Pas pas. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn: 978-0-8166-4590-9 (hc: alk. paper) 978-0-8166-4591-6 (pb: alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-8166-4590-6 (hc : alk. paper) 0-8166-4591-4 (pb : alk. paper) 1. City and town lifeFrance. 2. Sociology, UrbanFrance. 3. Urbanization France. 4. City planningFrance. I. Title. ht135.a8813 2007 307.760944--dc22 2007026439 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity educator and employer. 12 11 10 09 08 07 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Contents
Foreword Franoise Choay

STEP BY STEP
vii
Itinerary 1. Arteries, Impasses, Side Streets 2. An Inhabitant Rhetoric: Figures of Walking 3. An Inhabitant Rhetoric: The Code of Appropriation 4. The Body of Inhabitant Expression 5. On the Imaginary Ground of Inhabitant Expression Conclusion: A Cosmogenetic Point Appendix A: Synoptic Table Appendix B: Map and Toponymic Lexicon of the Arlequin Neighborhood Afterword: Walking Together, Three Decades Later David Ames Curtis Notes 221 Bibliography 249 Index 255
3 7 23 77 115 135 165 179 189
193
Foreword
FR ANOISE CHOAY
To republish orwhat amounts to the sameto translate a book, written a quarter century ago in reaction to a precisely dated and limited context, presupposes that the document in question would either present some clear historical value or had been, from the outset, polysemous in character, the bearer of multiple readings. Both these hypotheses apply to Step by Step. This work by Jean-Franois Augoyard, which arose from his academic dissertation, was, to borrow a term familiar to him, inscribed within the technocratic climate of intense urbanization that, in France, had witnessed the transition from high-density housing complexes1to new towns. Never had urban planners and architects in our country had comparable repower at their disposal. And yet, neither had the young discipline of urban sociology had such a time denouncing the disparities between the product (the built environment) being offered to consumers (inhabitants) and the expectations of the latter. Augoyards Pas pas arrived on the scene as the perfect opposite of the fashionable socio-politico-economic analyses and the ruling ideology. All along the both unassuming and meticulous investigation he conducted in the enclosed area of everydayness and peoples ordinary behaviors, Augoyard quietly introduced the twin teachings of Martin Heidegger on dwelling and of Herbert Marcuse on technology. All the issues of the day, present between the lines, were questioned and mastered with a modesty and a simplicity that seemed almost ridiculous. Some people were not fooled: Michel de Certeau always recognized the debt he has incurred vis--vis Pas pas in his analysis of the everyday.2 On the other hand, among technocrats, practitioners, and
vii
FOREWORD
sociologists concerned with what Augoyard subsumes under the terms construction and lodging (as opposed to building and inhabiting), Pas pas had hardly any impact at all. Today, this book testies in a nearly unique way to a consciousness of the fundamental questions raised by urbanization as it stood at the threshold of the yet-to-be-named electrotelematic revolution. But does not Pas pas, at the present hour, offer another dimension besides the merely documentary one? I confess that I have asked myself the question. Exactly twenty-ve years after I enthusiastically welcomed Augoyard into the series I was editing at Seuil publishing house, I reread his book step by step (or, rather, word by word), carried along, this time, by historical curiosity: with globalization as my horizon as I made my way through the book, the questions asked and the observations made by Augoyard seemed to me not merely premonitory but fully in step with our own times. In twenty-ve years, Pas pas has attained global signicance. The collusion between technology and capital had become ever more radical in the interim, as conditioning by technology came to apply no longer just to urban lived experience in our globalized societies but also to their social practices as a whole. Today, the reduction process detected and revealed by Augoyard has become generalized, and it is inhabitant expression itselfthis power, grounded in the imaginary, to struggle against the real as conceived, to orient otherwise the edied world3that is threatened with extinction. It is not my role here to substitute myself for the present-day reader and to project in detail Augoyards contributions on the backdrop of the electronic era, our era of globalization. I shall therefore limit myself to two points. First is his unveiling of the role the body plays (through the apparently trivial and insignicant activity of deambulation)4 in the semanticization of our spatial and social environment. Next is the key analysis (still to be pursued) of the ways in which temporalized spatial gures recapitulate, via the mediation of the body, the symbolization inherent to speech. This is a lesson to be pondered at a time when the human body, reied by the media and supplanted by ever more efcient technological prostheses,5 nds itself, in everyday life, condemned to exile: indeed, the bodys exclusion by architecture and planning schools
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FOREWORD
as well as by professionals in those elds, obsessed as they now are by computer-assisted design, goes to ensure this very exile. Of course, a close reading of Augoyards book might lead one to regret that which its heroical minimalism deprives it of. For that option erects the very sparseness of its approach into a method and connes itself to the eld of the ordinary and the individual, apart from the polemical and the political. Thus, for example, would not the use of the term city6 elicit some reservations? Why reduce the social unit of everyday life [to an] aggregate7 and consider advocacy planning to be nothing but a failure?8 How can one justify the absence of two words, identity and difference, which give their status to the articulation of the body and of space by integrating therein the properly political dimension, in Aristotles strong and original sense of the term? These are but vain questions and sterile regrets inasmuch as Pas pas draws its full force from the minimalist option Augoyard adopted and from the way in which he succeeds in standing at the very threshold where meaning emerges from nonmeaning. These questions and regrets remain vain and sterile, especially in light of the fact that, as he takes his nal steps in his last pages,9 the key word is let loose: cosmogenesis; for it is also (as Augoyard makes clear in detail) only through the body that space becomes a world. This precise specication is of precious value. Indeed, it concerns at present all humans identically, for what is this cosmogenesis if not the innermost calling of our species, henceforth threatened with eclipse, anthropogenesis?
ix
Step by Step
Itinerary
This work takes the step as its point of departure under a variety of headings. It is dedicated, rst of all, to a small number of inhabitants in a town that looks like many others. Their daily strolls, which we have joined in mid-march, have taken us, little by little, along many detours and into the urry of particular details of ordinary life. To the point of rambling. We wanted to learn how these inhabitants live their relationship to the spaces of their habitat. But their approaches have come to take over our own and have obliterated the abstract itinerary we had projected to follow. We wanted to make them say something, likening their spatial practices to one or another of the major routes that structure present-day familiarity with the city. Yet step by step, condence in our own scientic knowledge has slackened. At the rhythm with which time itself is lived, our reductionist techniques have fallen by the wayside. We shall simply attempt to state in the pages of the present volume, and with the hope of not betraying them too much, what the inhabitants are expressing by themselves, every day, in their most unremarkable forms of conduct. We thank them for this salutary change of scenery [dpaysement] which invites us to make three somewhat unusual steps in the eld of scientic knowledge about the city: a side step, a step forward, perchance to take a plunge [un pas sauter]. First, a side step in urban studies. The quality of life theme is in today. After several decades of urban planning that were characterized by an increasing mastery of space in quantitative terms, the inhabitants have suddenly become an object of concern. It is asked how the user can come to live within
3
ITINER ARY
these new urban arrangements. One seeks to improve the living conditions of the consumer or the constituent [ladministr]. New techniques have been invented to soften the edges of planned spaces for example, by promoting sociocultural activities and entertainments. Yet the everyday problems intensive urban development generates are still being dealt with in one of two ways. Either such treatment is considered after the development and construction have been completed, and then one searches for remedies, or it is contemplated before the urbanization program is carried out, and then hypothetical data are taken into account via preconceived ways of using the urban space. For both these approaches, it seems, the instantiated principle [instance] of the inhabitant or user can be dealt with only in the form of a content that lls in, after the fact, an already laid-out and developed space. In its operational mode, urban planning in reality merely manipulates representations of use. Everyday timewhich cannot enter into a construction parameterbecomes secondary, accidental, incidental. But is not this omission itself of signicance? Is there not a qualitative gap between lived practices and representations of these practices? Is everyday life to be reduced to a reproduction? Is its fate to go on repeating, blindly, the urgent imperatives dictated by the economic order and the ideological order? Or does it really have a productive and expressive capacity of its own? The question could at least be posed for once. And, were it only for the time of the present volume, it might merit a side step, or an attempt to follow lived time as closely as possible, to look into what its own powers and abilities are, and to cast, from this point of view, a different glance upon the urban world. Such an approach is in no way an easy one. It necessitates a step forward in the methods of qualitative sociology. For a few years now, there has been a marked interest in qualitative analyses of urban life. What one now considers classical sociology which was based on statistical data that allow one to offer an overall diagnosis before it is too late and to reveal the most general causes of a growing urban malaisehas perhaps even been criticized too rashly. Today, people talk a lot about a new sociology that would free itself from the quantum. A qualitative methodology is nevertheless still taking
4
ITINER ARY
its rst steps, taking pains to distance itself from a search for necessary causes or from ethnological methods that abandon the exotic in order to return to the endotic. Others, inspired by a more poetic model, attempt to describe, in rst-person terms, the quality of lived space. A step would be taken, were it granted that, on the one hand, everyday life is a fabric of ways of being (before being a set of secondorder effects) and that, on the other, the modalities of lived experience belonging to each inhabitant do indeed participate in a community of meaning. Beyond the I, there is undoubtedly a we, which expresses itself in everydayness. Is a method of modal analysis possible in the case of urban sociology? The present volume presents the concrete experiment we have undertaken. Because of this, however, the writing is inected in two unusual ways. For, grasped in its lived quality, everyday life does not yield states of affairs, behaviors whose typological structure could be xed in place. It gives us movements, conducts. The account we shall offer respects its evolutive or eeting character. Following the approach we have taken over several years, each momentand here each chapter outstrips the previous one, correcting its errancies and adjusting its extrapolations. True, this makes the reading of the book all the more difcult. But this option, it has seemed to us, considerably reduces the gap [lcart] between everyday life and our observational experience of it. Moreover, does not every statement about everyday life that would fail to enter into its concrete particularities and singularities risk setting it too quickly and rigidly in the realm of the represented and, in this sense, also risk reduplicating the reductions currently imposed upon it via the production of planned space? Also, our study will hardly ever depart from a quite specic urban neighborhood that serves as an example. Step by step, it weaves together what we hope will be close ties between ambulatory practices unfolding in a concrete space-time and our analytic approach. May the reader therefore excuse us for our slow goings, procrastinations, and repetitions. The primary task of a modal analysis undoubtedly is to take into account such constant to-and-fro movements between the scattered pluralities of lived experience and the minimum unity required by speech. The itinerary we are proposing will no doubt appear off-track and
5
ITINER ARY
puzzling [droutant]. What interest could there possibly be in accounting for practices so unremarkable and familiar that they would seem to us to border on the innocuous, the insignicant? What contribution can such a sidelong approachone that, from the outset, fails to take into account the certainties of todays scientic knowledgemake that would deepen our familiarity with urban life? Such an invitation to vagabondage might be able to alter our mental attitude about urban phenomena. It prods us to take a plunge, to think everyday life through its own logic, to settle ourselves straightaway into the insignicant, the plural, the patchy. Ought not a philosophy of everyday life begin by making this deliberate leap [cart]? A philosophy of the remainder is unlikely to be possible except through a break in the hierarchy of epistemological values. Such a philosophy implies that modality would not be merely an instrument of causalitythat is to say, that the way in which one does things might appear as signicant as the result of the action takenand that ones style of expressing oneself might carry as much weight as what is signied (what is called the signied) or what is expressed (what will be called the expressed). The urban world has reduced everyday life to a series of functional operations; that world conditions its needs and gives the code of its usages. In this world, everyday life retains possession only of its expressive or rhetorical dimension. And so as not to reduce this last power and ability of the urban dweller even further, must not our investigation summon up all its patience and must not our scientic knowledge give proof of a great exibility, perhaps even accepting the overthrow of a few of its certainties?
Arteries, Impasses, Side Streets
The paths, the cuts that run invisibly along the route Are our only route, for we who speak in order to live, who Sleep, without growing drowsy, by the wayside. Ren Char
Arteries
Who has not, one day or another, had the distinct impression that he has been pretty much banished from, dispossessed of, the city he inhabits? And who has not, upon the accidental irruption of such an impression, glimpsed that everyday habits get lost in the details and, indeed, that these habits seem to repeat this banishment and this dispossession, which thereby become embedded, digging in their heels? The city is a furtive object, it seems, one that conceals itself. Far from dominating their city, the inhabitants seem to lose themselves further and further within it. The production of urban space today hardly offers the inhabitant any respite, now that it even goes so far as to reduplicate this loss of self and of home in the city by closing off all prospects through the shrinking of cityscapes, economic pressure, social division, overpricing of small property lots, and the concentration of slum areas.1 Whence the following simple question: In the collective space that is the city, what part is frequented, appropriated, and effectively inhabited (in the active sense) by each inhabitant? Probably a quite small part: a few neighborhoods or broken sections of neighborhoods scattered at the will of the fragmented activities that are our lot (work, domicile, leisure, consumption), sometimes ones lodging all by itself, sometimes even less than ones full lodging. Again, quantitative evaluation is hardly
A R T E R I E S , I M PA S S E S , S I D E S T R E E T S
of any signicance. Qualitatively speaking, we have no foothold upon the city as a totality. But what is this urban totality? Experienced daily through functional constraints and operational imperatives, it may be the city unit, the neighborhood unit, or the high-density housing complex unit. These units establish a descending series of interlocking memberships. And they take on a life of their own as given, preexisting totalities to which one must necessarily refer qua citizen, worker, social insurance contributor, consumer, or inhabitant. Older urban zones or aging mixed neighborhoods exhibit a unity that has been built up little by little. Historical and symbolic communal memory still maintains the illusion that the city dweller has taken part in this development. But the new forms of urban living, such as the high-density housing complex, are created straightaway as simultaneous totalities. Whether it be in the overall organization of usages or the mode of production of urban space itself, an increasingly necessitarian rationality seems now to reign over the city. With schematic diagrams, plans, long-term and medium-term forecasts, and timing of urban programs, the urban habitat as given appears as a conceptual space laid out and developed according to the rules of the whole and its parts. And sometimes the parts are so well integrated into the whole, and in such an interdependent way, that
all that is needed is a breakdown of a few power stations or strikes by public transport employees or by garbage collectors for one of the worlds most extraordinary powers, such as its great metropolitan areas, to be rendered, in a few hours time, literally helpless.2
The production and organization of the built and developed world have privileged a kind of manipulation of space that is based on a logic of repetition as well as on the following fundamental principle: produce rst the urban habitat so as to hand it over then for use. Everything takes place according to a relation of container to contained. In its form, the container implies all the signs of the system that has modeled it (realestate market, economic imperatives, organizational logic, political conditions, strategies for domination, etc.). The inhabitant who comes
to ll in this or that form of habitat is hardly able to discover either the signications assigned to it or its organic relationship to the totality. Housed rather than inhabiting, his daily life seems to unfold in a cramped living space, and he nds himself captive of an overly complex network of functional operations. What kind of fate has befallen the city? Why do the inhabitants have no mastery over the relation of the whole to its parts? Why, in short, is there an inhabitant malaise? This question is not a new one. Since the early sixties, it has set off numerous attempts at a response. Thus, the works of certain theorists, which at the present time constitute a veritable corpus of issues and criticisms, if not of scientic knowledge, have elicited responses from urbanists, architects, and even a portion of the public.3 Rather than trying to enumerate, in a necessarily incompleteand, here, tediousfashion, the entire set of interpretations that constitute the eld of the urban question, we prefer to limit ourselves to designating the main arteries within which the present currents of thought circulate. In any case, they go from the most specialized kinds of research to the most trivial doxa. Here, then, in an undoubtedly approximative way that nevertheless corresponds to our own recollection of the words and writings of urbanists or researchers or inhabitants themselves, are ve royal roads for the analysis of urban life, ve main ways of nding general and basic causes that explain inhabitant malaise. 1. It is the fulfillment of a development plan that introduces too many changes into the initial project Certain developmental and architectural projects ought to allow for a social life that is, if not idyllic, at least decentthat is to say, one in which appropriations of space might be able to succeed without experiencing too many constraints and in which the neighborhood would be considered to be something like an extension of ones own home. Now, as it turns out, once the project is fullled and built, nothing happens as planned. Life is dreary and fragmented. The space is too hostile or impervious to collective habitation. Individuals feel they are being driven back into their lodgings. Who is responsible? Neither the inhabitants nor the authors of the project. Instead, an inevitable series
of constraints and dysfunctions occur in the production process, which warps the project. Often suggested by urbanists and architects, this answer does not go so far as to challenge the project itself or its general mode of production. Rather, it takes note of the ups and downs of the project in terms of technical analysis. Organizational and construction technologies, as well as those pertaining to economic and political strategies, have their weaknesses. The remedy would thus be an increase in technical applications. 2. Disfigured or ill educated, the inhabitant no longer knows how to inhabit his space This surprising response occurs more frequently among architects than one might think. It may symbolize a vague and never theorized state of mind that is nevertheless apparent in the ideology of urban production, properly speaking.4 Formulated in the passive voice, this statement avoids identifying too clearly the origins of this inhabitant malaise. Is it civilization, is it culture, or is it life today that is the cause? Whatever the reason, people no longer know how to inhabit the city. The remedy? Relearn how to inhabit, learn how to read the new urban and architectural forms. What is needed, it is thought, is a pedagogy of architecture. And to prevent bad things from happening, whereas their cause remains unclear. Yet a new style of real-estate sales has already anticipated this diagnosis; it now delivers an instruction manual for a new art of living along with the keys to the apartment. 3. The inhabitant fails to intervene in the production process After the rst massive wave of urbanization, a sort of user awareness was awakened. Some city-planning professionals started to become sensitive to the idea that the inhabitants could intervene in the production of their habitat. This intervention, which could even be done on a recurring basis, would appreciably alter the physiognomy of the building product, with just a little bit of power on the part of those intervening being sufcient. Numerous efforts were made in this direction. The failures of such advocacy planning raise, however, the issue of how to delegate speech.5 Indeed, the inhabitants have to be represented by
10
someone who can make himself heard, and these representatives manipulate the prevailing representations and the ruling code in the sphere of urban production. Now, operational constraints are different from the inhabitants requirements; the former are posited in terms of strategy, geometric and economic quantication, as well as overall objectives. Between the inhabitant speaking for others and the designer, a twofold distortion therefore slips in, and this renders any hope of effective intervention quite hypothetical. The cause of the malaise of which we have spoken would thus come under the heading of a communication problem. To an urban practitioner, the words uttered by an inhabitant just do not sound right. Despite the best intentions in the world, the antagonists cannot communicate in a constructive manner. At the crucial moment (generally, when decisions are to be made), the production code blots out the user code. 4. Critique of urban political economy The fourth type of explanation for inhabitant malaise has been formulated many times over since the mid-sixties. Well-argued analyses develop a critique of urban political economy.6 The primary cause relates to the ruling economic power, which has transformed the old craftsmanbased organization of the construction process,7 subjugated building production to the system of commerce, and given birth to a technologybased rationality of urban development. Under cover of a second-order effect that is ideological in nature, the same cause turns housing into one consumer object among others. The inhabitant thus nds himself conditioned, handed over to a de facto situation, and besieged by an ideology he cannot help but reproduce. 5. The inhabitant never totally succeeds in adjusting his desire to reality This type of response to the question of inhabitant malaise takes as essential, if not sufcient, an explanation that would start from the individual histories of residential subjects. Briey put, the study of ones lived relationship to inhabited space is insignicant unless it is centered on an analytic deciphering of a phantasmatic space (psychoanalytic interpretation of interviews, of tests, and of daydreams). Reference must therefore be made to the initial childhood experience of space, which is
11
always tied to the parental imago. The structuration of ones own body depends on this, and it is on this basis that everyday space will later be lived. The pregnancy of archaic space would thus be an essential or formal cause of peoples inability to appropriate the space of their habitat or of the ever possible conicts between the spatial archetype and the lived experience of the various lodgings a user occupies in the course of his existence. Starting from this explanatory core, psychosociology has attempted to shed some light on the problem of the inhabitants relationship to his habitat. In the most nuanced studies,8 economic and historical factors are also taken into account. It is granted, moreover, that such factors have had a signicant impact on the initial childhood experience of space in a specic home setting, within this or that family, at such and such a time. These factors condition the subjects that are observed today. Also, psychosociological interpretation wavers between two systems of causality. For psychosociology, the concrete observational object is the individual; the inferences it advances concern a social practice or a social change to which, in other respects, the individual is referred. In all, inhabitant malaise would be explained by a deep-seated cause that is psychological in nature and that is incorporated into an efcient or circumstantial cause tied to economic and social status.
Impasses Theoretical or Methodological Impasses

This chart of the main lanes of explanation of inhabitant malaise is obviously quite cursory. It places on the same level a quite diverse set of discourses, mixing form and content. Each of the arguments is of extremely unequal consistency. Indeed, it will not be lost on the reader that the stated causes of this inhabitant malaise seem to be highly varied. The nature of the causality in question is sometimes instrumental (the functions of the system of production), sometimes psychological, sometimes sociological, sometimes economic. In the eld of scientic knowledge that investigates the urban world,
12
two theoretical routes have been particularly well developed. The rst, which takes note of the prevailing mechanisms of economic production and social reproduction, offers an essential key to understanding that the socioeconomic setting denes our conditioning. The second intimates that individual factors enter into the equation. Should not one be interested as much in the overall situation as in the singularities belonging to each individual? Now, it turns out that these two paths are not complementary. They do not happen to intersect. The rst, which argues along the lines of economic and social determinants, necessarily privileges a macroscopic reading of urban life. Figures at the ready, it seeks overall coherencies. It will pick up, for example, similarly occurring housing practices within a given class. The investigation will bear on statistical sets of data and on questions posed to residents in questionnaires and interviews. But this will be a directed reading. And the grid of analysis will not be able to take into account the microcosmic level of everyday practices, which are often complex and contradictory. For, well-argued explanatory formulationswhose goal is to obtain a restricted number of deep-seated causescannot linger over mere singularities. Scattering out the causes in that way would remove all coherency from ones approach to the problem. One would no longer know why . . . ? One would overlook the causal nature of the question. And the investigator would nd no unity in the system of explanation, whose existence he had nevertheless assumed at the outset of his undertaking. For its part, psychosociological thought nds its coherency in a set of psychological categories. In other words, the reality around which the interpretation turns is the instantiated principle of the individual. In a rst stage, what is interpreted holds only for each subject taken separately. Subsequent comparisons and classications are based on a listing of common factors (factor analysis). Inferences from the individual to the collective remain hypothetical.9 In such a reading of urban life, the best guarantee of coherency and universality (what would hold for a collection of subjects would hold for the collectivity) is the system of causal interpretation. Among inhabitants, the mediations are not concrete but, rather, theoretical. Thus, while the most well-argued applied research papers endeavor-
13
ing to explain urban malaise offer valuable systems of causal explanation, they fail to provide an account of either the concrete aspect of peoples everyday existence or the lived mediations by means of which the inhabitants of an urban space form a collectivity. In order to satisfy a scientic method that often confuses rigor and exactitude, they neglect the intermediate and the singular. There is always a remainder in analytic operations that involve division. Indeed, daily life examined in this way must verify or invalidate hypotheses that emanate from an already constituted eld of scientic knowledge. From what it expresses, one extracts a signied that will be subjected to content analysis. The containers or the signiers (words, drawings, and gestures of the inhabitants under questioning) have a purely instrumental and, under this heading, negligible value. It would seem that the expression of inhabitant malaise would always have to conrm either the state of the system of economic production and social reproduction or the theories that are considered authoritative in the human and social sciences. Might not inhabitant expression have anything to say on its own? Through these theoretical and methodological impasses, the lived practices of the inhabitant are not apparent. This is for the simple reason that the modalities of questioning involved do not allow them to appear. Yet what is this remainder, this surplus that cannot be retrieved by the machinery of production and that is situated outside the scientic categories currently in force? And how can it take on meaning, if not via an investigation that takes form outside the universe of totalizing representation, outside the sphere of necessary causes and why questions?
An Exemplary Impasse
Beside or between the arteries of knowledge about the city, we must nd some side roads or connecting streets. Before doing that, we want to offer, as an example, a type of approach to everyday life that we have attempted under the heading of a counterdemonstration. Let us consider the everyday practice of walking around and through
14
a neighborhood. The problem is to nd the signication of this practice, to evaluate how a laid-out and developed space can be frequented, and to be able to appreciate its value as a social indicator. Let us question a bunch of inhabitants. They recount to us their routes, which we can thus trace on a background map. Topographical space offers the following apparent advantage, that it provides a common frame of reference for individual practices. Now, in this attempt to grasp their paths, their walks, several difculties became apparent to us. First, what graphic code are we to choose? Dotted lines will indicate an occasional trip; an unbroken line, frequent trips. But all that remains quite approximative. How are we to trace one and the same trip that, for one day, merited ten minutes of detailed narrative and, for the next day, only a few seconds? One can superimpose maps of the trips sketched on transparent tracing paper in a such way as to assess the rate at which various pedestrian pathways are frequented. Yet, when faced with the liveliness of the oral narrative and with its thousand qualitative details, such a topographical summary no longer made a great deal of sense. Either one treated the narrated lived experience with disdain, thereby sacricing time to topographical spatiality, or one really recognized how limited graphic representation is when it comes to everyday expression. A topographical translation, like any interpretation based on continuities and contiguities, thus seemed to us an improper way of accounting for spatial practices as they are lived day to day. We were in an impasse. Let us mention several forms of this aporia.10 1. Limits Unexpectedly, limits display other forms than boundary markings. There certainly are some represented limits that do not vary at all and divide up the space in question. There are other ones that owe nothing to geometric representation of the space but exist, rather, within a mobile spatial practice; they have meaning only to the extent that the inhabitant makes reference to the possibility of transgression. These limits can be perceived very well in all movements of avoidance recounted by the inhabitant. In its graphic representation, the trip appears as a continuous trace that, at a certain moment, crosses some boundaries; everything is
15
continuous and contiguous; at the same time, it clears a path through the space and is homogeneous in its extension. Nevertheless, the trace of the steps manifests a movement that varies depending on whether the space is empty or full, with curious limits liable to appear and disappear, to emerge alongside and parallel to the direction of ones walk, and to exist at one hour of the day but not at another. The supposed atness of inhabited space dissolves into a heterogeneity that is connected, momentarily and fragmentarily, only by the succession of steps. The intactness [La totalit pleine] developers of the laid-out space had proposed now disappears. Some inhabitants who, spatially speaking, travel throughout the neighborhood nevertheless feel everywhere that they are outsiders. What has become of the totality? How has it faded away? 2. Beyond the appropriated and the unappropriated: something appropriable The demarcation between the appropriated space and the unappropriated space pertains to a synchronic representation of limits. In narrative accounts of everyday walks, the initial consistency of these two antagonistic designations of a laid-out and developed space collapses. In lived time, one nds no appropriation or counterappropriation that would have a denitive meaning or that would be established once and for all. They are but marks momentarily afxed upon a space that has been the eld of favorable or unfavorable movements of appropriation. However long lasting they might beand there are always a certain number of inappropriate or unappropriable spacesthese marks do not account for the how of appropriation. How is it that one inhabitant, who strides through and knows perfectly well the zone into which he is venturing, remains an outsider; how is it that another, who takes infrequent walks but avoids nothing, also is an outsider, if it is not by the absence of something appropriable? The rst person walks through the space in saturation mode; the second in the mode of emptiness, vacancy. There is no more place for the appropriable, or nothing glimpsed that could be appropriated. Inhabited space then becomes homogeneous; it offers one no foothold. For the inhabitant, it has no more of an everyday meaning than some geometric diagram. In fact, the qualication of appropriation depends neither on the
16
quantity of the space traveled through nor on the constancy of territorial limits but, rather, on the degree of possibilities it includes. The trace of a route signals an action and the way in which it unfolds in everyday time. Another totality then seems to sketch itself out on the horizon of what is to come. In what way can such a totality, which moves from the absent to the projected, and from the projected to the imaginary, be equivalent to the one planning produces for us? 3. For a daily stroll, what is more metaphorical than a map [un plan]? To the extent that one seeks not to evaluate the way in which a space conceived as a container can be lled in by some inhabitant content but, rather, how the act of progressively inhabiting a built-up space is constituted through the patient rhythm of ones walks, a logic of serial articulation comes to substitute itself for that of distinction and territorial boundaries. The totalitywhich is the necessary referent of the planned partsgives way to the globality of the world of everyday activity, which is always present in each step, but which is also always in the course of development, in the course of an enacted process that renders things explicit. Thus, none of the narratives of the inhabitants trips ever omits the presence of the collective dimension. This presence is not necessarily personalized. Very often imagined or the object of a presentiment on the basis of spatial markers, it insists and persists in a silent and diffuse way. Let us cite another example. Ones trip to work is not equivalent to the use of pedestrian spaces that mark out little by little the abandonment of ones domicile and the appearance of the public sphere. On the contrary, the sense of preoccupation and the feelings of constraint that are quite characteristic of this kind of activity accompany from the start, like an atmosphere, ones rst morning steps. The referent for ones walks is not the simultaneity of a planned spatial whole but, rather, at each moment of the stroll, the coexistence of the different instantiated principles involved in everyday life. The explication, the development in movement of this coexistence, resembles a sort of creation, and through this creation the space into which one has gone takes on this or that quality, depending on the occasion, but no longer has any permanency of its own (except in representation and on maps).
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In summary, whether one sketches it on a map or sets it within the framework of a causal system, the practice of inhabiting as it is lived always escapes. Does one want to make it say something? It loses all consistency and fades away. It is apparent only in the extreme complexity of its ways of being, and it disappears in the face of all the why questions that are all too prompt to nd causes for it. Perhaps what is then needed is to settle into the immediacy of the plurality of modes of inhabiting and to stay [sjourner] there for a sufciently long time without knowing in advance if these modes are causes, effects, or something else. And one must choose the paths that would be likely to make inhabitant expression appear, that would grant it the time to recite its singularities, its minuscule day-to-day variations, its detours, and its delays. It would be necessary, in short, to postpone for some time the repetition of our why questions and to give free rein to the howthat is to say, to substitute a modal type of interpretation for a causal type of explanation.
Side Streets Intermediate Practices

The side street or connecting route leads to a place to which the main road does not lead.11 In the main lanes of analysis of urban life, ones interest lies in clearly locatable objects. The study inclines toward some portion of the spacethe housing stock, the neighborhoodor one aspect of city operationstrafc, businesses, public services, etc.or some denite practicework, domestic life, consumption, leisure, and so on. The judicious circumscribing of the eld of investigation seems to be an essential condition for the rigor of ones argument (not to mention the ease with which one then uses statistical data that have cohesion only to the extent that they concern a single object). Now, there are other practices that elude such approaches, and the main road does not lead to them. Highly polymorphic, mixing together, in the course of lived experience, what the scientic outlook distinguishes, these are what we may call intermediate practices. Daily
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strolls, it seems to us, belong to that class of overlooked practices that apparently cannot be co-opted by the commercial economy and that are, in the view of scientic knowledge, insignicant. Defying functional classications, these walks of course link ones place of domicile to workplaces and to various leisure and consumer sites. The important thing, however, is that these spatial mediations are ordered according to the properties of lived time. The time of walking is the time of the promenade, of going out on the town, but also that of hustle and bustle and fuss. Activities that have been classied in functional sequences now come alive and rediscover their lived unity. One and the same trip can summon up the private and the public, the individual and the collective, the necessary and the gratuitous. Finally, because the act of walking is an intermediate practice, it seems unremarkable and hardly of any interest. The inhabitant does not, so to speak, talk about it, and no causal explanation has yet come to apply to it any reductionist lter. This practice therefore ought to be valuable to us because, barely occulted by abstract representations, it still allows one to see how the life of the inhabitant is steeped in quite immediate sensations and impromptu actions.
Indications about the Method of Approach

So as not to delay the presentation of these walking practices, we shall simply indicate our methodological options.12 A methodological approach that has chosen the path of modal analysis (one oriented by the how rather than by the why) collides right away against a major difculty. Everyday practice is necessarily forgetful. It expresses itself through walks that speech struggles to tell over again. Nevertheless, better than topographical observation, oral expression has appeared to us to mimic quite closely the act of strolling. Like the latter, it is uid, prone to digressions, capable of forgetting what is apparently essential and of lingering over details. Is it not another expression of an identical way of being? Yet how is one to reawaken this experience of the everyday, which is often highly immediate in character and is forgotten as soon as it is
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enacted? In other words, what form of question was it necessary to pose to the inhabitants? Let us imagine that the question would be as follows: How do you walk through your neighborhood; what trips do you take? The interviewee will respond in the style of the question, that is to say, in a general mode. Collecting his memories, he will produce an abstract collage. He will respond, In general, I go by here. All lived qualities will disappear. In one time, he will have summed up his walking past. Now, in everyday life, one does not appeal only to a memory of the past. There is also a memory enacted in the presentprotentional memory, we would say, rather than retentionalthe kind by which we organize our perceptions according to what will be memorable. In other words, one would have to take memory not only when it is no longer anything but a memory but still at the moment when it is constituted, at the very instant when it organizes the expression of a way of being to which it will be able to relate later on. In the present, memory is the tomorrow of currently lived experience. It becomes possible at this point to understand both how a lived experience is constituted and how it is expressible. For, nothing of everyday life is communicable if what is perceived is not memorable, that is to say, eventually narratable, and if it is not, from the very start, constituted as an expression. Several practical consequences follow therefrom: 1. The investigation of a how of everyday inhabiting has no meaning except apropos of a specied (here and now) lived experience. Thus, such modalities can be apprehended only through individual narratives. 2. So as not to weaken too much the fragile ties that connect an expressible lived experience to a living experience that is effectively inexpressible in itself, one must limit as much as possible both abstract representations and general value judgments that the customary way of conducting interviews tends to induce, if not to incite. Whence the appeal to an enacted and protentional memory, which favors observation of the most unremarkable of feelings and actions. 3. The conduct of the narrative13 is recognized and accepted for what by nature it is: an oral relationship with social constraints (the memo20
rable and the narratable are always commanded by the other persons eventual question). With such recognition and acceptance comes a reintroduction of the affective level between questioner and respondent, as against the hypothetical and illusory position of the abstract observer. And perhaps this presence of the affective within the narration of lived experience guarantees (as more faithful to the originary climate surrounding the conduct of the narrative) greater rigor than that of observational neutrality. Thus, the interviewing method is completely directive, in the sense that a duty to recount is established, yet at the same time nondirective, in that the only obligation is to recount. One allows the narrative of the inhabitants lived experience to appear as its mood suggests and at its own pace. It seems that the categories of directedness and nondirectedness are not relevant in this case, either because they unjustiably bracket the necessarily social and constraining relationship of the interview situation or because they promote a content that is already formatted by the hidden inclusion of categories within the questions. The question posed to the inhabitants was the following: Will you recount in a few weeks the walks you have made from today onward? The rst interview was therefore always brief, since it aimed only at clarifying in common language the duty of self-observation that was to be accomplished. During the second interview, the inhabitant recounted his trips. A third interview seemed necessary when the inhabitants had developed a taste for going back over the unremarkable particularities of their existence and wanted to add to their initial narrative.
Final Note: A Last Word about the Terrain Chosen

Any contemporary urban setting could have served as a eld of investigation. Was one going to take an entire city? The number of inhabitants one would have had to question for a minimum of overlap was incompatible with the bounds of this work. One cannot be satised with surveys or brief questionnaires when it comes to everyday life. The narrative of a single urban voyager who travels all over the city with a oating but curiosity-lled attention and who recounts the city while
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recounting himself brings a richer and more coherent givenness than any account of the responses to a hundred questionnaires about lived experience. We chose a smaller grouping of residential units. Such a grouping, we felt, was more appropriate, both as a well-delimited space common to the individuals being questioned and as a site for a coherent expression of their differences. Finally, it was important that the residential complex chosen be conceived as a totality and that it be made the object of explicit research into its qualities. Conceived as a totality, it would be the paradigm for an increasingly common type of laid-out and developed space: the highdensity housing complex, the production of which is taking place before our very eyes. Indeed, such a complex cannot be taken as going without saying, for it raises many problems. And it would include a social program aimed at ameliorating the existence of the city dweller, if not at promoting a better social life. The Arlequin (Harlequin) neighborhood in Grenoble, France, seemed to us to satisfy this set of conditions, and in particular the last one.14
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An Inhabitant Rhetoric
FIGURES OF WALKING
O draperies of words, assemblages of the literary art, O massifs, O plurals, ower beds of colored vowels, settings of lines, shadows of the silent letter, lovely curls of consonants, architectures, ornamentations of periods and brief signs, to my rescue! To the rescue of the man who no longer knows how to dance, who no longer knows the secret of gestures, and who no longer has either the courage or the erudition of direct expression through movements. Francis Ponge, La promenade dans nos serres
Take an urban space. What happens in the triing everyday details of those who inhabit this complex, this lot, this neighborhood? Nothing at all. Or almost nothing. Nothing of weight and nothing assessable for the managers of this space whose action bears on general operations, who take the inhabitant to be a universal and abstract subject, and who will at best form a representation of one typical neighborhood practice. Nothing very interesting for investigators, preoccupied as they are with the major characteristics of social life. Managers, like investigators, have accustomed us to such transparencies, to these reductionist alignments, to the abstract Essence that casts its spell upon scientic knowledge. Plural and equivocal, the details, the singularities, the quirks, and the tics of our everyday unremarkable existences hardly have any meaning at all within the rational coherency of an urbanistic discourse. Our gestures? Purely instrumental. Our attitudes? They were a system of codes. And in these ruling representations, our movements are emptied out and our acts lose all qualities of their own.
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A N I N H A B I TA N T R H E T O R I C : F I G U R E S O F W A L K I N G
So, nothing. Or almost nothing? Lingering over the details, casting a bit of doubt upon the systems of knowledge for producing our cities, it seems that day-to-day commonplaces say a bit more than nothing. A tenuous difference, to be sure, for the inhabited space one travels through is the one the designers and builders have produced. Altering a partition, placing a ower pot on the window sill, or daubing some paint on a facade does not broach the geometric massiveness of the habitat-object. And yet these rare blisters and swellings, these secretive transformations, these sporadic scratches manifest, in an almost derisory way, a force that is perhaps more insistent than it might at rst appear; this is a force neglected by our scientic knowledge because it is not of a stable nature, thetic, essential, but rather a capacity for alteration, a mode, a way of doing. Let us develop an interest in the modalities of everyday life. Let us have the patience to follow the detours on which they send us. It will be seen that, in accordance with lived time, not only do spatial incursions never cover the totality of the built architectural unit, but also that the latter exists only in the particular form of a walking that turns it into metonymy, here accentuating and there derealizing, sometimes pursuing, sometimes avoidingthat, in a word, orients it. The almost-nothing, the inconsequential dross of life could very well become the opposite of a nothing-at-all. But allowing singularities to arise with their ingenuousness and enunciating these everyday ways of being without betraying their nature, that would sidetrack [droute] you. We lack the tools. It is difcult to overturn our mental attitudes. What sort of aid are we to call to the rescue? What kind of guides are to be found? First, may the analysis at its best preserve the lived plurality and particularity of cases. We have labored over narratives of everyday walks gathered on a specied and dated site.1 Yet, considering the multiplicity of individual paths, could one deduce therefrom a collection of mutually divergent orientations, of which nothing more could be said, except that so-and-so inhabits in such and such a manner? Is there no community of meaning among these neighboring existences? Might these singular ways of walking perhaps be classied typologically? Thus would hybrid gradations appearfrom the most copycat kind of walking to
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the most inventive, or from the sort most based on use-value to the sort most favoring misuse-value, or else again, from the most individualistic and differentiating mode to the mode most repetitive of identities belonging to the social group. Yet none of all that corresponds in any way to what is actually lived. Although a given space is perhaps never lived again exactly in the same way, as it depends on different moments and the diversity of inhabitants, at the same time what one sees produced therein are both perceptions and movements that are, if not identical, at least similar in kind. Here we have, then, a relation of spatial practices to practiced space whose complexity sidetracks any sort of explanation that would claim to be clearly causal in nature and would proceed by exclusive disjunction. It is not either this or that but, rather, conjointly and according to the moment that the represented and the lived, the reproduced and the produced, the necessary and the playful, the useful and the poetic, the individual and the collective compenetrate. Two indices come to our aid. Nonexclusive disjunction, the mixing together of things rational order would distinguish, the owering of words taken for themselves these are the characteristics of the poetic. They are those that Francis Ponge calls to the rescue of our ailing practices: indeed, they are precisely those ones that disregard the knowledge for producing a protable space. And then there is the following noteworthy constant in these walking narratives: there always is at once a minimum degree of submission and of action, whatever may be the prevailing tenor of each particular trip. The analogy with graphic expression is unendingly striking. Just as a book is read in company with a motionless (re)writing and is written at the same time that it is read for oneself and for others, walking resembles a reading-writing. Sometimes rather more following an existing path, sometimes rather more hewing a new one, one moves within a space that never tolerates the absolute exclusion of the one or the other. Do certain trips and certain stays take place in an absentminded sort of way? Yet the succession of steps effectively rewrites the space that opens before the walker, even when done in the slightest of action modes.
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Through the practice of ones walks, everyday life seems to take on the look of a language. The steps taken would expound spatiotemporal actions whose overall conguration would have a style. This analogy is to be pursued so long as it does not betray the lived quality that is of interest to us and so long as it does not reduce the traces of pedestrian activity to a prosaic linguistic system. Let us speak, rather, of a walking rhetoric. It would be the translation of both the organization of the styles proper to each inhabitant and the correlations among these styles within a shared space. If daily walks are a form of expressionand only rhetorical analysis can conrm thisone must patiently note down the gures of this rhetoric and the kinds of combination of which they are composed. This is the type of reading that has been attempted here. The reader will nd this path again in the chapters that follow. Many other readings no doubt remain possible for these inhabitants gripping, varied, and rich narratives. We have simply allowed ourselves to head toward the least reasonable, the least known, the most modal, the most scientically negligible one: draperies, massifs, ower beds of steps, plurals, lovely curls, ornamentations of movements in space. Direct expression. These gures that are liable to enumeration and illustration on the basis of the concrete case chosenthe Arlequin neighborhoodappear more or less clearly, depending on whether they are set in particular chosen spots, in the building complex under consideration, or whether they are repeated in proliferating and hybrid varieties, the propagation of which borders on innity. As a result, the account will aim more at exemplariness than at any sort of illusory exhaustiveness. In any case, one never makes a complete tour around the everyday as it is lived. Here is another point about the nature of these walking gures. Analyzed in the narratives related by the inhabitants, these gures are never to be reduced to mere extrapolations, to what is commonly called stylistic devices [gures de style]. They would then be only the projection of a discourse onto an illusorily metamorphosed spatial practice. Not only can the gures these walks write be observed directly, but also a number of mixed forms found in the interviews indicate the convergence of language and of walking in one and the same expressive style. Thus, it is a collection of gures of spatiotemporal expression that
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will appear straightaway in the present chapter, gures observed and recounted by the inhabitants, gures that manifest, instead, the way in which walking is articulated, or rather the way in which it varies and proceeds via substitutions and alternations. The names for each of these gures are borrowed either from the terms of classical rhetoric or from the vocabulary of logic. Some gures have called for the creation of neologisms, for which we apologize in advance. In all these cases, it is a matter of designating, as clearly as possible, objects that are constituted by an expression developed in space and in time.2 For the convenience of the reader, we shall begin by presenting the most lexical expressions (the paradigmatic axis of linguistics). Following thereafter will be the most composite modes of conguration, those that lie closest to the complexity of lived experience (combinations that are analogous to those of the syntagmatic axis of linguistics). But such a methodological choice must not make one forget that the elementary and the combinatory instantiated principles operate at the same time and that it will be necessary to look for the foundation of this concomitance. Whence the following three moments: elementary gures, combinatory gures, and fundamental gures.
Elementary Figures
Our project of effecting a progressive change in scenery cannot rid itself, in a single stroke, of the most common modes of thinking. Instead, it attempts, little by little, to get a feel for them. Also, the sites that bolster these fragmentary forms of writing will be well circumscribed and easily identiable (they can be illustrated by photographs). Appearing to the inhabitant on his walks is a spatial whole that in itself, and before his steps organize it, is nothing other than a muddle of disparate, unconnected things.3 A selection is to be made in a set of possibilities. There is competition among a variety of sites. Each time one walks, such a selection comes into play; and, as in language, most often it occurs without the knowledge of the expressive actor. As a whole, the interviews we have gathered present us with some
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noteworthy and exemplary gures. In the absence of a complete or exhaustive enumeration, which would be impossible, they allow us to comprehend how a walk is constituted at the elementary stage.
Exclusion
A gure of exclusion? Is this rst term pertinent? The narratives as a whole allow us to see that entire zones of the neighborhood are abandoned. Only the trained eye of the planner can evaluate these desertionsthat is, the gaze of someone who would see everything from above. Yet, ignorant of spatial totalities, the inhabitant can exclude without refusing. This is the exclusion of an unrecounted, unlived territory, which is equivalent to a pure absence. The same does not hold for the exclusions the inhabitants mention, which are forms of absolute avoidance within their spatial practice. What, in an active way, is excluded from a walk applies to a very diverse and quite variable number of sites, depending on the inhabitant. Most often cited are the ends of the pedestrian gallery, the mezzanines, the cove of the silos, the gallery at night. Still, one talks about them, usually in the present tense: this is a masked or latent form of absence. Thus, exclusion seems to be less than a gure and more than a gure. Indeed, either it is ctively sketched out in the representation of a static territoriality or it leads to an avoidance in the course of the lived experience of a trip, that is to say, in the course of other effectively enacted gures. Exclusion thus denotes the degree zero of this writing that is walking.4 A sort of negative or repellant force never appears except through its inscription upon something else. Its overall form borders on ellipsis, a gure that, as one knows, always refers to a context wherein the excluded object or term is bypassed. In short, exclusion is at once the near side of an expression and the elsewhere of a rhetoric, its margin. Nothing more is expressed at this inchoative or inceptive stage. The citation of this pseudogure of exclusion simply marks the beginning of the elementary gures properly speaking and tells us from what unexpressed realm they arise.
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Paratopisms, Peritopisms: Elementary Figures of Avoidance

Paratopism Paratopism is the form of ambulatory movement that proceeds via substitution of one path for another. That which is substituted for can be the subject either of systematic exclusion or of alternation: it can be avoided on account of a momentary obstacle that is physical (repair work, other inconveniences) or social in nature. Whatever the case may be, it is always a matter of a site avoided by the person walking. The trip actually taken unfolds therefore in the place of another one, by divergence. Given the highly pedestrian texture of the design plan, the most frequent cases of paratopic substitution relate to variations around these charted paths (some of which the developer even hoped would be obligatory). The cases of avoidance therefore bear in large part on the gallery as a whole and the laid-out and developed paths. Depending on the context, it is by a repulsive effect or by a change of direction that people more or less voluntarily avoid them. At the elementary level, some wild paths [chemins sauvages] thus appear, to borrow one female inhabitants expression. These pathways leave no traces. The ground does not allow it or the substitution is a singular act that does not mark the terrain. Thus, people cut across the grass, pass through the massifs of plantings, or through the parking lots, or they even, without further specication, just go around. By way of contrast, what these narratives contribute can be compared with the traces other substitutions have imprinted upon the loose ground in certain spots: it could be said that here we have semi-wild paths that are cleared little by little through collective repetition. Some exist only for the initiated, like the tunnel made by children in the bushes of the North Cove that escapes the notice of the adults. Others are visible, and photographs show that they can sketch out shortcuts that avoid an obstacle or connect two laid-out and developed paths. (See Figures 1 and 2.) And yet the shortcut in question is often highly symbolic. Others parallel or sometimes lengthen the trip. They may not offer any apparent meaning, like the radial gure, a set of trails that seem to lead nowhere and then die out. (See Figures 3 and 4.)
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Figure 1
Figure 2
The meaning of the extreme multiplication of such paths, which footprints manifest in a detailed way, is to be found even in the narratives of some of the inhabitants who refuse to take trails that have been packed down through repeated deviant usage. Thus, one person prefers to go completely outside on the grass. Or, as another inhabitant says:
I dont always follow the small paths. Last time, I didnt have it in mind to tell you, but I really love to walk on the grass. Even if there is the path and the grass next to each other, well, I take the grass; its nicer.
A shortcut over a segment of terrain can subsequently lengthen the path. Thus, cutting through a hedge provokes, later on, an obligatory bypass movement. Is there a gratuitous playfulness at work here? The proliferation of wild or semi-wild paths is often the doing of children who are seen crisscrossing the space in all directions, wherever their play takes them. For this set of deviant paths, and especially for those that, when all is said and done, do not shorten ones way, is it then a matter of particular forms of appropriation? Is there only play involved in these topical pranks? In any case, substitutions exhibiting an indifferent attitude are quite rare. The inhabitant does not qualify them thus, except through some after-the-fact statement: there is a certain way of reducing to a spatiogeometric form of behavior the obscure and unreected aspect of ones prior conduct. The thread of such a narrative leads us to the right; there is a halt, a few hesitations, and then, perhaps its a driving habit. A change in tone, a difference in expression, a leap toward a more abstract and reassuring signication. For, paratopic gures have never had a very clear gait. To state it better, some sort of cunning conduct is always inserted therein. Let us follow three examples of a noteworthy and richly indicative variety of paratopism that heads in this direction:
c.: I go by way of the paved path. Right away, theres the bar. I look right away to see if there are people inside. . . . Then . . . [thirty-second digression]. interviewer: Right, getting on with the story. . . . The bar . . . We were there. . . .
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Figure 3
Figure 4
c.: So, I look in, but I never stop there! [Laughter]
Apropos of the Bar-bu, at number 30:5

One night, there was a ght. Everything was broken! I was listening! . . . [another comment about some other fracases]. Now, one no longer goes there.
A ten-year-old child:
interviewer: Do you go beyond number 170? isa.: No, not very much. . . . Except when I do a short errand on foot to the supermarket. . . . Behind, theres a vacant lot. I often look when there are caravans, or Gypsies. . . . Its amusing. . . . But I dont go there.
These three examples illustrate a sort of false avoidance, a deviation apropos of a site spoken about quickly or about which one is not quick with the details. That is what the breaks in the narrative and the suspension points reveal. In rhetoric, we would call this gure paralipsis. It is a matter neither of a clear substitution of one path for another nor of a genuine bypassing. Rather, it is a swerving [un cart], often with a change in rhythm that responds either to an event-induced breakthe place might have been frequented in former timesor to a distancing from a site one has to walk alongside, and whose avoidance is hinted at, but which is fascinating at the same time. The swerving movement attempts both to place it at a distance and to see it from a distance. These paralipses in space correspond to mixed elementary gures that are to be found again in many other sites: the entrance to the junior high school and fragments of the gallery. Mixing a slight bifurcation with a hint of avoidance, they lead us to discover another group of gures of avoidance in which the walker does not diverge from his path by turning his back but seeks to vary rather than to avoid. Peritopism Peritopism is how the gure of walking that proceeds by variation may be designated. It proceeds like an instance of periphrasis (circumlocution) used in the place of a word or like a relation of synonymy. Here, opposition hardly nds any place. Thus do peritopisms distinguish themselves from paratopisms.
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A certain number of shortcuts do not proceed through opposition. Under this heading, they enter into a second group of gures of avoidance: avoidances by variation. Only contextual analysis can sort out the different forms of shortcutting: in order to go more quickly, in order to avoid congestion in or frequentation of the gallery, or else in order to vary ones repetition of the same tripsone can then take ones time and the shortcut is no more than a form of spatial play. Would the visual (and geometric) order here be replacing the instantiated principles of play and motor activity? Path segments taken prior and subsequent to the shortcut allow an evaluation of this: such an analysis pertains to the syntactic and no longer to the elementary level. In fact, rather than a walked gure, would not the shortcut be a concept whose geometric origin is beyond doubt? The inhabitants rst say, I cut through . . .; then, they may subsequently designate the action by contracting it into the term shortcut. Does the geometricality really stem from ones actual spatial conductor from the representation one gives of it? The descriptive phrases contained in the narrative do not use the concept, even when the statement would call for the substantive. For example:
c.: When I go home, I cut through. interviewer: You have to go under the barrier, then. . . . c.: Yes, there is a barrier under which one can pass. Oh! . . . But there are paths6 that cut through there, paths made by pedestrians.
The shortcut is a complex gure. It is a gure quite symptomatic of the ambiguities of everyday life. The reality it designates is split between paratopism and peritopism. As to the gap in the relation between this reality and its substantive designation, it refers us back, beyond even the apprehension of some combinatory process, to the subsequent confrontation between the lived and the represented. The other peritopisms resemble more clearly the procedures of periphrasis and digression. Qua elementary gure, bypassing occurs each time a site that is not an absolute obstacle presents a difculty of variable (physical or social, permanent or accidental, real or imaginary) nature. It is then easier to
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bypass the obstacle than to go through it. But at the same time, this bypassing underscores the site bypassed, which becomes a notable point along the trip, even though the walk did not pass through there. In recounting his trip, the inhabitant will say, I passed in front of the junior high school. But in fact, there was a bypass: with all those kids who hang out underneath, who are coming out, who talk unbelievably badly. Another one will talk about this zone of silos, which he frequents by necessity, but in which youre suffocated . . . , youre crushed by the concrete. The mode of walking then bypasses this spatial complex through a symbolic absence: its automatic, or in general, its the same old thing. Several inhabitants bypass the entrance to the bar/ tobacco stand by cutting across the marketplace; the caf was then seen from the back (actually, the caf entrance is from the market side). Yet, conversely, during the summer months, they avoid the part of the marketplace occupied by the outdoor caf tables, this time passing by way of the gallery. From this last example, one can see that bypasses are closely tied to the intervention of events. The narratives offer us quite numerous cases that vary over time, with the occurrence of accidents, and in relation to the unforeseen: the temporary appearance of repair work, unexpected dropping of refuse on the oor of the gallery, social events that have marked a formerly familiar site, or more simply avoidance of sites wherein one senses a not very pleasant atmosphere at the moment the trip is being taken. On the one hand, bypassing often occurs following an event; on the other hand, it creates at the same time an event in relation to ones usual trips. Here we have a quite characteristic example. In the neighborhood, there exists a peculiar spatial form that fosters brief bypass sequences. We are talking about some triangular holes made in the walls that run alongside the elevator entrances, or that lighten a load-bearing wall, under the gallery. The developer planned to put in some glass panes, but only a few have been installed. The photograph (Figure 5) allows one to see that the level of the sill or threshold of these holes involves a change in the continuity of ones ambulatory movement. These are crossing areas of choice for children, but also for a good number of adults. At rush hour, we have counted at least one or two passages every minute through the holes located near the center of
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Figure 5
the gallery. As for the quality of this frequency, it becomes fully clear in the liveliness of the narrative accounts:
OK, well, to go to the garage theres no problem; instead of taking the passageway . . . where its at, and well, I pass through the hole in the wall! Then . . . theres something there . . . [laughter], I really like to pass through the hole, the hole in the wall at the exit to the gymnasium. Other than that, its the same. [ . . . ] [ . . . ] I always pass to the left when going toward number 60. Otherwise, you have to pass through the hole, toward number 60. Ive passed through ve or six timesfor example, when there are too many people. The hole near the gymnasium . . . that shortens things and . . . a few times, I nd myself in front of it and I pass through.
(Here, the shortcut is entirely ctive, since the real shortcut would cut the whole area surrounding number 70 in order to approach the gallery straight on, without obstacles.) In fact, with each clearing of the hole, something other than a choice imposed by a rational geometricality occurs: an alteration of motor function is brought into play. The variation in the vertical dimension, and the leap it induces, evoke a spatiotemporal conduct from which digression is not absent. As another elementary gure in which avoidance takes place more through variation than via radical substitution, digression in the previous example, as well as in the one that will follow, takes on the exact meaning given to this term in rhetoric: what in speech strays [scart] from the subject.7 The process of swerving away is carried out a little bit at a time, and as if without the speakers knowledge when he forgets to come back. One can begin a variation in this way, but here it becomes the subject of the expression and is valid for itself: this is the case of the holes in the wall. When an inhabitant takes a mezzanine (see Figure 6), this is also a form of bypassing. But the peculiar spatial form of these landings, which reduplicate the line and layout of the gallery below, fosters a prolongation of the direction one has taken. Bypassing is then transformed into digression and can even be metamorphosed into paratopism. Here, the site one wanted simply to bypass is forgotten. Thus, one inhabitant
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Figure 6
says, I prefer to pass by way of the mezzanine, because one is less accosted by people. Two other inhabitants take this digression in one direction only, on their way to some place:
Its pleasant, when theres some wind in the winter. But you get the feeling of being closed in. Never do you meet anyone on this mezzanine . . . theres no one; its the end of everything.
The way these expressions advance demonstrates the imperceptible passage from bypassing to paratopism or even to paralipsis. There is a false avoidance on the part of the inhabitant who is at once repelled and fascinated by the mezzanine. The transformation from bypassing into forgotten digression is expressed in the eleventh interview:
In class, theres a lot of noise; coming home, its the same. So, you are always looking for something quiet. By the mezzanines, I believe that . . . its often . . . or then in my free time, I go there. . . . I sit down and I look out.
Another example of digression, this time for the very pleasure of it:
Once . . . one time, I say it so I dont forget it, I went by after the silos and I was on footother times I always pass by there in my carand there then, . . . I had a desire to do that, I had a desire to get lost over there, and I found that it was good for hiding . . . [laughter] and in order to get familiar, too, . . . theres a garden; well, not a garden, but a space on the concrete, the school, and then after thaton the level of the mezzanines, huh?I went up and then came back down at number 110, I think. Whats more, it was evening, so it was rather special. What I was looking for, especially, was the feeling . . . like in a labyrinth, OK? The feeling rather than . . . than the view, OK?
This entire exceptional (one time) lived digression involving the mezzanines and occurring after a return home in the car begins with an abrupt decision. For once, the trip varies and the succession of these dark landings that abruptly open up onto the silos and then start up again elsewhere under the shadowy cover of the gallery draws one imperceptibly into a labyrinthine movement. The specications, the unforeseen breaks, and the dizzying ramblings: are not they the very essence of digression?
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These variations on a conduct characterized by avoidance, which are picked up in every walking narrative, tell us more than they rst would seem to. Various styles of inhabiting begin to express themselves in their similarities and their differences. Tell me what you avoid, and I shall tell you what kind of inhabitant you are. Would not ones refusals and rejections be just as indicative of the essence of the everyday as any llings in, llings up, or retentions? The urbanist seeks to know what spaces are willingly frequented. Would it not be necessary to observe, rst, how some sites are avoided? There is another perplexity, another surprise than that provoked by examination of this rst group of gures: between the opposite poles of paratopism and peritopism we nd theoretical distinctions everyday pedestrian statements mischievously like to mix in and confuse together through a series of imperceptible shifts. The very order of our presentation has attempted to follow this succession of nestings in which gures deliberately envelop and overlap with one another more often than they appear in their pure state. It is through the material of an expression walked-recounted by the same inhabitant over a short lapse of time amounting to a dozen days that one can see how the same sites can be walked in different ways from one day to the next. On the scale of a group of inhabitants, the problem becomes still more complex. Here appears an equivocality in space and in time that increasingly calls into question cartographic representation and calls for a renement of the study of elementary gures. Now, the inhabitants we have questioned have related to us certain ambulatory practices that carry some latent signications between the lines. They walk in such and such a place and in this or that manner. Yet, in doing so, they congure either some complementary sites or some other modalities of meaning, which they mention and which render architectural forms and spatial conducts ambiguous.
Polysemous Figures
The group of gures thus designated offers some varieties of a fundamental element of this reading-writing that walks seem to us to be. The
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term polysemy describes it well. One and the same object takes on several meanings. For the inhabitants questioned, a given site can be walked through in several ways at the same time or one time after another. Ambivalence As one knows, in everyday life the developed architectural design plan loses its monumental and functional monosemes. The variety of usages ruins its beautiful clarity as a nished product. Now, in the narratives, the terms of ambivalence are not cited at the same time and with analogous expressions. One of the valences is designated, the other surmised, more or less vaguely. This is the case with the ceiling of the gallery,8 which serves as the rmament of the universe through which, most often, the inhabitants travel. Hardly ever perceivedpeople always have a hard time naming the colors of this painted ceilingit is strongly sensed, a veritable element that envelops and accompanies ones walk. It crops up in the narratives by its accidental irregularities [accidents], a break in its atness. Thus, we have someone saying:
I nd it hideous; theres nothing about . . . nothing studied about . . . I think that theres nothing nice about it; I dont know how I feel about it. . . . First of all . . . , rst of all, you go down there . . . and for me, as for me, I prefer . . . Going down, it should already be pleasant for me; there, you get the impression of going into a hole . . . a hole like . . . because there are buildings right away . . . , a hole! And then, in addition, its somber, and the ceiling is maybe lower?
It will be noted that the essential element dening the climate of this walk arose only at the end of the narrative. In fact, the gallery does not go down; it is just that one sees only the prospect of a descent that occurs after the end of the gallery. It is the ceiling that has gone down; and this accidental irregularity in the inhabitants path makes her suddenly feel its heaviness. The sky has darkened and becomes a basement for the buildings. Other inhabitants offer equivalent expressions, saying that under the gallery its somber. We have even heard the following truism, which appears to be so only when taken too quickly: Under the gallery, its darker than on the Market Place. The Market Place is an open-air market. In fact, not being perceived in a clear way,
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the gallerys ceiling is always taken as the celestial vault. Simply, the sky is lower. Conversely, this same ceiling can be genuinely perceived, distinguished, and its function can be recognized. But then it is heavy only to the gaze that evaluates it from outside the gallery: a feeling of being overwhelmed, someone sayswhich, curiously, is not felt underneath the gallery, even if there are stacks of apartments above! Seen from the outside, the gallerys ceiling does indeed seem like the raised basement supporting the residential buildings. Thus, it is at once a top and a bottom, a ceiling and a oor. These two meanings for one and the same spatial element that accompanies ones walk place two instantiated principles, of different natures, into competition: recognition and vague feeling. Only one inhabitant recognized the permanent double meaning of this ceiling. Others make indirect reference to it through connotations of quite distinct values:
Underneath the gallery, you feel right at home; theres no longer any danger. Its nice to pass underneath. [ . . . ] Youre underneath a gallery all the time; for my part, I really like it.
These are so many expressions that are centered on the action of walking rather than on recognition of this ceiling-roof spatial element. Other expressions, however, refer to the order of the visual. The gallery is perceived or has been perceived from the outside, and then one nds the connotations of somberness, of being crushed, of an absence of the real sky: Oh! I practically never see the sky on my trips! Apropos of one and the same spatial elementeither this gallery ceiling, or the ramp at number 150, or else the passageways9the walking narratives reveal only one or the other of the two meanings. It is therefore a matter of a concealed ambivalence that manifests itself only by accident or by reference to the context (outside the gallery). Staggered Polysemy Another spatial element, an essential commonplace both of peoples walks and of everyday discussions in the Arlequin complex, offers an interesting example of staggered polysemy. Here, various possible mean-
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ings are set in nonexclusive disjunctive relation, the manifestation of one calling for reference to the other. This is how people experience their passages in the elevators at the beginning and end of their walks. Such passages take on the following signications: 1. Site of fear, anxiety, technological aggressionwhich, by necessity, people are obliged to frequent 2. Site of physical and social constraint (with the possibility of overt conict) 3. Site where a stationary posture and minimal verbal exchanges are obligatory 4. Site of complicity among the communal victims of (possible) abuses by a machine that is much maligned, and apropos of which conversations are possible In a paradoxical way, the elevator, of which it is said so often that it has nothing of a tool of communication about it, becomes, when pushed to the height of discomfort, a commonplace topic of conversations and, in this sense, a lever for verbal communication. At the same time, it encloses within its cab a maximum amount of tension that pours out rst through sighs, then with words or exclamations of fear and anger. At this point, three outcomes remain possible: a return to silence upon exiting; discussions involving complaints, quibblings, or protests; the third outcome is suspected or assumed: physical aggression against the machine itself. Of the four meanings we have citedfour ways of passing time in the elevatoreach always can actually call out for the others in the course of one and the same descent or ascent. Above all, each assumes the others. Thus, the following expressions show these staggered connections in their order of appearance:
As for me, I take it only to go up. [ . . . ] As far as Im concerned, and Im speaking from professional experience, there are some defects; theyre ill conceived. Theyre no good, OK? . . . They work when they want to or theres no light. You see, these elevators, you gotta change the cables, or else. . . . As for me,
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Ive always been afraid of elevators; I dont know why. But I tell myself, One of these days, Ill be in there, huh? Im always scared for the kids who go in. If there were a re, who knows what would happen? Finally, the elevator door opens. No one inside! While going down, I feel a sense of insecurity; after an infernal clanking noise announcing the arrival, the door opens on the ground oor [diary entry]. Oh, and then theres the missing buttons! I dont know if its due to vandalism; I dont think so. But at the beginning that really gripped me; people were terribly frightened of the doors. They believed it was a vice that was going to crush them! [To go up] you take it at the mezzanine level and it always goes down. [ . . . ] You feel like an idiot when you dont get out at the bottom. In the elevator [while getting out], for me, I am really out, you know? Good morning, good evening. You cant start a conversation, huh? Its an intermediate kind of thing. I see people who say lots of stuff in the elevator. For me, no way! Well.
Finally, in order to provide the two extreme outcomes of the combinations among the four modes of spending time in the elevator, here are two opposite examples:
The elevator is mine, Id say. When I see a piece of paper on the ground, I pick it up. Listen, theres a lady who insulted me in the elevator the other day, OK? I asked her to hold the door. She said to me, Yes, its not like youre in your country. . . . But I told her, I dont attack people like you; because youre French in any case, huh? She insulted me! You had to see it, huh, a very young woman!
Here is the rst outcome: an appropriation of the space in the maintenance mode, but this mode is favored by the less deteriorated state of some elevators, that is, small elevators or co-op elevators. And a second outcome: the conict arises specically on the basis of a question of which code to follow (hold the door for someone/have the door held) and degenerates into social or racial conict (sending each back to his or her typical group). This is the case with the high-capacity elevators, especially those serving renters.
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At the Arlequin, the elevator easily becomes a vehicle for the imaginary, moved by staggered and vaguely nervous feelings of ambivalence. An unremarkable form of transport, it is through the signications it carries with it that it is of precious value to us. The inhabitant makes no mistake about it. The pressed button sets in motion a certain, and truly destinal, voyage that nothing will stop: toward well-oiled habits as well as catastrophic breaks. These irrepressible slippages indicate to us already the load, which will have to be weighed later on, of an imaginary that turns up where one hardly expected it. Bifurcation Different from staggered polysemy, bifurcation may be presented as an equivocality of meanings. Such equivocality is practiced in the instant one walks, but only in an exclusive way. By way of contrast, the previous gure had offered a simultaneity through transference of one meaning to the other within the same moment. The exemplary case is that of the thick pillars planted in the middle of the pedestrian gallery, the Sphinx and Janus of high-density housing complexes. (See Figures 7 and 8.) People necessarily have to pass either on the right or on the left. They are the precise transcription, within space, of the ambivalence between two simple terms, and they are commutable in a rather homogeneous way. Indeed, most of the time the inhabitant chooses this or that side without noticing anything more about it. Spontaneous choice for reason of avoidance is much rarer. Here is a solitary and rmly deliberate example of this: I pass to the right, if theres a lot of people, to the left if theres no one. Most often, there is something like an expression of surprise in the narrative and a touch of amusement that one has in recounting these ordinary accidental irregularities in ones travels. The scenarios are as follows: 1. Almost always on the right; symmetrical case in both directions
ph.: Well, through the gallery . . . , theres a pillar, there in the middle, which poses a problem [laughter]. . . . People pass on the left [laughter]. You see where this pillar is? interviewer: Yes, after number 100.
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Figure 7. The pillar at No. 100, seen from the north.
Figure 8. The pillar at No. 100, seen from the south.
ph.: Yes, people pass preferably on the left. And as for me, well, its always on the right [laughter]! interviewer: When coming back . . . ph.: Ah, well, I think that I pass on the same side. Well . . . its a thorny point in ones travels, huh? Then, it depends on the time, whether there are people there or not. But . . . basically . . . basically, I pass maybe on the right in both directions. Its not systematic; I maybe do it like that, but its without paying attention.
2. Always on the same side of the pillar, local univocality, asymmetry of directions for coming and going
Ah, I never do it on the . . . I never pass behind! I nd that theres less of a path, OK! [Laughter.] And, . . . theres less wind, I think. It seems to me that people pass preferably on this side, I think. [The context and the pencil sketches this young inhabitant draws while talking show that she passes to the west.]
3. Mixed figure, which clarifies the hesitations of the first example

So, at number 100, in order to go to number 90, uh, . . . theres a pillar and theres a little thing there. . . . I pass all the time on the rightin the direction of number 90, . . . except to go get my car. . . . My car is in the garage, there, so I pass to the left when I go out.
Recalling the purposes of ones trips helps this last inhabitant who spoke to specify the forms of bifurcation she carries out. On the other hand, the inhabitant in the rst example tries to invoke, beyond any particularities, the habitual patterns likely to shed light on his return trip. But the pillar becomes an ironic object and creates perplexity: it is a thorny point. What is going on is that this gure of bifurcation can show us something of greater interest. The pillar is ironic not only for the inhabitant. For, while it allows one better to understand and to illustrate the equivocalities of gures of walking, it also marks, as a matter of fact, an important point of bifurcation in the connotation of the gures we have expounded so far. Examination of these polysemous gures claries only too well the cases of walked variations that become spatialized and are xed in place. Spatially speaking, bifurcation represents the
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simultaneous polysemy offered by a site; one can then attribute to this gure thus localized the qualiers of randomness and indifference as to the nature of the competing terms. A sketch would yield the last word of explanation. At the same time, the act of walking would be dissolved. For us, bifurcation makes itself felt between the order of sight and the conduct of ones walk. Indeed, in this specic example of the pillar, only one of the directions for passing by it seems obvious from afar (in coming from number 60, on the left; in coming from number 110, on the right). Up closethat is to say, when the bypass becomes imminent everything does change and everything can change, for the perspective itself, beyond the fact that it is completely altered, leaves room for the more immediate conduct of ones steps. When the inhabitant bifurcated most often as if without noticing anything more about it, this unnoticed quality was not the equivalent of something random. Depending on the walkers mood in his actual conduct, although there is still a game, it is no longer played on the eld of some overall probability but, rather, within the competition between indetermination and anticipation; it plays itself out through all that the walkers temporality can offer that is different and unforeseen within the fore-seen space to be traversed, through all that the conduct of the walk may have anticipated, and it throws the order of perspective off its game. The hesitations one nds in walking narratives are of precious value. Universal representational clarity would have led to an irreversible spatialization of the gures of walking. That this point in ones travels would be thorny is the sign of the presence of something other than a spatial logic at work in these polysemous gures, namely, time. The Metathesis of Quality This gure occurs in cases where repeated traveling through one and the same site can accidentally change in quality via nothing more than the effect of a difference in ones everyday chronological cycle. The willingness to use a comparative in ones narration expresses the deferred polysemy that affects ones ambulatory practice. A single element changes and the whole atmosphere of the walk nds itself metamorphosed. The pedestrian statement is then inscribed upon a background of transitivity, of a plurality of signications that vary with time.
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Thus, the last word, the decisive step around the pillar-obstacles previously encountered, pertains no longer to a purely spatial game but, rather, to a particular quality of the walk. This is the difference between ones way out and ones return for one and the same trip, a difference that is prompted by the project moving the walk and its foreseen duration. Other examples follow. The short segment of the gallery traveled by a female inhabitant:
I really like mornings . . . the housewives who come and go; its calm. . . . And then at noon, its the opposite. Theres more of a bustle, more noise. You can feel that people are in a hurry. . . . In the afternoon, I go out very little. . . . Otherwise, it depends on the day; for example, there are days when, despite the hours being the same, its very different. For example, Sundays, its very calm. . . . The passageway is calm . . . pleasant kitchen smells in the street; its nice. The elevator comes right away; no ones in the gallery. . . . People go for walks; indeed, there are but very few people around, if the weathers good.
This sequence contains in shortened form all that we have been able to nd in the narratives as a whole. It notes the day-to-day, hour-to-hour, and season-to-season variations. It only was missing day and night:
Oh, then [nighttime], its different; I didnt talk about that. . . . Im scared; Im very scared. I went out only once [ . . . ] the wind, which was blowing hard, carried away my scarf, and I didnt go looking for it. I felt reassured only after getting in my door. [ . . . ] At night, the galleries, its like a labyrinth.
This extreme expression of the difference between night and day nds more temperate forms in other cases:
At night . . . at night, you get the impression that its . . . its smaller, narrower.
From the standpoint of climate, this same gallery, whose connotation is often that of a site of convenience and shelter, can take on the opposite quality. One and the same female inhabitant will say:
I sometimes happen to go on the outside, too. . . . [ . . . ] I go outside because, rst of all, theres a lot of wind currents and then because I nd that its quicker that way. Everywhere in the gallery there are wind currents! Coming home, I always go on the inside [because of tiring quickly].
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It may clearly be seen, when comparing the rst quotation with the third, that brevity is an interchangeable assessment. It is the excesses of the climate that in fact provoke the paradoxical passage to the outside. Here is another metathesis of quality: when a moment is available, the entire layout of the gallery, bifurcations included, becomes part of a game for a ten-year-old child who passes through the whole gallery. Likewise for a visit with friends, when what, from the standpoint of the design plan, is most functional becomes the most playful.10 With these examples, it appears that the metathesis of quality risks becoming the most general gure possible from the strictly spatial standpoint, yet the most specic one depending on ones mood in the act of walking, that is to say, at the moment when one includes context, time sequence, and differential memory of ones varying gaits. At the outer edges, it is no longer a matter of polysemy, for synchronism explodes into diachronism.11 With the extreme gure of polysemy, the elementary level can no longer be understood without summoning up [une convocation de] sequencing and combination. From the site walked to walking on the scale of a trip or of complexes of trips, we reach combinatory gures.
Combinatory Figures
The combinatory gures noted on the scale of whole trips and of complexes of walks seemed to be divided up into two groups, centered on two notions rhetoric holds to be of capital importance: redundancy and symmetry. What relevance do they have when it comes to expressive walking?
Figures of Redundancy
By redundancy, we intend the meaning given to this term in the Art of oral and written expression: overabundance. This notion, which in rhetoric had a connotative meaning of abuse, of excess, in the wake of
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the new Arts of thinking developed in the Cartesian era, has been reemployed by communication theory and has been introduced into linguistics. Redundancy henceforth appears as a fundamental mechanism in the functioning of language.12 By contrast to ellipsis, it explains and permits identication of the term it takes up. Such overabundance is, in short, of precious value. Now, in examining peoples walks, one can see that the essential features of walking activity unfold in the mode of redundancy. One needs only refer back to the examples illustrating the metathesis of quality: the difference between a day trip and the same trip at night varies ones walking conduct, which can be very repetitive, if not exclusively identical to the look of a topographical map. Little by little, these differences in one and the same trip come to explain the way in which an inhabitant takes his walks. Such an operation is highly variable in degree and sometimes can be extreme (see the day/night opposition), yet most often it remains on the scale of the details involved and takes place in some sort of a chromatic way. The examples would be innumerable. The everydayness expressed in the narratives we have gathered presents itself as essentially redundantand this is probably the case for all forms of everydayness. The variations, the substitutions either are exceptional or else bear on fragmentswhich does not mean that they are insignicant. Nothing is settled between the same and the different. Everyday lived experience takes our representations by surprise, because it persists in a slow and tenuous modication of properties.13 The very same inhabitants will say at the start of their narrative, Its always the same, huh? Always the same thing! and will go on to recount so many different details apropos of one and the same trip, one day at a time. Redundancy is thus a phenomenon of composition or combination. Four varieties of redundancy are worthy of note: redundancy of combination, with variation of details; repetition of one and the same set, in varied combinations; polarization of varied trips toward one and the same site; and amplied repetition of walking one and the same site.
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The rst of these four varieties is the most ordinary. It may be illustrated by the relationship of elementary gures to combinatory gures or in the discrepancy one will be able to pick up between ordinary trips retraced on maps and gures of variation and substitution. The three other gures of redundancy are found less often. Yet they are no less interesting. The rarest one, the one in which redundancy bears on the repetition of a nite set in varied combinations (ABC, BCA, CBA . . .), corresponds to the rhetorical gure of metabole. A bounded spatial set is walked at ones pleasure, according to combinations whose variety seems endless (that such variety should be reasonably nite is an argument of the planner or surveyor). Indeed, this combinatory model is lived in a mode that has nothing to do with rational exploration. Metabole is always carried out in ones walks with a poetic, ironic, or playful tone to it. The space walked is valued for itself. The exhaustiveness toward which this form of redundancy tends expresses precisely the gratuitous character of the act: to have all the time to . . . This gure of composition and recomposition of leisure space is to be found especially among children and young people, either over the whole of a single trip or through a tendency to vary as much as possible the path from home to some goal or from some goal back home. Sometimes, adults have the time to play with this gure, or they take it up. The narratives illustrating metabole offer some extreme forms. They are either three or four pages in length (we have not been able to resist quoting at least one notebook page written by a ten-year-old girl, who makes one understand how, for someone of this age, metabole is possible even outside a moment of play, properly speaking; see Figure 9)14 or the expression, in a few words, of a long moment of strolling, which seemed to go without saying and which is cited in an allusive way, yet in a knowing tone. A given Saturday of a sixteen-year-old girl will offer one example of this. It is but one inordinately long trip from morning till evening (six times she returns home, yet she hardly remains there at all), a huge festive end-of-the-week metabole, the narration of which lls no less than ve handwritten pages. And yet, like a key, the whole thing can be related in a few expressions:
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Figure 9
Saturday . . . [laughter] there were some things! Afterward, . . . we went around the market, all the way! When I go out, I run toward the elevator. Ten seconds . . . if the elevator isnt there, I run and go down by foot. When I get to the bottom, I say deep down within myself, No one can catch up with me [laughter], its like that. And I was at the Park [resuming her lively and gay voice]. Then the Park [ . . . ] went to the Mounds, ran! No shoes, ran [ . . . ] when you go up the hill, the suns out there. . . .
In a few sentences, everything is said: the feverish activity, tending toward exhaustiveness (all the way), the play, the poetics. For adults, metabole is more accidental and is limited to a circumscribed territory over a given time.
interviewer: You follow your dogs rhythm? ph.: Oh yes, yes! Quite so. Same for the path. Until . . . lets say up to the lawn. I direct him a bit, and then afterward, he does what he does; he goes where he wants to go. He runs where he wants. If he sees another dog, I wait for him.
Thus begin the stray ramblings of the early-morning stroller: behind a dog. All combinations are possible. Likewise in a discovery stroll, or some errant wandering:
[In the park] I stroll around in all directions; there is always . . . each time you scale the Mounds [ . . . ] there is an impression of freedom. Once, I went all around the New Town via the passageways on the top oor, in all directions, in order to have a look from above.
Let us also recall the narrative of the female inhabitant who went out to get lost, near the silos and the mezzanines.15 On this scale, the labyrinth effect sought after was to summon up an exhaustive trip that would have overtaken her, one from which she would not have been able to exit. Metabole functions all the times when one seeks, through varied repetition, to diversify a site that can be walked in a multitude of directions. This dispersal of means and this wasting of steps, which are inexplicable from the functional standpoint of trafc movement, refer
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back, specically and directly, to a poetics of space that depends on an unmeasured time or a time the inhabitant refuses to measure. The metabolic process marks out what can be most gratuitous and irrational in the conduct of ones walks. In contrast to metabole, which tends toward divergence, anaphora, the third gure of redundancy, articulates the spatiotemporal organization of ones routes in terms of convergence, centering. (Its logical model would be bcA, deA, . . . , yzA.) Each time a mode of walking is organized in its entirety around some localized pole that may attract or repel, yet will always fascinate, there is anaphora, repetition of the same term in some series in which the rest varies. In the detail of the space traveled, substitutions or variations (paratopisms or peritopisms) therefore appear that manage to effect a delay between the departure point and the avowed or unavowed goal. These postponements are noteworthy elements in walkers writing. By reason of prudence or for pleasure, one gives oneself the time to render explicit and explain one and the same object. It is in terms of temporality that anaphora is to be apprehended. In this way, a particular inhabitant does not allow the true center of attraction of her walks to appear right away. Along the narrative of her different trips, and despite the variants she introduces, one must follow the play of meaningful effects found in her designations of landmarks. It is by comparing the semantic slippages that, little by little, come to specify the object (Arlequin, then gallery, then commercial gallery, and nally Community Center) to the walks actually carried out at various moments that the gure of centering is sketched out. In fact, the dynamic center of attraction of the main portion of these walks will be stated only later on; it is the commercial gallerywell, the commercial gallery . . . , especially the Community Center. Now, this Community Center is not an important site of activity for the woman who is speaking. Simply, she traverses it and, in doing so, does not have the impression of being ill at ease. The true attraction can hardly be discerned here. Does not fascination then take on its full force in the promising name that goes into this space? Whence the following words: Its to see what is going on, to try to become integrated into the Arlequin. The attraction of this site is not for reasons of usage or convenience but, rather,
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through symbolic reproduction of the function given by the designers: activity center. All examples of anaphora go beyond the simple quest for a site. At the heart of this gure, one discovers a centripetal dynamic that is symbolic in nature: that is why some time is needed. However diverse they may be, the variations persist in repeating one and the same attraction. Spatial diversity matters much less than the untiring search for additional postures of attack. In the narrative of one adolescent girl, the Junior High School/Community Center forms the center of almost all her walks; the places where she crosses barely vary. But going to the junior high as a schoolgirl, then to the Community Center to see girlfriends, or else to smoke a cigarette in the library, allows one to bring diversity to the site. There is a tendency for these gradual differences to encompass it, to exhaust its various signications. Moreover, one nds numerous occasions for pauses and stays in the areas bordering the Junior High School/Community Center: this is a tempting site, but one likely to encourage dilatory detours. Anaphora organizes ones walks according to a postponed movement of contraction, of systole. The central site undergoes, as an aftereffect, an opposite movement of diastole; it monopolizes the surrounding area and overows [dborde] its own limits, to use Pierre Sansots expressions.16 An excellent example in which the rivalry of approaching [aborder] and going beyond [dborder] is recounted in the following narrative:
Its the same with the bistro, with its tables outside, but I dont have the impression of overow for all that. Well . . . Id compare it, maybe . . . for example, when people at the caf, the people who are outside on the terrace, they are already at the caf. Right, . . . the people who are with their baskets in front of the Gro, its the same thing; they are already at the Gro. Hmm . . . ! Because, if not, without that basket of items, they are neither at home nor at Gros, nor . . . nor at the stationery store, nor . . . uh . . . nor close by. As for me, I dont know what to say!
The more the site throws up resistance and fascinates at the same time, the more the interested inhabitant makes it into the main locale. Hyperbole, the nal gure of redundancy, occurs when ones siege of a site is nished. The inhabitant then leaves the impression that he is
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digesting his victory and he overloads the site that has been walked on. The writing of ones steps produces at the same time a reading that magnies the site [une lecture amplicatrice]. When an inhabitant speaks of scaling the Mounds,17 how are we to understand her expression? Rhetoric would say exaggerated expression.18 To adopt this understanding of the gure would be to distinguish and compare two heterogeneous instantiated principles: on the one hand, the site as it is in reality (these Mounds are not mountains); on the other hand, the statement, which will be taken to task for its excessiveness. While undertaking a serious and critical examination of the disparity between signied and signier, the action has vanished and what one might have grasped of it as lived experience slips completely away. As a gure of hyperbole, the scaling of the Mounds becomes a pertinent expression, faithful to what happened that Sunday, only if one grasps the homology between the spoken expression of hyperbole and the action being recounted: these are two forms of expression that refer to one and the same style and one and the same way of reading-writingsaying the spatiotemporal action that occurred. Was there an escalation or not? Henceforth, this question no longer has any importance. By what yardstick would one judge the truth or error or exaggeration? The Mound was mounted by a scaling operation;19 in other words, it was high, higher than at rst sight. The steps themselves were probably redundant, with their relentless trudging in anticipation of the summit. Compared with all that the inhabitants imagine at the height of the Mounds, such a recounted-walked expression is not surprising. A game was being played, but a game with conviction in its very exaggeration. The retelling of this manner in the narrative again reduplicates the redundancy. When an inhabitant talks about some emergency exit doors between passageways that someone has smashed in, whereas only the locks had been forced, there is a clash between a certain way of walking that clears the space on the mode of combative appropriation and a certain kind of constitution of the laid-out and developed space in which obstacles of this type are sensed as bogeymen with evil intention. Emergency exit doors closed! In New Town! Thats just plain crazy! she exclaims. When other inhabitants speak about the Arlequins wings
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or about the ornamental lake, a monumentality is erected that neither the neighborhoods buildings nor the lake seem to possess. The choice of one term in the place of another is no indifferent matter. Indeed, the interviews as a whole demonstrate sometimes a willingness to embellish the neighborhood, sometimes a search for the sumptuous and the ceremonial, for the calm and the pleasant. Hyperbole repeats, with a marked preference, either the sites of concern and known commotion or the sites of relaxation and leisure. The park will therefore readily be walked in this modebut also the Community Center, for those who feel at home there as if they had literally appropriated it for themselves. Conversely, architectural devices tending toward the sumptuous and the ceremonial can be perceived as instances of hyperbole, redundancies that look exaggerated to the inhabitant who feels external to the sites in which they are aunted. This is the case with the junior high schools lobby, which is deemed ashy and extravagant. Of the four cases of redundancy that have been examined, one thus goes from the most intimist to the most expressionist. Beyond any differences, these varietieswhich come in types of combinations that are all redundantare always repetitions that render explicit and explain in a more or less passive, more or less active way, and with more or less resistance, a spatial whole whose identity is sometimes imprecise, sometimes overloaded. Redundancy brings together all that, in the organization of ones walks, tends to write or to read the same things.
Figures of Symmetry
Around the notion of symmetry are grouped all the combinatory gures that proceed through difference and organize the orientations of ones walks. One will already have suspected their presence when we nished with the elementary gures. 1. Symmetry Symmetry, properly speakingin the sense of order through difference and congruency (superimposition through folding)presides over all alternations in peoples trips. These unique fashionings of possible bi-
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furcations and these polarizations to the left or right, depending on the direction of ones walks, illustrate two key ways of walking a cartographically identical route. In order to illustrate the rst form, let us recall a few examples: Dont cross the Community Center as a walkway except on the way out; dont take the ramp except to go home; dont pass by the silos unless you are going to the stores; follow ones dog by always going out by number 80 in order to approach the park, and return by number 110. Symmetry is produced in these cases via a one-way route in this loop trip. All these cases offer a lot of symmetries on the scale of overall combinations. Large portions of the complete trip are affected by them. Symmetries via polarization are expressed especially through what they disregard. For several inhabitants, the whole or a large portion of the trip is erased and ceases, in some way, to exist. The gallery suffers this fate with the greatest frequency:
On the way out, when I go from number 60 toward the inside . . . [silent laughter]. Hmm! Its funny. Im looking practically to the right. At the junior high, theres a door with some yers on it, right? Well, I see it on my way back.
For another inhabitant who goes out in the opposite direction, all the landmarks cited above are to be found on the right of her path, which reduplicates her way of taking the obligatory bifurcations. Thus, a whole side of the space bordering the walk is but an extended hole. Walls, storefronts, and pillars exist only on the side where the mode of walking makes them be. The whole of the built world around the gallery has no consistency of its own. It is rewritten in an alternative mode, wherein the absent always runs alongside the present. This is what symmetry really is in the most classical sense of the term (architectural order, order in expression): a composition of plenums and vacuums according to rules of repetition. 2. Dissymmetry Dissymmetry is produced by accident: when, after a departure from home toward a specic site, the return trip does not happen to occur as foreseen and another route is then taken. The two most noteworthy cases found offer an extreme form of such surprising dissymmetry; they
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are repetitive, and the inhabitants concerned do not succeed in understanding how the phenomenon occurs and how they are led to make a dissymmetric detour:
To come back [from the woodshop at number 60], uh . . . a stupid reex. I always make a detour. Its a reex: I go to the right. Then its the hole by the passageway. I have always passed between the two round things there, and afterward I nish up through the end of the park until number 60. Theres a spot there, from number 10 to number 20; I know some people there, but . . . I have never succeeded in nding my bearings in there. I have always gone back down by number 10, whereas I wanted to go down by number 20. In the passageways, I always get lost.
In the rst case, the relation of the return trip to that of the trip on the way out is equivalent to the relation of the half circle to the straight line. In the second case, the return trip is markedly lengthened, and it obliges one to pass into a corner the female inhabitant in question does not like. But in both cases, an incident involving disorientation and automatic reexes occurs that alters the return route in an irreversible way. At the level of a rhetorical examination of these walkings, one can only take in the facts without understanding their nature. The quotations betray the touch of irritation the inhabitants feel before this irrational gure when they try to give an explanation for it or to issue a judgment about it. In their actual practice, however, they do not backtrack and they allow themselves to be led by their spatial blunder. Perhaps this discrepancy will open up a path where explanation will be something other than a reasoned and reasonable irritation before an uncontrollable phenomenon. The most ordinary cases of dissymmetry appear with striking regularity in all the interviews, at least once if not several times. Return trips do not begin or end at the same spot as the trip on the way out. We are speaking especially of routes that extend beyond the neighborhood. Given the mood of these trips, the Arlequin nishes sooner than it begins. The trip toward the exit is shorter than the entrance trip. At the other extremity, one sees the entrance home occur sooner (elevator
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or passageway, sometimes gallery corner) than the exit (in this case, the apartments front door marks the caesura, the abrupt transition). The dissymmetric relation between one direction and another reveals the difference between ones housing and ones domicile. The domiciliation process can contract or expand according to the direction of ones walk. The signication of these everyday dissymmetries refers us back to the act of appropriation and the dynamic it brings into play. 3. Asymmetry Qua gure of combination, asymmetry may be observed in all cases where a trip is affected as a whole by multiple and divergent variations. Some inhabitants thus go on walks whose exact route cannot be foreseen. The overall direction retains the same basic orientation, but numerous inopportune branches are grafted onto it. Between the trip out and the return trip, there is neither symmetry nor dissymmetry but, rather, absence of symmetry. The walking style, whether uneven and jerky or feverish, is transcribed via an abundance of verbs in the narrative. The variations, which are almost always hyperactive, bring into play the three combined dimensions of space, as well as the rhythm and posture of the inhabitants steps. Let us listen to what one inhabitant has to say:
Ah, if necessary, I hop, I bend, I thread my way. I nd its very badly done, because it was thought that people were going to take the gallery. They dont do that, because theyre in a hurry, because there are barriers you bump your nose against, there are cars everywhere. Nothing is thought out. Youre obliged to lift up your feet to pass through, and to top it all off, you get tickets.
Inhabitants who are less than twenty years old are particularly inclined to take the asymmetric approach. For two adults, their walks often display this organizational gure, but as the pages go by one discovers that it is dictated by a rational functionalism: the technical upkeep of the neighborhood. In several inhabitants narratives, the tone, barely contained, ill conceals a decided pleasure they take in breaking up20 the built-up space with each step. Sometimes, there is the joy of a spatial form of irony, sometimes a willful shattering of everyday isochronisms.
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Thus, the last gure for organizing ones walks appears as a disorganization of the laid-out and developed space. The least coherent with regard to the functions of trafc circulation, it tells us more than the others about how walking is practiced in a global way according to specic styles of inhabiting the space. From here, are we going to end up referring each way of organizing ones walk to the style of the inhabitant producing it, this style being a particular way of using certain elementary gures in certain elective combinations? Would the material of this reading-writing of space be the sole entity shared in common and never exhausted by the actual and singular usage performed by these walks? As is the case with ones tongue, for language? Or do there exist one or two invariants that would yield a community of meaning for all the walking styles we have observed?
Two Fundamental Figures: Synecdoche and Asyndeton

From the elementary to the organized, through the progressive discovery of the gures these walks write, it seems that something else has been running alongside, surfacing here, totally absent elsewhere, the oversight of which vaguely pursues us. In its good-natured willingness to trim down and to clarify, the exposition has demonstrated, but also has taxidermized as stuffed specimens, a collection of elementary gures and model gures of organization. We have barely caught a glimpse yet of the role played by the actual way these organizations function and by the way in which the elements do or do not take their place therein. In other words, we are still in the dark as to the role of the expressive movement by which the inhabitant comes and goes. Now, one also nds in these walks two quite singular gures. They can operate on the elementary level, but they are not elementary. They clearly manifest themselves on the scale of the overall combinations, but they do not correspond to a complete syntagmatic model. Their nature differs therefore from the gures previously expounded. Their role is to articulate among themselves the elementary gures that are present in
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an overall organization. Metagures in a way, they intervene at the level of connections and acts of relation [des mises en rapport]: such are synecdoche and asyndeton.
Synecdoche
Synecdoche is the process by which, several elements being brought faceto-face, a selection is carried out. Through this selection, one takes the genus for the species, the species for the genus, the whole for the part, or the part for the whole.21 Synecdoche is not mere substitution of one term for another. It involves a competitive play of signications, among which there is a choice that depends on the context and the expressive intention. The selection made is not necessarily the best one, in which would be grouped together all the neighboring meanings in an exhaustive manner. Prevalence refers specically to the context. When, to take up the traditional example, one says the billows for the sea,22 the context alone (the type of combination projected, as well as the tone of the phrase and of the situation being expressed) is able to show why and how the selection was this one. Synecdoche weaves a twofold relation: between competing meanings as well as between the criteria of selection and the context of the expression to be produced. How does synecdoche appear in the reading-writing of space performed by these walks? Like the Snark hunted in Lewis Carrolls famous poem, how this metagure functions must be pursued, must be tracked down via the diverse effects manifested in the elementary gures and the combinatory gures. As noted in conducts involving avoidance, the murky compenetration of elementary gures nds its condition of possibility in one and the same instantiated principle, which is present in the formation of each of these gures: a metathesis of quantity (the more for the less, the less for the more) that is none other than synecdoche. To avoid, to bypass, to cut through, to diverge: each modication carried out could be read as quantitative variation at the level of the space being traveled through. Yet this is but a second-order effect, the trace left by the gure in a synchronic representation.
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We see the limit of analysis when it is conducted at the elementary level. Walking phenomena are grasped in relation to space rather than in relation to time. Also, it was possible to illustrate our examination of the elementary gures with photographs that set before us the choices of paths considered in relation to the spatial context. All inductions of another nature refer us back both to the combinatory gures and to the context of the action of walking. What is manifested in too spatial a manner is thus understood as a simple effect of the gravity of a more encompassing context. In the elementary gures of polysemy, the metathesis of quantity found a more subtle form. Without the quantity of space being altered, the walk is geared in a certain direction rather than another one. In this way, there is never an equivalence of possibilities, even in bifurcation. It is always the more for the less or the less for the more. Nonetheless, it is in the combinatory gures that synecdoche best shows its nature: a movement of constitution, the creative gait of lived space-time. In the line of the narratives, the inhabitants go once and again into the same sites. But the name of the site changes, and the meaning of a term is never equivalent to the meaning of its synonym or of the neighboring term when one compares the appellation of ones bearings [reprages] to the nature of the trips these landmarks [repres] were designating. As a whole, each narrative makes slippages of meaning apparent. A particularly well-sequenced example was related earlier.23 There, the woman in question employed four successive and progressively reduced terms: the Arlequin, the gallery, the commercial gallery, and the Community Center. The specications became increasingly particularized as the walks were recounted in more and more precise fashion. We discover at the same time that the nal term (Community Center) holds for them all, thanks to the attractive signication of the site. From one path to another, from one day to the next, one discovers, in each interview and in each walking universe, such movements of particularization and totalizationwhich are not a relation of partial elements to the totality of the building complex but, rather, a selective organization among sites walked through that hold as totalities and other ones (or the same ones, at other moments) that are valid as parts. The whole for the part, the part for the whole: such are, in ones
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walks, the two extreme forms between which all the gures we have encountered take their places. And they do so to various degrees, the intermediate forms being the more for the less and the less for the more. But do movements of particularization and those of totalization even bear on the same realities? We must reexamine more closely these examples in which the process of synecdoche crops up in a condensed way.
If I want to go from number 40 to number 60, I pass through the park.
Let us note, rst of all, that this is only one part of the park, the rest of which this inhabitant knows by frequenting it regularly. Second, she provides no precise details about the very act of walking. Finally, the crossing of this part of the park replaces the unpleasantness of the gallery at what she calls this dead spot with the pleasantness of the park taken in terms of its general value. A process of totalization of meaning occurs here, sought out in the name of the context.
In the park, I walk around in all directions. There is always . . . each time you scale the Mounds.
A remark: the inhabitant then lays out in an abstract way her reasons for liking the park. Yet only one site is specied, characterized in terms of the lived experience of walking it: the scaling of the Mounds.24 For several inhabitants, the main feature of the park whose walking merits a description is the area around the lake. The park as a whole leads simply to some remarks that are general in character: there is a lack of whatsits . . . like some tubes . . . for games; it lacks a cozy feeling. The context of their walks in the park is focused entirely on visiting [le sjour] and relaxing within a lakeside poetics that, by extension, characterizes the park. An example follows of two synecdoches that are apparent in their selective succession:
The park . . . I go there . . . especially that sort of place where there are some bricks . . . that sort of place with the mounds, especially the Mound, the one that is equipped with steps.
From the park to the brick place, from the brick place and from the group of mounds to the Moundthat is the itinerary of synecdoches in
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which the partial is made more precise as it is walked and in which the nal term bestows all the others with its lived signication.
Often, I go into the space that is dirt-covered . . . toward the dragon, voil!
Another remark: Nothing is more imprecise than the start of this phrase; nothing more specic and colorful than this enamel-covered metal dragon for the children. The surrounding space is hardly denable at all: half sand, half dirt, its polymorphic character contrasts with the environing zones whose materials are clearly dened: high bushes, the layout of the gallery with the line of buildings. Overowing its condition as a signal for play, the dragon tends to become the landscape itself.25 To serve as a general example, we would have to quote the twelfth interview in full. The most detailed trip recounted in this interview concerns the inhabitants comings and goings on the mezzanine, copiously condensing the whole way in which this inhabitant lives at the Arlequin. The rest of the neighborhood and the other paths merit no narrative as storied as this one. Everything had already been said in its most tellable part, as the main portion of the walking occurs in the mezzanine. From a quantitative standpoint, however, the mezzanine trip is but one part of the space traveled. There is here a pathic synecdoche applying to the whole expression of the walkers lived experience, which is marked by anxiety and a fascinated repulsion. In these examples, as well as in every walk, synecdoche is organized along three lines of force that span everyday life in its entirety. First instantiated principle: the reference to the overall walking context that orients this or that selection. Second instantiated principle: the whole for the part and the part for the whole are expressed in terms of a difference in kind. The totalization process tilts very rapidly toward abstraction, an overall judgment: the foibles of the designers of the space are mimicked. The process of particularization willingly lingers, taking the time to recount the lived details, to digress. These two decidedly divergent inections place back to back the practice of the urban designers and that of the users of the urban space.
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Third instantiated principle: when the part stands for the whole, on the one hand the phenomenon is expressed in descriptive terms, on the other hand the part takes the place of the totality in the form of a climate and in a relation of symbolization. As lived, the climate of the mezzanine is concretely equivalent to ones overall representation of the Arlequin. The atmospheres on the Mound or at the lake symbolize everything poetic that can found in the park and in the neighborhood.26 In the rhetoric of ones walks, synecdoche grounds a universal mode of organization in which the part stands for the whole. When the whole stands for the part, the walking process becomes allusive, and then Representation governs ones apprehension of space. Thus, through one of the keys to the organization of walks into a reading-writing, one can see being sketched out, along with one fundamental characteristic, the disassociation between a representation of the trip and the narrative of a lived experience of walking. The selection of one of the instantiated principles tends to reduce and to exclude the others. More likely, however, what it does is include them in a concealed way, referring each back to the overall context in which this selection is basedwhich is what the relation to the signied is supposed to clarify.
Asyndeton
Asyndetongure by which one suppresses conjunctions, as we are told in rhetoricis the second key to the process of organizing ones walks. Whereas synecdoche shows the way in which selection operates, the second fundamental process should bring juxtaposition, connections, and conjunctions into play. These are the links through which every element of expression follows another one of them in the constitution of the expressive whole. That is how things proceed in language proper, such as the process of connection that is characteristic of this or that style. Now, ambulatory expression seems to be grounded essentially on an absence of connections. Only a topographical map will give the illusion of something linked, by transcribing the succession of steps
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and putting them into continuous lines. When grasped as a whole, the transcribed narrative can also make one believe in a relatively homogeneous sequence: a mere overall impression. Yet let one listen to the interviews more closely, consider in detail how oral expressions repeat walking expressions, and take account of the silences, the suspended intonations, and the punctuation breaks, and then one will perceive, behind the well-connected fragments, a background of discontinuity that is present in all these interviews. Indeed, in considering the narrative in itself, one can identify patches of description that evoke the spatiotemporal unfolding of the moment of densely narrated walking, then, between these fragments, either a digressive transition in which value judgments break through or a connection of a temporal nature (afterward, next, at such and such an hour, I . . .) that leaps onward to another description and skimps [fait lconomie] on concrete spatial continuities. There is an economy of narrative, it will be said, an economy of memory. One cannot recount everything. What can be known about what occurred during a walk? And yet narrative styles differ from one story to the next, as walking styles differ. What to us appears to be a fragment limited by the unit of description always tends to be given as a totality. The way in which synecdoche takes place, the prevalence of certain fragments, and the mode of occurrence of asyndetons (where connections disappear) are so many characteristics of a style belonging to the inhabitant. A ten-year-old child thus offers us an expression that is typical of this age group, with connections by subject-point. The connections proceed along the lines of contiguity, and not sequence, and exhibit a constant economy of descriptive detail (few adjectives, especially for personal subjects and words).27 Being played out here is a point-by-point account of an overall movement, sometimes broken up by a sudden encounter with a few rare favored sites: the lake, the passageway, the Olympic Village. A young girl uses many coordinating conjunctions (and, right; the latter being a popular conjunction not recognized in grammar) and sometimes sequential ones (nally, however), but they occur within these long, quite storied descriptions. Between these descriptions, recollection of the hour or the day takes the place of connection (then . . . ,
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Saturday afternoon . . .). Now, these transitions by leaps mask the chief asyndeton that structures the everyday life of this inhabitant: a forgettingindeed, the discreet rejectionof everything about her lodgings and the surrounding area. She speaks of her lodgings, in the end, only reluctantly:
interviewer: At number 50, what oor do you live on? n.: On the rst oor. interviewer: Then you havent told me about the end of your trips? n.: Oh! . . . um, well, in order to arrive home, [sound indicating indifference]. . . . Right [beginning a small sketch], right . . . its always the same thing.
In this case, asyndeton permits her to leap from one path in her public life to another path of the same type: the aspect of her existence that this young girl values as against the problems at home that are placed within brackets. Except for stylistic differences, asyndeton fullls an analogous function in the spoken and walked expressions of the tenyear-old child. The deceptive succession of contiguities hides a discontinuous style of walking in which nothing truly sticks to the childs hurried steps, these short hops. Two forms of asyndeton are already taking shape: a state that, when taken on the scale of these trips as a whole, is diffuse and that the play of the narratives expressive contiguities does not succeed in masking; and a state that may be deemed as condensed in relation to a qualitative leap that occurs between this rst mode of walking and the few rare sites that are walked with enthusiasm. The same parallel between what is said of these walks and the way in which it is said holds for all the interviews. Beneath the variety of styles belonging to each inhabitant, asyndeton operates insistently and with an identical function: in the narrative of a seventy-year-old inhabitant, for whom the holes in the narrative correspond to a kind of walking that is designed to conserve her energy and is concerned with brevity from the start; in that of the thirty-year-old worker, where the division established by the break between the narrative of his walks to work and the narrative of his leisure walks corresponds only too well to the reality of everyday life as it is modeled in a certain mode of production; and in that of the forty-year-old housewife, where the poetic mode of walking appears only through a break from the repetitive
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utilitarian mode. Thus also, monotony seems incapable of being altered, but only of being broken. A few choice, specic examples will better illustrate the general and fundamental role asyndeton plays. Indeed, following the example of synecdoche, asyndeton crops up from time to time from beneath an obvious and succinct expression that offers us a digest version thereof. Other times, this same gure clearly dominates the organization of a walk: these are precious accidents that shed undiffracted light on the way in which the absence of connections grounds ones walking expression. Holes Asyndeton manifests itself in the following examples not only as a lapse in memory [trou de mmoire] but also as a hole [trou] in the narrative and as the very porosity of space:
j.: I never take, I dont know why, I would take it, besides, the . . . as there are the passageways . . . child present: the mezzanine! interviewer: Why? j.: Um, well, its a bit complicated; I once wanted to take it with the kids, you remember? Then, there were some . . . dead ends, huh? Thats what they were . . . ? We made a U-turn and took the gallery again.
There is a loss of the name of the site in which one gets lost. The mezzanine as walkway thus becomes doubly absent. It is a parenthetical site that is left up in the air, as manifested in the equivalent three dots of silence.
interviewer: In your [written] account, you talk about a few spots, but between these spots, what is there? . . . nothing of importance? . . . or else? . . . e.: Yes, thats right. . . . Whats more, there is a passage from there to there [she points this out on a small sketch she makes]. Well, there, thats the gallery and there, the little place. . . . Yes, this passage, I dont talk about it. It must be quite harmless. . . . I dont know. interviewer: Right. On the left- or right-hand side of the trip? It doesnt interest you? e.: Oh, well that, its to be discovered! Later. . . . When Ill go everywhere . . . um, well . . . Ill be myself, huh?
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Reection on the rst absence (between two poles) leads the inhabitant to discover that her walks are written on the background of an absent totality. This everywhere that allows for a reserve of possibilities is, for the moment, only an unwalked area that surrounds her trips. Between the gallery and the little place, there is nothing to say because nothing acted or suffered is expressed therein. The absences allow for a project of coming appropriation at the same time as a future elucidation of ones identity as an inhabitant. The compartmentalized state of the memorable and recountable walk appears as such only upon the background of a graphic representation. From this point of view, there very well are holes. On the other hand, over the whole of the context that envelops the lived experiences of ones walks, these holes distinguish, rather, the moments of the present from those that are to come later on from a long-term effort at appropriation. Absences The climate within which a walk is carried out is an essential agent of the frequency of asyndetons, of their quantity, and of their duration. The trip to work will easily be permeable to large absences. The narratives transcribe this through holes in the phrasing or sometimes explicit recognition of the absence, of the hole that can affect a large portion of the trip, indeed the totality of it. For the inhabitant at number 60 who leaves for work in the morning, his presence in the neighborhood is remarkably short-lived. It all ends at number 50:
Oh, practically . . . I am thinking of number 50, huh? Afterward . . . afterward, I dash off, huh?
After number 50, there is nothing more to do than to dash off. Focused on the worry and the repetitive burden of his job, which begins at the end of this trip after twenty minutes on a moped, the inhabitant has already left, even though he has not yet mounted his vehicle. The walk loses all detail, because, right away, the landscape is already dashing off. Some other examples:
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interviewer: Was it the same trip when it rains? n.: Oh, I look at nothing; I dont give a damn at all! I dont know anyone here . . . [fteen seconds of silence]. In the afternoon, I had some worries about work. I saw nothing.28 Nothing to say!
The two expressions of silence, the rst acted out, the second spoken, perfectly well punctuate, in this narrative, the way in which the walk was carried out: overall absence. Here we are dealing with genuine hole-trips. Only the duty to remember feature imposed by the framework of the interview has allowed these minimal expressions of walks with neither any thickness nor any density: ectoplasm-trips. The absence of connection at this point merges with the absence of memorable lived experience. The asyndeton has taken up the entire place. In combinations of gures, round trips organized according to symmetrical alternations had already shown the phenomenon of a longitudinal hole (absence of a right or of a left). Henceforth, we can recognize in it a stylistic effect of prolonged asyndeton. From then on, one can see how this impression of not having truly walked but, rather, of having traversed some sites in complete indifference is not some accident, an anomaly of lived experience, but, quite to the contrary, the very background for the organization of our walks. Whether it is expressed in terms of worry, preoccupation, weariness, neglect, or the wear and tear of everyday life, and whether we recognize therein the mark of a certain kind of civilization, the sign of a failure in building as it is subjected to the mode of production that directs it, this paradoxical phenomenon of articulation through absence of conjunction continues to be probably the most universal one there is among all the modes of walking through an inhabited space today.29
From Figures to Code

Walking rhetoric is a quite particular form of expression. Its identity owes as much to the elective place of two gures carrying greater weight than all others as to the typical layout of these two modes of constitution.
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These walks yield a surprising idea of everyday life. Nothing is ever lived except partially, the fragments giving themselves out to be the globality of the situation. These discontinuities exist only upon a background of absence, of blanks, of holes, as the inhabitants say. Asyndeton is the condition of possibility for synecdoche. In the pedestrian statements in which synecdoche privileges the usage of the part for the whole, asyndeton renders possible the appropriation of the whole via the part.
The Poetic Idiom

Thus do the proposed analogies between linguistic analysis and a walking rhetoric begin to fall apart. Here is a rst difference. In our language, there is greater consistency when the task of connecting things together is performed well. But here, in the practice of ones walks, one does ones utmost to disconnect, to instaurate discontinuity. And a second difference emerges. A word is not chosen for itself all alone but, rather, in terms of the syntagmatic series. Yet daily strolls persistently confer value upon certain elements, spatial particularities that overow the rightful functional partitions and shake up the territorial sequences. The linguistic analogy is lame. No doubt, we rediscover in the enunciation of ones steps the two axes language theory30 names as the axis of combination and the axis of selectionthe combined play of a metonymic process and of a metaphorical process in which internal relationships (the meaningful relation) and external relationships (the contextual relation) produce, at their intersection, a certain type of expression. But this intersection takes a quite peculiar turn owing to the eminent position of synecdoche and asyndeton. How would linguistic theory evaluate what we call walking expression? Probably by likening it to a specic form: poetic language, in which the measured hierarchization one nds in prose is broken up in favor of a rhythmic arrangement that lays emphasis on the terms rst of all for themselves. The poetic function projects the principle of equivalence from the axis of selection into the axis of combination.31
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Equivalence does not mean indifference. This sort of autonomy the word preserves in the poetic syntagma is the persistence of the process of selection, which is not forgotten when combinations are made but on one condition, that is, that the process of combination would have created a vacuum, that the enunciative model privileged in prose (wherein words take only the fair share granted to them by the signifying whole that is to be stated) would be broken up. As in poetry, a part of the walk can be valid for itself and render itself autonomous in relation to a totality it shakes up and deforms while attempting to go beyond it. This process is possible because asyndeton breaks the connections that, when present, would prevent such interference of what is selective within the combinatory. The nal contribution we could ask of linguistic knowledge may be formulated in a proposition that creates the dividing line between the language of prose and the rhetoric of walking: the organization of ones walks is constituted in the manner of a poetics. The act of walking is not the progressive totalization of a given space to be traveled through but, rather, the uneven and jerky articulation of a movement that constructs the lived experience of space in an often diverting mode. Take, for example, that rst moment of organization via exclusion, an initial gure about which we can now understand that it stems directly from the combined play of asyndeton and synecdoche. Take, also, that law of contrast at the level of overall combinations, which was permitted by the absence of conjunction and which leaves the part free to stand for the whole in the symbolic mode. Too vacant at times, overcharged at other times, walking styles seem excessive and chaotic only from the geometric outlook, which would like to see in a coherentthat is to say, well-connectedway how, and to what extent, the inhabitant does or does not ll in a trafc space. But in the practice of ones walks, one neither lls in nor fails to ll in. The rhetorical form indicates in what sense it has to be structuration, constitution of singular space-times, and not mere general usage of constructed spatialities. The discovery of the two metagures thus moves into a more theoretical lane of analysis, which will be taken again later on. Our rhetorical exposition still remains incomplete, and the question of signication has been left hanging.
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Toward the Instantiated Principle of the Collective

The various modes of walking that belong to each inhabitant share a community of style that is henceforth recognized. There is one inhabitant rhetoric in the sense that the fundamental principles of articulation do not vary. This community of meaning is nevertheless entirely theoretical. The inhabitants do not play in vain at their comings and goings. The gures of walking rhetoric propose an arrangement of signiers. But what concrete and everyday signieds do they express? A new reading of the narratives is required, one more attentive this time to comparison of the referents each stylistic effect calls for. Here is our rst overall impression: everyday poetics rarely abandons itself to lyricism. Only episodically does one experience elation in ones approach or does an unforeseen and gratuitous event suddenly emerge and cross ones steps (daydreaming at the edge of the lake or on the mounds and fascination at the play of light and shadows under the gallery at night are two of these rare examples). More ordinarily, these walks unfold mainly in the epic mode: a poetics of narration. The epic is characterized in modern rhetoric by the strong contribution it implies for the referential function.32 Like all expression, ones walking conducts refer back to a context that situates them. In other words, ones ways of doing (the rhetorical modes) tell us in a mediate way ones ways of being. Pedestrian statement signies two things: ones immediate goal (going to work, going shopping, going home, going for a walk) and ones way of living the situation. This last signied encompasses, among other things, the dimensions of spatial position, temporal situation, psychological attitude, and the presence of the other. Now, the contextual element most often mentioned by the inhabitants questioned is a social referent, which is sometimes so explicit that it serves as a message.33 No one walks, it seems, without at least the vague presence of the instantiated principle of the collective.34 The descriptive study of everyday comings and goings is therefore to be pursued in the direction of its most manifest signication: the social dimension. We are hardly talking here about a sociological study
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in the scientic sense of the term. Our purpose is more modest. Just as each chapter began with a simple conguration of traces, so we are attempting to do nothing more, at the perimeter of the chapter to come, than to describe the code through which he who walks and those who surround him are signied throughout the walk itself.35
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An Inhabitant Rhetoric
THE CODE OF APPROPRIATION
At all times, knowledge of the art of rhetoric has seemed to confer upon its owner a certain power. Well-chosen, well-handled words exert a sort of magical effect. A tight and mobile interlacing of terms charms, bewitches, and nally, like a quickly cast net, ensnares the listener, who forgets all his own arguments. The goal of rhetoric is to convince, to draw ones adversary, or he who remains indifferent, into ones game. This art of persuasion minimizes or exaggerates, avoids or repeats, anamorphoses or transgures at that very place where the at statement would employ only the right and strict series of words deemed necessary to produce, as closely as possible, the truth that is to be spoken.1 Although the effort to render the truth of words equivalent to the truth of things remains an unresolved problem, there is no doubt that the essence of rhetoric is to ow beyond the object of discourse, to make it accessible and convincing, to make it truer. Through its propensity for stylistic effect, rhetoric strays from the literal meaning. The use of gurative meaning produces this interval [cart] that has always rendered undecidable any evaluation of the art of speaking well.2 Is one to appreciate rhetorical expression for its capacity to make the stated object splendidly appear or for its performance in guring things so well? Does what is expressed have more or less importance than the expression, ones way of expressing? The same questions hold for inhabitant rhetoric, which, like gurative speech, is a swerving sort of [de lcart] practice. We shall not respond to these questions before having sought out what the singular, everyday fashioning of space described in the preceding chapter might signify.
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A N I N H A B I TA N T R H E T O R I C : T H E C O D E O F A P P R O P R I AT I O N
Without doubt, each inhabitant always reveals, through his pedestrian practice, the peculiar traits of his personality and his choices in relation to social attitudes as well as to the available options about the usage of space. And the depth psychologist, the classical sociologist, the political scientist, and even the economist will read, each in his own way and each through his own semiology, the content of these ambulatory congurations. It is not our wish, however, to snap so quickly the thread of the inhabitants narratives. When a passerby bypasses a site, he traces a gure of avoidance. In the same stroke, however, has he not identied, opposite himself, the real or possible movement of someone else? We already had a premonition of these mutual anticipations of avoidance or encounter when expounding the gures of walking. Even more than that, the inhabitants to whom we have listened state explicitly in their narrations how the other intervenes in the everyday landscape through which they travel. Thus are woven together relationships of collusion, of similarity, and of cohesion, but also those of oppositions, of rejections, and of differentiations. Through repetitions and variations, spatial readings and writings, and the produced and the reproduced, the inhabitants recognize one another and make themselves recognized. A sort of code appears. Through this code, the signieds nd at least a minimum of homogeneity. The ways of organizing space gure the similarities and differences existing among the inhabitants. How is this code to be qualied? Every urban zone, high-density housing complex, group of single-lot homes, or island of buildings has particular ways and customs. Each has its own good manners. Beneath the general codes revealed by sociology in its study of the oppositions between the urban and the rural, among various social classes, and among diverse ethnic groups, there exist more particular codes. Over a small unit of space, one can observe how, from day to day, the forms of sociability knit themselves together and unravel without stop. A more phenomenological approach would nd that the code for the fashionings3 of inhabited space is the fruit not of a state but, rather, of a mobile collective process that unfolds, most often, without the knowledge of the inhabitants (save in moments of extreme tension, where this or that law of the code is suddenly perceived as an obstacle). The explicit stake involved in inhabitant practice is what may be
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called qualied space. My steps qualify the path taken. But before me opens a space already traveled by the other. My way of coming and going is sometimes going to repeat the already accepted or sought-after qualications; sometimes it is going to disqualify, or even to deny, hostile sites. The concrete seizure of space begins via the question of the appropriable. Are the sites to come beneath my steps appropriated or appropriable? And how are they so? Everyday language talks about a feeling of being at home that meets with success or struggles to be successful or that fails, depending on the case at hand. One also hears, This place feels good to me, I feel good here, I dont feel rejected here. This syncretism among oneself, the space, and the other seems to be designated quite well by the term appropriation. We are dealing here with a notion that is never clearly denable, that has justiably been criticized, but whose fuzziness seems to us to designate rather felicitously the barbarisms and blurrinesses of everyday life. In the pages to come, it will have a wholly instrumental, entirely provisional value. And, repeated too often, it will perhaps end up losing its meaning altogether and disappear of its own accord, as happens with words spoken over and over again that suddenly become empty sounds. When we shall employ it, it will be above all in order to indicate the concomitant presence of the instantiated principles of the individual, the social, and the spatial. These reservations having been made, the writing of ones walks seems to signify that there is a dynamic of appropriation. We shall endeavor to bring out progressively its code. The rules that will be stated will not, however, all converge at the same time toward a closed denition of this code of appropriation. They indicate the heavy punctuations of an observational approachwhich is, rst of all, attentive to the most obvious forms of appropriation (and the most explicit ones in the inhabitants narratives) and then curious about more complex phenomena expressed in a discrete and sparse sort of way.
The Naming of Places

If we talk about the everyday circulation of pedestrian trafc, about networks of spatial frequentation that acquire consistency on a map, place79
names will serve to indicate enduring landmarks, the stable boundary markers between which the lines of peoples trips are stretched. Names are but one of the abstract elements in the system of cartographic location. All toponyms are then of equal value. None of them will tell more than any other in what direction the inhabitant walks with or against the others, granting value to some space or rejecting another one. Our reading of the narratives of ones walks has driven us, however, to overturn this reductionist attitude. In the congurative movement of ones steps, toponyms do not in any way precede something else, nor do they constitute anything by themselves. They appear along the walk that instigates them, that informs them, and that annihilates them as it pleases. Signs among other signs, they reect the qualication ones pedestrian gait inscribes therein by making them be. In this sense, the inhabitants carry out a veritable process of placenaming. The narratives indicate this designation-assignment of the space within which speech expresses, within every community of style, what steps congure. Now, it should be pointed out that no naming is performed without the involvement of the instantiated principle of the collective. The narrative of ones walks calls for a citation of sites in a form that can be identied by the listener: he who listens and, behind him, everyone. Through employment of the toponym, the narrative makes one recognize the space through the statements of a shared discourse. Nonetheless, the reference in question is not always clearly apparent. Some namings fail to achieve their project of shared designation. Thus do we discover a few moments in the narrative that are spent entirely on specifying an ill-understood or barely clear name. This is a metalinguistic phase of the narrative where one goes off in search of equivalent units. The rst difculty encountered is therefore the relevance for a community of meaning of the appellations that are stated in the narrative. The words do not always succeed in encompassing the spatial feature involved on the background of a language-imposed requirement of univocality. Between the individual and the collective, words do not express a spatial relation dened identically for everyone at all times. While not being univocal, names do not, for all that, just sink into an irremediable state of equivocality. Indeed, as manifested in narra80
tive, the mode of appellation contains a more or less faithful, but always insistent, reproduction of the memorable relation places maintain with names. And this occurs through the general practice of ones walks in the neighborhood. Ones hesitations and the mishaps that occur in the naming of spaces do not seem to be, in this case, purely formal and linguistic phenomena. They betray a certain way of having lived these places from which the collectivity is never absent. My toponymic landscape merges to a large extent with the others landscapes. Whence arises a second difculty: How is one to evaluate the collective connotation involved in the apprehension of places walked? Apprehension, we say here, for it really is a matter of a seizure by words as well as by ones steps. These namings are revelatory of a lived experience of ones walks that is not exempt from difculties, errancies, even failures in relation to the instantiated principle of the collective. They can be arranged into a progressive series with two constants. On the one hand, the most common names are those that bring the least tensions and differentiations into play. On the other hand, the more specic place-names become, the more atomized the collectivity becomes on the scale of the entire neighborhood and the more mutually distinctive social subgroups become. Let us begin with the most common form of naming.
Numbering
So, the inhabitant says: at number 60, toward number 100, from number 130.4 Such appellations are used by all the inhabitants questioned, employed either exclusively or as synonyms for a previously stated name deemed insufciently precise. They do not in themselves call for any particular commentary in the course of the narrativesave, on occasion, in order to criticize or praise the graphic or chromatic inscription of the numbers. Reproducing the location devices imposed by the design plan and by the management, they connote what is most common and most clear in the identication of sites. Nonetheless, self-assurance in the employment of the appellation and its frequency differ from one inhabitant to the next. The youngest inhabitants, the regulars at attend81
ing various activities in the neighborhood, and those who work around there juggle easily with the numbers. These are the same people who do not get lost and can circulate through the neighborhood as if they were at homethough this apparent ease does not necessarily correspond to a successful overall appropriation of the area. Others hesitate sometimes, do not know certain numbers, or are familiar only with the number of their domicile and those of their neighbors. This is the case, in particular, of an inhabitant in her seventies. It would seem that the ease with which one employs these numbers should be a function of the level of ones overall adaptation to the neighborhood. For, the places designated by the numbers, as well as their placement and the graphics used, display an unusual type of organization. Referencing by numbers selects, de facto, a certain type of inhabitant who is likely to adapt quickly.
Functional Appellation
This form of naming differs very little from the usages commonly employed in other urban neighborhoods. The shops and activity areas in the neighborhood permit unmistakable locationall the more so as these place-names also mark the environing space. Toward the bakery and toward the butchers-these two shops being next to each otherare indications that allow for no ambiguity as to the space thus named. One sometimes uncovers more accidental names that refer to a transient operation of some sort. When one inhabitant says, next to the childrens bedroom display, he summons up in the listener the practice of a group of inhabitants who are well informed about the events that take place in the Arlequin neighborhood. More generally speaking, the perennial operations of the junior high school, the shops, the schools, and the neighborhoods activity rooms, which everyone can place, do not require that one belong to the groups who make practical use of these sites, but simply demand a knowledge of the most obvious features of the neighborhood. Other sites, designated by less well-known functions and prompting frequentations for specic purposes, connote references to groups of initiates. They harbor activities of which other inhabitants are unaware or about which they are familiar by hearsay, without these activities
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being able to serve for them as spatial landmarks. Thus, appellations like toward the photo shop, toward the other retirement home, next to the insurance ofce, which are obvious for the three inhabitants familiar with these places, would be perplexing or ambiguous for other people. Finding ones bearings [Le reprage] is then loaded with a clear allusion to a specic aspect of everyday life, because ones walks are articulated with precision over these sites that are prone to a denite and limited appropriation.
Singularized or Particularized Appellation

This type of naming is to be distinguished from the others in that a synecdoche is produced. This happens either through an effect of personalization or by reference to the part rather than to the whole. When one inhabitant says, I make this detour, I cross the small place, here, the designation is narrowed down, with several noteworthy effects: substitution of an allusive singularity for the discursive universal; restriction of the meaning of the appellation through rejection of commonly accepted names; introduction of the motor order specic to the lived experience of ones walk into a sequence of the enunciative order. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs of place then indicate a latent appropriation that other expressions will come to conrm more clearly: my spot, I arrive home, toward my stairwell. It is not a matter here of ones own lodging but, rather, of the area bordering ones domicile: the space near the elevator entrance that overows onto the gallery. It is then that the act of appropriation delimits a space with no physical markings and makes it change its nature. The appropriated space stands out either as not being the place that is common to everyoneand then the value is placed on the singular, which borders on itselfor as being perceptible only to initiates, who in this case are summoned [convoqus] onto the eld of speech but who are supposed to exist for real also in similar practices that have them frequenting this detour or that little place. The process of particularization heads in the same direction. When one inhabitant says on the mound, she either is provoking the ostracism of those who do not know whether one is speaking of the
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park and which mound or is spurring the complicity of those who understand immediately that she is talking about the big mound in the park with the stairswhich is no higher than the others, but which is very well known and where one sees so well, as some inhabitants say. In this case, a shared appropriation is possible because the synecdoche and the ellipsis used here correspond to one and the same kind of frequentation of the park and to a seizure of the space that is carried out in the same mode. Another concrete signication of the fundamental gure of synecdoche is manifested here. To say the less for the more is to refer to a particular appropriation that is liable to bring together a group of similar spatial practices among distinct inhabitants. Singularized appellation and particularized appellation tell us as much and more about spatial relations as about the space itself. And this relation is always formed with reference to the collective.
Unnameables
The case of unnameable places shows very well that an appropriation and a qualication of space would be impossible without appellations. We are dealing here still with new or unusual architectural forms, ones that the authors have sometimes nicknamed by themselves but that do not correspond to any coding recognized or practiced by the inhabitants before they began to reside in the neighborhood. The angles characteristic of the facades5 and the layout of the street beneath the buildings take the inhabitants right away out of their usual element [dpaysent demble lhabitant]. Moreover, the names given by the developer are not always convincing: the gallery is the main street beneath the buildings; the passageway is the access corridor on three oor levels; the cove is the exterior space outlined by the buildings curves; and the ramp is an incline fty meters long that raises the gallery from zero to seven meters in height.
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The inhabitants make attempts to use these words. Some of them succeed in doing so from the start. They have quickly integrated the representations of the neighborhood design plan and sometimes have reduplicated the ofcial appellations. Thus, one female inhabitant likes to name the Arlequin New Town each time an innovative feature is described. Others, less knowledgeable about the Arlequin project, confuse things in a way that the rst group would nd glaring: one inhabitant, for example, mistook the Community Center for the Arts Center (situated in the Malherbe neighborhood). Whatever the case may be, the names for the walkways and crossing areas retain an uncertain character. All the inhabitants questioned misuse the ofcial appellations at least once. One very often hears gallery for passageway, passageway for gallery, galleries for the gallery, pool for lakeso many places whose names put one off track, as they are more or less alien to usage and lived practice. These confusions are of practically no importance. And from this point of view, such slips are a matter of indifference. Indeed, we are dealing here either with common names (cove, passageway) or proper names (gallery, ramp) whose suitability to the site seems arbitrary or seems to designate a space too large to t the mood of a well-dened appropriation. In short, these place-namesstill fairly alien to ones everyday practices, wherein they are often likened to nonplaces [non lieux]allow of only one kind of social differentiation: that between those who know how to employ these terms perfectly well and those who make mistakes or who are unfamiliar with them. Spaces with nominal denitions hardly occasion anything but differences in ones representations of them. Other places are genuinely unnameable because they lack any imaginable name. What is one to call the parts of the gallery adjoining the elevator entrance doors when, on the one hand, the gallery itself is not a street, as the inhabitants note, yet not a corridor either, and when, on the other hand, these doors open either directly onto the gallery or onto a half-enclosed space that is quite handy in protecting against the wind but looks quite expletive, like ller? In order to describe this spatial form that is of importance in ones walks (a place for extended, and very often collective, waiting), the periphrases used reemploy what can be designated by use or proximity: at the bottom of the elevator, by
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the mailboxes. And what is one to call those passageway nooks that sometimes end in a window and sometimes lead to two or three apartment doors? One tried to pass them off as social squares but only those really in the know were able to connect the name to the place beyond the incongruity of the relation. For others, they are bicycle garages, garbage disposal areas, corridors as opposed to the passageway, entryways (but where, then, are the entrances?). Clearly, these unnameable and unappropriable places are given over to accidental and erratic usesfor the children who play there a moment or two, for some adults who periodically make them into the corridor of an apartment whose rooms would be each open lodging, and for people who put beds in the corridors, in an emergency exit area! This difculty in naming unusual places does not last forever. Certain spots, like the passageways and their nooks, remain an undened area open to anything. Others, ill dened from the start, become characterized one day by a memorable appropriation. Between the groups that rst name places by appropriating themthereby recognizing one other and being recognized by the quality of the names they have afxed thereuponand the rest of the inhabitants, a distinction is created through which a differentiated social relation is organized. The power to name is power over space and at the same timea distinct force within a sociospatial whole.
Collective Neologisms
Through the use of a created name, the process of appropriation appears to us to be an effort to identify spatial forms. Figure 10 shows a few examples of collective neologisms. As for what they denote, either these appellations impose a name where there was none before or they substitute themselves for the ofcial name, of which the inhabitants are unaware. Agora is employed only on maps of the neighborhood and in the notices of the Video-Gazette6with a meaning, moreover, that is different, the site for televised meetings most often being the six-hundred-seat room. On the other hand, connotations differ from one appellation to
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Ofcial name (nonexistent) (nonexistent)
Nature of the site installation for the morning market in Arlequin main approach to the junior high school and the Community Center on the gallery side fragment of the park paved in bricks and half-enclosed by a low wall
Common appellation Market Place junior high school entrance Red Square
Agora
Figure 10
another. Although it refers to a country-village-like feature that contradicts the urban setting of this neighborhood, the term Market Place nevertheless was established spontaneously and appears, at the time of the markets creation, in the narratives of all inhabitants, irrespective of social group, age, or sex. The reemployment of an ever-so-common term has therefore marked the site according to its temporary function and with an indistinct appropriation performed on the scale of the entire neighborhood, as by general consensus. The appellation junior high school entrance does not display the same lack of differentiation. Quite to the contrary, it generally occurs in the course of peoples trip narratives at the point where an obstacle is being mentioned. Rarer are the inhabitants who speak of this place as they approach it without any problem. Because of this, the denotation may vary beneath one and the same designation. For those whom it disturbs, the junior high school entrance lies outside and overows too far onto the gallery, thus inducing gures of paratopism. That is to say, the part on the near side of the glass panels, the inside, the most outlying part is hardly visitable at all but, rather, imaginable, with all those kids, those hooligans hanging around. For the regulars at the junior high school or in the activity areas, this junior high school entrance corresponds more to an entrance than to an exit. The part of the gallery of concern here is only a terminal point of the entrance within, the hall that penetrates deep into the buildings. Different uses of one and the same term therefore connote, from the collective point
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of view, either a differentiation via rejection or an identication with groups that are able to enter the junior high school. As one inhabitant says, Its open. Everyone can go there. We have the right, huh? She enters the junior high school easily and even makes use of it from one end to the other as a crossing area; but I . . . I dont think that just any woman would get the idea in her head to do it . . . , she had said right beforehand. Less polysemous, and used in a more restricted manner, is the appellation Red Square. Some inhabitants of the neighborhood employ the term as a matter of course, marking by this common word a shared sense of belonging. Greater actors. or greater participants, to them none of the important events in the life of the neighborhood is alien. They know the history of the appellation, which recalls a stormy meeting, about work being done in the park, that took place on this small square between some inhabitants, accompanied by a political group, and the landscaper. The color of the material became associated with the color of the event upon the background of a well-known word-form (Moscow), in one of those syncretisms of which parallel languages hold the secret. This is also the case with languages of initiates, which other inhabitants speak only with care. Thus, twice do the interviews reveal the use of the term in a metalinguistic comment clause: what is called the Red Square, the little square [ . . . ] that is named the Red Square. The evocation of equivalencies and the discrepancy between speech proper and the appellations cited stem either from hesitations (like the one of the female inhabitant who knows the park affair, as it is seen later on, but has not made the connection, and who says, Yes . . . I dont know, because of the concrete, maybe. Maybe its dangerous for the kids.) or from an effect of ironic distancing expressed by inhabitants who are quite up to speed about the park story and who, in a knowing tone, express astonishment that the appellation has become so matter of course. Starting from nameless places or places of unknown name, the apposition of a term allows a noteworthy appropriation of these places at the same time that it permits the manifestation of an identication process for the social group that rst played with languages relation to the space in question. While certain collective neologisms spread to a whole
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neighborhood and become elements for identication, others, more restrictive in character or even jealously guarded by those who employ them, have a strong connotation of belonging to this or that group or social subgroup. The denition of these social subgroups or aggregates is not given only in terms of socioprofessional categories. It is a matter more concretely of a self-denition through which the aggregate distinguishes itself by recognizing itself in a sociospatial practice of its own. We have seen, through prior examples, how important can be an act of naming that informs a site. Such a naming makes the site known, under one and the same qualication, to all those who employ it and who thus recognize themselves in this identical usage. It is often difcult to understand the meaning of the neologisms used by groups of inhabitants. Indeed, the more closed and typical the group is, the more hermetic is its language. One can detect in groups of children the appearance and rapid disappearance of neologisms that exist for the time of one game. When the child recounts the game to an adult (and to the sociologist who questions him), he no longer tells what quality the cement tube had for the group (house? airplane? ship?, etc.). He decodes it by saying, stuff . . . thingamajigs to have fun in. Such mischievous concealment prevents knowledge of the concrete qualiers lived within the game. This appropriation set aside by private appellations equally operates among adults. When one inhabitant says he has taken a walk over this sort of place in which there are bricks and when others, either activity organizers or active inhabitants, call a meeting on Red Square, it is a matter of the same site, which is no more one persons property than that of the others. However, from the standpoint of the lived activity, it is not the same place. It has, straight off, a particular qualication, depending on whether this or that group fashions it in its own manner.
First Sketch of the Status of Appropriation on the Basis of Namings

The naming process yields an initial, approximative idea of the nature of appropriation. In naming everyday places in such and such a way, the inhabitants are concretely expressing the fact that they belong
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to some groups or collective aggregates. What is more, it is the social quality of every apprehension of space that hangs over the selection of this or that appellation. Appropriation does not bear, rst of all, on space but, rather, on such and such a relationship between a form of sociability and space. One and the same space can be designated by different codes: simple codes of naming for the moment, but ones about which we have already had a hint that they signify ways of being. Certain times, appropriation by a group may coincide with a veritable social ownership of a coded site. Such is the case with all gang hideouts. Nonetheless, over the entire public space of the neighborhood, no place has been observed, or has been described to us by any of the inhabitants questioned, as remaining exclusive property on a permanent basis. The junior high school entrance, which is avoided by certain inhabitants, is not always occupied by the young. The school courtyards that are impassible at recess time become a perfectly calm crossing area at other moments of the day. While certain places are strongly marked by the coding of a few subgroups and lead others to avoid them, one can nevertheless grasp that, beyond the sociospatial relation involved, appropriation basically is a matter of time. It is in time that a group manifests or does not manifest its existence and that it occupies a determinate public space at the same time as everyone else, but in a privileged way, or, on the contrary, at a specic moment. It may be noted, moreover, that, in going from the sites most commonly frequented by all sorts of groups that tend to be indistinguishable to sites specied by a private, even secret, name that marks the exclusive relation of certain subgroups to these places, appropriation bears less and less on the given, reproduced space and more and more on the re-created space, in accordance with a specic time. It is the regulatory system of namings that indicates what type of social relation to space is at issue. Naming is the most obvious information the inhabitants set in opposition to the space as it is built. A First Rule of the Code of Appropriation would thus state:
The collective nature of the frequentation of a space is inseparable from the process of naming that characterizes that space.
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Territorial Appearance
In their narratives, the inhabitants mention spaces that, for them, do not change their social quality. These would be sites that are always well bounded. One could therefore draw up a synchronic map of the sociospatial allotments inscribed upon the neighborhood and thus see territories appear. And yet, beyond the fact that the map would constantly be changing, one would not know from it in what way these territories are constituted, nor would one be able to predict the likelihood of permanent occupation by this or that group over such and such a privately set-aside space. As we know, territories are not, practically speaking, permanently occupied in the same manner; the gure of the metathesis of quality has helped to demonstrate this point. For the inhabitant who speaks of or suggests recognition of such a territoriality, his relation to the space is always a negative one. If the limits seem to him so precise, that is because he delineates them through his acts of avoidance. The site under consideration is doubly ill lived: sensed in a harmful way and, in addition, often seen, not traveled through. The permanency of the occupation then felt by the inhabitant does not stem from his practical experience of the space but, rather, from the pure representation he makes of the spatial relations practiced by others. These territories, which are apparently so enclosed, are occupied by groups of inhabitants. Most often cited are the young, the children, the North Africans (and, within this pseudogroup, the Tunisians are distinguished from the Algerians, and vice versa). Also mentioned are those from the activity areas, those who know how to talk, and the Video-Gazette. Still other ways of occupying sites are manifested: by the dogs that have covered certain grassy areas with their messes and by the cars that must be walked around when they are parked. And, although they occupy space only in an episodic sort of way, bicycles and mopeds always appear as menacing features in the walking narratives. The extension of the occupant category to other interveners than people allows one to suppose how imprecise is the denition of occupation. In the act of sensing a counterappropriation, the delimitation
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and supposition of territorial permanency matter much more than the precise identication of the occupying agency [linstance occupante]. Groups that are apparently well encompassed by an appellation meant to dene them do not necessarily correspond to any reality. Such is the case with the group called North African, which appears as such only for those who do not belong to it; the aggregate known as Video-Gazette, to which a particular power is attributed;7 or children and young people. Heading in this direction, let us cite the following expressions:
In the market, there are too many children coming out of school. And as the school is next to the market, they all come to steal something. I even nd that there are never many children at number 130. They play in the gallery or in the park. You see, there are people who hang around all day in the passageways. Some of them piss in the passageway. The Community Center, it brings in lots of things. It brings in . . . , there are always young people. No, I didnt go into the Community Center, because . . . it seems to me that you especially see young people in there.
At its outer reaches, the group extends to all other people beside oneself. This is quite clearly apparent in several of the interviews: it is that one can inhabit ones lodgings, despite the whole New Town, or that the whole neighborhood nds itself incorporated into a sort of phantasm of the threatening collective, or that all the other inhabitants would be represented as mineralized, part of an overall landscape one only grazes against:
[At number 50,] there are some people concentrated around there and garbage cans lying around. When I can, I keep clear; unless, that is, I go on the road. People watch us from the bistro. Their expressions are indifferent, rather hostile. Or maybe it is the shape of their faces that bothers me?
Generally speaking, the group is rst of all the others who are distinguished and identied only through vague names, by one or two determinants. Here is a particularly evocative example in which a sites state of being-rejected reduces recognition of hostile collective forces to some simple topical assignments:
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For all the good there is that the Community Center is located in the middle of the gallery, people dont nd it very easy to go in there. One hasnt been taught to speak; one has only been taught to listen. So, its always the same. The other day, a lady talked so well during the meeting that no one said anything afterward.
For that inhabitant, this not easily accessible site would be the property of a group that is doubly determinednamely, by the fact of being at the Community Center and by the privilege of their power of speech. Beyond the character of destinal facticity well underscored in the expression, for which we grant our respect, the state of passive xedness is conrmed by the phrase that follows: its always the same. Ones way of being in space passes on ones wholly negative way of being with the other. The failure of appropriation is attributed in the end to a prohibitive counterappropriation in the face of which the inhabitant identies herself with a still imprecise one whose identity is but that of being situated outside the occupied site. Nothing is more vague than this community of rejects that does not recognize itself in itself but is to be inferred simply along a Manichaean dividing line. A general judgment that arises soon after the rst quotation conrms this point:
The New Town belongs to a category . . . to one category of inhabitants, thats all! The others feel themselves housed, thats all!
Once again, we see the partial phenomenon erected into a symbol of everything. The lack of a precise denition of the others considered as a group makes possible the unlimited extension of the power of appropriation that is ascribed to them. It sufces to compare such a way of apprehending this site called Community Center to the way a regular does so in order for us to understand how much the closure of territorial limits and the permanency of such and such a social quality are manifestly obvious only for the person who feels excluded. The inhabitant deemed to be a regular at the site and belonging to the group of the others will not necessarily have the same opinion, nor will he carry out the expected conduct. He can be excluded at a certain moment or not feel himself to be a member of one and the same occupying group. He will say:
Sometimes, when passing by, I cast a glance at the half-opened door to the sixhundred-seat room to see if there is another meeting.
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Or:
I pass by the Community Center because there is always something to see. Even without any specic purpose, I really like to pass by there . . . to try to better integrate myself.
Confronted with the modalities of occupants lived experience of a site, denition of a permanent territory seems quite ctive. It holds but one interest for us: it brings to light the tensions centered on impossibleto-achieve or difcult appropriations, which point to the minimum constituent element of the code of appropriation: Second Rule of the Code of Appropriation:
The characterization of the inhabited space in terms of xed territoriality is but the apparent effect of the assignment to a site of the group one has difculty dening.
Territorial Fluidities
Is territoriality a ction? Do there exist only counterappropriations? No doubt, the process of rigidication of a territory corresponds to ones inability to identify the lived way in which a group occupies this space. It stands in for a denition of the occupying unit. But an inhabitants domain of appropriation does not have the nature of a no-mans-land:8 a hollowed-out constitution delineated by positings of lled-in sites. A positive appropriation will come to light if the space is seized not as appropriated pieces of a puzzle but, rather, as the eld that has allowed and does allow the appropriable. It is not to be assessed in terms of a locating of immutable and closed territories or of a listing of properties but, rather, on the basis of the nature of the movement through which the inhabitant walks with ease or uneasiness, feeling at home, in some sort of way, or extradited, in the mode of collective complicit arrangements or in the mode of feeling alien. On the elementary level as much as on the level of organization, walking gures already gave us a glimpse of some interesting indices. Certain gures may be placed under the heading of a tendency to maintain ones appropriation. Here, we are talking about two redundant
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processes (metabole and hyperbole)9 and symmetry. Other gures signal ones search for appropriation. Included here are anaphora, which lays siege; digression, which forgets; and simple paratopisms, which create some paths in order to avoid other ones. It really was ones encounter with alien appropriations or counterappropriations that provoked peritopisms and paratopisms. Finally, synecdoche allows one to see quite well what kind of economy organizes appropriation and how the lived parts are, to an excessive degree, given therein in order to stand for the totality. Appropriation is a dynamic process. As such, it shakes up spatial permanencies. Depending on the directions of ones walks, territories neither nish nor begin in the same spot. Thus does one see ones being domiciled dissociated from the notion of lodging; the former undergoes expansion or contractionmovements designated diastole and systole in the analysis of the gure of dissymmetry.10 The feeling of being at home glides from one place to another and can extend quite far, indeed, through a series of imperceptible gradationseven when it is embodied only in those slippers one is permitted to wear under the gallery, where the public sphere still seems to tolerate the domestic one. In order to do ones shopping, a grandmother from the neighborhood says,
You dont have to take an umbrella and you can go down in your slippers; with this gallery, youre near everything. You even see women in dressing gowns.
Conversely, where one is domiciled can be reduced to an area smaller than ones own lodging. Then, even on the interior staircases, even in ones living room,
where there are the little ones, a twelve-year-old sister who is jealous of the other sister, the brother who does karate, the father who yells, the mother who is preparing the meal, with the television on top of that . . . you always nd yourself outside.
The sole refuge, the only place where one feels at home, becomes ones bedroom. Another breakdown in these territories (which we had thought of as frozen in place but which start to dissolve and become metamorphosed in climatic and chronometric time) is to be found once again in the gure
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of the metathesis of quality.11 To the examples already cited in this regard, let us add some other, quite eloquent ones: the extended occupation of the center of the gallery during the summer months by inhabitants from the south (especially North Africans); the takeover of this same site, on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons,12 by groups of noisy, nimble children (on roller skates and miscellaneous vehicles). Following a group of adolescents with nothing to do, one sees the territories change when night falls. From territories for hanging out that are clearly bounded during the day (junior high school entrance, two-wheel-vehicle repair shop, mezzanine at number 50), one passes, at night, to a diffuse and mobile territoriality. With this last example, we have still another dimension of appropriation, which upsets ones spatial prejudices. By day, small youth gangs are seen, and their uproar, if any, makes itself heard only intermittently above the clamor of daytime comings and goings. At night, most of the inhabitants sense the irruptive presence of these gangs only through their hearing. The territory suddenly becomes diffuse and takes on an extension incommensurable with any spatial judgment that could strictly be connected with their visual faculty. The same thing applies for unaccustomed cooking odors (grilled lamb and sh) that may waft from some unassuming balcony. These odors exhale, toward all the upper and surrounding apartments, the heightened presence of an alien group whose members are nevertheless spread out spatially.
Its a specic odor . . . though it is summer. I think that the smell of spices comes from number 50. It smells like . . . how to describe it? It smells like the kind of cooking I dont do.
These territorial uidities reveal already a rst feature of the dialectical nature of appropriation processes. Anything that one would look for in terms of spatial division and permanent states would mislead us. Even the notion of a state of ease or of uneasiness merely transcribes momentarily and individually what has been, or will be, movement and a project of differentiation. When one inhabitant walks everywhere with ease and yet does not feel at all at home in the neighborhood and ees as soon as he can, whereas another inhabitant feels at ease only in a tiny territory leading up to her apartment and yet prepares a tenacious
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project of conquering the rest of the neighborhood (a project which, a year later, we know to have been successful), the difference in the quality of the appropriation is beyond doubt. The rst person will always be an individual skirting the social as well as the spatial, without anything more. The second will not necessarily succeed in appropriating for herself the entire space, but she will live her appropriation in relation to all other appropriations, now or in the future; through this movement, she will designate the group to which she belongs. Two phenomena that are temporal in nature shatter the bounds of territories seized in their spatial permanencies. They render the strictly spatial determinant of the code of appropriation unsuitable as an explanation of this code.13 It is through change that territories appear and disappear and that two territories, which should be merged in space, do not coincide, for ones walks give them a specicity that depends on intention and orientation. It is via anticipation that appropriation overows the territorys spatial forms, that it makes itself heard or felt before it is seen, and nally that, beyond space, it bears on time and on the possible. Third Rule of the Code of Appropriation:
Movements of appropriation assume, as their condition of possibility, the surpassing of purely spatial determinants that express social relations only in the form of simple states of affairs. Such movements imply a dynamic that is apprehended in time.
Differentiating Appropriations
From the foregoing, we can retain two paradoxical remarks about territory. On the one hand, every collective movement of appropriation stands out thanks to territorialitytherefore, thanks to the identication of a space endowed with qualitative unity, if not with almost assignable limits. On the other hand, nothing can be understood about collective appropriation if one does not seek to know, via individual everyday actions (we have chosen walks under this heading), how qualitative differences are constituted.
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Synchronically speaking, the state of a collective housing complex is therefore to be described as an organization of appropriations that are interconnected and opposed to one another through their specicity. Diachronically speaking, movements of appropriation enter into dialectical relation. Every identication of another appropriation produces a differentiation. And every differentiation posits the specicity of an appropriation in which the inhabitants who are operators of difference are identied. What about the notion of territory, then? It becomes the eld of assignment (from the synchronic point of view) around which move (diachronically speaking) the gures of a walking rhetoric that is productive of territorial appearances. In following the walks taken in everyday life, one never notices this territorial system. The representation of the whole reconstructs it, yielding for us a state of this system that is never lived. On the other hand, the writing of ones walks expresses quite well indifferent skirting, unpleasant encounters with oppositions and exclusions, and the search for sites that are favorable or deemed appropriable. From this point of view and depending on the time, the counterappropriation that arises through the walk modulates, in proportion to its strength, the quality of the competing appropriation. Over a spatial whole given as a unit of habitats, the state of reciprocity in which all possible appropriations are situated displays no homogeneity. Certain sites are appropriated neither in unity nor in opposition but, rather, in dispersion. Thus, walks in the park encounter only weak counterappropriations. The park, a site for daydreaming, or a site for ones eyes, summons everyone in an undifferentiated way. Individuals or small groups always see one another from a distance; avoidance is easy to prearrange mutually, and one can believe oneself to be alone there.14 Whence such expressions as the following concerning the park:
Its looking at people from behind. Its being able to watch over the children from the mounds, because from here you have the best view. Its the pleasure of going outside, on the grass, where you can even get a suntan without knowing youre being watched.
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Its a spot that could be even more intimate, if there were more trees.
In this way, the process of differentiation borders on metastable individualization. In such forms of macrocollective usage, one nds neither clear oppositions nor genuine collusions but, rather, a loose and temporary consensus. The site momentarily takes on a ctive unity that is expressed well by the names then employed: the park, the stores. In contrast, the strongest appropriations manifest themselves through the fundamental gure of synecdoche. There is always, in this case, a particularization of space rather than a partitioning of space, the latter only occasionally expressing the former. The marketplace becomes socially qualied when a part of it is occupied by a group of activists or when gangs of children invade the area behind the counters. The gallery becomes qualied when, in a corner, one hears or catches sight of an aggregate of inhabitants who walk or visit in the same mode. The more these counterappropriations are anticipated, in their expression and in their perception by the others, the more partial appropriation tends to give itself out as total appropriation. As soon as the rst students leave the junior high school at noon, the central section of the gallery is already, for passersby, fully occupied. Three hooligans go up the gallery at night, and already the whole gallery has been invaded. The worried inhabitant then passes to the outside of the covered street. Other particularizations of space practiced by those who feel excluded come in response to particularizations of space encountered as obstacles. The elementary forms of avoidance observed in the gures expounded in the preceding chapter thus fashion spaces of rejoinder and reaction. At the same time that sites are divided up, the force of opposing appropriation is heightened, which in language is expressed through a generalization. Let us follow an example of this complex process that applies to one and the same site. On the side of the counterappropriation as felt, we have:
I didnt go into the Community Center, because . . . it seemed to me that a lot of young people were seen there. People of a certain age dont go in there. Young people feel at home there.
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And on the side of the supposed appropriation (by the young people), there is this:
To the Community Center, its instead there that you go. When theres some kid, hes told: You are not from here, go home! Everyone really knows one another, so one always has a tendency to stay in the Community Center, . . . to see whats happening.
A little later (for the same social aggregate):

OK, at 5:30, they kicked us out of the Community Center. In the Community Center, there was no one there any longer! So, we get together, us young people, and hang out, doing what? Talking bullshit.
Let us note that the site of specic concern is the entrance to the Community Center, a well-circumscribed site, and yet one confused with the whole establishment both by the young people and by those who feel excluded therefrom. We have some symmetrical synecdoches, but also a series of generalizations: the young, on the one hand, they or one on the other. It clearly follows that, in the main, appropriation is situated in the oppositions and not in the system of mutual recognitions that is always approximative and situated off center. Ultimately, the series of counterappropriations encountered in the course of ones walks tends to become simplied and to be schematized for economys sake. Various territorial occupations of different natures are grouped around a common quality. Thus, dogs and children are assigned to one and the same process of appropriation that arises from counterappropriations by the adults who kick them out of the house:
People have animals; they have children: its the same thing. They put them out in the morning, and for the whole day!
The rhetoric of ones walks therefore seems to proceed with as much excess in its signiers as in its signieds. Of all the quotations reported, of all the expressions coming from inhabitants concerning the processes of counterappropriation, none proved correct in an objective examination of reality in general. The confrontation of various appropriations assigned to one and the same site, as well as that of the various sites attributed to the appropriation of one and the same group, tends to cancel
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out differences. When a group declares itself to be excluded, it is not necessarily the one that the occupying group rejects. Either the observer spots the relation between appropriated sites and the groups who appropriate and will then, while establishing the limits and at the same time setting the facts straight, give an account of the instantaneous system he has identied, or one trusts the inhabitants narratives and then becomes witness to the manifestation of extreme expressions of what arises in the everyday existence of social aggregates. In this sense, movements of appropriation are expressed only through a propensity to diminish differentiations or, quite the contrary, to heighten [amplier] them. The arrangement of signierswhat walking gures expressinto a stable organizational structure generally applicable to a territorial whole thenceforth becomes more and more improbable. An inventory of the state of appropriations that would end up representing everyday life as a system of relations of force would constantly have to temper the excesses of signication, moderate rhetorical effects, nd abstract middle terms between these expressions that singularly heighten the force of their competition, nally reduce the contradictory particularizations that go into a given space, and allow the appearance of only one predominant signier. Yet, for the benet of a system of appropriation that is, moreover, always incomplete and always to be modied again, one would be rendering the force that moves appropriation insignicant and makes the study of its nature incidental. Through the decisive weight of its dynamic feature, the fourth rule of the code of appropriation marks the limit point of the study of pedestrian signiers in terms of combinatory structure. It calls for a choice between the analysis of a system of relations of force and the study of expressive force. Fourth Rule of the Code of Appropriation:
The movement of appropriation takes on specicity and is apprehended under the modality of a force of variable degree. The quality of the appropriation is to be assessed in terms of the force of competing counterappropriations.
Up to the present time, the play of such competition has manifested itself in three basic modes. With the appearance of the dynamic factor, one begins to suspect now that these modes are dialectical relations:
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a dialectic in which appropriations and counterappropriations oppose one another and that produces identications and differentiations in a connected way; a dialectic between space and the rst dialectic as concerns the movements of appropriation; it transforms space through change and anticipation; a third dialectical form in which one sees oppositions between walking practices of appropriation and verbal generalizations (coming under the heading of representation and of the reproduction of systematic classications). Nonetheless, we are still unfamiliar with the overall movement that brings about these antagonisms. It will become possible to afrm that it really is a matter of a dialectic only once our examination of the nature of the forces of appropriation and counterappropriation has been completed. Inhabitant activity displays still other properties that allow us to advance in our understanding of this force; and, as a matter of fact, such properties cannot be integrated into a systems model that tends toward closure. This is the resolutely disruptive function of everyday events and the fundamental role of spatial deconstruction.
The Differentiating Event

Although appropriation and counterappropriation would be liable to appearances and disappearances, regular reappearances at different moments, and also prolonged absences, one discovers, if not some permanency, at least a persistency in the qualication of spatial relations. Thanks to this, such and such a social aggregate can infer the existence of other aggregates. Subgroups must really have a tendency to be insistent in their way of manifesting themselves, which thereby allows recognition of them and a presentiment of them in their minimal identity. Already qualied by their assignments of a group to a space, and vice versa, appropriations are also qualied by a marking to which they refer and which, moreover, species them. One thus nds, through these
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narratives of ones walks, a concomitance between the manifest force of an appropriation and the memory of an event. Appropriations persist all the more when the irruptive force of the event has created a greater impression. One question posed to the inhabitants was aimed at knowing what they had felt to be events in the neighborhood since their arrival. Now here, two classes of events appear: on the one hand, more or less foreseeable changes in the collective space, the best example of which is the creation of the market, but also the openings of various sectors of activity or consumption (library, self-service restaurant); on the other hand, unforeseeable accidents that happened to individuals or groups, like the park affair (Red Square), the childrens carnival, collective celebrations (Bastille Day, stairwell or oor meetings), ghts or violent conicts whose nature is well encapsulated in the expression of one female inhabitant: Its not every day that there are things like that. The varieties of events are to be distinguished rst of all by the duration of the event. The creation of the market was an event that lasted ve or six months; the diffuse force of its impact and its nature, which was judged to be pleasant by all, authorize a collective appropriation on the scale of the entire neighborhood. Ways of inhabiting space change smoothly through the fashioning of a common usage deemed suitable to all. The market opened Saturday, one female inhabitant recounts,
and I nd that its good, really good. The rst few days, there were some musicians. . . . Did you see them? I sensed something intimate. There are many people who know each other. Afterward, you get used to it.
By way of contrast, the carnival and the ghts, though of inverse moral value, are both of short duration. And yet their strains or their din have a lastingly resounding effect upon the way one conducts oneself at such and such a moment, in this or that place, or opposite one or another subgroup. A child thus exclaims:
There was the carnival! There was the Archi brass band. I really like brass bands. And then a big dragon; that was neat. Everyone was in disguise. [ . . . ] I knew that the market was going to happen, though I didnt know about the carnival.
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One inhabitant living near the caf says:

For a while, it was a disaster. One night there was a ght. Everything was broken! I was listening; I got goose bumps because of it. Yet, I was up above, huh? . . . Now, you can no longer go to this bar. Theres practically nothing but Algerians.
The marking of the appropriation or of the counterappropriation proves in that case to be much stronger and more memorable. The recognition of the identity of the subgroup authoring the event or the difference tends to be heightened, and to persist longer, as one sees when relating the tracings of ones walks to the narrative of events.15 Between events that include an expected change and irruptive events, the synecdoches are reversed. Taking on a form of appropriation that affects the neighborhood as a whole, the market in fact alters only a part of the space and the practice of a quite particular moment of everyday life. Having arisen in some corner of the neighborhood, ghts acted out and lived out by a small number of inhabitants tend to heighten the differentiations among groups and to mark in a lasting and memorable way ones relation to this space or to that group; each time ones path approaches the site, one recognizes the group. Morphogeneses differ in their effect. Certain events rst alter space set aside for public use; others rst alter ones way of being in the space. Appropriations and counterappropriations stand out in a much stronger and more differentiating way in the second case. Eventfulness is an operator of difference that shakes up spatial appearances because it contrasts the wholly singular marking of a time of its own with the duration of the everyday. Even more than that, events of a similar nature (moped treks, the passing by of gangs, altercations as well as neighborhood celebrations) do not resound in the same way in all cases and do not enter with equal importance into the lived experience of ones habitat. Some groups of inhabitants attempt to attenuate the irruptive features of the event, to gloss over the effect of a break. The style of their narrative abounds in incidental clauses of the following type: that happens so often or it hardly surprises people anymore. Alone, two or three events will seem inordinate, inconceivable. Other inhabitants, by way of contrast, look for anything that shatters
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the commonly held image of the living spaces in the neighborhood and anything that builds up a tension therein. All sorts of events then become for them levers for difference. Eventfulness is creative of differentiation under several headings. Each time an event occurs, a difference is brought into play (until the point of rupture) via the tension it generates among ways of homogenizing time, ways of repeating the space in ones memory habits, and ways of shaking up spatial repetition and chronometry through the enhancement of irruptive moments, through the hyperbole of the memory of one time. Eventfulness differentiates, within a spatial whole, via the synecdoche of fragments that are rendered exceptionally singular and that will never again be as they were before and, for a long time, never anything other than the suddenly marked site. The third difference is the collective effect of the rst two. Depending on the strength of the impression and the nature of the interpretation of the event, some groups of inhabitants differentiate themselves from other groups through an identication in their same treatment of what is memorable; they have similar ways of fashioning the event. Fifth Rule of the Code of Appropriation:
The forces of appropriations and counterappropriations vary in direct proportion to the impact and persistence of the marking performed by the eventful memory.
Whence a twofold consequence regarding the various ways of understanding the process of differentiation in everyday life. Assuming that the code of appropriation could be classied as a system, it would not be a closed system in which the contiguities between identied elements would persist in terms of the permanency of the differences involved but, rather, a system open to change, and even to disturbances of unforeseeable effect. A second consequence follows: only if we take into account the unforeseen eventualities brought about by nonchronometric time can we clarify the nature of the dialectical movement through which appropriations and counterappropriations articulate lived collective relationsin other words, in what sense this movement, as retention of the other as other in the same, is differance.16
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Appropriation via Dislocation [Non-lieu]

After the reversal of the hegemony of simultaneity and of purely spatial determinants that is performed through the manifestation of the force of time and of memory, there subsists an ultimate instantiated principle, one that is quite active in the appropriations recounted to us by the inhabitants. Present in the processes of heightening, of anticipation, and of synecdoche, it never is observed directly from the site [lieu] itself but, rather, from its negation. The topos in which it is willingly incorporated is the discourse that circulates among the inhabitants, and rather through snatches than in an organized manner. Beyond synecdoche, the gures it prefers are the metathesis of quality, hyperbole, staggered polysemy, anaphora, and paralipsis. This instantiated principle, which is imaginary in nature, may be detected rst of all in the rumor, most often disturbing in nature, that envelops this or that site. It is always connoted by a certain dose of fascination, even when one wants to treat hearsay disdainfully. Several inhabitants thus begin by saying that the rumors are not to be believed. Nevertheless, they dread trips at night, by prudence on their part or because of a lack of self-assurance in case some unfortunate and unforeseen thing might happen; it is the gallery as a whole that becomes a fearful place, to use the expression of one female inhabitant. Other inhabitants alter or cancel their trips solely on the basis of what they have heard others recount.
I was haunted by this return trip. At night, the galleries, its like a labyrinth. A lot of things have been said: the gangs, the attacks, the people you wouldnt want to associate with. Also, I refuse a bit to see people, since I fear that they would scare me with their gossip.
In the exemplary case of staggered polysemy,17 one sees the elevator become loaded up with one signication after another. Behind or at the end of these signications, imaginary extensions borne by rumors unfailingly appear.
People recount a lot of things about the elevators. . . . Its true that that encourages a lot of things.
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One no longer knows, in the end, whether the series is ordered by the mood of the imaginary or terminates, as if accidentally, with imaginable evocations of things to come. However, the ease with which images drawn from bestiaries or science ction are superimposed upon all the signications of restriction, tension, and worried collusions and encompass them leads one to think that these signications are quite often only the instrumental delegates for an unavowable imaginary expression. It is a matter less of a counterappropriation than of an appropriation in which social differences are easily confused and which, taking the detour into the imaginary, derealizes the merely spatial dimension of the site. That elevator cab suspended at the end of a cable and making its destiny-led hazardous voyage no longer encloses anything but the disturbing, the threatening, and the fatal. Thus:
People are monstrously scared of the doors; they believe its a vise that is going to crush them. Youre trapped like wild animals there; you know: Bam!
Everyday observation shows that, inside the elevator, verbal exchanges and dramatic evocations are set into gear on the basis of noises. Some of the elevators do indeed emit metallic scraping sounds worthy of a Scottish castle: an infernal noise heralds its arrival. Jokes about exorcism or exclamations verging on panic inaugurate the process of communication and explicit collective appropriation in which memory of rumors is mixed with metallic rumblings. All the passengers sink into the same sense of imminent catastrophe. But the most dramatic images arise with the halt of the noise, at the point where one no longer knows whether one is moving or if one is stuck: you no longer hear anything; for me, its the start-up of the gas chamber. The site is then completely cut off from the environment and anything becomes possible, provided that it would be the worst. Thus, certain spaces that are lived in a mode impregnated with the imaginary tend to lose their nature as a site inserted into a laid-out and developed spatiogeometric context. The process stems from the effect of an excessive division owing to synecdoche and from the effect of a derealization of the representations and recollections of visible space. What is heard, whether collective rumor or disturbing noise, covers over and deconstructs the visual realm, which ordinarily is predominant.
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One no longer sees the elevator, or the caf, or the mezzanine where the development plan has situated them; imaginary instantiated principles metamorphose their reference to the situation. Such an appropriation via dislocation is always inserted into the complex web of pedestrian movement, which follows the rhythm of singular events. A sequential attempt to take ones bearings by distinguishing spatiotemporal fragments one by one would never allow such an appropriation to be seen. In this sense, the abrupt silence of the elevator is particularly dramatic, for the preceding occurrence of the disturbing noise had already absorbed the entire lived experience of the atmosphere. The dislocation is often of what is heard, noises or words. And yet one already has a presentiment of other varieties of atopic congurationin the sense that the geometrically constructed space collapsesin various walking gures. First of all, there is the metamorphosis of spatial determinants in hyperbole.18 The dreamlike appropriation of a site makes it lose its real spatial context and tends to give it out as the totality, presented under the heading of a preeminent quality. Thus, the mound does not correspond to a part of the park as the latter was laid out; it recovers and symbolizes the dreamlike quality belonging to the park. Through an imaginary evocation, the staircase inside the apartment derealizes ones lodging and removes it from the context of the high-density housing complex: With this staircase, youd think you were going back into a small private home. These types of appropriation are hardly based on oppositions. Rather, they draw their strength within the confused cathexis of reproduced attitudes and image patterns: the solitary dreamer; ones desire for a single-unit home. Eminently singular, such a dislocation, such a nonplace is never totally dissociated from the commonplace or from what is named the collective imaginary. In anaphora and paralipsis,19 gures that may be compared by the presence within each of fascination and that write en route a prudent besieging of a site or its delayed avoidance, dislocation corresponds to what could happen. The increased force of attraction imaginarily projected into a site that thereby becomes fascinating comes to reinforce ones persistent imagining of possibilities, and one thereby nds one
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has a hard time diverting ones steps. Beyond de facto differentiation (being rejected), these gures signify delayed identication, as well. This is what one assumes about alien appropriation, about which one cannot make oneself indifferent. That is the nature of the fascination one encounters in ones walks. Frequenting the bordering areas or lingering around there is equivalent to sketching out already the projected appropriation. Indeed, the imaginary component in the force that moves appropriation gives one last dimension to the signication of the processes of asyndeton and synecdoche. The division and the deformation of the laid-out and developed space are accompanied by a derealization of the relation between sites and the overall spatial context. The intention of this clearly and distinctly composed reality, which presupposes territorial homogeneity, is to situate every everyday practice within the context of the geographic whole. Such referencing is put in check by the phenomena of rupture, delay, anticipation, and impregnation by the imaginary. The dialectic of appropriations and counterappropriations refers to the lived spatiotemporal situation and not to spatiogeometric representation, which this dialectic returns to its originary abstractness. Sixth Rule of the Code of Appropriation:
The process of everyday appropriation of a built-up and developed space implies a derealization of this space. Collective ways of being in space do not necessarily privilege the visual order, but also that of the audible, of the tangible, and of the imaginable, all three of these instantiated principles being very active in this deconstruction.
Conclusion in the Form of a Bifurcation Obsolescence of the Notion of Appropriation and Splitting of the Signification of the Code of Appropriation
The code of appropriation is very much the result of a dialectical movement. This dynamism, whose nature had earlier called for further clarications,20 is a force of negation, of subversion of what are taken to be self-evident territorial facts. The essence of collective life in an
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urban setting is to be dened not only through the lived experience of oppositions of one social group to another, but also by a constant tension between constructed spatiality handed over for use and the rhetorical deconstruction of this space, which is done in favor of the expression of styles of inhabiting. Nothing is ever denitively settled or decided in such a play of oppositions. Reproduced by the dominant representations of functional use, territorial appearance resists; the inhabitants enunciate it in terms of having, of ownership, of spatial boundaries, of territorial solidity. This resistance is incorporated into all the effects of encoding that tend to have some permanency. The effects of decoding, or of counterappropriation, each time express, in their movement of negation, the reality of an ever renewed dynamic. In other words, one day or another, the apparent appropriation of territory is denied, but, in other respects, it is absorbed and preserved21 in order to be used in some new spatiotemporal conguration. Also, the code of appropriation concerns just as much the social organization as the disorganization of space. It can serve two readings. The term code therefore takes on two signications. On the one hand, the play of encodings and decodings gives itself out to be a system of explanation of collective life over a space that has become the stake in a conictual afrmation of groups and social aggregates. Yet we are dealing here with a code of effects, of signs of differentiation and identication. For, on the other hand, there exists a rhetorical code, or metacode, which is for us the condition of possibility for the other one. The moments of its emergence form a discrete sequence that reduplicates the succession of codings and decodings carried out in appropriated sites. This repeated effort of destructurationwhich is possible one day or anotherof every coded and apparently appropriable space undoubtedly becomes apparent only through careful modal analysis. In conformity with this perspective and despite the systematic appearance of a statement of rules, the sequence of the six noteworthy forms of appropriation that have been presented has nothing of an enumeration of explanatory laws about it. If such were the case, the exposition would be but a feeble contribution to the problematic of social codes, which has, moreover, already been skillfully developed in the eld of contemporary scientic knowledge. Its sole interest would then be to
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propose an ever more critical analysis of the pseudoconcept of appropriation, which has already been used and abused so much. Indeed, we have seen how appropriation afrms itself only through its own negation. From the rst to the sixth, each form of appropriation outstrips the preceding one through a repeated dialectical process. At the outset, the possibility of the gap is announced by the indication of the impact the name has on the site. It is then that territorial constants are uidied, movement renders the apparent structure shaky, rhetorical force (through excess, immoderation) rattles systematic representation, and what is singularly memorable breaks up spatial permanenciesto the point where the site itself is derealized. The sixth rule offers the nal explanation of what the preceding ones had only approached. Even more than that, it introduces a decisive rift into the reading of the codes signications. We were expecting that these signifying pedestrian congurations (the gures of walking) would be pregnant with a body of well-connected signieds and that this body would be surrounded by the now quite dubiousname of code of appropriation. Here, signication is split in two: on the one hand, it denotes; on the other hand, it connotes. Denotation brings to light the organization of the appropriation of the space by aggregates of inhabitants in the form of an unstable structure that is always being called back into question. Connotation refers us back to something else; it indicates the structuration itself, the code-producing movement. Inhabitant rhetoric produces a strange division of Meaning. Two signications run alongside each other, one of which ends up expressing the social constitution of an inhabited space, the other of which is the return of meaning upon its own power to signify. Undoubtedly, the rst signication will seem to be the sole one acceptable. Our taste for clarity and univocality will tell us again and again that every signier has to be pregnant with a different and unique signied. The examination of the rhetoric of ones walks would then be but the stylistic study of the contemporary situation of being housed in town. Nevertheless, the second signication points to the possibility of an inhabiting power. As tenuous as it might be, we want to spin the web of
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this power at the point where scientic knowledge, preoccupied as it is with the massive forms of causality (production of space, social reproduction), would see only anecdote.
The Third Meaning of Rhetoric: An Inhabitant Expression

Would inhabitant rhetoric not signify itself? Occupied with conguring the habitable, would it not express at the same time its own powers? Behind its cautious and submissive appearances, ambulatory practice is also capable of avoiding the trap of making a clear distinction between signier and signied as well as that of asserting their necessary correspondence. So, does not rhetorical analysis, which distinguishes a signifying body and a signied body, bring out the expressive movement at work in everyday life? Because it knows how to express more than one signied as well as to express itself, this pedestrian irony scrambles signication and overows the bounds of such an analysis. After having served the purpose of rhetorical analysis, pedestrian irony marks its limits. Several phenomena of noteworthy importance bear witness to this. These phenomena also raise as many questions. Let us recall them here. 1. The entire signication of ones walks is shot through with the processes of asyndeton and synecdoche. These processes affect as much its signied side as its signifying side, because, already being essential conditions for the conguration of everyday sites, they persist in the code of appropriation (the events derealization of the spatial context, the memorable, dislocation, and qualitative overdetermination of a site). Discontinuity and the overowing of the partial onto the whole are the signier and the signied at the same time. Whence comes such an excessive power? 2. Ambulatory practice refers to the space as it is laid out and developed only by derealizing it. Even more than that, it increases the confusion22 by purposely granting more than one signied to a signier. This polysemy clouds and clutters up the representation of so112
cial space, which would like to have univocal codes. The imaginary is probably not alien to this upheaval inicted upon a too well constructed reality. Where does this imaginary come from? Under what heading does it intervene, in so impertinent a manner, within the eld of signications? 3. Nonchronometric time has intervened each time the qualication of sites is diverted from being a simple play of spatial relations. As early as our examination of combinatory gures, as early as the third form of the code of appropriation, lived time was taking on increasing importance. It inserts itself into polysemous gures,23 as well as into the delaying process of anaphora, or into the time taken to congure metabole. It takes the forms of memory and eventful resonance when the code of appropriation is inected in a decisive way. Nonetheless, its action still seems subordinate and instrumental. It is again only the antithesis of spatiality, a rhetorical effect. The topographical simultaneity of a map charting everyday trips will obviously tell us nothing about the lived experience of the walk. Yet the coordinated stream of the organization of walking gures seems to sweep inhabitants into perpetual movement. Nothing has appeared of the pauses, halts, and temporary or prolonged visits that either punctuate ones walks or terminate them. If what is suffered and what is acted are never absolutely dissociated from each other in ones ways of walking, perhaps these two do not take great care only to characterize one walk as especially acted or another as especially suffered. Might it be that ones general style of walking in indifferent fashion as well as a walking style that acts through difference and variation do not exclude, in any of their moments, an articulation from the absent to the present, from the acted to the suffered, from movement to pause, from accelerating to slowing down? Of time, rhetorical analysis will have listed only the noteworthy effects brought into play through the movement of everyday life. Everything that is displayed as rhythmic in the movement of ones appropriations and walks has thereby also been reduced. The evocation of time here has left us nothing to understand about temporality. Walking in town again becomes a given that can be analyzed
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in itself. And the act of walking seems to arise from the movement traced by steps taken without a body. 4. What status is there for signication that will nally account for articulatory and rhythmic phenomena? Our study of styles has shown how the close connection between the expresser and the expressed becomes overloaded and how excesses in expression, emphasis, and hyperbole are added thereto. This expressionism outstrips the semantic suitability or equivalency required by prosaic signication, the kind that always intends the proper meaning and the unique meaning (univocality). Often, walking gures connote more than they denote, and sometimes, so excessively that they will seem irrational, including thereby too much that is implicit, too much that is unsayable. In each of them, this gure of silences and suspension pointsasyndetonmaintains its vigil, ever ready to reject unity in favor of the plural, the total in favor of the scattered. Shattering the order of dualisms, it makes it possible for a plurality of meanings to ourish. If, beyond the signier and the signied, the third meaning of the activity of inhabiting (signifying oneself) merits some attention, one must stray from a discourse that is too obstinate to distinguish terms two by two, either in the language belonging to the laid-out and developed space (whole and part, container and contained, space and time) or in the language about the practice of this space (acted and suffered, writing and reading, signifying and signied). Without that, the movement of expression will always fall to pieces. The rhetoric of ones walks has demonstrated the possibility of an inhabiting power. Yet, too tied to the order of signication, it cannot truly attest to the existence of this power, nor can it comprehend its nature. The issue of the status of expression must now be taken up, because what is now in question is also the power of an inhabitant expression. How, through the whole of everyday rhetorical activity, can inhabitants express themselves and express their own power?
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The Body of Inhabitant Expression
To return to things themselves is to return to that world which precedes knowledge, of which knowledge always speaks, and in relation to which every scientic schematization is an abstract and derivative sign-language, as is geography in relation to the countryside in which we have learnt beforehand what a forest, a prairie, or a river is. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception
The study of inhabitant rhetoric succeeds all too well. The steps had left traces, stigmata, which permitted the excavation and exhumation of something expressed that is obscure and yet marked by everydayness. As if it were some unknown townwhich is here a metaphorical town, the subtext of built-up appearanceshere the coherent organization of pedestrian tracks1 that will satisfy our demand for knowledge has been brought to light. Is it not to be regretted that, by retracing too well its structure, by classifying too well its gures, the act of structurationthe movement of congurationhas faded away and now escapes us? The geography of our travels dulls the taste for landscapes we nevertheless inhabit. Is inhabitant expression never but a play of effects, of marks afxed upon the space? Or will one be able to tell how these steps had a body, how they signed simply a presence in space capable of a broader-based expressiveness that is also pregnant with other powers? Already, we had noted a stylistic homology between the narratives recounted by the inhabitants and their spatial practices. Do not narrative style and ambulatory style emanate from a more encompassing style
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T H E B O D Y O F I N H A B I TA N T E X P R E S S I O N
of being that engages and commits the whole of our experience of the everyday world? And is not this experience rooted in a lived immediacy, of which we have related only its winding trajectories? The question of the body of expression invites one to rediscover the experience of the body before knowledge,2 before the mediation of relations of signication. We shall reawaken this experience of the world by rereading the inhabitants narratives in another manner. The pregnancy of their everyday atmospheres and the immediacies of their sensorimotor activity will be our Ariadnes thread.
Climatic Pregnancy
What is one to name this set of impressions that surround the lived instant? Climate, ambiance, atmosphere? The rst designation has a meteorological ring to it. The second conjures up too much the idea of some articially-produced contrivance (creating an ambiance, mood music [musique dambiance]). The third wavers between the meaning given to it in gaseous physics, Arlettys memorable intonations in Htel du Nord, and the indulgent smile of knowing arrogance, persuaded that such an object is ungraspable, unclassiable, psychologically too complex, and sociologically too triing. We shall be less attached to words3 than to the reality they surround, each one in its own way. Indeed, the climate of this or that moment of everyday life always takes on a capital importance for the inhabitants we have questioned. Not easily identiable, it is quite appropriately felt through an immediate sensory experience. Abortive expressions, imprecise periphrases, suspension points: in language, climate is not separated from its preperceptual characters. Yet how many avoidances, how many redundancies are there in ones walks; how many stops and stays are explained by the pregnancy of a sites atmosphere.4 How does one avoid for long a site that is nevertheless deserted, where the striking event that has marked it no longer has timely relevance? Why persist in besieging a site into which one cannot really penetrate? Is the obstinate repetition of certain trips just a constant treading over the same ground, when weather and light are always changing, be they ever so slightly? Like
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collective presences, built forms are never given in strict permanency and rigorous identity. Altered, transformed, present although (really) absent, they become what reasonable acquaintance would call unreal. They are incorporated, in fact, into the climatic, the pathic, into a certain atmosphere that envelops the ways one inhabits, the force of which, sometimes being very restrictive, always helps to qualify the actions of everyday life. In the sense that climate overdetermines, it could be called something surreal. By virtue of their nature, everyday atmospheric phenomena are a discouragement to every expository device that would try to dene them and classify them in an exhaustive manner. Because they are lived in their sensorial immediacy, they certainly could be subdivided in line with the ve senses and the proprioceptive senses. But the various types of sensation often become entangled. And while certain expressions of inhabitants relate only what is feltthe pathicmost add thereto an actual or an anticipated motor dimension. The acted and the suffered introduce themselves from the start and simultaneously. We shall therefore attempt to sketch some lines of force for the pregnancy of the atmospheres involved in the lived experience of ones walks. How is inhabited space to be qualied on the basis of climates and how, through the latter, does the wholly unique relation of the acted to the suffered manifest itself? The identication of sites on the basis of their climatic characters5 bears on very different units, the smallest ones being ones lodging or a part of ones lodging, the largest verging on the neighborhood itself. Here are two extreme examples:
At sixty-eight years old, one lives at home in ones atmosphere; the rest doesnt interest us. When arriving at the Arlequin, one is no longer on the alert, that mind-set one has when one is in town. In relation to the noise, one is more sensitized in town; one is kept on ones toes. Here, you feel at home; theres no more danger.
A climate seems to be perceived clearly only through a play of differences. Thus, a sensation can take on a quite particular, or hitherto nonexistent, nuance and intensity, suddenly surging forth and rendering a site clearly distinct from the spatial whole.
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The second type of differentiation comes almost exclusively under the heading of the olfactory realm. Those odors that rise up as if by magica surprise that things would still be avorfuland that are endowed with the gift of literally enveloping passersby qualify the atmosphere all the more when they are impalpable, unstable, vanishing when one would like to smell them, obstinately hovering around when one would like to ignore them. An inhabitant clearly identies one passageway by the odor of the wall coating but smells nothing in her own one, whereas the odor is the same. The power of olfactory selection exerts itself all the more when the scents are foreign, rare, or unexpected, thus leading people to say things like, In the morning, theres a smell of bread near the bakers! or Near number 50, theres spicy cooking, like down south, or It smells . . . it smells like the kind of cooking I dont do! When they are the sign of the times, odors relate less specically to denite objects. They will then be messengers of seasonal cycles: There is a certain odor now. . . . Maybe its the summer. Some evenings, the wind from the southwest brings unpleasant chlorine smells that suddenly insert the whole neighborhood back into an urban setting where industry is once again a lived presence. The weather takes a turn, and this rotation lets the manufactured, anti-nature side, which one would like to forget, become apparent: Youd really like there to be more of a smell of owers. The sweet-smelling or foul-smelling character of the atmosphere punctuating ones travels and enveloping the moments of ones stays plays a minor role in the representation of everyday life. Olfactiona sense that is so well developed, it is said, among our distant ancestors from shing- and hunting-based civilizationsbecomes today the most neglected of senses, the deepest buried. The lexicon of olfactory adjectives is probably the most impoverished one in our language. At the same time, and not fortuitously, evocations of smells are hardly ever accompanied by hints of motor responses. This sensorial form remains the most accidental of characters, the most incidental, the most unforeseen of the everyday world, the one that manifests itself the least willingly in ones memory of inhabiting. On the other hand, climatic differentiation through ones other sensory modes easily interweaves sensations at the mere transmutation of
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an adjective. Let us reread a page from the notebook of a schoolgirl.6 The trips leading to the junior high school and those leaving therefrom that morning were undertaken unenthusiastically. How are they qualied? By a climate transcribed in adjectival expressions: I was afraid, I was very hot, we were sad, without any enthusiasm, I was sick to my stomach. Everything blends into the same character, that of a lousy morning, as one might say. And no part of her everyday chores could be avoided: I didnt really want to go there; this is the wish for ight that will come true only in the evening: I went home, happy. Various sensations are mixed together, but nothing truly is canceled out. Everything complements the rest and everything is reduplicated. These walks tracing out a ne example of metabole are all the more feverish as the object of her worry that particular morning was unavoidable. Nothing specic describes this detrimental site (the junior high school) that is nevertheless willingly frequented at other times; for, it becomes then uninhabitable, almost a nonplace, and wholly absorbed in the world of this feverish ight that would have wished to annihilate it.7 A climatic quality is deliberately expressed through a mixture of sensations. Thus, cold will characterize, through a series of slippages, ones relations with the other, the felt effect of the temperature, and the tactile reception of the wind. Its sad to say, one inhabitant notes,
but it happens to me for whole days at a time not to . . . without seeing someone. Even if I do encounter some people I know, we dont talk for long. . . . Not that it could be said that one would establish right away . . . Because its cold. . . . Yes, I nd that its because its cold. Its a bit windy.
Likewise, the air signies equally a certain current of air, the absence of a roof (unlimited vertical dimension), and the absence of walls or pillars. Depending on this or that meaning, the act of getting some air or being out in the air differentiates ones lodging from the gallery, or the passageway from the gallery, or yet again the gallery from the open-air zones. Between the passageway and the gallery, it is said,
there is a tiny difference . . . in the sense of being out in the air or not out in the air; a bit like the difference between being inside the buildings or outside.
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Thus, in the climate of such a moment of everyday life, the diverse sensations of nature come together and give to the inhabited world a quite particular atmosphere that transforms the apparent immobility of the architecture. At the Arlequin, all the inhabitants talk about the wind, a pool [bain] of air currents that envelops and passes through one, bidding one to stay under cover or else to hasten ones steps. The whole gallery becomes a whistling and, as a matter of fact, striking8 landscape that rushes toward you too quickly; it seems to take a long time to step through it. And this confrontation with the wind is no more epic than the upheavals one feels with variations in the seasons, meteorological changes, and the nychthemeral cycle. Night can conjure up many phantasms.9 The same malleability of a new order in which articial shadows and lights follow sidelong one after the other is burdened with threats regularly waiting in ambush at every pylon, at every corner. At night, the gallery becomes smaller, narrower. This fear is sometimes tempered by the calm silence and by the magic of the lights. Rainy weather prompts the same ambiguity of affects. Felt through the cold and the dampness, rain will precipitate some into solitary ight10 but will give others a taste for the convenience, even the poetry, of the gallery, which has become a genuine dwelling. Indeed, with the gallery, when it rains, no need for an umbrella, its pleasant; you can do your shopping in your slippers, and then, there are really bright colors. Let us be even more specic. Urban atmospheres are born in the crisscrossing of multiple sensations. In this immediate experience of the world, the rain, the wind, and the night hardly have any value of their own. What the inhabitant retains therefrom is the raininess, the windiness, the fearfulness, that is to say, the affective tonality. Thus, raininess (coldness, dampness, desire for shelter) will qualify the lived world in that very moment. An everyday ambiance takes on a consistency on the basis of a focusing, of a valuing of one element in the environment that will symbolize and reduplicate in an expressive way the atmosphere in which one is bathed [baigne]. There is a reduplication of urban sites, as Pierre Sansot says.11 This color or that coldness will set the tone for all the rest of the sensations and will even enlist, as if by a never extinguished resonance, cultural images, social representations, and ideological reexes. Here is one example from the world of sound. North
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African music, which is heard rising up on hot summer nights and wakes up the inhabitants of one cove around midnight, often exacerbates feelings of expropriation or injury (injuria, in the sense of ethnic illegality). But for certain inhabitants, an indulgent sense of satisfaction that theres a party is awakened at the same time. And perhaps those people are lulled back to sleep with dreams of an unavowed exoticism. Moreover, collective presences can by themselves alone create characteristic climates. Boisterous invasion or teeming games when the last school bell of the day rings, jostlings and crowdings at the foot of the elevators at these same times, lascivious or bustling times in the market areathese are so many different atmospheres that the auditory and the visual, sometimes the tactile, and more rarely the olfactory senses make one feel and that can bring on opposing kinds of conduct: pursuit or ight. This boils down to saying that the extreme diversity in the nature of atmospheres and in the way in which they alter the style of ones walks calls for an inexhaustible number of descriptions. Climatic and pathic phenomena seem therefore to have become diversied into a limitless pluralism. And yet, climates and atmospheres are continually instructive, in that they render explicit and explain the qualitative resonance of everyday lived experiences. The same goes for atmospheres that are as peaceful and dull as they are unsayable, those that are unremarkable, those that are repetitive and wherein one day looks like another, and those that one inhabitant labels gray days [griseurs]. And such a gray day also deforms and anamorphoses, as through a mirror whose silvering has crumbled away, the ephemeral monumentality of housing spaces. Here, then, we have a rst form of derealization of the built world as it is handed over for use. Here it is that, over the days one lives ones life, an unmeasured separation redistributes the produced space. One term returns over and over again in the interviews, as if it would be the main criterion by which the various atmospheres are to be differentiated from one another: the inhabitable, which is dened by the possibility of dwelling, of coming to a stop. Through the climates of everyday life, inhabiting and walking take on the same lived meaning. There are walks that inhabit certain sites and other ones that do not inhabit them. The
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sole difference is this: one must really carry out trips directed by the demands of usage. But as one female inhabitant says, those sites one walks alongside (rather than traverses, for everything slips into indifference, if not into a precipitous effort to be nished with them as quickly as possible) cannot be called spots. A spot would be, in this sense, a site that is appropriable under the sky of an inhabitable atmosphere, that is to say, a site in which one could stop. Visiting is possible there; there, one walks willingly. The climatic allows one to understand how walking and inhabiting refer to each other. Indeed, it envelops every moment of everyday life and is its sky, its horizon. At the same time, it shows how styles of being, styles of inhabiting and walking, are qualied within a habitat-space. It is an impression, one might say, in both senses of the term: what is felt and what is imprinted.12 It encompasses in this way both the acted and the suffered, the reading and writing of ones walks, the static presence of the architectural and the deformation of this built world. The still too brief examination we have been carrying out of this climatic condition allows one to discover two hitherto neglected dimensions: that of dwelling, of stopping, and of pausing, on the one hand, and that of motor movements, on the other.
Sensorial Hyperboles and Anticipations

Thus, all that seemed structural in rhetorical analysis begins to take on bodily shape in a movement of structuration: the shaping of the inhabited world on the basis of climatic quality. From this point of view, the dichotomies between given (built) and lived, between acted and suffered, between the world of objects and that of subjects, my presence and that of others nd themselves shaken up and tend to become like each other. It would be wise, therefore, to nd out on what common ground such nonexclusive disjunctions are possible. But rst, we may ask, how do these compenetrations occur, how are these mutual assimilations organized, and how are they linked together? The inhabitants narratives allow it be understood that there exists a sort of excess of sensory experience. Such excess was condemned by
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the academic psychology of faculties because, from the standpoint of rational knowledge, each sense must remain in its proper receptive place and be, under the command of perception, free from error. But the old textbooks of Jansenist morality, which anathematized this overow of the senses, had perhaps better surmised their dynamic and Dionysian nature. Sense impressions already have a power that is to be understood only in accordance with the time involved. These excesses, these hyperboles, these surprising usurpations of synecdoche encountered in walking gures appear here once again through the discrete and scattered expressions of corporeal lived experience. The various sensations picked up in atmospheres tend to overow the site in which they should have been conned. For all the inhabitants questioned, the colors painted on the centralwestern facades of the Arlequin herald the fact that home approaches. The most oft-cited color is blue, a color that is nevertheless generally viewed as unpleasant: not very aesthetic, overwhelming, disturbing, a civil-defense blue that makes me sick, a blue that gives a paradoxical intensity to the look of the windows, which become darker by way of contrast (for, you dont see who might be looking). And yet seen from quite far away, this color already projects the inhabitant toward his site of rest. Blue becomes the signal13 of the still far-off environs of this neighborhood. Youre in the New Town as soon as you glimpse the blue from afar. However, up close, the preferred colors are the reds and oranges on the other facade, the one seen from the park side. Blue thus takes on a double meaning: from far off and from nearby, or even from ones abode. As lived in its tonality, it is split in two, depending on the inhabitants current conduct, depending, too, on what he is doing in such and such a place, and depending on what he is going to do. More than a signal, blue seen from afar acts like a character (and therefore a sign) on whose basis is created a new climate in which spatial forms, topical position, the time remaining for one to travel along ones path, the precise place of ones domicile, and the presence of other inhabitants all fuse together. It engenders a climate that ushers one in as one leaves behind oneself the town one has barely yet vacated. Feelings and attitudes nd themselves already altered, whereas the outer limits of the neighborhood have not yet been crossed. At the rst glimpse of
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the reading, the writingthat is to say, the action of inhabitingis already beginning. Would this be only a fore-seeing? Let us clarify without delay the peculiar status of the visual in urban atmospheres. The concept of readability, which is connected to that of the transparency of forms, comes very much under the heading of a plastic arts vision of habitat.14 The visual sense would be directed and led toward the most obvious signier, attracted necessarily by the spectacular dimension. Thus, from the top of its imposing wall, the blue cove so absorbs ones gaze that it turns that gaze into being-gazed-at. This seeing for the sake of seeing also rules over one of the ways in which one contemplates the parkwhich is simply looked at because it is pretty or even frequented solely via its belvederes15 and which, as beautiful, is precisely for that reason uninhabitable, unlivable.16 One young female inhabitant evokes with amusement how the postcard then becomes the ridiculous paradigm for nding ones bearings through sight.17 But fore-seeing is not only a view from afar and from on high. The topological confusion of colors is often noted because the climate of such and such a moment on ones path was well matched with a single tone. Some inhabitants thus cite colors on the facade that in fact are found on the ceiling of the gallery, and they add that this ceiling is not colored. Their fashioning of space is carried out in perceptual indistinction, in a preawareness of the most pregnant color that took the place of the sky under which they were strolling. In anticipatory fore-sight, motor reaction or action is implied. Let us cite the case of an inhabitant whose body suddenly becomes numb and ill at ease in a part of the gallery where, with those slabs of concrete, you dont see. Conversely, a young woman remarks that,
when one takes an octagonal trip, on a visual level . . . you see beforehand. . . . For example, before taking the turn, one already sees the garage or what is going to happen. . . . But, when you have a turn with a right angle, you already stop there, huh? Youre blocked by something that stops you, ahead. And for people, its the same thing. Its important . . . to see a larger space before oneself, to see people coming.
These two expressions do not refer to some spectacular form of objectication. They denote the concern one has to be able to tell in time what
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the future one will be traveling through is to be made up of, to have some sort of premonition of whether ones encounter with the other will be unforeseen or whether one will be able to ready oneself for it, as well as what walking gure one already has, or does not have, the power to sketch out (gure of redundancy or gure of avoidance). Sensoriality is doubly overowed. The senses encroach upon one another to such an extent that certain colors are expressed only through their form and certain forms only through the mediation of olfactory or tactile perceptions.18 Yet, on the other hand, the motor order is inserted within the sensorial order and works to select tangible qualities. A site will thus take on the tonality of the effort spent to travel through it. Someone will say:
Its the terrace that . . . you go up the stairs. . . . You must go up the stairs to get to the rst level.
Or:
On the terraces, the stairs are inconvenient. The steps are too long or too short. If you take two steps at a time, its too long. If you go up one by one, its too tiring. So, in general, I go by way of the smooth part.
The kinesthetic quality is antecedent to all others. The space is also fashioned when one stumbles around, prospecting the situation. In short, it is unknown which one precedes the other, what is suffered or what is acted. Sensed climates already sketch out the conduct of ones action. Spatial distances contract along with the time; the here and the there are narrowed into an already.19 Bearing witness to this are numerous expressions gleaned from inhabitants in which the description of sensorial experience is expressed through some motor conduct. Climates differ according to these various ways of passing through the park, which is so large in geometrical reality and yet soon crossed or apprehended only through the short promenades it offers for ones steps. The mounds are qualied essentially by an upward climbing movement and the tactile sensation of the grass. As for the terrace of the silo-garage, it has no meaning as a visual composition, for one is surprised by those rare plant stands, looking so ridiculous and so lonely, that are crushed by the high rectilinear facade assailing them. The collage of a meaningless decor superimposed upon a function to
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which it remains absolutely alien (roof of a silo for automobiles) and which it never succeeds in covering up was conceivable only according to the order of the plan. The meaning of the landscape composition appears only from on high, forty meters aloft. This terrace where adolescents are happy to hang out nds quite another meaning in the terms of ones lived motor experience: the stairs one can climb up, the recesses in which one can sit down, the spaces where the kids play, and, above all, the fact that it is a favorite inhabitable crossing area, even if sometimes a few worries are mixed in (the oppressing view from all the windows). Such is, however, very much the dynamic nature of the lived experience of inhabiting, which endlessly re-creates, in its own way, given spaces and preconceived uses. And in order to cast radically into doubt the received notion that rst we perceive and then we react,20 one must recall the ways in which the gure of bifurcation and that of digression arrange [dcident de] the space on the basis of the movement undertaken. When an inhabitant passes to the right or to the left of obstacles set in the middle of his path, any rationalization of ones conduct comes only after the fact. Motor function decides when ones foresight allows itself to be surprised. This was also the wholly preconscious way in which inhabitants stepped over the holes created in the walls that hold up the gallery.21 Let us listen to their silences as well as to their utterances: Sometimes, I nd myself in front of . . . and I pass through. The three suspension points denote perfectly well the immediacy from feeling to moving. Between the feeling and the movement, there is no antecedence, nor any consequence. The motor act does not follow the sensation, nor does it precede it. Anticipation makes what is still far off feel close. And already, the movement is sketched out. Such sketches are reactivated at certain moments in the narrations we have heard, as when the inhabitant, no longer nding words of his own to recount what happens during a trip, draws on a scrap of paper, congures something through a gesture, or points with his nger. He sketches with a gesture in the present what he had felt and thus reproduces as closely as possible the lived instant. With this motor anticipation, one will come to have a better understanding of several phenomena of spatial practice that were sidetracking us when we undertook the rhetorical approach. Territorial limitations
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are split into two opposing varieties: on the one hand, limits represented (and reproduced) according to the planned order, which are geometrically spatialized into routes, breaks in architectural forms, differences in material, various closures (porticoes, gates, barriers), and, on the other, limits as they are lived through the very act that transgresses them or readies itself to transgress them, in the tension from near to far. Why do limits not have the same spatial assignment depending on the direction one is walking, unless it is that the climate for entering and the one for exiting always differ?22 Through motor anticipation, the inhabitant is already inside or outside, whether the site in question is his lodging, some part or other compared to the rest of the neighborhood, or the neighborhood itself. It could no longer even be stated that urban atmospheres induce alterations in bodily attitudes and conducts. Is not the climatic also a form of action, since it is immediately composed by potential motor responses, based on what is possible? The feelings of exaltation from on high or of crushing heaviness, as were expressed in the gures of polysemy,23 imply motility. It seemed that the dimensions of height and depth should have remained the prerogative of architecturewhich, having laid down elevated forms, would have given them only to be seen, shifting all motor conduct into the horizontal dimension. And yet the elevator itself, which was to have turned the vertical dimension into an abstraction, brings to life through motor response (ones apparent bodily immobility changing nothing about this) lovely as well as terrifying imminent prospects of plummeting.24 Let us recall, nally, how certain atmospheres are lived and are engendered through ones very contact with a material: the ramp, whose uneven height is combined with a granular and unpleasant oor surrounded by repair-work mud, and wild paths where ones pleasure in treading on the grass is barely disguised. The possibility of walking on laid-out and developed paths (concrete, tar) or on better equipped, or grassy, or truly muddy ground allows a variety of motor conducts from following along charted paths to the most unexpected sorts of trailblazingat the same that it serves to differentiate ones climates. Through these climates and by the power of motor anticipation, our everyday steps take on a new meaning. They were simple schematic
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traces, rhetorical gures; here they are now as operative movements. The work is the way, said Paul Klee.25 This afrmation, it seems to us, holds not only for the artistic production of space but also for the inhabitant who reorganizes it after his own fashion. The work is the walk, and the act of walking is the work, conguration. Every walking, every inhabiting gives itself out not only as structures, gures, but also as conguration, structuration, that is to say, deformation of the built world such as it was conceived and re-creation of space through feeling and motor function. The overow of the senses [dbordement des sens] (of the sensible) therefore produces an overow of the meaning [dbordement du sens] (formal signications) set in the edied world. Against the real as conceived, the power to orient otherwise the edied world remains ever active. Each direction of meaning derealizes all that does not enter into the climate of the lived instant. A second form of derealization now comes into view. On the basis of the site traveled through and inhabited, everything that is neither near nor far has no consistency and nds itself literally marginalized. And yet, in this between near and far in which all walking is organized, anticipation still appears only in the form of a shortcut, of a forward projection, of a rather spatial gait whose temporal nature is not yet apparent. Moreover, does the rest of the space the inhabitant will be able to travel through tomorrow or later on have no value just because today no lived movement is animating it? Will these absent sites not be present one day or another? The space congured here and now is not a reductionist gathering of all the other spaces. For, then it would turn out like some magic crystal ball that contains the world but whose description in successive stages does not end. Let us reread the strange story by Jorge Luis Borges.26 The Aleph, a mirror of the universe, at rst provokes the marvelous illusion of a simultaneity of all spatially contiguous entities.27 Disillusion then sets in: nothing has been seen without the passage of time and without forgetfulness entering in.28 The gathering of the universe into the lived present was possible only upon a ground of absence. Is that how it goes perhaps for the atmosphere of the everyday world that envelops each lived moment? Would not asyndeton (absence of conjunction, holes) prove to be the condition for synecdoche?29
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Is this gured absence in syndeton nothing? Would there not be, in the nal analysis, a way of understanding how, in inhabitant practices, the present would respond to the absent? Does it not boil down to the temporality of securing the identity between the act of inhabiting and that of walking, indeed of conjugating movement with pausing and dwelling?
An Articulatory Process
Le Corbusiers theory of the modulor is well known. The forms of ones habitat are to be composed of the basic postures of everyday man (reclining, seated, standing). This is a ne example of static architectural thought, where lived time is broken down into attitudes, into poses, and is thus reduced to the architectonic. Now, inhabitant expression as apprehended through ones walks shows that there is nothing of the sort. Rather than postures, the narratives of inhabitants express gaits: a style and quality of movement. Rather than poses, pauses, and the characteristic possibility of stopping. In all the expressions we have gathered from the inhabitants, we note three principal stylistic varieties that concern ones way of being at once in space and in time. Yet it is particularly difcult to grasp this. To the extent that we are talking about rhythmic phenomena, how is one to know exactly in what way time spans each style of inhabiting? Communication through sympathy (Einfhlung) would bring us nothing of decisive importance. Let us imagine an ongoing cinematographic observation;30 it would still be the objectifying illusion of transcribing in continuity what is discontinuous. And yet the examination of the verbs used in these narratives, the specications made through oppositions and differences, and the similarities between narrative style and walking style allow a convergence that, though too coarse when compared to the lived quality of each instant, permits one at least to sift out some common characters that do not contradict what inhabitant rhetoric has been able to show us. These three varieties are dominant accentuations that exist in ones fashions of inhabiting.
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1. The retentional tendency expresses itself when the inhabitant recounts his trips while saying that he leaves home or that he goes home instead of saying I am going to . . .; when the atmosphere of his lodging is contrasted with all the rest of the space, which is characterized in terms of mere utility; when, even in the course of long trips, everything unfolds in perfect regularity and nothing snags the inhabitant; and when, nally, he lets himself more often be led by the space as laid out and developed than he transgresses it. 2. The protentional tendency expresses itself when the walk is already completely stretched toward its goal; when ones busy and sometimes feverish movement telescopes the topological succession of sites (this is the case in particular with gures centered on a site that holds ones fascination); and when, nally, no genuine moment of dwelling is memorable in the whole of everyday life and the inhabitant leaps nonstop from one site to another. 3. The third variety would offer a eurythmic composition combining protention and retention, either in a minimal mode (Im not in a hurry, but I dont stop) or in a more pronounced mode, and then the walks are easily punctuated with stops and changes of rhythm: I walk in a normal way, but also in a, how would you say it . . . brisk manner, when I go to work. Through this last quotation, we can clearly see the incompleteness and ctive approximation such an enumeration carries along with it. Its sole advantage is that it illustrates the protentional component and the retentional component that do indeed operate in every conguration of inhabited space. Rhythmic phenomena are expressed in all the narratives, and they do so as much on the level of elementary gures as on that of combinatory gures. Each time a break or a variation interrupts the continuity of this or that gait or such and such an orientation, each time a hyperbolic redundancy occurs (the exalted scaling of the Mounds), but, more fundamentally still, each time humble everydayness repeats itself, there is always a minimum of protention and retention, be it only through the simple motor articulation in which one step follows another. From the vaster seasonal cycles observed in climates
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and atmospheres to the tiniest gesture made, inhabitant narrative is found to be completely shot through with the disappearance of one time and the appearance of another in the here and now of lived experience: there are chronotheses and chronogeneses, at once felt and acted. More than this temporal succession of fortes and pianos by which academic musical theory had dened rhythm,31 at issue here is the opposition of a mutually engendering pause and burst [lan].32 Rhythm is the coincidence of contraries captivating appearance and disappearance, making each of them the condition of existence of the other. For the absent to present itself, the present must absent itself. To the dimensions of the near and the far, the high and the low, one must add those of presence and absence. Without them, the others never exist. On whatever scale ones walks are associatedthe whole of a trip leaving ones lodging and returning to it, a circuit considered worthwhile in its own right, the description of a site through which one has walked, or even simply some details about ones gaitabsence manifests itself in the very movement that guides ones steps. It is the apparently total absence of never-frequented territories, the absences or holes in the course of a trip, the disappearance of sites left behind and the absence of sites on their way to becoming this far away about which one has a presentiment before oneself. The presence of others can itself be lived in the mode of absence, either by avoidance or by an instating [mise en tat] of difference.33 In a lived differentiation, one rejects the alien group into a time-dependent absence; and the force of this group, which nds itself represented then in purely spatial terms, is all the greater as its return to the present is felt as the premonition of a possibility, in the mode of encounter or confrontation. Finally, would the relation of movement to pause have any lived meaning if it were not referred back to the possibility of an articulation from the present to the absent? Whether we are talking about a momentary halt to ones steps (which are snagged by something or someone, as inhabitants say) or deliberately stationing oneself in this or that part of the neighborhood, about which one can say its mine,34 or, again, ones favorite place of retreat within ones own lodging, all these halts are lived in the mode of a presence that has rendered the rest of the space absent. Still, such absence is transitory, and what is imminent is the re131
appearance of the absented sites. The inhabitants recount these absences-in-abeyance either as the path that remains to be traveled when the body, already en route, draws the heaviness from the lingering look or as the glance through the window of ones own lodging that, in an allusive way, evokes ones memory of the space of the neighborhood.35 The absented space makes a special irruption into ones dwelling through ones auditory apparatus. Sudden invasions of louder or softer noises have the ability to dissolve the closure of ones lodging, which one had thought was inviolable. And if a sonic solicitation from this outside, which was supposed to be absent, becomes too present, ones dwelling ends up losing all domestic and private meaning of its own. It was for this reason that one of the inhabitants questioned later moved. In the design of the edied space, where arrangements have been made either to favor ones view or to mask, through architectural forms, the private sphere, the auditory sense comes to undo the territorial limits that had been set between private and public. Inhabitant expression incorporates itself into a tension between near and far, between movement and pause, between presence and absence. Is not the concrete articulation of the act of walking the eminent paradigmatic sign of the tensional nature of everyday lived experience? Inhabitant practices are a form of expression inasmuch as they are grounded upon an articulatory process we shall dene as a connection of heterogeneous instantiated principles enacted in lived time. Is this not the very essence of rhythm? And is not the difculty one encounters in describing such phenomena the result of writings inability to project itself ahead while also going back and its inability to enunciate at the same time a signied and its opposite, which bodily rhythms nevertheless succeed in making coincide? Also, will not the reading of the preceding pages have elucidated quite easily the difculties inherent in every attempt to describe lived time? A few remarks are needed to take stock of this moment in our approach, to reinvigorate the key contributions of rhetoric, and to indicate the import of such an interpretation of everyday life in an urban space. 1. In order for us not to become lost in an abstract theory of signication, we sought to grasp the lived body of everyday expression,
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whose actors would be the inhabitants. Now, it is the powers of our corporeal being that go to make up the way in which this expression occurs: the power to be in affective resonance with an ambient atmosphere and the power to anticipate our motor reactions. The particular tonalities of our surrounding landscape are the mirror of our sensibility of the moment as well as of the project of our action or of our relaxation. 2. Between suffering and acting, there is neither logical sequence nor confusion but, rather, degrees of tension. We all have in our memory the immediate experience of these fairly retentional moments (when action is deferred) or, instead, protentional ones (when ones sensibility, lying in wait, tends in the direction of our action). Also, every strolling has meaning only in relation to stopping, and vice versa. The articulation from walking to abiding [sjour] denes what inhabiting is. 3. Fundamental gures of walking rhetoric, synecdoche and asyndeton emanate from lived sensorimotor experience. A sign of our capacity to qualify space in a singular way, synecdoche expresses the immediacies and discontinuities of lived time over against the linearities and transitivities of chronometric time. The spatial contiguities and conjunctions that seem to ground the existence of laid-out and developed space upon connections between homogeneous parts remain abstract ctions. The near and the far as well as the high and the low exist in a relation of heterogeneity; for, in conformity with the power of the body, everyday rhythm proceeds from the interval [cart], from rupture. The blanksthe holes, as the inhabitants sayallow for a lived instant that would be similar to no other one. Asyndeton inserts absence into space and into time. Faced with such a criterion of heterogeneity, an urban territory would be split in a qualitative way along two types of spaces: on the one hand, a set of sites that are inhabitable because they leave to strolling and to abiding the power to congure them, to re-create them, to articulate them in a play of absence and presence or, on the other hand, a set of uninhabitable sites (sorts of nonplaces, in this sense)36 because between walking and abiding there is no possible
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articulation: these are instead mere crossing areas or places where one has to go. Such wholly homogeneous sites offer no place for sensorimotor conguration to get a foothold in them, and they are lived in the mode of an absent presence; they correspond not only to the unfrequented parts of the neighborhood but also to those parts that leave one indifferent. They bear witness to a space that is conceived in homogeneity and yet, through lived sensorimotor experience and atmospheres, melts into insignicancy.37 4. Upon this concrete condition of absence, inhabiting has nothing of an abstract or static concept about it. It is always born of something possible: the inhabitable. Its dynamic nature appears in the tension between the absent and the present. Absence is combined either with forgetting, rejection (or the attitude of indifference the inhabitable puts on), or with possibility and project. The present exists only between these two forms of absence that permit what we have called structuration, conguration. Instating absence is the third way of derealizing the real. As such, it subsumes the rst two: climatic transformation, overow and anticipation. It tells us about the condition through which what is built up is deformed into an atmosphere, that is to say, is formed otherwise, according to feeling and motor function. It indicates to what extent the lived present is to be evaluated in terms of force and not of a state. Understood through the body of inhabitant expressionthat is to say, through the powers of the body38rhetoric then becomes generative and transformational.39 Against the container state some have wanted to assign to it, corporeal being retains the power to reform, to deform, and to develop. From this standpoint, the word derealization might still be deceiving. Where, indeed, is the real? In the habitat as it is produced or in ones sensorimotor way of inhabiting? Inhabitant expression does not derealize. Rather, it realizes in its own way. And this way radically contradicts the current postulate of how to build, namely, produce space according to chronometric time and foresee usage according to purely spatial considerations. Inhabitant expression shows us, on the contrary, that inhabited space is articulated according to lived time.
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On the Imaginary Ground of Inhabitant Expression

As we rise higher in the triangle, we nd that confusion increases, just as a city built on the most correct architectural plan may be shaken by the uncontrollable force of nature. Wassily Kandinsky, Concerning the Spiritual in Art
Thus, the everyday strolls by which we come and go, hastening us to the point of running, delaying us elsewhere to the point of taking a pause or even making a visit, took on the air of obeying the silent injunctions of the urban space. The architectural forms and functional uses these injunctions try to give out to be read seemed to propose an inevitable text, a program to which we cannot but conform. Yet here it is that, step by step, the tracks congured according to the whim of ordinary preoccupations bring the city into a state of decay and undermine the foundations of the representation one usually gives of it. An unforeseeable force defying all calculations asserts itself.1 And the nature of this upheaval has just become apparent to us: lived time invalidates the rules of rationally composed space. Suddenly, the question about the ground of inhabitant expression becomes only that much more insistent. If spatial totalities lose all meaning of their own and are but the occasional material and pretext for deconstruction, for derealization, what is the eld of reference for everyday action? What is the basic ground brought into play by expression, when laid-out and developed space nds itself relegated to an accidental modality? The question can be posed in another way. Inhabitant rhetoric made us understand that our walks move about over a space that has come undone and been dispersed. We inhabit a discontinuous space in
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O N T H E I M A G I N A R Y G R O U N D O F I N H A B I TA N T E X P R E S S I O N
accordance with a time of differance. Is this to say that everyday actions correspond to an inhabitant stochastics? And yet, from one moment to the next, from one place to another, between the visit and the walk, between my way of inhabiting and that of the other inhabitants, everyday life does not unfold like a Brownian motion in which, over a given eld, one grasps only the feverish and random traces of particles that otherwise allow themselves to be dened only in the contradictory terms of immobility. The ways of inhabiting are located through their discretion, less in the sense in which they allow themselves only to be glimpsed and is not discretion connatural with everydayness?than in the sense in which they exist only at the pinpoint. We thus rediscover an older acceptation of the term: the discretum.2 Now, the fact that inhabitant expression manifests itself only discretely, in a scattered way, here and there, does not imply the absence of qualitative unity. There thus exist a stylistics and a process of sensorimotor articulation that give an overall coherent meaning not only to the lived experience of a single inhabitant but, also, to the whole of coexistent everyday lives. In other words, one must ask oneself how unity concretely circulates between each discrete manifestation, and how each of these manifestations refers to a never clearly expressed common ground. Does there exist an instantiated principle whose omnipresence would have already been indicated to us by prior observation of walksone that would be able, on the one hand, to explain in a concrete way the connections between each discrete expression and, on the other, to characterize the nature of the ground from which all everyday expression proceeds and from which it draws its expressive force? And would perhaps inhabitant expression, which is both incorporated and grounded, merit then a more theoretical denition?
Between the Present and the Possible, the Imaginary Ground

Beyond all the varieties of spatial practice that manifest it, inhabitant expression has two basic ways of breaking up the representation of the continuities and homogeneities that belong to laid-out and developed
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space. In anticipating action, it renders present what really is not yet so (we have already sketched out in this way both avoidance and the search for a site that is not yet but on the horizon of our stroll). In derealizing large fragments of space, it renders absent what representation would judge to be really present (thus, those blank trips lived in the mode of absence, or asyndetons that insert discontinuity into our everyday travels). In both cases, the imaginable overows the limits of a spatial reality that is otherwise represented in terms of two contradictory characters: on the one hand, the real corresponds to the present; on the other, the real is dened in relation to a totality of which it is a precisely assignable part. In this sense, the instantiated principle of the imaginary, whose discrete existence we have often pointed to in the course of reading walking narratives, seems to respond to our expectations. Does it have the power to produce those fundamental connections that would give coherency to the functioning of inhabitant expression? Instead of a formal denition of the imagination that would risk reproducing the foibles of that psychology of the faculties in which mental operations are divided up, taken apart, and hierarchized (perception, memory, the imagination, etc.), in which the form is substituted for the force, and in which what is organizing power is given as a mere instrument, we prefer an a posteriori denition that is engendered little by little through empirical illustrations. It is the lived imaginary that we are to understand, and it is its modalities of appearance, between the present and the absent or the possible, that we will have to carefully note down. Nonetheless, a brief reminder on the theoretical level will allow us to evaluate how, within the process of inhabitant expression, the place of the imaginary has pertinence. Several times in the history of thought, the imaginary has been considered neither as one of the lower faculties, archaic in origin and conned to the production of images, nor as too confused a faculty to be able to attain the empire of reason, too uncultivated and too uncontrolled in its sudden appearances to be a bearer of truth. Each time our imaginary capacity has been taken into account as a whole, it was in order to point to its operative function: imagining is the power to connect. The imagination is the medium par excellence. Thus, Kantianismwhich, two centuries ago, did not immediately
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preoccupy itself with the instantiated principle of the imaginarynevertheless conferred upon it the threefold role of reproducing, synthesizing, and creating. If deprived of the connections the imagination afforded them, the understanding and sensibility would never meet. Experience of the world would not have any meaning, and knowledge would have no concrete application. It is to be understood that, far from being a simple and passive reservoir of images, the imagination possesses an activity and a capacity for synthesis.3 Thanks to these, the manifold and the singular can nd unity and universality (which is the essential feature of Kantian concerns). But is it not by this same power that the acted and the suffered, sensation and motor function, the present and the absent are tied together in a process of articulation we were evoking just a few pages ago?4 Certainly, the Idealism that centered on the problem of knowledge developed this capacity of the imagination to synthesize only to the extent that the functioning of the understanding was claried by it. To judge from a short statement by Immanuel Kant in his Critique of Pure Reason5 and by the pages devoted to the analysis of the sublime in the Critique of Judgment,6 the at once obscure and overowing aspect of the imaginary, which literally outstrips the understanding, is clearly indicated. In an entirely other epoch, the dynamic aspect of the imagination was even more clearly accentuated. Developing the contributions of the Neoplatonist current of thought, the Renaissance was already familiar with this power of connection, but it understood that power as the manifestation of a force that spans the universe and constitutes its very texture. The imagination connects the manifold and the scattered because it animates and grounds at the same time.7 (And under this heading, we prefer to designate henceforth such an instantiated principle by the word imaginary, which takes on a less restrictive meaning.) The imaginary would have not only the force to unify discrete pluralities but also the force to make opposites coincide (the coincidentia oppositorium is, in the Renaissance, a central notion in the interpretation of the world), which give it a surprising importance. Its faculty of conferring unity of meaning upon instantiated principles as contrary as the universal and the singular does not just have the merit of making it an instrument of noteworthy value. The set of connections is more signicant than the set
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of connected objects. In synthesizing, the imaginary rst of all signies itself. Through the omnipresence of this activity that gives it its eminent quality, it becomes the common ground and the eld of reference for all that it sets in a relation of coincidence. These indications can relevantly guide our nal reading of walking narratives, which is now coming up. The power of the imaginary takes on coherency only at the end of our path. It does not allow itself to be grasped with ease. Does not such difculty stem from its highly peregrine nature? The imaginary voyages. It does not hold topical assignments in place but, rather, dees them. It accepts the paradox of being at once the fundamental instantiated principle and the instrument of connection. The concept of vicissitude,8 which the Renaissance proposed as a key for the interpretation of the world, splendidly expresses the imaginarys dynamic: making very different things alternate in an ever mobile reciprocity. Such a circulation of the imaginary,9 which runs the risk of irreverently transgressing the clear distinctions we claimed to establish between the particular and the general, as well as between space and time and between the individual and the collective, will be illustrated thanks to the reversibility between the present and the absent and between the lived and the possible. And perhaps we will nally come to know whether the inhabitants whose narratives we have listened to do indeed practically live in the same world.
Evocation of the Imaginary: The Present according to the Possible

Each urban atmosphere lived by this or that inhabitant at such and such a moment is never absolutely alien to what the other inhabitants are living. The various narratives of everyday life in one and the same neighborhood demonstrated homologies and similarities between the deformations and new structurations the space undergoes. In other words, in disqualifying the laid-out and developed space, each lived present substitutes for that space an imaginable possibility, whose active power we have noted; indeed, the inhabitants conduct can be deeply affected by it. All the styles of inhabiting have at least some points in common.
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It could therefore be assumed that the inhabitants everyday fashionings are based on a common expressive ground. Now, the narratives we have gathered explicitly evoke an overall imaginary climate that arises from time to time and in whose name spatial derealizations are possible. The most apparent vehicle for this imaginary ground is to be found in all the common rumors that are passed by word of mouth. Most often, inhabitants place responsibility on those who do not live in the neighborhood. Here are three examples.
In Grenoble, they say: How can one live in the New Town! Arent you overrun by the lth yet? New Town! It has a bad reputation, between us, huh? People who dont know say, You oughta be careful. . . . Their impression is that there are muggings, stuff like that.
These particular turns of phrase, these ways of hiding what was felt and what one does not dare to admit clearly, demonstrate quite well the imaginary essence of these they say expressions, whose force of impact is not negligible. Circulating in peoples speech, rumors that are only hinted at seem hardly distinguishable from a local form of ideology that stigmatizes the Arlequin neighborhood and is trying, in political terms, to exorcize the socialist myth. But in addition, the rumors are grounded in sites, and it is unknown whether they are felt impressions that are masked behind the rumors of the theythat is to say, of the othersor whether it is these they say expressionscollective delegationthat allow individuals to specify more sharply their own lived experiences. Whatever it turns out to be, the following remarkable cases will demonstrate that the atmosphere of sites goes well beyond the power of rumor and that, in the lived present, everything is reactivated in accordance with the force of the imaginary.10
The Diurnal according to the Nocturnal

The nychthemeral (night-day) cycle does not yield a simple and regular rotation of daily atmospheres. We have seen in the gures of polysemy11
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how, though in demand during the day, the gallery, this central walking site, might be avoided at night. But there is more than pure alternation going on here. In the simple terms of frequentation taken on the scale of the collectivity as a whole, the gallery is inhabited above all during the day. In terms of diurnal ambulatory rhythm, the nature of the possible is that of a project or of an intention already under way that varies quite obviously from one inhabitant to the next. Along the entire length of one and the same walk, multiple differentiations segment the gallery, derealizing such and such a part in favor of some other part. By way of contrast, with the appearance of the nocturnal the whole gallery is encompassed within one and the same overall qualication, within one and the same climate, placed under the heading of the imaginary. This possibility, which the inhabitants sense as a common ground, is eminently disturbing. Is the danger real or not? We have gathered no narratives of nighttime muggings, though there probably have been a few. Whatever the case may be, the paths we are told one takes at night do not veer away from more or less hidden expressions of dread, swervings, avoidances, even downright runs. The same inhabitant who states that she is not afraid at night, who looks to go on labyrinthine excursions, and who likes to get lost will also underscore the unhealthy climatic features that well up at night (chlorine and garbage smells) and will loathe the feeling of going downstairs (its too dark). Some inhabitants who do not have these nocturnal fears nevertheless do not fail to report rumors about the nighttime and to admit their feelings of reticence about going out on a jaunt during those hours. All the narratives reect echoes of unwholesome vibrations in which expressions of dread are repeated to various degrees, yet they always narrow into expressions that in part symbolize the unsayable. The most frequent synecdoches are the possible presence of hoodlums or gangs, disturbing noises heard once or several times and then amplied and interpreted, fear of waking the dead, or the fear of meeting drunks or old people. Finally, the evil power of the nocturnal realm becomes a force physically felt when the howling wind is added:
Im scared; Im very scared. I went out only once at night [ . . . ]. The wind, which was blowing hard, carried off my scarf, and I didnt go looking for it! I felt reassured only after getting inside my door.
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Nychthemeral alternation is therefore not governed by symmetry. The night brings together in a confused way what the day had distinguished. And the ways in which the gallery is qualied offer no point of similarity, or even any complementarity: on the one hand, there is diurnal dispersion, dependent on the preoccupations of each person; on the other hand, nocturnal condensation. Sometimes, the inhabitants make comparisons between pleasant places and unpleasant places, but the reference remains spatial. More often, the same place that is lived well calls for an evocation of its nocturnal mutation through a temporal antithesis: whereas at night. Above all, one apprehends (in both senses of the verb) the gallery as a whole in a similar way in terms of nighttime. The many-sided multiplicity of the daytime gallery is grounded upon a shared evocation of the gallery at night. Even more than that, the nocturnal realm reduplicates its insistency. As a threatening absence one exorcizes in daytime activity, it has a way of being spatially present. For, the apparently reassuring and rm ground of the gallery trod upon by ones steps covers over and conceals a hell below. The earth beneath ones feet then sounds hollow. Daytime activity unfolds in a feigned carefreeness over a void lled with shadows that are evoked only through half-articulated hints: a terrifying underground den where the foulest beasts teem in the twisted innards of ones habitat. The mechanical gallery that reduplicates down below the layout of the busy street-level gallery in fact harbors the indispensable belly of the complex that digests, that pumps out, that forces back up, that is supposed to ventilate, and that often just plain stinks. Source of and bosom for the air,12 of now-digested food matter, of clean water and of dirty water, and of heat, it lls itself up and empties itself out nonstop. The mechanical operations governing the ow of all these uids are suddenly turned into some altogether unforeseen quality. Their purpose was to maintain life; here they are, imagined to be something deadly. In accordance with an imaginary metabolism, a transmutation has taken place between everyday sensory experiences and what is premonitorily sensed on a ground of collective rumor. As one inhabitant says:
Some disturbing things, . . . well, its used stuff, huh? People hardly remember that. Bizarre facts, its not sorted out. . . . Me, I know about it through a
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worker who came to repair the bathroom; a panel that might have tumbled into the mechanical shaft. But its not a coincidence if vermin are climbing up everywhere.
Another inhabitant says:

Underneath, it seems, its unbelievable. Vermin, rats, everywhere. . . . Someone tells how one day some ofcials came around. But they left running! [ . . . ] Often there are odors from the garbage cans that waft back up.
The infernal insidiously rises up through the ducts and conduits (mechanical shafts) and into the most intimate recesses of peoples dwellings. It snakes around and creeps into the dark recesses of ones domicile. One has a presentiment that each bug, each cockroach, and each rat that frolics around at night still lies in ambush during the day. The nauseating odors that ascend from somewhere in the depths of the apartment complex also bring up with them hints of an omnipresent absence. Thus, under the gallery but also through the openings in the walls, everything is possible, and in a catastrophic way.13 A latent subterranean underside sticks to the diurnal surface of functional uses. The right angles of the ducts and conduits are turned into tortuous knots.
Form and Use according to the Accidental

Modes of inhabiting evolve upon the common ground of an imaginary that is clearly nocturnal and subterranean in tone. Other shadowy forces also manifest themselves here and there through ones walks, like delegations of the nocturnal, more isolated substitutes. Possibilities that can be evoked readily lie in ambush in the accidental irregularities [accidents] of a spatial form opening before ones steps. The corridors, called passageways and yet lived in a rather favorable way as a prelude to ones domicile (and some of these passageways really do extend ones lodging, as the door remains open during the day), will be criticized for their length and their overly rectilinear perspective; but, You put up with it. By way of contrast, the recesses in the passageways, like those of the gallery, cast a shadow over the tone of ones walk. The threatening irruption of a more pronounced shadow, hidden in a break
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in architectural forms (pillars, open areas, acute angles), becomes possible. Also, these ratcesses [racoins] (to borrow the expression of one inhabitant, which would delight a psycholinguist with the reduplication it includes and the reversal it evokes: corners for rats [coins rats]) are tied up with the malecent nocturnal realm. (Contrasted with them are the little corners, as the inhabitants say, the places in which the familiar, the domiciliary, and homeyness take refuge.) They are the spot where one needs to pay attention, because anything can hide in there. The spiral staircases, called emergency stairs, create more unevennesses [accidents] of an architectural nature. To these are added unanticipated rubbish as well as excrement both seen and smelled. As one can read in the journal of one inhabitant:
The staircase is disgusting, broken glass strewn about and unidentiable refuse; I think that there was a break-in at night or something like that!
Also, these stairs are never taken without a certain amount of fear. The feelings of dizziness they provoke are qualied as horrible in a double meaning of the word, in relation both to the sensation of falling, the suffering of vertigo, and to the prospect of some horror.14 One never knows where or when the fatal encounter in the labyrinth will occur. Likewise, in the mezzanines, which nevertheless are ordinarily so calm and so deserted, regularly arranged formal irregularitiesdetails, in the view of an architectimaginarily spill out [dbordent] onto the entire form of the edice. The mezzanine becomes a site for harmful events, a site of potential accidents for most of the inhabitants, except for the children who go through in their roller skatesthese children who can throw things on your head, as the adults say. Either one does not frequent the mezzanine, and yet the unforeseeable still accompanies ones walks from above, or one takes the mezzanine in a more or less avowed search for the unforeseen. Let us mention once again the unremarkable butcher shop in the middle of the gallery, where
there is always something bizarre; the windows are often broken . . . the curtains messed up. And, indeed, you wonder why.
But it is within the elevator that one lives out the accidentalness that is felt most likely to occur. Such accidentalness highly derealizes
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its instrumental form as well as the everyday use one makes of it. In rereading the numerous excerpts from inhabitants narratives that illustrate staggered polysemy and appropriation by dislocation,15 one will discover how the imaginary ground surfaces. It is an imaginary ground that combines the sensations of imprisonment with an imminent sense of free fall, the infernal noises, similar to some sort of bestial possession and ready to seize hold of someone (like jaws) as well as to perform a metamorphosis (youre trapped like wild animals. . . . Bam!). All these powers of the night play at ceaselessly driving away and bringing near the unspeakable subterranean world. This fateful game of cat and mouse is well described in grafti repeatedly engraved on the doors of the elevator: rat trap.
The Ordinary according to the Alien

The preceding examples already serve to illustrate precisely how the form of the present is lived according to the force of the possible. Here are some other examples in which the imaginary evokesas if at the surface of ones walks, one might sayalien forces that may possibly be encountered. Territorial appearanceswhich correspond to an attempt to assign a group onto a site in a xed way16take us back to an effort to exorcize all that is imaginary and confused in the identicatory movement of social aggregates. The force of all the afictions that one believes to be possible, even though they have not actually been felt, is conned within the apparent limits of a site. One tries to represent as perpetually distant that which in ones premonitions may imaginarily be approaching. All sorts of eclectic, symbolic collages are possible for those who wish to safeguard their ordinary existence, their familiar world. Some point to the stairwells of the North Africans, others the fancy apartment stairwells. Tunisians identify typically Algerian sites. Messy or dirty space is associated with the space inhabited by the foreigners, but equally well with spaces in which too many children hang around, and also with sites where there is too much concrete. Alien sites are apprehended in confusion, in a mixed-up sort of way, as inhabitants so often say; these are sites in which one does not make out
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very clearly what is going on and in which one does not quite know what might happen. A sign sufces; a signal, rather: an odor from a foreigners kitchen or intense trafc circulation of children in the passageways is sensed by ones sight or hearing and amplied by rumors. Through these signals, the foreigner nds himself ngered, indexed, and, starting from these indices, which are often quite slender, all the rest is left up to the imagination. Projected onto the topography of an urban map, this imaginary topology would be incoherent. There would be double or multiple contradictory meanings for one and the same site, a general polysemy for one and the same signal. The intense trafc circulation of children within a passageway may signal a North African mode of life or a style belonging to those student households where everyone lives together, they say. Homologous interactions between signier and signied (foreigner:dirty, dirty:foreigner) will put causal links off track, for the meanings of sites are superimposed, one on top of the other, and territories become uidied.17 Understood in terms of force and not of xed boundaries, these contradictions nevertheless coincide. Appropriation has any force at all only through the force of its contraries. For, what is contradictory according to a clear-cut spatiality becomes contrariness in the lived present. The ordinary is dynamized only through the evocation of the possibility of the alien, the strange, and the foreign. Without a recognition of the dynamic ground of the imaginary, the only meaning this play of forces will ever have will be that of epiphenomenon of a social mechanism according to which everyday lived experience is an insignicant accident.
The Everyday according to the Eventful

In its everydayness, the ordinary is a present that is repeatable each day. Beneath the storied nery of the event, the possible corresponds to what would happen a single time. In the ordinary present, this extreme singularity of the exceptional event is imagined as something eventual, or else it is reactivatedreimagined, if we may put it that wayas a unique fact from the past and an unreality from the present. There is nothing in
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common, it seems, between a fact that has really occurred and something eventual that is not obliged to arise by any necessity. To the extent that they can be evoked, the nocturnal, the accidental, and the strange would be grouped under the banner of a true or false imagined eventuality. On the other hand, eventful marking, whose importance we saw in the study of the code of appropriation, would bear on the persistence of a quite true reality. And yet the concept of truth, which is closely connected with the truth of the concept, loses its self-assurance in the lived practices of everyday inhabiting. The presents relationship to the possible is ill judged in terms of an exclusive true-or-false disjunction. From the standpoint of inhabitant expression, the possible is dened (engendering denition) by the imaginary and, in this sense, it is a neither-true-nor-false.18 It is evaluated not in terms of the real but, rather, in terms of the present quality of which it constitutes the horizon. Now, past events that have marked urban places and climates were either seenin which case they implied the presence, close by, of the witness (like the ght in front of the junior high school)or heard, and then they are reconstituted according to the visual imaginary or else again reported through rumor. Yet, once passed, all these unforeseen events continue to impregnate certain spots and, in subsequent presents, they alter for a long time ones ways of strolling and inhabiting, because their repetition, even if improbable, is still evocable. For the inhabitants who imagine such possibilities on the horizon of their present, all these different types of events, whether they were really lived or not, are brought together in the modality of something eventual that is neither true nor false and yet endowed with a force that makes these people avoid the site, bypass it, or seek out its specic quality. And the present takes on an affective tonality that differs according to whether the eventuality in question is imagined in a harmful or a favorable light. Indeed, this tension between the possible and the present is extremely variable in degree and in quality, depending on the peculiarities of the action of the inhabitants. Was the imagined or reimagined event dramatic, or else curiously unforeseeable, or else again the unexpected punctuation mark on a walk that thereby exits from the ordinary? In the least catastrophic cases, the possible becomes an expected probability, even one sought after. Thus, a cricket heard last year and now chirping
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again, as one had hardly hoped to expect, with a song whose presence makes it sound completely surrealistic in a universe of concrete and metal, signals the existence of a ridiculous yet tenacious natural world.
A cricket at the minimarket! Well, somewhere near the store, really! Most likely hidden in a metal pylon! He was already there last year; I dont know if its the same one or another one! It so astonished me that there would be a cricket here!
Other events that function as a signal are repeated so often that the thing being signaled fades away. This is the case of the sirens that indicate a problem in the garages ventilating systems, the bells that call for help when users are stuck in the elevator, and the alarms retailers have installed in their stores. All the ringings that make people jump and worry end up merging together. Through excessive repetition, they come to blend in with the everyday background noise. Let us cite again the ongoing noise at construction sites that, with time, loses its unforeseeable and irruptive quality. It is rather when there is a halt to this noise that one is surprised. Some inhabitants mention the impression of agonizing silence when the mechanical systems that ventilate the apartments cease operation because of some accident. Studies on the imaginary list all these phenomena less readily in their classications of symbols, because such sounds do not correspond to visual images; they are nevertheless precious indicators both of the dynamism of the imaginary and of the reversibilities these forces perform. The imaginary that is thus evoked through what is heard insinuates itself into the lived present and gives itself out as a groundbackground noise, in the paradigmatic sense this timecoexisting beneath the present. Would it not be necessary to reread again the singular tracings proposed in walking gures, and in particular those of hyperbole, anaphora, and metabole, examining them now in terms of the role played by the modality of the evocable? In these variations, these detours, these fascinated bypassings, in the impetus [lan] of a delayed or deferred project, in the excesses and overows of synecdoche, would one see not only on what ground of possibility the everyday is constituted but, also, how the possible introduces itself into the present in the forms of a lived imaginary. In expressive lived experience, the evocative trait brings the present closer to the eventual and weaves an intimate contemporaneity
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between these two instantiated principles. The present is not situated simply on a ground of possibility; it immediately implies the force of the imaginary, whose import has so often been evaluated. Ought we not to look for other everyday expressions that would carry out the reversal from the evoked imaginary to the convoked imaginary, thus showing us the two sides of one and the same power?
Convocation of the Imaginary: The Possible according to the Present

The Event in the Everyday Certain events end by coloring with a particular tonality the sites in which they arise. Thus, the market is mentioned by all inhabitants, because its installation, whether or not it was foreseen, was noticed by everyone and because the event persists on this place that has become the Market Place. The markets periodic presence punctuates in a favorable way the cycles of everyday life. Going to the market remains, for the housewife, a little event. For several inhabitants who frequent the Community Center or the Medical Building, the possible is convoked within the present in the sense that one is looking for something new, tiny unforeseen events, a change in climate, unexpected encounters. These cyclical events in which the exceptional tends to become commonplace are evoked as much as they are convoked. On several occasions in our interviews, the Arlequin in its entirety has been considered as itself an overall event. It punctuated an important moment of the residential history of the inhabitants who never regard it with indifference but, rather, either with enthusiasm or a certain dazedness. The imaginary is closely mingled with a diffuse ideology centered on two opposing poles: concrete hell or a new life. For the enthusiasts, something of this favorable event remains and is still surreptitiously exuded beneath their everyday steps. And although one has now put things in perspective, what is possibly imaginable has still not been exhausted. Let us mention one last time the remarkable form of everyday eventfulness that ourishes in certain walking gures and that, in its superuity, borders on hyperbole, even on the sublime. The sites about which one can wax most poetic are situated in the park, such as the Mound, which hovers between sky and earth, and the lake:
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When one is on the hills, you see, one is not on earth; its not always at, its high up, its a bit high up! When you go up on the hill, theres the sun. . . . One would say. . . . The sun is there, and you, you are there! One evening coming from my home . . . [small voice], it was in August; there was a moon all big and round, and there it was being reected in the lake! . . . Its the rst time I ever saw that!
These are still straightforwardly urban sites in which tenuous signs of nature nonetheless both wander off and dig in their heels. On the basis of such signs, the present convokes the possible:
The gallery is made of concrete. And yet, it has to be said, near the elevator, for example, that there are these three small trees that are in the corner, with their foliage, and when a bit of air is blowing, its quite pleasant.
These sites lose all topographical meaning. Transgured, they are felt like some sort of atmosphere, an imaginary world that turns its back on functional space and suddenly opens up an unhoped-for prospect. When removed from their context by someones oating and dawdling attention, certain architectural elements take on unexpected features and serve as a support for imaginary events. One example is given by the irruption of the rural within the most massive sort of urban world. Because it rises between two walls and a ceiling (a vault?), the ramp can be traversed as if it were the backstreet of some steep village in the South. The caf tables arranged on the Market Place during the summer months create in a ash a village-like atmosphere. Seizing hold of these spatial clues and transforming them, inhabitant expression tries to live what the neighborhood could be by superimposing upon them some entirely contradictory values. Thus, when the eventful becomes commonplace and reemerges into the immediacy of a present with which it blends in, the possible is suddenly convoked and takes shape on the basis of the present. Later and elsewhere are woven right into the lived now. Tomorrow according to Today The ways in which one envisages the future evolution of the neighborhood offer a remarkable convergence of perspectives. All the inhabitants have a premonition of its eventual obsolescence, which stretches
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from partial deterioration to cataclysmic disintegration: a disaster, a pigsty, everything fallen apart. Physical deterioration as well as a deterioration of the social climate seem like they are going to arise little by little of their own accord. One then imagines the forces that might be able to check such a decline through a reinforcement of social activities. Yet then trivialization would become inevitable: It would become a housing development like the other ones. Now, the various forms of deterioration as well as the kinds of forces capable of restoring disciplineor of better supervising the maintenance and upkeep of the neighborhoodpresently exist within everyday life. The way of imagining Arlequins tomorrows is organized on the basis of the present. Facts lived everyday feed the possibilities envisaged. Filthiness here promises to be lthiness everywhere. And, as one inhabitant notes, disaster is already conjugated in the present tense:
If there are some people who are a bit lthy, later, there will be a disaster. Sometimes, you see old armchairs, stuff lying about, its a disaster. [ . . . ] If this became really unpleasant, you could no longer live here.
A female inhabitant who said, When Ill go everywhere [ . . . ] Ill be myself, has too great a fear that the overall atmosphere might change in the meantime. One keeps an eye out for the rst signs of abstention or abandonment on the part of the activity coordinators and the municipality, the two major guarantors to whom, through the deliberate choice of making the neighborhood an ongoing creation, this neighborhood nds itself tied.
I feel a bit apprehensive for the New Town of tomorrow, because I nd it really nice, very colorful, and I like it a lot . . . and I would be quite afraid if the municipality abandoned it. It would be a pigsty in no time at all, huh? Because the New Town, if abandoned, would be horrible! It would be a labyrinthine pigsty.
Reading these statements from the inhabitants, it appears that the sometimes fantastical evocation of the future brings us back to a way of living the possible in the present. The apparent evocation of a future destiny is imperceptibly turned around into an immediate presence of the imaginary thus being convoked. The Arlequin is already, according to certain signs, what it could be tomorrow.
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The Whole according to the Part The process of synecdoche manifests itself again as these evocations and convocations of the everyday imaginary unfurl. Synecdoche was presented as a fundamental gure of a walking rhetoric. Here we nd it in the process of organizing the latent yet fundamental presence of the imaginary in the lived experiences of inhabitant expression. Three heuristic examples will clarify straightaway how the imaginable is convoked in ones ways of inhabiting frequented sites. Three inhabitants repeat each day the same short trips. Whatever the variations in atmosphere might be, they occupy only a very small part of the neighborhood, spatially speaking. None of them has gone even once into the park, and they are unfamiliar with most of the buildings. But this ignorance implies nothing unimaginable. Each of them evokes in his or her own way the rest of the neighborhood, and these modalities are qualied according to the style of inhabiting belonging to each one. For the rst inhabitant, the neighborhood in its globality is evoked as a possibility that is appropriable little by little. She hopes it will always be nice and colorfulwhence her understandable fear that the nocturnal world, the windiness outside, and maintenance neglect might come to impede her project of inhabiting the area and conne it to what she calls my corner that Ive made for myself. Another inhabitant lives according to a style that is decidedly voluntaristic. A regular at various activities, she imagines the rest of the neighborhood as a space that is to become appropriated more and more by everyone and to be lived in the mode of encounter. The enormous qualitative charge affecting such brief trips (the narratives are quite long and always different from one day to the next) highlights her walking as a way of inhabiting the whole neighborhood. The third inhabitant, who is very disturbed by his short daily trip in the mezzanine, has no project for a more expansive appropriation. Each day he traverses his daily hell, and the Arlequin neighborhood as a whole is evoked for him by the garbage and vomit, the carcasses of bicycle frames and the shells of old cash registers he steps over each day. For these three inhabitants, the rest of the neighborhood is evoked and convoked in the present. The uninhabited elsewhere stands out already as inhabitable possibility, or as uninhabitable. And these obser152
vations hold for the inhabitants as a whole, who are split between two extreme cases: that of the voluntaristic project of appropriation and that of fascinated abandonment. The style of the rst inhabitant offers the example of an intermediate case: that of a rather balanced articulation between her project and the resistance it encounters. No inhabitant, not even one who travels widely across the territory of the neighborhood, succeeds in making his everyday life coincide with the spatial totality. Ones steps cite and congure at the same time a space whose nature is nontotalizing yet globalizing. Such a globality, which gives itself out as the common ground of inhabitant expression, is constituted through the evocation of the possible and the convocation of the imaginary within the atmosphere of the present act of inhabiting. This twofold movementwhich, in the narratives we have gathered, accentuates sometimes the evoked, sometimes the convokedrefers us back to one and the same imagining power in which the possible and the present are mutually responsive. The same outstanding common charactersthe nocturnal, the accidental, the alien, the eventful, and their contrariesare also found to be convoked or evoked. These characters are capable, each in their own moment, of insinuating themselves into those particularities that will predominate in this or that present and in such and such a possibility. If inhabitant expression deforms and derealizes planned urban totalities, is this not, in fact, on account of the implementation of this imaginary ground in which the lived present draws its corrosive quality? Why are harmful characters experienced in places the designers of the spaces, in their representations, thought would be pleasant, more propitious for encounters with others, and even favorable to the blossoming of a genuine social life? Why is the color not necessarily cheerful; why does it not render forms light and transparent; why are the volumes not always reassuring? Yet all that took on meaning only in an overall project in which everything was all too well tied together. Given in homogeneity, equivalency, permeability, and transparency, the real totality offers no foothold; it is radically unimaginable. In everyday life, the real is the presently lived site. And, through it, the totality is reimagined as globality. Moreover, the disturbing possibilities the process of conception-production had evacuated reappear all the more in ones not represented,
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but rather lived, usage. Against the diurnal transparency of a technological habitat, the imaginary can still, through lived experience, set in opposition the forces of the accidental, the unforeseen, and the nocturnal, in the sense in which the imaginary has an autonomous symbolic existence.19
Three Powers of the Lived Imaginary

The imaginary does not have the phantasmagoric and unstable character one ordinarily assume it has. A study of everyday life that is attentive to singularities and to details would show that in it lies a power whose import is ill evaluated by the universe of technical production. Presented as one of our psychological faculties, the imagination looks like it is abiding in a space of its own, a sort of mental territory that is not to surpass certain limits and that is called upon during quite a specic set of activities: connecting perceptions, preparing the genesis of concepts, being the compost of artistic and technical creation. It is conceded a single liberty: it is allowed to go at will into the seemingly incidental eld of aesthetics. From this perspective, the imaginary would be the mere complement, the facile foil, of the real. Everything that the former would not accept would be thrown out as dross in the latter domain. Is not this reduction of a concrete power into a psychological faculty, this way of conning the irrational and the polysemous in the seedier parts of town, in the suspect zone of the city of knowledge, a strategic effect? Yet, by hurling into the vacant lots of the irrational all that might cast doubt on rational rules and the clear and distinct conceptions governing both thinking about space and its planned production, so many additional attributes have been given to the diffuse and subterranean force of the imaginary. Examples of social deviance, unco-optable forms of urban conduct, and everyday practices that remain inexplicable20 no doubt share a common bond. They manifest in a point-like way and with a peculiar sort of irruptive violence the hidden presence of a forbidden imaginary of abiding. We have studied some of the most commonplace expressions of this way of being, which is characterized by the following modalities: refusal
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of ongoing connection, or conjunction, and rejection of exclusive disjunction. These two characters, which are entirely suitable to a logic of the imaginary,21 are to be found again both in ordinary urban practices and in exceptional ones. Rational urban thinking will be scandalized by them. One willingly grants the existence of heuristic and marginal cases, those accidents and imponderables that readily justify the contention that one must always plan more. But it can hardly be granted that the essence of lived everydayness is grounded upon these same irrational instantiated principles and that, in this sense, the system of our certainties might be shaken to the core. And yet the two principal walking guresasyndeton and synecdoche, those spatial derealizations on whose basis the social code of appropriation and the articulatory process that denes the act of inhabiting are structuredsignify, each in its own way, the fundamental presence of these two imaginary instantiated principles in every inhabitant expression. Instead of a formal denition of the imagination, we have preferred a genetic denition of the imaginary. The rst kind of denition would have straightaway put forward one function among others. In that case, we would have appealed to it in order to clarify some spatial practices that were too vague. Such a theoretical optionwhich, moreover, is quite commonwill always demonstrate the incidental role of the imagination. The second one, which prejudges nothing, establishes itself bit by bit along the line of a concrete examination of everyday actions and until it reaches the point of the hitherto improbable afrmation of its decisive import. The term imagination conveyed too much the classical distinctions among various functions for us to have been able to use it here. The imaginary is a domain, a eld of action and of passion that spans the whole of our existence in space and in time. We never completely leave its soil. In its insistency beneath the apparent solidities of planned spatiality and functional uses, it exhibits the tenacity of that nocturnal realm we evoked earlier. Indeed, it is always ready to disturb the diurnal certitudes that feign to ignore it. And this paradigm illustrated better than any other in what sense the lived imaginary is the ground from which inhabitant expression draws its three principal powers, which we now recall:
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1. Power to exceed. Thus, all ambulatory gures border on synecdochewhich, thanks to the absences and breaks made by asyndeton in planned space, make the part stand for the whole. But in order that a site might take on such an importance that the rest of the neighborhood or the city would be canceled out, a particular sensorial condition is required. One sensation sets the tone for all the others and overows the apparent spatial limits that, in addition, motor anticipation transforms into a tension between near and far. Everyday conducts introduce chaos into the spatial organization produced by the developer and excess into foreseen functional operations. They congure the space in their own way by rst rendering it heterogeneous. In this sense, the imaginary upsets constructed spatialities and derealizes them by the power to give the whole in the fragment. 2. Power of reversibility. The reversals between whole and part, between present and absent, between acted and suffered affect the most fundamental ways of living space according to time. Thus, the total is not suppressed. Evoked in the partial, it is convoked also under the form of an atmosphere enveloping the present. The climate of such and such a lived moment substitutes a sensorial and imaginary globality for the representation of the spatial totality. But the quality of the present action that is to come, or is deferred, determines the tonality of this atmosphere. Likewise, the evocation of a possible future on the basis of the present reduplicates the convocation of tomorrow in todays inhabiting. These reversals pertain to a process of symbolization that is peculiar to the imaginary and that outstrips what received knowledge says about it when it denes the symbol: every concrete sign evoking something that is absent or impossible to perceive.22 In everyday life, the process of symbolization convokes at the same time that it evokes. Grafti that are not understood, the cardboard box of garbage half strewn across the oor of the gallery, the still-green edge of lawn or some striking colorall these evoke in their own way absent possibilities of which they are discrete signs. Each one symbolizes in this rst sense (evocation in a shortcut form) something imaginable with indenite limits. And yet, spanning affectivity, feeling, and
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motor function, these same symbols produce imaginary resonances that are capable of mobilizing the presently lived act. Reversibilities indicate that the evoked imaginary and the convoked imaginary are caught in a mutual genesis, this incessant exchange that exists at the level of the imaginary between subjective and assimilative drives, on the one hand, and objective summonses emanating from the cosmic and social setting, on the other.23 Finally, a linear representation of time is absolutely alien to the lived modality of inhabiting. If an image must be provided, that of the circle would be more tting to illustrate such circulations that carry the present toward the possible and bring the possible back toward the present through the vehicle of symbols. The power of reversibility implies the rupture of chronological continuities and spatial contiguities. 3. Power of immediacy. One has rightly attributed to the imagination the functions of connection, assembling, and synthesis. It engenders an imaginary eld that is the medium par excellence, the site of exchange between the drive-induced gesture and the environment, between the plurality of styles of inhabiting and commonly held modalities. Yet the imaginary connections hardly use conjunction and logical sequence at all. The imaginary is lived according to immediacy. The pregnancy of the imaginable in the climates of this or that moment, the superimpositions between the convoked possibility and the evoked possibility, the convocation, in the act of conguring space, of an evocable climatic globalityall these processes show that inhabitant expression lived in space and in time skips causal or rational sequences and does without streams of representations. There is nothing about it of a relation of part to whole or of a relation of the individual to the socius; the same goes for rationalizing explanations that would yield on the one hand the subject, on the other hand the object, on the one hand knowing, on the other hand the world in itself. To the extent that everyday life can nd meaning qua expression, the imaginary proposes itself as the essential referent to which the moments of inhabiting, and all the spaces inhabited, relate. The imaginary weaves beneath each present lived experience a ground the imaginary immediately gives to it as world.
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At the outset of a patient reading of narratives of everyday life, we were seeking a change of scenery. The progressive appearance of the global power of the imaginary leads us quite far aeld. Are we rambling? On the one hand, one will have had an adequate glimpse now of how everyday conducts are not forms of occupying a space that has been proposed to one but, rather, forces for reorganizing a lived spacetime. One will also have glimpsed that this dynamism emanates from the imaginary. This would thus be a contribution to present-day research on the imaginary roots of collective life. But, on the other hand, can the lived experience of inhabiting be told and understood only in the trace of a pure practice, with only snatches of it being grasped and its empirical examination never ending? Is it only dispersal, and is its unity of meaning simply hypothetical? In short, in overowing the boundaries of the well-known and reassuring structure of the relation of signier to signied, inhabitant rhetoric would lead to a set of remarks that, from errancy to errancy, might end up straying into the realm of the arbitrary. Is inhabitant expression but a series of rejections, or just some babbling provocations launched against urban planning? Has it no internal necessity? Can it not be rephrased into a theory?
Toward a Theory of Expression

Just as the inhabitants whose steps we have followed sometimes stop in the course of their trips and look back on something or toward someone, so, along the itinerary of our investigation, have some noteworthy points interrupted our forward bound [lan] and invited us to take a look around. These theoretical adjustments have taken place four times:24 when two fundamental gures, synecdoche and asyndeton, referred ambulatory rhetoric back to a poetics rather than to prosaic statement; when spatial derealizations brought to light by the code of appropriation scrambled the order of clear signications and indicated that everyday rhetoric also signied itself; when the body of inhabitant expression showed that acting and suffering are not two distinct instantiated principles but, rather, that they are lived through a process of articulation, in a rhythmic manner; and when, nally, in the preceding
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pages, the ground of inhabitant expression proved to be imaginary and was to be characterized by the three powers of excessiveness, reversal, and immediacy. On four occasions, everyday practices have expressed a rejection of the self-evident truths of planned space. And the four forms of interpretation they called for seem to call into question the certainties of our knowledge of social space and to disturb our overly inured habit of seeking general causes and clear signications. Is there, however, nothing in common among these four theoretical sketches of inhabitant expression that, as against determinate space and knowledge, plainly persist in stating the existence of the polysemous and the arbitrary? Yet, as a matter of fact, the status of expression outstrips that of binary-structure signication in that it never functions in an arbitrary way. Everyone knows the two principles on which the theory of the sign is grounded: the arbitrary relation between signier and signied, on the one hand; the linear character of the signier, on the other.25 Now, one need only bring up again the gures of inhabitant rhetoric in order to grasp that expressers outstrip the order of convention and that they are far from unmotivated. Also, walking rhetoric clearly differs from a linguistic process. Even if the space traveled through were the same, one never walks exactly in the same way. However unremarkable our ways of inhabiting might be, they would never depart from a climatic pregnancy that never leaves them totally unmotivated. The atmosphere brings together a veritable network of signications that envelop the lived presents. Of the convocations and evocations of the imaginary that are mingled with climates and that ground the articulations of each inhabitant expression, as well as of collective relationships, it could not be said, they are a line.26 Finally, the fundamental presence of the imaginary in the regulatory system of lived inhabitant expression appears not only likely but necessary. It makes one understand that, at the level of the process of symbolization (which becomes concretized in spatial conguration through synecdoche and asyndeton), expression is never carried out according to an arbitrary relation and does not unfold in a single dimension. In everything that inhabitant expression has manifested, no expresser remains the arbitrary instrument of what is to be expressed. The
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signier holds and is valid only by virtue of the signied content. It already holds and is valid for itself, qua mode of expression already loaded with meaning. What is expressed (for example, avoidance or the seeking out of a qualied site; ease of habitation or inhabitant malaise) refers back to the mode of expression. And in its way of conguring the inhabited space, the mode of expression implies straight off what it endeavors to express. No doubt, the narratives of the inhabitants, like our ways of reading them, are hampered by the linguistic process one must indeed use. And in its linear stretch, this linguistic process has a hard time accounting for the expression of a practice that is itself already lived as an expression. The narratives turn back around and take up in another way what was said, move about from one detail to another, colliding against and shaking up the linearity of the statements made. The same goes for our attempts at analysis. And yet, if one does not succeed in making a complete tour around this inhabitant expression and exhausting its expressive force, is it not that its nature has nothing linear about it and that it must be understood, rather, in its multiple dimensions? Is it not true that each lived moment in this or that site implies and convokes, in a manner that is not arbitrary and yet is pregnant in its concrete plural forms, the globality of the inhabited space? One never nishes recounting the modalities of any one inhabiting. There is still and always something else to say. This nonnite character of the narrative of everyday life, as well as that of the analyses made about it, can be exasperating from the scientic outlook, which likes to tour all the way around questions and put a decisive full stop. As for us, through our understanding that the modes of inhabiting have meaning only under a regulatory system of expression, we come to suspect that the study of such modes nds no decisive end. In addition, the strangeness of such expression, which functions in an immediate as well as mediated manner, sidetracks our habits of thinking in terms of exclusive disjunction, or binary principle of noncontradiction, through which an object is this or else that and cannot be qualied in a contradictory way. Yet in the end is it a matter of contradiction or of contrariness? It is not contradictory that there might be at once a relation of the expresser to what is expressed and, on the other hand, a reversal from
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the expressed to the expresser that can be contracted into immediacy. It is quite difcult to give a theoretical representation of this, and we lack the notions to do so. Or rather, the theory of expression no longer exists. It offers no operative interest; it is not usable in any production technology. As a test and in a transitional way, can we nd a way of thinking that accounts for expressions status and presents it in a theoretical form? Examined in its concrete operation, the lived practice of inhabited space displayed itself in accordance with two movements. The most evident one is developmental movement, a movement of unfolding in spatiotemporal succession by which one step follows another, a path ends in a stationary position, and a conguration is displayed in gures. Having unfolded in this way, the various modes of inhabiting allowed one to see the elements of their composition and authorized the disjoining of this or that gure from some other one, of such and such an aspect of movements of appropriation from another, of the acted from the suffered, of the present from the absent, of the possible from the present, of the eventful from the everyday. The connections, like the absences of connection, could thus appear at all levels of analysis. The second is an enveloping movement, a movement of constriction, one could say, in which the elements developed in the preceding movement convoke one another mutually: from expresser to expressed, from expressed to expresser. The whole was given in the part, the possible coexisted beneath the present, the imaginary ground was convoked immediately in this or that lived here and now. And yet these two movements thwart each other, because the rst goes from immediacy to the exposition of mediations and distinctions and the second from the mediated and the successive to immediacy. This contrariness nevertheless has permitted us not to betray the lived experience of various particularities and to spurn hastily arrived at abstractions. It has also allowed us to sift out the shared principles involved in multiple ways of inhabiting. These movements of explication and implication that appeared in our attempt at an approach in fact make up the fundamental mode of inhabiting that gives itself out as expression. Although they are contraries, these movements are lived simultaneously. What is this third movement? A theory can account for this coincidence of contraries only by
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appealing to a third term. One must go back rather deep into the history of thought, back to the Renaissance, in order to nd a triad of notions capable of giving coherence to the representation of the status of expression. These three specic notions have been borne by anevertheless suspect27current of thought that became established especially with Nicholas of Cusa and Giordano Bruno. Whatever the object to which they may be applied, one can preserve the meaning of these notions, which are eminently suitable for thinking expression. We are talking about explication, implication, and complication. Explication corresponds to the movement of modal exposition, of successive development, of an expression that congures and allows how expression congures itself to appear. Implication is the movement in which modal particularities convoke one another, the expressed referring back to the expresser with each expression wrapping itself up in the others. Complication, which here has the meaning of global inclusion, of totalizing union, is at once the state of envelopment expressed through implication and the movement that expresses itself through explication. Simultaneity and succession as well as immediacy and mediacy coincide there in the same sense. Both ground and power at one and the same time, complication seals the status of expression. This triad probably provides the most pertinent means for giving theoretical unity to all that the lived modes of inhabiting have allowed to appear in the diversity of their articulatory forms. It accounts for what we named the process of sensorimotor articulation, but also for the cohesion of walking gures in spatial conguration, for the meaning of these at once contrary and concomitant movements of differentiation and identication, which manifested themselves in the code of appropriation, and for the diverting and paradoxical powers of the imaginary. Finally, it accounts for the way in which the part gives itself out as the whole and the whole can be convoked in the part. All these processes have, in short, the same meaning: lived experience of inhabiting does not have to express anything other than itself. Everyday existence expresses itself practically in the modes of inhabiting that express in turn an autonomous power of expression. This autonomy, which can be dened in theoretical terms by the notion of complication, is not an everyday delusion that would be superim162
posed upon the prosaic usage of the laid-out and developed space. Quite to the contrary, when recognized as expression, a lived experience of inhabiting has the power to deform these habitat situations one hardly chooses, to remove from them the unimaginable reality with which they are adorned. A collective habitat is perhaps even a matter of choiceyet, it is inevitable in present-day building production about which everyday lived experience can manifest its buried and unnoticed powers. Why, nally, does a theory of inhabitant expression seem barely conceivable today? The notions that would allow such an approach have been emptied out.28 But furthermore, the approach remains particularly difcult. It cannot be performed with clarity and binary distinctions. Indeed, theory brings expressions back up to the expressedthe expressed being, in short, the meaning of being-able-to-express. Now, the expressed has a very paradoxical status. This is because, as Deleuze notes,
what is expressed has no existence outside its expression, yet bears no resemblance to it, but relates essentially to what expresses itself as distinct from the expression itself. Expression thus bears within itself a double movement: one either takes what is expressed as involved [on enveloppe], implicit, wound up in its expression, and so retains only the couple expresser-expression; or one unfolds [on dveloppe], explicates, unwinds expression so as to restore what is expressed (leaving the couple expresser-expressed).29
One grasps clearly only one or the other of the two movements. And yet the attentive analysis of one of the two must not lose sight of its complement. Otherwise, the complication that gives coherence to the status of the expression comes undone and is split up, the expressive power will not allow any meaning to appear, and one will no longer understand what was to be expressed. It is precisely the paradoxical status of the expressed that would show how an act of inhabiting, grasped as expression, can be deleterious if it itself recognizes itself and that would show what threat it would then evoke. Indeed, this paradox exceeds the dualisms and the properly distributed conjunctions that govern a dominant mode of thinking-producing. Let us cite Deleuze once again:
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In short, what is expressed everywhere intervenes as a third term that transforms dualities. Beyond real causality, beyond ideal representation, what is expressed is discovered as a third term that makes distinctions innitely more real and identity innitely better thought. What is expressed is sense: deeper than the relation of causality, deeper than the relation of representation.30
We have proceeded from the most spatial forms of everydayness to the sketch of a theory of expression. Here we are at the end of our change of scenery. Borne by the inhabitants narratives, our approach has bided its time, in envy, perhaps, of the time of inhabiting that it has taken pleasure in making apparent, abandoning itself to the gray tones [griseurs] of the everyday, allowing itself almost to be surprised by events, and thus playing at varying the paths it takes. While the lived experience of inhabiting now gives itself out as expression, the wealth of inhabitant expressions has hardly been exhausted at all. We have been told over and over again that all capacity to inhabit space in an active way has by now disappeared, that, despite its sporadic efforts, inhabiting power is henceforth impotent, that the soul of our cities is dying. But has inhabitant practice been able already to express itself? Would we not have betrayed its ingenuity in favor, rather, of a discourse that reproduces categories that would not in the least be disavowed in the universe that makes a prot from the production of space? Although concerned with delity, our very approach will have related only one story of everyday life among others. In order to make one and the same nal discoverynamely, that inhabitant expression expresses rst of all itselfmany other approaches would have been possible and they remain so, under the heading of one and the same fundamental similarity. Let us therefore nish up without ending by referring to a few lines from Samuel Beckett that will translate the lived experience of the climate surrounding our own itinerary:
Dawn was just breaking. I did not know where I was. I made towards the rising sun, towards where I thought it should rise, the quicker to come to light. I would have liked a sea horizon or a desert one. When I am abroad in the morning I go to meet the sun, and in the evening, when I am abroad, I follow it, till I am down among the dead. I dont know why I told this story. I could just as well have told another. Perhaps some other time Ill be able to tell another. Living souls, you will see how alike they are.31
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Conclusion
A Cosmogenetic Point
The space open before you does not have any other measure, any other quality, Than that given to it by the form and the rhythm of your steps. Traditional Vedic saying
There are conclusions that, in ending a book, put a full stop to the question being treated and offer it up as a nished object. Such a procedure would have no meaning here. This book remains a rough draft, a preliminary sketch; it ends nothing. On the contrary, our wish is that it would invite one to return to this innitely more precious and rich text on which ambulatory practices write without their tiring and which they recommence each day upon an urban space that seemed to reject them or remove all signication from them. Before formulating this invitation more fully, we shall take stock [nous ferons le point] of the situation. One of the great concerns of our time is to know for how long, in our cities beset by an unprecedentedly vast undertaking of planning, the inhabitants will still be able to nd themselves within it. In a way, the answer is simple. If the constraints and the imperatives in whose name development is carried out are really necessary, the preconception of spatial practices in the form of functional usages would have to keep on growing. The process of urban production (renovation, restoration, new neighborhoods, trafc plans) will have to add up an increasing quantity of parameters and, for this very reason, secure for itself a more and more general mastery of space. The singularities
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CONCLUSION
lived by inhabitants who are isolated or in small groups (for, the social unit of everyday life is the aggregate, not the class or the social group, which are real, but abstract, entities) have no weight. Not only that, they are reduced in advance, codied in the prole of the typical inhabitant, and classied in general terms. When a new neighborhood rises from the ground, everything essential is stated. Thus do we believe that concrete is steeped in ideology as well as in economics. The singular occupants are to be satised with architectural forms and are to satisfy a way of life largely prepared in advance. Lived space seems to become an accident of conceived space. In another way, the answer is undecidable. Indeed, if we wanted the point of view to change, if the requirements of economic imperatives were to be bracketed, be it only for the time of conducting an analysis, if we were to take into account everyday existence in town not as it is represented but as it is lived, we would see that the categories of use and of housing [logement] correspond only very partially to our ways of inhabiting. The production of planned space has its own rhetoric, a particular way of forming space and qualifying it. We would summarize this way in the following proposition: Planned space is conceived and is achieved only on the basis of a representation of its totality. The real is the territorial whole and the functional partitions that are arranged therein. All the rest is but imaginable. Now, inhabitant expression proposes an entirely different conguration of space. A housing complex can be lived only partially, in a discrete manner, with absences that render the space heterogeneous. The real is the presently lived fragment of space. All the rest is grounded in a globality that is imaginary in nature. These propositions are antithetical. It is hard to see how they could be reconciled. There exists but one actual state of fact: the planning imperative of urban space reduces1 the power of inhabitant expression. Yet, this reduction is again reduplicated through an epistemological choice that gives out the totality as essential and the fragmentary as accidental or incidental. Depending on the capacities, the limits, and the degree of rigidity extant in the eld of knowledge in which an analysis of spatial practice is conducted, inhabitant expression will be apparent there or will not. Let us examine one nal example, taken from within the neigh166
CONCLUSION
borhood we have studied, which will illustrate this determining factor. Everything depends on the way in which the questions are posed. During the spring of 1974, drawings done by neighborhood children appeared in the windows of local businesses. Noteworthy is the fact that all these drawings represented the Arlequin neighborhood as seen from rather far away, the buildings blocking out the horizon, and with, of course, the interesting deformations peculiar to childrens sense of graphics: a window standing out in a close-up and certain anamorphoses of architecture regularity. But no building interiors were to be seen, none inside the passageway, nothing within the apartments, not even under the gallery. Only two drawings depicted the interiors of the studios of the Video-Gazette and the judo classroom. How had the organizers of this competition billed the topic? The New Town, the Inhabitants, Gamesa proposition that was as abstract and reifying as could be and one to which these children from six to eight years old responded to the best of their abilities, shunting into a far-off view what they were living every day. The rst prize is described in the following terms by one of the competitions organizers:
Very interesting, with this universe of concrete which seems to be falling to the side in which it is leaning, and with, in front, by way of contrast, the grass and the owers.
This was the best landscape. Other childrens drawings were exhibited in the same storefront windows in late 1979. Quite different, these later drawings allow us to glimpse gestures, sketches of some lived relationship to this or that part of the space. No longer do we see those ridiculous stick gures that had been pushed so far back; the gures are now quite lled out. This time, the proposed theme was no longer spectacular in character. It was now aimed at inducing the inhabitants to be more concerned about cleanliness in the public spaces of the neighborhood. The children no longer had to illustrate, to account for something, but, rather, to propose, to convince. Also, the expressiveness of their drawings stuck much more closely to everyday lived experience. It no longer was a matter of representing a totality but, rather, of giving voice to a space that was familiar to them and that they drew as they were conguring
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it every day. They were no longer required to ll in the space; they had to mobilize it. Our interpretive essay on everyday life does not claim to resolve the contradictions that render urban life difcult. Nor is it trying to substitute itself for the kinds of investigations that have been conducted since the mid-sixties by researchers who are worried about the evolution of our world and who have taken great care to dismantle, in a lucid way, the mechanisms for the production of planned space while keeping in mind the psychological and social consequences such mechanisms can entail. But by repeating too often that the lived dimension is scoria, dross, a useless discarded by-product that cannot be assimilated by the present-day system of production and management of space, is one not likening [assimile] it to an insignicant remainder, something simply left over? One wonders whether this inhabitant power still exists, when it has been so well demonstrated time and again that it has been reduced, dominated, co-opted. Perhaps it is sometimes necessary to shift the emphasis, to treat as not necessarily fundamental this chronologically primary and spatially dominant instantiated principle we would call the order that proceeds from construction to renting. Perhaps a commentaryhowever modest, however inaudible, however limited in its means as it might appear ought to underscore, across the very, or too, real production of the built world and the preconceptions it induces, the tenacious persistence of a power of inhabitant expression. Would it not be fruitful to accept, nally, that beside, before, and beyond an epistemological choice that has always made it its goal to focus back on [recentrer] representations and concepts, the lived experience of inhabiting might lead us toward the outlying [excentr] and the excessive, toward the empty and the polysemous? What is most unforeseen and what is most diverting risks shaking the convictions and certainties of the order that reduces the powers of inhabiting. In this sense, three main directions begin to take shape, three surprises provoked by the evocation of an inhabitant expression whose discrete existence seemed to us not to signal the obsolescence of a nowcensured power but, rather, to point to the possibility of another interpretation of the urban universe. So, this is not some full stop [point nal]
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that we shall be placing at the end of our essay but, rather, a cosmogenetic point.2 Starting from this point, our understanding of the city would develop differently. We shall broach its movement in three ways.
An Inhabiting without Building

The concept of building and the reality it designates have disappeared or are on the way to disappearing. The kind of edice that could be called an oeuvre, a work, has become a product of the commercial economy, an object to be lled in. In the past, an edice indicated of what people, of what classes, or of what social castes it was the work. It seems that today the domesticity of the home and the monumentality of the palace or of the temple have been reduced and assimilated into the concept of ones premises [immeuble]. What is certain is that the disappearance of an act of building as implantation, as conguration of space on the basis of the forms and functions of an immediate necessity (shelter against the cold, rain, wind, and sun), is characteristic of advanced technological societies in which the edice becomes an object for sale. Reading an eminently enlightening yet still quite descriptive work that is lacking in theoretical pretensions such as Pierre Desfontainess LHomme et sa maison sufces to shake up, in a healthy way, our universal convictions. There exist throughout the world some medium-sized towns that are still unscathed by the inuence of urbanism and, especially, there are some countryside areas where architecture shows us that building depends on inhabiting, that it is constituted as a space of tensions in which functional necessities (shelter formed in accordance with the regions climatic conditions) as well as symbolic instantiated principles (earth-sky, diurnal-nocturnal, near-far, indigenous-foreign) are given articulation. So, contrary to the kind of constructing that produces abstract housing-cells dimensioned in ratios, building is directly expressive of inhabiting. It incorporates ways of being. It is itself a modality liable to variations, implying time; it is socially oriented (and not merely a support for the juxtaposition of social elements) and open to tension and to conict.3 Building is already inhabiting; it is qualifying, in a lived way, a singular space and a singular time.
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CONCLUSION
Because both bring into play the same articulatory process, there is a connaturality between the act of building and that of inhabiting. In this sense, the proposition is also reversible. Inhabiting is conguring space. And every inhabitant produces, without knowing it, an organization of space. Such an organization is ingenuous, but also indicative of a fundamental power that architectural science merely exploits through the skills of its technical prowess. If the power of building has been occulted and the term inhabiting has become a doublet for housing, the play of transformations brought on by economic considerations is not the only thing at issue. The change that has been carried out has taken place through an objectifying representation of housing, ones habitat becoming a housing-object. It has made it possible to think in terms of a standardized product constructed in a repetitive manner. Even more than that, this change has relegated the appearance of the habitat, properly speaking, to the end of a long series of distinct sequences that extends from conception (from projectation, as one says in the world of urbanism) to the delivery of the product. Whence a limitation of respective responsibilities: each contributor (urbanist, architect, nancier, and then manager and owner) can avoid his own duty to respond and can hand over to the other responsible parties any discontented occupant who might contact him. Whence, also, the denial of all genuine mastery4 and the referral of the housing question back to some mysterious and fateful social mechanisms. It has become all too obvious that the process of construction always precedes the process of inhabiting or housing. In other words, on the one hand, the ways in which one makes use of ones housing have been preconceived as soon as the urbanistic and architectural project begins; on the other hand, the concrete act of housing is never taken into account in the production process as a whole. Reduced to a being housed, excluded from the productive act, the lived experience of the inhabitant is ultimately handed over to the vagaries of the housing market. Thus, in the representations of the ideology of urbanism, what the economic and functional imperatives of production had implied from the start is treated merely as an unfortunate accident. Recognition of inhabitant expression thenceforth entails an inevitable corollary we must underscore, however utopian it might be. The
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CONCLUSION
process that goes from constructing to housing is grounded upon a split. The process that goes from inhabiting to building is grounded upon an organic correspondence. Cut off from building, inhabiting retains its power to congure and to imagine by foiling what is implanted as thetically real in our modern cities. In this sense, we will offer no backward-looking conclusions. Building is missing-in-action, not dead. And its potentialities are still exercised in a virtual way in the obscure confrontations between inhabitant expression and constructed space. We would say, rather, that the modern is what has just died; it is already conceptuality, already xed in place. It is dead absolutely, that is, as soon as one lays down the rst stone, as soon as its rst object is sketched out, for it has rid itself of lived time. And rather than calling for a return to the past, we would prefer to grant, as a plausible outcome, self-construction. But this outcome will remain an exotic dream for most inhabitants of high-density housing complexes. We are speaking about those for whom utopian syntheses are beyond their ken; those who do not have the power to manipulate easily discursive codes, be it only in order to subvert them; those who undergo or suffer the forms of fashion but hardly create them at all. There is another consequence, more modest and more immediate. It is one that might benecially upset the instituted categories, if inhabitant power were recognized as a congurative force and a virtual potentiality of building and if the housing question were posed on the basis of lived modes of inhabiting rather than in the representation of an object to be lled in. To point out that every edice is overdetermined on an everyday basis (that is to say, that all everyday lived experience convokes the other and the world in each inhabited siteand to refuse to represent this overdetermination as some sort of dysfunction, a semantic mix-up, or a defect in the perception of the legibilities of architecture): this is the sense in which an interpretation of everyday life, one attentive to its expressive features, might deconstruct the trivial and too convenient dichotomy that equally dismisses both urbanistic production and the inhabitants. If one no longer knows what building is, one will at least really have to ask oneself one day no longer, What is housing? in the sense of mere lodging but, rather, What is inhabiting?
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CONCLUSION
An Inhabiting without a Why?

This question, which has been examined concretely on a precise terrain following a method that is as attentive and faithful as possible to the myriad detours and the many moments of spatiotemporal practices, does not culminate in a system of primary causes. When it comes to everyday life, to practices lived upon a group-housing space, the choice of one modal lane limits the transcriptions and betrayals of that at which observation aims. There really is not a tropism, but rather a similarity of nature, between the observed and the observation. The interpreter is to blend into the everyday and to refrain from making any premature analytic divisions, any hasty abstractions, waiting upon and staying near to these expressions of everydayness, lingering amid what is intimate and familiar, and, nally, leaving to the narrative of lived experiences the expressive form that is peculiar to it, and without which it would have no meaning. Before looking for the whys, ought one not allow the hows to express themselves in the style that is peculiar to them? It will, however, be surprising, and perhaps scientically scandalous, that our comments would venture no further than this intermediate zone. Not that the project would fail to culminate in a few propositions, but that, speaking of inhabiting, that project would never reach the end of them. Settled into this intermediate realm, our change of scenery does not exit therefrom. Should it have found the causes of the mechanism, trivializing in the view of scientic knowledge, by inserting within some causal system these sometimes surprising and savage-looking everyday banalities? By refusing to stick to a formal ending, to the overall metaphorization of inhabiting into a housing, and by grasping modes of living other than through why questions, other than through categories familiar to the very actors who produce the built world, our investigation, which has privileged an approach to intermediate sites (walking paths) and a study of details, of accidents and irregularities, and of small variations over time, nevertheless ends up allowing a regulatory system of expression to appear, one that this investigation has not nished touring around. Must one deduce from this thatsetting aside the functional aspect
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CONCLUSION
(housing), which alone is taken into account in the listing of necessary causes (the economic, the political)the everyday practices we have been tailing behind are pointless [gratuits] objects? Will one ascribe to them what Angelus Silesius said of the rose: The rose is without a why? Although the poetic nature of the act of conguring space has become apparent to us, inhabiting has to be understood rather as a movement than as an aesthetic object. Yet, in any case, it is averse to the why, because the why no longer intends anything but representations, whereas the how intends things. In order to illustrate this radical difference in orientation and to signal at the same time another opening indicated in the modal study of inhabiting, we must mention here the formidable question of needs, which for several years has cluttered up research in the social sciences and which barely conceals a return to the old debate between vitalism and mechanism. Are needs natural, signs of vital appetites, or else products of social change conditioned by the relations of production? Do they refer back to a deep-seated desire that takes form in accordance with the conditions of the moment, or else are they historically created? The problematic of needs includes, in any case, a logic that is heavy with consequences:
It leads to resolving inequalities, deprivations, and contradictions engendered by capitalism through a vast welfare apparatus [ . . . ]. It does not sufce to house people; people must be able to inhabit an individual or collective space.5
This logic practically lays down the answer before the question is asked; and under its cloak, the most glaring needs are satised along the way. In the process, the power of the giver is reinforced and the necessity of his presence is conrmed. Moreover, how are needs apprehended and interpreted? You look at the masses, the users, and, on the basis of social movements and their dynamic, you extract a social content: needs. Social life is abstracted into the notion of need, just as peoples practices are reduced to various functions. The abstraction of functionality is inserted into a logic that is grounded on the relation of container to contained. Thenceforth, every sort of manipulation is, if not easy, at least possible. The logical presuppositions involved authorize a logistics,
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CONCLUSION
in the sense of an operational strategy, which includes anticipations of peoples use. The new conformism passes through the lter of needs:
The happy consciousnessthe belief that the real is rational and that the system delivers the goodsreects the new conformism which is a facet of technological rationality translated into social behavior. It is new because it is rational to an unprecedented degree.6
The rehabilitation of a status for expression in the social sciences may invite one to think in another way, to cast into doubt a methodology that separates the content from the container, to advance an understanding that everydayness holds more than a social behavior obsessed by the search for its wants and its satisfactions, and to refer this occulting problematic back to those who are the masters of the question and who have, at the same, produced the answer. There is a way of thinking that is expert in the mechanisms for a domineering sort of production of urban space. Such a way of thinking will always keep one from recognizing that what inhabitant expression expresses rst of all is itself. The logic of urbanistic thought grants only a transitive causality. The effect always has to be distinct from the cause, and the signied from the signier. Thus, housing is represented as the product ad extra, the effect cut off from the cause, over which one no longer has any grasp. Thus, lived experience would be only the accidental signier of much more general and essential instantiated principles. In this sense, short-circuiting the modal, the intermediate, and the unstable is equivalent to objectifying inhabiting, and it is so as much through the mechanisms of construction as through the ways of dening housing-objects, short-term objectives, and pairs of concepts of the need/satisfaction type by means of which one turns out household objects and those ridiculous subjects of use that are so many individual props for consumption. The rst advantage of our lingering over the modalities of lived experience and of our pursuing the discovery of them would be to dismiss such abstract objectications that slice up, a priori, all concrete sociability and lead one to consider the instantiated principle of the collective as a collection of juxtaposed individuals whose unity would reside in the Establishment,7 with its cohort of (legal, economic, sociocultural, etc.)
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CONCLUSION
establishments. The second advantage of such an approach would be to deliver inhabitant expression to us in the immediacy of its tensions, of its conicts, of its not yet reduced, not yet resolved possibilities.
An Irreducible Imaginary
The third surprise will come from the excessiveness, from the ambiguity, from the overowing nature of a rhetoric of lived inhabiting. The fear of meaningand especially of double meaning!is the major terror of our intellectual pedagogy, Gilbert Durand points out.8 And if the imaginary appears to be the common ground of these excesses, of these double or multiple meanings, the resulting surprise could verge on perplexity. One will be surprised that an imaginary whose mischievousness, whose reveries, and whose outbursts can be accepted in a pinch as quite natural diversionsas escapades that, when all is said and done, actually favor the reproduction of the labor forcemight overow its connes and give itself out as the ground of the lived experience of inhabiting. It will be doubted that such a power to imagineabout which one knows only its momentary and eeting role as an intermediate faculty in perceiving and knowingmight appear as the force by which we do not live the fragmentary as it is given to us. How could the abstract principle of homogenization not be the only way of reading identities and convergences of meaning? And howopposite, or alongside, this thetic principlecould an imaginary persist in its irreducible power of expression and insist upon proceeding through homology rather than through clear-cut divisions and distinctions? But does not such a surprise also conceal a fear? This would be the fear of the possible sudden emergence of a groundswell that no measuring stick succeeds in gauging and that no reason is certain to be able to contain. The devaluation of the imaginary and the will to reduce its force barely conceals a vague, yet still disturbing, memory of the powers of which it is capable. For, in order to limit onself to the Western orbit, only ve centuries separate us from a culture in which the imaginary (phantasia, spiritus phantasticus, as was said at the time) had been recognized
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CONCLUSION
as the fundamental intermediary, on the near side of conscious perception as well as on the far side of rational knowledge. It was not so long ago the key to the understanding of the world and of multidimensional man.9 Todays rejection of an irreducible power of the imaginary manifests itself though the way in which the creative imagination is annexed and is, at the same time, reduced to the domain of productivity. The imaginary becomes an instrumental moment in the production of the edied space. This moment, on which the most creative writers lay stress and whose brevity and limits they regret,10 brings into play the pregnancy of archaic space, the drive to play, the ornamental drive, and the drive for order.11 Crossed with the drive for imitation, these drives nevertheless deteriorate into divisions and xations: forms and functions are conceptualized separately, and the force of the schematism becomes xed in set schemata. The form no longer is conguring but, rather, posited in order to gure. For whatever they are worth, designers of urban space gure into their consumer product the image of a world that implies nothing other than lling in, contiguity, and distribution. And yet, from the conceptual designers imaginary to the inhabitant imaginary, a spontaneous analysis would not be loath to underscore the unevenness, the deterioration. The conceptual design would exploit the imaginary all more actively as it produces a material reality that occupies the space (and the ground of this space gives itself out as realestate reality, landed reality) and as the use is anticipated, preconceived, implicitly or explicitly imagined when there is a social project. Among inhabitants, the imaginary would be liberated in a superuous sort of way in leisure (otium or opium?). While thus reduced and desiccated, such an imaginary would nevertheless have more effective value than a merely suffered imaginary or one in which its activity is represented as defenseless and contingent. The study of everyday walks indicates, on the contrary, that there really is much more creative movement, conguration, and dynamic tension going on in the humblest acts of inhabiting than in the very process that produces the contemporary built world. This points to an opening and to an investigative lead in which, on the basis of the lived experience of inhabiting, and not of conceptually designed housing, the imaginary
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CONCLUSION
functionally utilized in the production of laid-out and developed space might be confronted with an imaginary the inhabitant actually lives. A certain number of received values would then most likely be overturned, and this expressive power of an irreducible imaginary (one ignored for this reason by discourses on construction and housing) would appear as a cosmogenetic point. In making the universe of everydayness begin on the basis of what is given, the world of manipulated technology is posited as the rst cause. And so, even the most lucid critics render those who no longer know how to inhabit responsible for those who no longer know how to build. Scrupulous conceptual designers bow under the burden of an enormously bad conscience. Everything is still played out in terms of knowing and of conscience. It is said, The world we have been given is bad. The forms in which the dominant powers are set are deadly but fated. In understanding everyday activity on the basis of its imaginary ground, the world begins in another way. It is seized as a structuration and not as structure, as functioning of congured forms and not as simultaneous positing of preconceived functional forms. The inhabited world, with or against other worlds, is convoked and reactivated in the realm of the conictual and not in these falsely homogeneous llings-in wherein each ends up representing himself in solitude and the expletive, as if one were mere ller. The imaginary is, in short, the cosmogenetic point on the basis of which an inhabitant expression still exists and endeavors to fashion its world. It is the strategic point, too, from which the study of urban existence could come to consider, in terms of force, movement, and expression, what in received ideas are represented to us as forms, positions, and pure signitive relation. As Paul Klee said:
Nowhere, ever, is the form to be considered as achievement, result, nal term, but as genesis, as becoming, as essence in actu. The form as achieved appearance is a bad and dangerous specter.12
In offering this passage for the readers contemplation, we shall apply it to the end of the present work in two senses. These formulationsnamely, that the form would be formation and conguration and that, on the other hand, achieved appearance
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CONCLUSION
would be a dangerous spectersum up in an aphoristic way our intention here by giving a literally more operative sense (qua oeuvre, opera, opus) to the lived experience of inhabiting than to the production of the built world and by overturning the vice of making all too obvious evaluations. The same remark also applies to our own itinerary. Faithful to the nature of inhabitant expression, we have refused to give an end term [un terme] or a conclusion to it. We wanted only to propose a transitory and transitive way of formulating the question of inhabiting. The time of this writing and the modes of inhabiting we had described have already been altered. Here, as elsewhere, inhabitant expression is a far cry from having said its last word. In this sense, the way that turns its back on denitive terms, on established relations, and on dogmas, the one that opens itself out toward the eccentric, the intermediate, and the ambiguous calls for another future as well as for other investigations. The initial, uncertain project has made its way, gained its ground, and its end is only temporary. What we have discovered in the lived experience of inhabiting, and the way in which we have done it, end up being brought together in the same idea of an oeuvre, a work that is already along the way and that calls for other variations. Let us understand in this sense another phrase drawn from the same text by Klee:
Through the identity of way and work, the work becomes articulated along the way, in passing from a uniform gait to varied gaits.13
Here we are already along our way at the invitation of everyday walks grasped in their movement, the rhythm of their gaits. Because they have the secret power to break up uniformity, because their variations sidetrack and will still evade our certainties and our self-evident truths, the paths of expression do indeed seem to lead somewhere.14
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Appendix A
Synoptic Table
A formal conclusion would have been possible in the form of a synoptic table. We attempt a sketch of such a table here. It seems to us that two powers, two different orders, are in constant confrontation with each other in everyday life. One of these establishes itself through general representations (which are reproduced by the user and the consumer). The other one, which is buried and goes unnoticed, is rooted in the lived experience of the inhabitant. The order of constructing-housing, which stretches from the layout and development of space to the delivery of housing, enjoins a representation of both the production of space and the usage of the spatial product. This representation is reproduced even in the general speech patterns of the inhabitants. The order of inhabitant expression, or of inhabiting, subsists under the rst of these and is grounded on an active sense of inhabitant action. On the one hand, the modalities of inhabitant expression and the representations of constructing-housing stand in contradictory relation to each other. (And one will have glimpsed in what sense these contradictions can hardly be resolved.) On the other hand, the order of constructing-housing covers over that of inhabiting and reduces it in two ways: the constructed product is represented as bringing about housing usage; everyday details, modalities of lived experience, and the forces of inhabiting are reduced to representations that are conceptualizable and manipulable.
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APPENDIX A
This set of reductionist processes implies the convergence and the identity, on the conceptual level, of the mode of producing and the mode of thinking producing and usage. The foregoing can be read in two possible directions. Either: one takes the point of view of the reductionist order (the order of constructing-housing), and then the habitual process by which one buries the power of inhabiting can be rendered explicit. In that case, one must begin by reading the pages that inventory the principal categories of the reductionist order (odd-numbered pages of the table); or one takes a plunge and one takes the point of view of the order of inhabiting. The reading can then begin with the third principle of this order of inhabitant expression, since it is the most inconceivable one for the logic of the reductionist order (last even-numbered page of the table). Yet, every reading of the table in this second direction would show, in short, that the power of inhabitant expression remains irreducible and that, on account of this fact, no attempt to resolve the basic contradictions between the two orders is viable. Let us note, nally, that the arrangement of the table, which is organized into three series for greater clarity, by itself betrays a problematic that does not succeed in ridding itself of the spatial paradigm cluttering up our thought. In this sense, inhabitant expression remains alien to the logic of such a confrontation, as well as to the metaphor of synoptic arrangement. Also, such a table interests us only to the extent that it manifests this ultimate disavowal.
Practical Hints
In the double-paged tables that follow, each numbered proposition stands in contradictory relation to the proposition bearing the same number on the facing page. In italics, one will read the logical and ideological reductions the
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APPENDIX A
order of constructing-housing tries to apply to the noteworthy characteristics of the order of inhabiting. (The indication Reduction, which will be found on the even-numbered pages, refers one back each time to the text in italics that is to be found on the respective odd-numbered page and in the same row.)
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APPENDIX A
first series :
ORDER OF INHABITING
First principle: Inhabited space is lived partially, in a discrete way (with absences), and in a heterogeneous way. The representation of the globality of this space is imaginary in nature.
expressions of this principle

1. Globality takes on meaning in each concrete articulation of inhabiting, which convokes it and evokes it. Reduction : 2. Inhabiting expresses itself through breaks, cuts, and opacities; also through excesses and through overows of the fragmented onto the constructed totality. In deforming the latter, it gives itself out as movement of conguration. Reduction :
3. The rhythm of everyday life comes from the eventful. Inhabited space is congured and marked by eventful memory. Reduction :
4. Articulating the heterogeneous, inhabitant expression lives appropriation through the evocation or convocation of a conictual sociability. A space is appropriable only on the ground of its strangeness, its foreignness, its alienness. Reduction :
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APPENDIX A
on homogenization
ORDER OF CONSTRUCTION-HOUSING
First principle: The space of the habitat is constructed only on the condition that there is a representation of homogeneity. It is handed over to use as a rational and real totality.
oper ative procedures a nd reductions of inhabiting

1. The part has meaning only in its relation to the totality that really grounds it. The moments of everyday life are reduced to partial uses, to territorial assignments related to the abstract identity of the total territory. 2. Housing depends upon a state of planning in which each part receives its rightful place and nds itself juxtaposed to the others by virtue of an abstract delimitation of boundaries and upon a ground of continuity. Themes of transparency, of fusion, and of the opening of sites. Leveling of differences through the metaphors of audible discourses. 3. In its system, which tends toward closure, planned space grants as an event only what is foreseeable, conceivable, and re-presentable. Theme of the preconception of social life. Only what arises with at least a minimal form of organization is possible. In production itself, there is an absorption of the overall and primordial event: How will produced space be inhabited when it becomes use-space? 4. Appropriation is conceived as juxtaposition of appropriated sites, as partition within homogeneity, and as repetition, in various parts, of the same relation of the subject to the object. Themes of integration, of fusion, and of mixture. Identication and establishment of a common denominator (spatial homogeneity) for all that can be alien (social differences, ethnic differences, differences in everyday practices) leads to a process of abstract assimilation that tends to give itself out as real.
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APPENDIX A
second series :
ORDER OF INHABITING
Second principle: Space is articulated through time.
expressions of this principle

1. Articulation of retention and protention. Convocation of the sensorial totality that qualies a multidimensional climate. Lived time congures space through the possibility of the project and upon a ground of absence. Reduction :
2. Movement of motor conguration. Appearance and disappearance of lived space. Reduction :
3. Articulated through time, space opens itself up to the possible, to the unforeseeable, to the imaginable, to repetition in difference, to motor anticipation, and to the pregnancy of variable atmospheres. Reduction :
4. The raw material of a regulatory system of inhabiting appears in those modalities of lived experience that are ones everyday ways of being in space according to the time. Reduction :
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APPENDIX A
on abstraction
ORDER OF CONSTRUCTING-HOUSING
Second principle: Time is structured and mastered through spatiality.
definitions of space a nd reductionist corollaries of inhabiting

1. A space to be seen (perceived), capable of being put at a distance, always referable to in terms of spatial simultaneity. Reduction of tension through objectication: distancing on the opposite side; self-reduction, always including a variable degree of the spectacular. The project becomes xed in an object. Reduction of absence through the lling in of spatial permanency; substantication of spatiality. 2. A thetic space: space to be posited through permanency. Reduction of conguration into postures (stroboscopic representation); Reduction of the articulation of the movement to a pause and of the articulation between appearance and disappearance into representations of poses and positions. 3. A space of functional uses, grounded upon conceptual oppositions (leisure-labor, consumption-play, circulation-withdrawal). The vacuities, equivocalities, and unrealities of a lived experience of inhabiting are made up for through a preformation of usage in accordance with the succession of contiguous operations. Induction of a repetition of the identical, of an abstract anticipation of social life, and of a homogenization of the social climate. Inductions are inscribed in the architectural forms and the codes of use. Reductions are conveyed through the abstract concepts of professional discourses. 4. The abstract representation of space yields spatiality as raw material. Reduction of modes into concepts; Isochronic reduction of lived time, through which each instant has to be equivalent to every other one.
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APPENDIX A
third series :
ORDER OF INHABITING
1. As analyzed in the situation of multiunit housing, inhabiting expresses itself through a clash between the lived and the given as conceived. As mode of inhabiting, walking congurations are as much result as movement, initial meaning as ultimate meaning of this clash. They express inhabiting and inhabiting expresses itself in them. 2. Inhabiting alters the representations of given dualities in space and displaces their signication without denying their existence (outside-inside, public-private, etc.). Inhabitant expression proceeds through resonances, echos, and pregnancies by which the inhabitant convokes the inhabitant universe, and vice versa.
3. Inhabiting can be grasped in its concrete movement only in the form of an expression. Yet, more than a mere form, expression is given as the nature of the lived experience of inhabiting. In an investigative project, what is lived and what of it is expressed are inseparable. For, the memorable and the recountable are already inscribed in the lived conguration of space, along with the forms and forces of sociability. Between the fact that, on the one hand, the lived experience of inhabiting can be grasped only through its expressions and, on the other, the very nature of the lived experience of the space of ones habitat is a force of expression, there is no tautology as between two propositions. There is a mutual referral of meanings between different movements over time and in accordance with the modal variations through which they express something and express themselves. Third principle: The order of inhabiting is grounded upon a ternary articulation between expression, expresser, and expressed.
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APPENDIX A
on binary division
ORDER OF CONSTRUCTING-HOUSING
Third principle: The productions, inductions, and reproductions implied in the rst two series are grounded on a logic of binary division. Divisions between cause and effect, container and contained, conceived and lived, outside and inside, public and private, individual and social.
reductive effects produced by these abstr act divisions

1. Reduction of the system of inhabiting to a conceived/lived split. Inhabiting understood as a housing consecutive to the production of constructing. The conceivedlived difference can be abstracted in various ways and be represented either as a necessity (causality of a variable nature, depending upon ones analysis) or as a contradiction one underscores and attempts to reduce. 2. Reduction of movements to becoming and of forces to forms via: subject/object division, which privileges the point of view of objectifying knowledge; causal representation, wherein only one relation between two xed and denite terms is conceived at a time; representation in terms of contradictions that dissolve the concrete modality through which contraries are lived. 3. Reduction of the lived experience of inhabitant expression through the split between signier and signied: the signications apprehended (as much in the preconception as in the analysis of social life as it is given) are polarized around univocal meanings. They become incidental accessories of a representation of signieds that are regrouped into abstract concepts: conception, realization, usage, but also social life, social project, and social confrontation. In an investigation of inhabiting, one applies the same process of division and abstraction: on the one hand, perception, on the other, memory; on the one hand, lived experience, on the other, signication; on the one hand, the individual, on the other, the social; and, nally, the contained (content analysis), cut off from the container, becomes an abstract material. (The third principle of the order of inhabiting is not reducible as such. Inconceivable in the dominant code of knowledge and of the production of space, it is reduced into the modes that express it and is represented in a binary division that will never allow inhabitant expressions own force to appear.)
187
Appendix B
Map and Toponymic Lexicon of the Arlequin Neighborhood
The Arlequin neighborhood is the terrain from which the illustrations of walking rhetoric have been drawn. This neighborhood was constructed between 1969 and 1972 in the New Town Priority Development Area1 of Grenoble, France. This neighborhood map will allow readers to visualize schematically a quite peculiar kind of spatial organization. It represents the neighborhood at the ground level, with the most essential information concerning either the basic functions or the landscaped features of the space surrounding everyday strolls. This lexicon provides denitions for the unusual terms that the neighborhood planners used to designate certain sites, often with new conceptions. Toponymic Lexicon
gallery main pedestrian lane that passes underneath the buildings. Including its various branches, its linear measure is nearly a kilometer. pedestrian landings that duplicate the layout of the gallery, connect to the elevators on this story situated right above street level, and lead to certain places that lie beyond yet are still neighboring the gallery (the roof level of the garages, elementary schools, park entrances) sloping segment of the gallery that corresponds to a rise in all the oors of the apartment complex spaces bordering the gallery that are in the shape of the buildings characteristic forms (hexagonal module)
mezzanines
ramp coves
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APPENDIX B
passageways
corridors for entry into apartments. These are sometimes quite long, about fty meters, and they regularly branch out into small lobbies that provide access to two or three front doors of individual apartments. half-buried garages whose roofs serve either as gardens or as a location for an elementary school articial hillocks installed in the park. They are fteen meters high, covered with grass, and almost hemispherical in shape. a human-made expanse of water, one-half-meter deep, situated in the park
silos mounds lake
Community Center building and institution comprising the junior high school and neighborhood sociocultural activities
190
Afterword
Walking Together, Three Decades Later

DAVID AMES CURTIS
To return to things themselves is to return to that world which precedes knowledge, of which knowledge always speaks, and in relation to which every scientic schematization is an abstract and derivative sign-language, as is geography in relation to the countryside in which we have learnt beforehand what a forest, a prairie, or a river is. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception But the thing is not really observablethere is always a skipping over [enjambement] in every observation, one is never at the thing itself. Maurice Merleau-Ponty, The Visible and the Invisible I wanted you. And I was looking for you. I wanted you. And I was looking for you all day. But I couldnt nd you. I couldnt nd you. Youre walking. And you dont always realize it. But youre always falling. With each step, you fall forward slightly. And then catch yourself from falling. Over and over, youre falling. And then catching yourself from falling. And this is how you can be walking and falling At the same time. Laurie Anderson, Walking and Falling, Big Science
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On a bright and brisk late September day in 2004, a quartercentury after he had featured the site in his book Pas pas, Jean-Franois Augoyard kindly offered me a tour of the Arlequin new town on the outskirts of his hometown of Grenoble. Having translated this book over the preceding months, I had already shaped in my mind a picture of this fascinating housing complex, about which you have read here. My preformed image of the sitean outgrowth of my act of translation began to be confronted by another reality, the one formed as we strolled the grounds. Augoyard pointed out, off in the distance, the three main mountain ranges surrounding Grenoble, which I had known previously as the settings for Jean-Claude Killys 1968 Olympic exploits. Now, climbing one of the three mounds (articial hillocks) described in his book, I realized for the rst time how the planners perhaps had fabricated them to mimic visually and physically the environing landscape, with its high peaksa contextual point not brought out in Pas pas. But as I struggled up a slope, I had to contend not only with the (mild) difculty of the ascent but also with how that ascent differed from how I had imagined it, each step unsure as I set one foot after the other on an anticipated but unaccustomed slant, the path being more a synthetic version of the winding Heidelbergian Philosophenweg than steps up a Mayan temple mount as I had fancied. Words like lake did not answer to my promenade past the small but not negligible man-made expanse of water set before me but rather troubled my vision and slowed my pace; and neither did the silos for cars, when I passed by, appear as crushingly high above my slightly bowed head as I had envisioned them in my translation, even though I already knew from the book that these and other ersatz terms devised by planners were surely misleading. Once we arrived at the gallery of this housing complex on International Style stilts,1 I was surprised to nd in the fresh breezes how open and airy it seemed in comparison with the overhang of the impression I was under until then. We never attempted what I had expected would be an infernal rise in one of the complexs reputedly treacherous elevators, but when we did go up an apartment building stairwell, the passageway on the mezzanine level that opened out before me set me off balance as
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it seemed more luminous and less hazardous than I had thought it would be. Finally, I was stopped in my tracks by what was not there; the Maison du quartier, whose name I was still unsure of in translation, no longer existed as it had three decades before, being the casualty, in the interim, of reconstruction plans and right-wing budget cuts about which Augoyard lled me in. I stood looking at the built conguration that now stands in its place, but looking for what could only be sketched out vaguely for me by a few choppy waves of the authors arms as I sought to transform these rough gestures into a satisfactory translation of a now-departed construction-function: Community Center.2 Just as I had laboriously retraced the steps of Pas pas in translating the book, carefully attempting to set my own wordprints into each of the writers own and thereby hoping to re-create the same gait, make the same impressions, achieve the same depth, disturbing neither their sense of ow nor their appearance and yet nding myself trudging over markedly different linguistic ground while attempting to do so, so did I proceed hesitantly, almost trippingly, over an imagined yet physically real builtscape I was now traversing unsteadily for the rst time and yet had seen rather clearly in my minds eye for several months.
Whether he considers himself a great artist, a moonlighting writer,3 an occasional dabbler, a yeoman in the eld, a proletarianized intellectual, or a temporary wetware replacement for the future universal translation machine, the human translator is always faced with choicespretty much all of them imperfect and not fully satisfactory. These choices are not only about the selection of individual words or phrases but also regarding the personality and voice of the author one is translating: his vocabulary, phrasing, tone, pacing, and, last but not least, his background. In the case of Pas pas, the question of background is a particularly rich and varied one, retrospectively quite challenging to catch sight of in its breadth, for large swaths of postwar French intellectual history (such as that of urban studies, linguistics, rhetoric, and Structuralism, as well as of such thinkers as the existential phenomenologist Maurice Merleau-Ponty,4 the Marxist urbanist Henri Lefebvre,5 the deconstructionist
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Jacques Derrida, and the philosopher of expression Gilles Deleuze),6 along with foreign inuences and prewar precursors (the ontological phenomenologist Martin Heidegger and his student, the Freudo-Marxist critic of modern technology Herbert Marcuseas Franoise Choay rightly notes in her introductionalong with the creator of modern linguistics Ferdinand de Saussure), denitely come into play.7 Like the rhapsode Ion in the eponymous dialogue written by Plato, the translator must not only give the distinct impression of, but also endeavor as much as possible to achieve in fact,8 a complete understanding of the text under interpretation as well as of what the author of the text himself knew and was thinking aboutall of this rendered, however, in a context one step removed from the original linguistic setting.9 Now, such choices concerning inuencesones understanding of what other discourses are also speaking through the textalso involve decisions on the translators part: determinations as to how and to what extent additional voices intrude upon, harmonize with, or simply accompany the authors own as well as proposed solutions as to how to give voice to them in another tongue. To take an illustrative example, Heideggerauthor of Bauen, Wohnen, Denken (in English: Building, Dwelling, Thinking)certainly seemed to me, as he did to Choay, a key reference for Augoyard, who himself cites a passage from Being and Time about the temporal manners in which Dasein goes along its ways. Should Heidegger be deemed such an important inuence that a major term in the book, habiter, must be translated as dwelling (habiter is indeed the term found in the French translation of Heidegger: Btir, habiter, penser)?10 Besides the fact that such expressions as dweller rhetoric and dweller expression would seem even more clumsy than the distinctive ones ultimately choseninhabitant rhetoric and inhabitant expression for the key terms la rhtorique habitante and lexpression habitanteit seemed to me that, while Heidegger was still a prime reference, Augoyards urbane language could maneuver through the translation on its own, not entirely beholden to concepts from the Black Forest philosopher. Indeed, as a nal translators note in the present volume points out, the last lines of Augoyards book pose a clear challenge to a key Heideggerian textsomething that may become apparent to the English-speaking reader, however, only
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through knowledge of the French translation of the title to Heideggers rst postwar volume, Holzwege. (While making no claim to have completely circumnavigated the topic at hand, namely, everyday walks in an urban setting,11 the author states with some conviction that he has blazed his own trails well enough and far enough to establish that the paths of expression do indeed seem to lead somewhere. The French title of Holzwege is Chemins qui mnent nulle part, Paths that lead nowhere.) Moreover, dwelling evokes a lived state over time (associated by Heidegger with building and thinking), while inhabiting can, and does here, connote a mobile, dynamic, and reversiblethough not necessarily symmetricalrelationship to home and neighborhood characterized not only by numerous occasions for pauses and stays within and beyond ones domicile but also by excursions and explorations, as well as by more or less typied and set patterns of movement in and out of ones dwelling, that relate also to practices offering silent but salient resistance to certain forms of building.12 Similarly, elsewhere in his tome Augoyard conveys his skepticism about the static architectural thought of Le Corbusier, as expressed in the latters modulor, which had erected postures, not gaits, into paradigms for an inhabitants lived experience of everyday comings and goings.
As it turns out, Augoyard himself has something to say about translation. Near the outset, while reviewing possible leads, subsequently rejected, for ways of investigating how one might account for quotidian strolls through parts of the city, he writes, A topographical translation, like any interpretation based on continuities and contiguities, . . . seemed to us an improper way of accounting for spatial practices as they are lived day to day. (Topography had at rst seemed likely to provide him with the analytic tools for which he was searching: For a daily stroll, what is more metaphorical than a map? The related eld of topology, it should be noted, was then in vogue in Structuralist circles.) This brief statement is in fact expressive of a broader viewpoint, for throughout the book Augoyard is more than suspicious of the one-to-one, univocal, linear correspondences of classical, Saussure-inspired Structuralism. Such an attitude might at rst seem surprising, since walking is such
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an apparently straightforward activity and a step by step approach, taken in a usual sense, would therefore seem particularly well matched here. Nevertheless, we shall subsequently arrive at the place where these steps, full of gaps and in their meandering succession, will be conceived in an entirely other manner. As he already warned a few pages earlier, there is always a remainder in analytic operations that involve division. His turning away from topographical translation leads him to assert that daily strolls . . . belong to that class of overlooked practices that apparently cannot be co-opted by the commercial economy and that are, in the view of scientic knowledge, insignicant.13 Augoyard opts for the less trodden road,14 for it offers him an alternative to the broad and well-worn path of a traditional scientic-analytic approach designed to discount any remainder that cannot precisely be resituated within clear-cut and well-established divisions. Indeed, discussing this nontopographical approach to his chosen topic, he explains that
the referent for ones walks is not the simultaneity of a planned spatial whole but, rather, at each moment of the stroll, the coexistence of the different instantiated principles involved in everyday life. The explication, the development in movement of this coexistence, resembles a sort of creation, and through this creation the space into which one has gone takes on this or that quality, depending on the occasion, but no longer has any permanency of its own (except in representation and on maps).
Augoyard goes so far as to talk, in chapter 2, about the creative gait of lived space-time. As will be fathomed later on, the imaginary plays a deeply original role in this creation not only of ones gait but also of the shifting ground upon which that gait is expressed.
How, then, to account for this ambulatory invention of a lived world? Returning to the limits and drawbacks of topography, he asserts that, better than topographical observation, oral expression has appeared to us to mimic quite closely the act of strolling. Yet here we notice a key, and oft-repeated, gesture in Augoyards own expository movement, one that I have myself been at pains to re-create in translation. While conceptions of urban planning, the language of linguistics, and
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the terminology of rhetoric are integral moments of his overall exposition, his forward motion through and beyond them is quite distinctive and thus worth retracing, for it is the movement itself, not the positions taken up in succession, that, according to my reading via translation, seemed most signicant. Augoyard does state that the analogy with graphic expression is unendingly striking.
Just as a book is read in company with a motionless (re)writing and is written at the same time that it is read for oneself and for others, walking resembles a reading-writing. Sometimes rather more following an existing path, sometimes rather more hewing a new one, one moves within a space that never tolerates the absolute exclusion of the one or the other.
He follows up this statement, however, with another one: This analogy is to be pursued so long as it does not betray the lived quality that is of interest to us and so long as it does not reduce the traces of pedestrian activity to a prosaic linguistic system. Mimicry, resemblance, and analogies may indeed serve as temporary guideposts for understanding ambulatory orientation, but the poetic and the creative recover from the descent into the prosaic and the analytic and then overtake them with each new step. One is reminded here of the lyrics to Laurie Andersons Big Science song Walking and Falling.15 The tightly constructed format of this bookwhich, despite an early dismissal of the idea that any prosaic linguistic system might account for the creativity of walking practices, could have misled one into thinking of it as straightforwardly systematic in conceptioneventually comes into focus as a sort of endless rocking motion in a continually off-center forward movement, constantly falling, as if into indenitely deep holes, and then righting itself in time for the next step. Step by Step might as a consequence appear to some readers to embody an early example of the poststructuralist texts that began to proliferate in the aftermath of Structuralisms wholesale discreditation at the time of May 68. Are we, more than a quarter century later, reading here (in translation) merely one more instance of a rather outdated fashion in Continental thought, now often characterized by undiscerning eclecticism and rampant irresponsibility, that has itself become
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increasingly discredited of latewithout, however, much of anything substantial lling its shoes? Is this another irrelevant hodgepodge of the French Ideology, about which University of Minnesota Press author Cornelius Castoriadis wrote so discerningly?16 One facet of post-Structuralist thought, Jacques Derridas, does indeed surface on several occasions in Augoyards book, with a half-dozen uses of the verb deconstruct and its derivatives as well as an enunciation of the concept of differance (this movement, as retention of the other as other in the same).17 Inhabitant activity, Augoyard observes, displays . . . properties [that] cannot be integrated into a systems model that tends toward closure. This is the resolutely disruptive function of everyday events and the fundamental role of spatial deconstruction. What is heard, for example, . . . covers over and deconstructs the visual realm, which ordinarily is predominant. He goes on to assert that the essence of collective life in an urban setting is to be dened not only through the lived experience of oppositions of one social group to another, but also by a constant tension between constructed spatiality handed over for use and the rhetorical deconstruction of this space, which is done in favor of the expression of styles of inhabiting. These mentions of deconstruction, it may be suggested, can be taken in stride. For, one notices that they are but one (though several times repeated) step in a trajectory that includes other stepsas when Augoyard speaks of a constant tension of which the moment (or movement) of deconstruction is but one term. With the overturning of the usual terms of analysis employed to describe pedestrian movement, he asks, If spatial totalities lose all meaning of their own and are but the occasional material and pretext for deconstruction, for derealization, what is the eld of reference for everyday action? What is the basic ground brought into play by expression, when laid-out and developed space nds itself relegated to an accidental modality?18 It is rather in the elucidation of this basic ground and in the scrutiny of modalities that we might discover where the author is headed and how far he gets.
Early on, Augoyard hypothesizes that it would be necessary . . . to postpone for some time the repetition of our why questions and to give free rein to the howthat is to say, to substitute a modal type of interpreta200
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tion for a causal type of explanation. His methodological approach is therefore one that has chosen the path of modal analysis (one oriented by the how rather than by the why).19 This modal emphasis on the how over the why can be said to be inspired by a phenomenological approach in generalwhich is characterized by description of experience without reference to causalityand not especially by Derridas idiosyncratic commentaries thereon in his discussions of Edmund Husserl. Indeed, the only chapter of Augoyards book with an epigram written by someone other than a poet (Ren Char and Francis Ponge) or an artist (Wassily Kandinsky) is the fourth one, which cites Merleau-Pontys early philosophical work Phenomenology of Perception (1945). There, the phenomenologists rallying cry, Zu die Sachen selbst (To the things themselves), is curiously repeated as a return to things themselves.20 What may be gleaned especially from Augoyards work is the opportunity, and indeed the necessity, of closely following movement in words as well as in things and people. Merleau-Pontys odd return turns out to be disorienting, but also indicative of larger trends in postwar Continental thought. An existential phenomenologist should have understood that such a return is, to say the least, exceedingly unlikely, if not downright impossible, in light of Repetition, a key early work by Sren Kierkegaard, the rst existentialist to have irrevocably chosen to build his shelter outside the Hegelian system. But it should have already been obvious to any philosopher who has read Heraclituss twelfth fragment, often loosely translated as You can never step into the same river twice, let alone his student Cratyluss radicalizing reply that one cannot step into the same river even once.21 Indeed, at the other end of his philosophical trajectory, in the Working Notes to his posthumously published volume The Visible and the Invisible, Merleau-Ponty in effect grants the failure of the entire phenomenological project: But the thing is not really observablethere is always a skipping over in every observation, one is never at the thing itself. This implicit set of admissions that one never gets to the things themselves, that one must inevitably skip over things in order to observe them, and that observation of things is itself somehow always (already?) decient22trips up phenomenology at the level of its deepest, most underlying intention (intentionality and its object) while straddling unsuccessfully a key issue in its overall history but also offering itself to further reection.
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One cannot be at the thing itself via observation, for observation involves or entails a skipping over movement (enjambement). Now, in French, enjambement has two main senses. Enjamber means to stick ones leg up, above, and beyond something, to step over it, to stride forward or stride toward, to span a gap. But enjambement also, signicantly, has a literary meaning expressed in English by a direct borrowing from the French, spelled enjambment or enjambement. Wikipedia (q.v.) denes it as the breaking of a syntactic unit (a phrase, clause, or sentence) by the end of a line or between two verses. Its opposite is endstopping, where each linguistic unit corresponds with the line length. Moreover, in enjambment, meaning ows from line to line, and the readers eye is pulled forward. Enjambement creates a feeling of acceleration, as the reader is forced to continue reading after the line has ended. Remarkably, we are witnessing here a mutual accompaniment of motion and meaning23 that might even drive us to think that understanding comes in strides of movement rather than settles into xed positions.24 Such a discovery would be as profound as it is moving: the point, so to speak, is not at point A or point B but in the act of traversing from point A to point B, and beyond.25 Of equal signicance, and here we ourselves are trying to wend our way back to what might be taken as Augoyards own winding path through and beyond phenomenological description, Merleau-Pontys unconscious epitaph to phenomenology was jotted down in the Working Notes at precisely the place where he was attempting to come to grips, though not very successfully, with the imagination.26 By way of contrast, after an initial mention of Derridean differance the imagination becomes Augoyards point of departure for the fth chapter of his book. There, he endeavors to make good on his early promise that walking practices and the act of inhabiting would testify to a creative accomplishment and ongoing force of resistance not wholly reducible to an effect in the preplanned production of space. In this nal chapter, inhabitant expression is treated as not only incorporated, in the Merleau-Pontean sense of embodiment, but also grounded in what Augoyard will call the obscure and overowing aspect of the imaginarytherefore, a ground that is as shrouded in darkness as it is slippery, unstable, and not conned to xed boundaries.
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In anticipating action, inhabitant expression renders present what really is not yet so. This anticipatory capacity to bring into being what is not (yet) introduces the major themes of what have been, in GrecoWestern thought, the repeated discovery and covering back over of the imagination since it was rst discovered, out of place, in the last book of the treatise Peri psuche There, Aristotle says Never does the soul s. think without phantasm.27 Augoyard begins his own exposition with Kants (re)discovery of it in the Critique of Pure Reasonthere, the latter says, signicantly and mysteriously, This schematism of our understanding applied to phenomena and their mere form is an art hidden in the depth of the human soul, the true secrets of which we shall hardly ever be able to guess and revealand with Kants subsequent hints at an elaboration in the Critique of Judgment. Kantian imagination, he says, connects understanding and sensibility, gives meaning to the experience of the world, and allows knowledge to have concrete application. For Augoyard, the imaginable overows the limits of . . . spatial reality. For, far from being a simple and passive reservoir of images, the imagination possesses an activity and a capacity for synthesis that literally outstrips the understanding. Indeed, as Augoyard had himself found earlier and now summarizes here his discoveries, it is by this same power that the acted and the suffered, sensation and motor function, the present and the absent are tied together in a process of articulation. Instead of imagination, he prefer[s] to designate henceforth such an instantiated principle by the word imaginary, which takes on a less restrictive meaning by comparison. As antecedents to his own exploration of the imaginary, Augoyard cites in a note the names Sigmund Freud and Gaston Bachelard, who agree on this industrious circulation of the imaginary that dees the apparent distinctions in whose name mental functions are doggedly separated from one another and our psychosomatic entity is torn asunder.28 Such a circulation takes us back to Augoyards initial point of departure: the expressive errantry of walking narratives. For him, however, the power of the imaginary takes on coherency only at the end of our path. And yet his approach will be crucial to the outcome: Instead of a formal denition of the imagination, we have preferred a genetic denition of the imaginary. Closely accompanied along this path by Gilles
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Deleuze, Augoyard eschews theoretical representations of the role the imaginary plays in human expression, preferring (or enunciating the necessity of) a detour through Renaissance articulations of imagination and expression. He concludes that the imaginary is a domain, a eld of action and of passion that spans the whole of our existence in space and in time. We never leave its soil. Signicantly, the word spans translates here the French traverse. Augoyard is articulating, in a way, the mobile meaning-creating process of enjambement upon an ever-shifting imaginary ground.
Halfway through his Conclusionin a section titled An Inhabiting without a Why?Augoyards previously temporary postpone[ment of] the repetition of our why questions (in order to pose how questions that uncover the expressive creativity of walking practices) is waived in favor of a more long-term suspension, ascribed to the very nature of inhabiting.
Although the poetic nature of the act of conguring space has become apparent to us, inhabiting has to be understood rather as a movement than as an aesthetic object. Yet, in any case, it is averse to the why, because the why no longer intends anything but representations, whereas the how intends things.
It should be noted without delay that, had habiter been translated as dwelling instead of as inhabiting, the reader herself would have been stopped in her tracks and unable to proceed, no matter how long and how deeply she might have dwelt upon the possible meaning of the statement that dwelling could be encapsulated as movement. But why, we are tempted to inquire here, is it said that inhabiting resists why questions?29 Temporary postponement becomes indenite deferral as phenomenological intentionality metamethodologically remakes an entrance: the why no longer intends anything but representations, whereas the how intends things. We have trod this ground before and found that we must skip over things in order to observe them:30 observation goes too far for phenomenological intentionality to live up to its motto, To the things themselves, and thus the latter ultimately falls short of its own mark. The justication for this backtracking is itself methodologi204
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cally inspired by a certain view of phenomenology: the one in which everyday existence in town is to be investigated, as Augoyard says, not as it is represented but as it is lived. Whence this simple binary opposition between lived experience and representation? The former term comes from the late Husserlian notion of the Lebenswelt (life-world) and is expressed in French as le vcua general term, meaning real-life or personal experience, given philosophical import primarily by Merleau-Ponty as a way of talking about the subjective side of experience without appearing to indulge in the Cartesian subjectobject dualism he had sought to go beyond. The (wholly negative) understanding of representation stems here from another of Heideggers Holzwege texts, The Age of the World Picture.31 Descartes is considered the culprit by his having brought about this age in which subjects said to represent beings as objects triumph as part of an unquestioning technological attitude characterized by wholesale calculation.32 Curiously, in the penultimate published note to this 1938 talk, when Heidegger envisions a time after this age has expired and the attendant overcoming of Western metaphysics is achieved, man will, he afrms, no longer represent being as an object (wenn er das Seiende nicht mehr als Objekt vorstellt). If representation (Vorstellung) is, intrinsically and always already, the placing of an object before a subject and a debased re-presentation in the form of a representational picture (Bild), as Heidegger claims, why does he have to add als Objekt? It might seem that we are going too far aeld, in a translators Afterword, to concern ourselves with reprsentations obvious translation as representation, let alone with its usage in a third language not mentioned directly in the translated text. Yet it may prove useful to provide the reader with authorial background informationthat is, information on the authors background, the steps he has taken previously as well as the voices he has heard along the way, and that continue to speak within him, even and perhaps especially when he is challenging one of those voices, as we may hear Augoyard doing vis--vis Heidegger at the end of Step by Step.33 Indeed, the ambiguity or reduplication we found in Merleau-Pontys return to the things themselves and in what, for Heideggers epochal reading of Cartesianism, is the pleonasm represented as an object is itself repeated by Augoyard himself in his Conclusionin a passage about repetition:
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If the power of building has been occulted and the term inhabiting has become a doublet for housing, the play of transformations brought on by economic considerations is not the only thing at issue. The change that has been carried out has taken place through an objectifying representation of housing, ones habitat becoming a housing-object. It has made it possible to think in terms of a standardized product constructed in a repetitive manner.
If, for arguments sake, one accepts Heideggers conation of objectication with representation as such,34 Augoyards phrase an objectifying representation is equally pleonastic. And it is just as necessary, for reasons we shall explore.
For Augoyard, this lived experience certainly includes intention (understood phenomenologically to embrace also protention and retention). He also accepts the vector of affect or feeling (the present takes on an affective tonality that differs according to whether the eventuality in question is imagined in a harmful or a favorable light), even if inhabiting, as he said, is not to be envisioned especially as an aesthetic object.35 Representation, however, remains for him lived experiences direct opposite: Inhabitant expression lived in space and in time skips causal or rational sequences and does without streams of representations.36 But once one has rediscovered the imaginary, can one completely do without representations (Vorstellungen) as well as images or pictures (Bilder)? In Being and Time, Heidegger was in a less unilateral and restrictive mood, one more inclined to an open-ended ambulatory investigation that takes the Peripatetic Philosopher as its point of departure:
What has escaped notice is that the basic ontological Interpretation of the affective life in general has been able to make scarcely one forward step worthy of mention since Aristotle. On the contrary, affects and feelings come under the theme of psychical phenomena, functioning as a third class of these, usually along with ideation [Vorstellungen] and volition. They sink to the level of accompanying phenomena. It has been one of the merits of phenomenological research that it has again brought these phenomena more unrestrictedly into our sight.37
But there, the imperative was to avoid the psychical in order to concentrate on Daseins basic affective structurecare (Sorge)to the
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detriment of considering the world also as will and representation. In inhabitant expression, what is expressed (for example, avoidance or the seeking out of a qualied site; ease of habitation or inhabitant malaise) refers back to the mode of expression. And in its way of conguring the inhabited space, the mode of expression implies straight off what it endeavors to express. Thus, intention (avoidance or . . . seeking out) and affect (ease . . . or . . . malaise) combine without difculty in imagination. But what of the representation (the qualied site) itself? Let us, Augoyard proposes, be even more specic:
Urban atmospheres are born in the crisscrossing of multiple sensations. In this immediate experience of the world, the rain, the wind, and the night hardly have any value of their own. What the inhabitant retains therefrom is the raininess, the windiness, the fearfulness, that is to say, the affective tonality. Thus, raininess (coldness, dampness, desire for shelter) will qualify the lived world in that very moment. An everyday ambiance takes on a consistency on the basis of a focusing, of a valuing of one element in the environment that will symbolize and reduplicate in an expressive way the atmosphere in which one is bathed.
So, we are to begin with sensations (aisthe seis). The Merleau-Pontean thesis of the primacy of perception is reafrmed. In lived experience, it is especially an affective tonality that is retained, along with and via focusing (intention). Curiously, such focusing brings about a symboliz[ation] and reduplicat[ion] of the basic sensual affects (which supposedly came rst, though it is unclear how, before some intentional focusing, there would be any affects in the rst place). There is, says Augoyard citing Pierre Sansot, a reduplication of urban sites. It is at this point that representation and image make their reappearance: This color or that coldness will set the tone for all the rest of the sensations and will even enlist, as if by a never extinguished resonance, cultural images, social representations, and ideological reexes.38 The primary sensations and then a focus-induced affective tonality are said to, after the fact, enlist such Vorstellungen. The origin of representation, its co-originariness, is itself occulted. Here, Augoyard, continues, is one example from the world of sound:
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North African music, which is heard rising up on hot summer nights and wakes up the inhabitants of one cove around midnight, often exacerbates feelings of expropriation. . . . But for certain inhabitants, an indulgent sense of satisfaction that theres a party is awakened at the same time. And perhaps those people are lulled back to sleep with dreams of an unavowed exoticism.
The world of lived experience, an ever qualied world, cannot be construed as a world of sound in general. In our everyday social world, North African musica social representation, surelyis experienced just as directly as chirping crickets, grating elevator noises, or any of the other sonorous examples the author provides. Why this reduplication that is, at the same time, a denial of the equiprimordiality of (social) representation and the latters inevitable reappearance as merely a secondary quality of lived experience? In between Being and Time and Holzwege, Heidegger published another book. Castoriadis, the foremost contemporary philosopher of the imaginary, has commented:
No doubt it is to Heidegger, with his Kant and the Problem of Metaphysics (1929), that we owe both the restoration of the question of the imagination as a philosophical question and the possibility of an approach to Kant that breaks with the somnolence and aridity of the neo-Kantians. No doubt, too, that Heidegger reintroduces in his turn and completely on his ownan impressive spectaclethe successive movements of discovery and covering back over that have marked the history of the question of the imagination. . . . Let me simply note here, with respect to the recoiling Heidegger imputes to Kant when faced with the bottomless abyss opened by the discovery of the transcendental imagination, that it is Heidegger himself who in effect recoils after writing his book on Kant. A new forgetting, covering-over, and effacement of the question of the imagination intervenes, for no further traces of the question will be found in any of his subsequent writings; there is a suppression of what this question unsettles for every ontology (and for every thinking of Being).39
No doubt, Kant himself recoiled from the principal and preponderant role he himself had attributed to the Transcendental Imagination in the rst edition of the Critique of Pure Reason and subsequently decided to suppress by backtracking in the second edition . . . because the bottomless abyss would have otherwise eventually upset the ambulatory routine of his daily constitutionals. Heideggers recoil movement in The Age of the World Picture is, by way of contrast, exceedingly reduplica208
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tive. The end of his eighth appended note reads: Man as a representing subject [vorstellende Subjekt], however, phantasizes [phantasiert], that is to say, he moves [bewege sich] within the imagination [in der imaginatio], insofar as his representing [sein Vorstellen] fancies [einbildet] being as the objective [das Gegenstndliche] in the world as picture [in die Welt als Bild].40 The representing subject is already a redundancy for Heidegger. Its act of representing would be quite literally, with respect to the world, that of a picturing as picture (als Bild einbildet). The overkill is fatal. For, it is only in a reduplicative language of picturing, imaging, imagining, representing that Heidegger is able to critique the Cartesian dualism of the representing Subject and of that subjects particular imaginary view of beings as separate objects. It is also disingenuous, for the insofar as (insofern) slyly attenuates the otherwise overstated claim that representation is always and everywhere carried out in the form of objectication. Notwithstanding the claim that the Greeks were (or we, once saved by a Heideggerian God, would be)41 attending to Being when allowing beings to appear as they are in a clearing via phantasia, we must walk away from this ight from representation once it is recognized that observation never places us at the things themselves, that to go to them is also to go over and beyond them, and that the proclaimed return thereto has to itself be revisited.42 Thus, when Augoyard says, spanning affectivity, feeling, and motor function, these same symbols [namely, grafti] produce imaginary resonances that are capable of mobilizing the presently lived act, we nd that, at the very moment he articulates the imaginary in terms of a spanning, he himself has returned in fact to the near side of the produktive Einbildungskraft (productive imagination) of Kants rst Critique, let alone the idea of a creative imagination at work from the outset. What is imaginary here is produced instead of producing, even when it is itself declared to be capable of mobilizing; its being is but that of acoustical resonances or pale visual copies. That is to say, these attenuated replicas would be of a secondary, merely reproductive, and enfeebled status in comparison with their sensational originals. It was the author himself, however, who had previously complained, near the start of his chapter on imagination, that in the history of thought the imaginary has often wrongly been conned to the production of images.
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It is not surprising, when one is struggling with a rough and formidable predecessoras the municipally based Augoyard is with the woodsy Heideggerthat one might sometimes stumble or even on occasion be drawn backwards. Our goal is not to trip up our author but, rather, to see how he fares in this struggle, perhaps to lend him a hand here and there from the standpoint of elucidating problems of translation. There are indeed many gaps in Heideggers thinking, and it is understandable that Augoyard might eventually fall into a few of them. As Castoriadis remarks about Heidegger, Here we have the bizarre spectacle of a philosopher talking interminably about the Greeks, and whose thought draws a blank in the place of polis, eros, and psyche.43 What struck me as I translated this text was instead how well Augoyard negotiates an intellectual terrain he was not, by far, the rst to cross. His nal chapter offers in fact an exceptional elucidation not only of the unsettled imaginary ground of the inhabitants expressive lived experience at the Arlequin housing complex but also of that grounds (almost haunted) subterranean underside.44 There are a specicity and a remarkable quality to these investigations, almost invariably backed up by narrative speech issuing from the residents themselves. As a former community and then labor organizer from the early 1980s, I very much regretted that I had not read Pas pas at the time in order to have beneted from his example as a careful listener of his neighbors utterances and an attentive companion to them along their peregrinations. And he ends by situating the imaginary as a generative cosmogenetic point, thus hinting at a genuine ontological basis for this disturbing and disruptive (one is tempted to say uncanny) human power within the universe. The cosmogenesis of which Augoyard speaks in his Conclusion now inspires the original French editor of the book to talk pertinently in terms of an anthropogenesis as well.45 The absence, in this book, of an examination of psychical phenomena cannot, I believe, be attributed primarily to Heideggers Dasein-centered philosophy but, rather, to Augoyards own stated and quite understandable reluctance to add to or otherwise countenance a literature that attempts to analyze urban residents experiences in purely psychological terms. Surely he is correct that residential housing and comportment are social phenomena that cannot be reduced to psychical contents. Instead,
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Augoyard appeals directly to Freud, among others, when he delineates the industrious circulation of the imaginary.46 Similarly, a certain doubt as to the pertinence and benets of scientic studies is evident in this tome. No doubt, some of this distrustful attitude can be traced back to Heideggers (and his student Marcuses) views on technological thinking, as well as to Merleau-Pontys phenomenology, with its critique of the abstractness of every scientic schematization. Indeed, a certain conception of lived experience, seen as opposed to Cartesian geometrico-scientic thinking, nearly displaces the study of everydayness at several points in this work. Daily strolls, for example, reveal overlooked practices . . . that are, in the view of scientic knowledge, insignicant.47 And of the descriptive study of everyday comings and goings, he says, we are hardly talking here about a sociological study in the scientic sense of the term. Yet, at the same time, Augoyards language expresses a certain science-based rhetoric that cannot be overlooked and should not be misrepresented. I have, for example, carefully and closely translated some phrases that in the original French bordered on scientic jargon, yielding nychthemeral cycle and auditory apparatus, whereas night and day and hearing would have been the more appropriate everyday expressions. There are, I believe, professional reasons involved in this complex self-articulation vis--vis the sciences. A philosopher by training who became the author of a French state thesis on urbanism that was turned into a volume edited at a prestigious Paris publishing house, Augoyard navigates between a healthy distrust for a purely objective, technical approach to the study of peoples everyday activities, on the one hand, and a need to communicate, in a way viewed as legitimate, with an audience still often imbued with such an approach, on the other. We may note that the circumstances surrounding this complex self-articulation continue today, for he was subsequently named a director of research at the French National Center for Scientic Research (CNRS) and became a founder of its CRESSON (Research Center on Sonorous Spaces and the Urban Environment) unit, whose Architectural and Urban Ambiances group he leads at the Grenoble School of Architecture. Still today, Augoyard directs scientic research and student theses with an eye toward illustrating what traditional scientic approaches leave out and what an
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attentive study of peoples actual everyday activities and experiences in an urban environment (especially acoustical ones)48 might reveal. One could recap this admirable endeavor with Aristotles acute observation that it is not the expert maker of an object, but the user thereof, who is the best judge of its utility.49 Eros as well as gender considerations do appear largely absent from Step by Step. Surely, the body of inhabitant expression is a gendered one that, in its everyday walking practices, leans on sexed anatomical differences, especially a different conguration of the hips, as well as on socially instituted responses to and expressions of power in relation to erotic life and relations. In a city located in a Western country, especially one situated as Grenoble is in the Alps, this body is a clothed one, too. Rereading through the published narrative extracts, one is struck by the consistently expressed concerns of female walkers, from the problem of nding places to rest and sun themselves outside without feeling watched too closely to a sense of imminent danger that is articulated more often (to judge from the available testimony) than is the case with their male counterparts. Augoyard takes passing note of these differences but does not highlight them or provide any specic thematic treatment that would account for such basic and relevant variations.50 In this case, however, the void could easily be lled, I believe, by an honest application of what Augoyard himself teaches us about the need to be attentive to everyday walksand here, especially, in relation to the aforementioned nychthemeral cycle. By the early 1970s, Take Back the Night marches had already been organized by women in several European countries as a response to precisely these sorts of concerns about freedom of movement.51 The rst such event on American soil had just taken place in San Francisco in 1978, a year prior to Pas pas. It was not until 2003 that a specically French version of this trend made its appearancebased, as a matter of fact, to a large extent on the cares of women and girls in outlying housing projects who are faced with (often violent and threatening) traditional and often specically Muslim male attitudes toward their comings and goings, as well as toward their attire and behavior. This movement took the name Ni putes, ni soumises (Neither whores nor submissive) and eventually mobilized a well-attended national demonstration in the wake of grass212
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roots organizing and consciousness-raising efforts in largely immigrant and second-generation communities. It would be interesting to apply Augoyards interview practices and investigative tools to a site-specic sampling of participants in these marches in order to see how their everyday walks may or may not have been transformed thereby.
The polis issue is a bit more complicated. On the one hand, for understandable reasons he himself articulates at the start of his book, Augoyards micromethodology opts for a study of inhabitant narratives in only one strictly delimited part of the city, not the municipality of Grenoble as a whole. On the other hand, it is a municipally instigated housing policy, concretely instantiated in actually constructed architectural forms and expressing a certain ideological conception of planning and building with national and global implications, that Augoyard pertinently presents as being challenged by users real walking practices, now rendered explicit and examinable through carefully scrutinized rst-person participant narratives. A bit of extratextual historical background information Augoyard shared with me may be of assistance. Similar to what happened in Burlington, Vermont, where a democratic socialistled election coalition eliminated an entrenched political machine in 1981 and instituted community-trust housing along with many other innovative reforms, the conservative political forces that had ruled Grenoble in the postwar period were overturned in 1965 by a Socialist-led coalition spearheaded by community associations that sought to reenergize the city via a number of new municipal measures, including the creation of the Arlequin complex. It was a time of policy experimentation; and the Arlequin, combining in one large housing project lodgings adapted to a variety of income levels, was planned as one of the citys showcases. Indeed, Augoyard reports that the Arlequin, begun in the late 1960s and completed in the early 1970s, was viewed as a utopian creation designed to manifest and to support a broader effort to change society. From its inception, the author lived there with his wife and child. His knowledgeable, innovative, open-ended method of interviewing fellow residents made him an active participant-observer who was willing to experiment
213
with the latest theoretical techniques and trends in order to bring out, in great detail, conicts between users and their built environment as well as to reveal an elemental power to resist and to reshape to which the inhabitant practices thus gathered and discussed bear witness. Augoyard does address political considerations directly in his Conclusionin fact, immediately after his declaration that inhabiting is averse to the why, as methodologically contrasted there with more fecund how questions. In order to illustrate this radical difference in orientation and to signal at the same time another opening indicated in the modal study of inhabiting, we must mention here the formidable question of needs. . . . The problematic of needs includes . . . a logic that is heavy with consequences. To illustrate these consequences, Augoyard quotes an astute comment from former Unied Socialist Party (PSU) presidential candidate and future prime minister Michel Rocard that perfectly illustrates the being housed versus inhabiting dichotomy so central to the authors argument: It leads to resolving inequalities, deprivations, and contradictions engendered by capitalism through a vast welfare apparatus. . . . It does not sufce to house people; people must be able to inhabit an individual or collective space.52 In relation to the logic of needs, Augoyard summarizes the results of his own investigations and explores their broader political implications:
This logic practically lays down the answer before the question is asked; and under its cloak, the most glaring needs are satised along the way. In the process, the power of the giver is reinforced and the necessity of his presence is conrmed. Moreover, how are needs apprehended and interpreted? You look at the masses, the users, and, on the basis of social movements and their dynamic, you extract a social content: needs. Social life is abstracted into the notion of need, just as peoples practices are reduced to various functions. The abstraction of functionality is inserted into a logic that is grounded on the relation of container to contained. Thenceforth, every sort of manipulation is, if not easy, at least possible. The logical presuppositions involved authorize a logistics, in the sense of an operational strategy, which includes anticipations of peoples use.
It is here that Marcuses critique of the new conformism and, more generally, of the misdeeds of a technological rationality gone wild makes its explicit appearance in Step by Step.
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These critical political considerations are extratextual, however, in the sense that they cannot be gleaned directly from residents narratives but rather from a certain reading thereof that brings in formulations not expressly articulated by participants themselves in their narratives. As a category for study, everyday life allows one, via narratives thereof, to explore inhabitant practices down to the level of the tiniest gesture made, detecting therein and sketching therefrom a concrete overall form of resistance to a modern objectifying rationality that both upsets ones usual way of conceiving such a rationality and overthrows that rationalitys own usual conceptions.53 Here is how Augoyard expresses this opportunity made possible by his modal methodological study of everyday lived experience:
The study of everyday walks indicates . . . that there really is much more creative movement, conguration, and dynamic tension going on in the humblest acts of inhabiting than in the very process that produces the contemporary built world. This points to an opening and to an investigative lead in which, on the basis of the lived experience of inhabiting, and not of conceptually designed housing, the imaginary functionally utilized in the production of laidout and developed space might be confronted with an imaginary the inhabitant actually lives. A certain number of received values would then most likely be overturned, and this expressive power of an irreducible imaginary (one ignored for this reason by discourses on construction and housing) would appear as a cosmogenetic point.
And yet narratives of everydaynessespecially when opposed (perhaps too unreectively) to reective thought and, more generally, to rationality54do not easily lend themselves to a sustainably articulated political response, and in any case not to one the participants themselves have actually articulated in their narratives. Augoyard is not the rst to have faced this dilemma. The American Johnson-Forest Tendencyled by Trinidad-born revolutionary C. L. R. James and Leon Trotskys former secretary Raya Dunayevskaya, and which became the Detroit-based Correspondence group published The American Worker in 1947. This narrative written by an autoworker pseudonymously designated as Paul Romano and accompanied by a political-intellectual analysis from Ria Stone (the political activist and trained philosopher Grace Lee Boggs)55 was later translated
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into French and serialized by the Socialisme ou Barbarie group in the rst eight issues of its review (March 1949 to January 1951). It was Merleau-Pontys former high-school philosophy-class student (and later his literary executor) Claude Lefort who proposed, in Socialisme ou Barbaries eleventh issue (November 1952), a phenomenologically inspired method for analyzing worker narratives. This programmatic text, LExprience proltarienne (Proletarian experience), is quite instructive. As the historian of the group Stephen Hastings-King reports,
Lefort, in keeping with the groups anti-Leninism, argued that only workers could know, and write about, their experience. Leforts essay posed the theoretical questions to be addressed by Socialisme ou Barbaries projected collection, publication and analysis of autobiographical worker narratives. He situated these questions relative to two exemplary texts: Paul Romanos The American Worker and Eric Alberts Tmoinage: La vie en usine. Lefort used these narratives of worker shop-oor experience . . . as primary data in a phenomenological investigation of the proletarian standpoint. The goal of this investigation was the isolation and description of the signications or games that structured proletarian comportment. The full project would have relied upon phenomenological procedures (reductions) that were never carried out because, despite the solicitation for writings which frequently appeared in Socialisme ou Barbarie (as well as in related projects like Tribune Ouvrire), workers simply did not write.56
In relation to this precursor effort, Augoyard can be said to have made two positive advances. First, in the related eld of working-class habitation and habitat, he discovered and developed a way of soliciting significant numbers of rst-person participant narratives of everyday struggle.57 Second, his application of literary techniques of analysis fostered a critical and reexive approach to these narratives while he himself remained an engaged participant-observer. Noting the rhetorical basis for any recounting of even the tiniest gestures, the author of Pas pas highlighted a feature that had remained obscure or underthematized in Socialisme ou Barbaries uncritical take on workers narratives as straightforward and transparent accounts unencumbered by the mediated labor of writing or recounting.58 And nally, Augoyards movement-centered elucidation of narratives of everyday walking practices brought out homologies between words and actions without ever reducing one to the other or prioritizing one over the other.
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A few words should also be written about Augoyards theme of everydayness in relation to its theoretical precursors as well as to its political implications. In a French postwar context, the obvious initial reference is to Lefebvres three-volume Critique of Everyday Life, the rst volume of which appeared in 1947. This effort started out, in part, as a critique of Being and Times conception of the everydayness (Alltglichkeit) of the theys ontologically unaware fallenness. Lefebvre, a Marxist philosophical-sociological critic of both rural and urban life, sought to unmask the everyday alienation inherent in a cityscape inundated with rural outcasts and transformed by urban capitalism. Owing in part to this critique, Lefebvre exercised an inuence on Situationist International members from 1958 until 1962, when there was, as Not Bored! editor Bill Brown explains, a nasty falling-out.59 Raoul Vaneigems 1967 text The Revolution of Everyday Life nevertheless testies to an ongoing Situationist interest in this theme, linked, as in Lefebvres work, to the category of lived experiencebut with a connotation to everydayness that seems more positive and actively involved in political and social struggle:60 Revolution is made everyday despite, and in opposition to, the specialists of revolution. This revolution is nameless, like everything springing from lived experience. Its explosive coherence is being forged constantly in the everyday clandestinity of acts and dreams.61 Nonetheless, it would be exceedingly difcult to trace a direct line between Situationist drive and what we have called the expressive errantry of walking narratives studied and revealed in Augoyards work. And both of the operative terms in Situationist psycho-geography seem alien to Augoyards anti-psychological and anti-topological methodological practice. Nor do either a philosophy of desire or any grand pronouncements gure in Pas pas, whereas Vaneigem took the time to declare: The complete unchaining of pleasure is the surest way to the revolution of everyday life, to the construction of the whole man.62 What Augoyard contributes is a positive and precise understanding of the role of everyday struggle, as exemplied in peoples actual walking practices within a preplanned built environment. And this is precisely what Michel de Certeau picked up and borrowed in his book The Practice of Everyday Life. The already established author de Certeau nevertheless turned down a request to preface Augoyards
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maiden volume before publishing, one year later, his own tome, which was indebted to Augoyards groundbreaking thesis and which received greater attention.63 A nal contextual note. When I visited the Arlequin with Augoyard in September 2004, it was a quite different place from the way it was twenty-ve years earlier. With the intervening installation of a rightwing municipal government, the extensive set of social programs, services, and amenities that were conceived as an integral and ongoing part of this showcase housing project had been cut drastically in the interim, just as residents had feared. The power of the giver has withdrawn along with the welfare-state giver. Vandalism was on the rise, Augoyard reported, and had become more invasive and irrationaldoor locks, for example, lled with glue, necessitating purchase of new locksto the point where the Augoyard family, who had been contemplating this move for nearly a decade, nally decided to move out. (My tour began at their new home in a low-rise apartment building at the edges of the Arlequins grounds. What is notable is in fact how long they lived at this housing project that was the inspiration for Augoyards rst book, before moving out when their child became an adult.) Always a signicant presence, the North African and Muslim communities had grown, and there were signs of fundamentalismthough, Augoyard observed, such signs are eeting and ambiguous: the head of household who might one day be wearing a long beard could and sometimes did cut it off and switch allegiances the next. The general municipal neglect of such outlying housing projects, the widespread discrimination suffered by immigrant and second-generation communities in France, and the poor overall economic situation of left-out segments of the population in a deindustrializing Western country had been evident and were taking their toll for many years. Finally, the situation exploded into violence across France in the fall of 2005, with mass car burnings, confrontations with police and other authorities, and extensive vandalism often aimed at symbols and buildings of the state. What are the methodological tools that might be employed today for someone who wishes to address the situation at Arlequin or in other poor and working-class communities in France and elsewhere while still giving direct voice to participants and offering pertinent analysis of their
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experiences and ongoing self-activity? In what ways might the methodological contributions and, more important, investigational leads offered by Step by Step help to advance such an endeavor? It goes beyond the connes of a translators afterword to prescribe for the reader what she should make of what has been read in the present volume. For my part, I have conned myself to offering what might be pertinent background information while conveying the problems a translator faces and the reections he has had in the actual practice of making a text available to persons who will now themselves attempt to inhabit this text critically in another language within the International Republic of Letters.
My thanks to Catherine Porter, for recommending me for another collaboration with the University of Minnesota Press; to my editors there, rst Carrie Mullen and then Jason Weidemann, for their support and their patience; to Beau David Case, for his exemplary librarian research skills; to the Augoyard family, for their hospitality and helpful suggestions; to Franoise Choay, for her continued participation in a book project she rst made possible more than a quarter-century ago; and to Alex Gezerlis, whose kindness and generosity are matched by his keen and critical eye for my literary weaknesses. This translation is dedicated to Clara Gibson Maxwell, my companion on the road of life, whose dancing and choreography continually teach me the meaning of an existence in movement.
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Notes
Foreword
1. [Grands ensembles: Large-scale high-rise public housing projects that were built with a sense of urgency at the periphery of major French metropolitan areas during the 1960s in order to provide living quarters for an inux of generally low-income families from a variety of backgrounds.Trans.] 2. See, in particular, chapter 7 (Walking in the City) of Michel de Certeaus The Practice of Everyday Life (1980), trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 91110. 3. See Sensorial Hyperboles and Anticipations in chapter 4. 4. On the nontrivial character of walking and of taking steps in their twofold relation to mans animality and to his specicity as a speaking being, it might be intriguing to make reference here to a little known text written by Honor de Balzac, La thorie de la dmarche (Theory of the step). This article, published in the August 15, 18, and 25 and September 5, 1833, issues of the review Europe littraire (and republished by choppe in 1992), contains in embryo the ideas, developed by Franois Delsarte between 1833 and his death in 1871, that constitute the theoretical basis for the school of American modern dance founded by Ted Shawn and Ruth St. Denis (see Ted Shawns Every Little Movement: A Book about Franois Delsarte, the Man and His Philosophy, His Science and His Applied Aesthetics, the Application of This Science to the Art of the Dance, the Inuence of Delsarte on American Dance [Pittseld, Mass.: Eagle Printing and Binding Co., 1954]). 5. Pas pas could be read as a sort of counterpoint to and complement of the analysis Gnther Anders offered in the rst volume of Die Antiquierheit de Menschen (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlag, 1956; First Part, ber die Prometheische Scham), which Augoyard had not yet read at the time. 6. See the rst page of Step by Step.
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NOTES TO CHAPTER 1
7. See the third paragraph of the Conclusion (emphasis added). 8. See Arteries in chapter 1. 9. See An Irreducible Imaginary in the Conclusion.
1. Arteries, Impasses, Side Streets

1. Medam, La Ville-Censure. 2. Ibid., 172. See also, apropos of these examples of hypertely, Simondons Du mode dexistence des objets techniques. 3. Let us cite just three of the many works that have offered assessments of these issues: Choay, LUrbanisme, utopies et ralits: une anthologie; Castells, La Question urbaine; and Medam, Conscience de la ville. 4. We have heard this attitude voiced often enough and its written expression can be found in Franoise Lugassys Le Discours idologique des architectes et urbanistes. 5. See the analyses of and connections between works made by Henri Lefebvre in The Production of Space, 364ff. 6. We shall cite only the henceforth classic analysis of Henri Lefebvre in Critique of Everyday Life, as well as the meticulous and little known analyses of CRESAL (Centre de Recherche et dtudes Sociologiques Appliques de la Loire, Saint-tienne) brought together in various research papers, such as Production de lespace urbain et idologique (1972); Le Fonctionnement de la mobilit rsidentielle intra-urbaine (1974); and Les Processus dvolution des grands ensembles (1974). 7. See Franois Aschers thesis, Contribution la critique de lconomie urbaine: Essai danalyse conomique de la production dun lment urbain: le cadre bti. 8. Such as that of Franoise Lugassy, Jacqueline Palmade, and Franoise Couchard, Contribution une psychologie de lespace urban: La Dialectique du logement et de son environnement. tude exploratoire. 9. Research papers in applied psychosociology that are most aware of this methodological problem write their conclusions in the conditional. 10. (aporia): a deadlocked or embarrassing situation that, in Platonic thought, brings up new questions. 11. Travers in mile Littrs Dictionnaire de la Langue franaise. 12. We are referring here to our detailed methodological study in our thesis, Le Pas: tude de la vie quotidienne dans un habitat collectif travers la pratique des cheminements. 13. See Janet, Lvolution de la mmoire et de la notion du temps.
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14. In this neighborhood, the place-names are often unexpected or puzzling. A lexicon of these names can be found in Appendix B.
2. An Inhabitant Rhetoric: Figures of Walking

1. The high-density housing complex known as lArlequin, in Grenoble, France, in 1975. 2. We have borrowed the names of gures from the classical catalog of tropes or from gures of language. 3. As Ferdinand de Saussure designated the originary reality of language (Course in General Linguistics, 9). 4. [The reference, of course, is to Roland Barthess Le Degr zro de lcriture, a series of articles rst published in 1953; see now Writing Degree Zero and Elements of Semiology, trans. Annette Lavers and Colin Smith (London: Jonathan Cape, 1984). Trans.] 5. [The name of the bar, Bar-bu, is a play on words, meaning both bar where one drinks and bearded. A somewhat comparable name in English might be something like the Bearddrinker. Trans.] 6. We emphasize: paths and not shortcuts. 7. Digression in mile Littrs Dictionnaire de la Langue franaise. 8. At the Arlequin complex, the streets are arranged under the buildings. 9. These passageways are very long corridors that provide access to the apartments. 10. Several inhabitants have told us how, on a Sunday, they have shown the Arlequin Gallery as a sort of curiosity to their friends, who laughed a lot. 11. In the strictly linguistic sense, Polysemy [ . . . ] is an essentially synchronic notion. Through polysemy, language obeys the law of economy; it is able to reuse several times the same sign while making its signied vary [ . . . ] (Peytard and Genouvrier, Linguistique et enseignement du franais, 207). 12. The practical necessities of communication require that the linguistic form be constantly and on all levels redundant (Martinet, lments de linguistique gnrale, 179). 13. The rst among the Aristotelian classicatory principles open to the momentary. 14. [Translation of Figure 9: IsabelleThe week of the 13th to the 19th monday Monday morning:
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NOTES TO CHAPTER 2
I left the 2000 apartment complex to go to the junior high; I was afraid of getting there late. XXXXX I was with a girlfriend. I was very hot. I left the junior high to go to a girlfriends home at number 60. I reentered the junior high, passing by number 90 with XXXXX 5 girlfriends XXXXX and I XXXXX went out again with a girlfriend to go to my home at number 170. We were sad; for once I went on the Market -Place to take a short^ cut and took the gallery ramp until number 170. I went back to the junior high without any enthusiasm with my girlfriend. I left; I was sick to my stomach for having eaten so fast. I went home, and on the way I met a lady friend of my mother Monday afternoon: I went to the junior high school at 2 oclock, (I didnt really want to go there). I left at 3 oclock, and I went with a girlfriend to do some sewing; to do that, I went in front of number sixty, -and number seventy. I left at 6:30 p.m., myself, and I went home, happy.] 15. Excerpt from an interview cited as an example of digression, in the Peritopism subsection of the Elementary Figures section in this chapter. 16. Sansot, Potique de la ville, 27. 17. Hillocks laid out within Arlequin Park. 18. Hyperbole in mile Littrs Dictionnaire de la Langue franaise. 19. The hyperbole lived in ones walks proceeds like the gure of amplication discussed in On the Sublime 11.1 by Longinus: elevated expressions follow, one after the other, in an unbroken succession and in an ascending order. 20. A joyous sort of barbarism, it would seem, and here we would nd another moment of the barbarous, analyzed as an imaginary type of inhabiting in Alain Pessin and Henry-Skoff Torgues thesis Villes imaginaires: Introduction limaginaire urbain [and now available in book form from ditions du Champ Urbain (Paris, 1980)Trans.]. 21. mile Littrs Dictionnaire de la Langue franaise: Synecdoche: gure by which one takes the genus for the species, the species for the genus, the whole for the part, or the part for the whole. . . . Example: the billows for the sea. . . . In metonymy, I take one name for another one; in synecdoche, the most for the least, the least for the most. 22. See ibid. 23. See anaphora, in the Figures of Redundancy subsection of the Combinatory Figures section in this chapter. 24. See the analysis of the hyperbolic mode, in the Figures of Redundancy subsection in this chapter.
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25. From quite far away and in a very modest manner, there is a sort of dragon geography as found in the Chinese system of feng shui. 26. Here we have the transguration of the neighborhood, the image of which is reected in the water of the lake, the colors of the buildings thus mixing with the greenery of the park. Such a landscape is seen only from the height of the big mound. 27. One may reread the page from her notebook that was reproduced for our study of metabole, above, in the Figures of Redundancy subsection in this chapter. 28. Very heavy and categorical intonation. 29. Our most recent research, which bears on other urban fabrics (old neighborhoods, single-housing units, squares of nineteenth-century buildings, boulevards), has in no way contradicted these conclusions drawn from an analysis of multiunit housing. 30. See, in particular, Jakobson, Two Aspects of Language and Two Types of Aphasic Disturbances, 5382. 31. Jakobson, Closing Statement: Linguistics and Poetics, 358. 32. Ibid., 357. 33. In the sense of communication theory. 34. Insistence on the plural within the singular, which characterizes the status of narrative. Mutual presupposition of the I and the You. No narrative without a narrator and without a listener. See Barthes, Introduction to the Structural Analysis of Narratives (1966), 28182. 35. See ibid., 282. The problem is to describe the code by which narrator and reader are signied throughout the narrative itself.
3. An Inhabitant Rhetoric: The Code of Appropriation

1. The history of rhetoric shows a progressive disassociation between knowing-how-to-gure and the life of speech. Among the Ancients, these two instantiated principles were very closely connected. Yet in the course of a long process of theorization that begins with the arts of thinking of the Renaissance, starting from Petrus Ramus (and the thought of the Port Royal School) and culminating in Csar Chesneau sieur du Marsais (seventeenth century) and Pierre Fontanier (eighteenth century) and, nally, on to linguistics and psychoanalysis (stylistic devicesgures of the Unconscious), rhetoric seems to lose its voice. However, another line of descent exists, a popular, political, or strategic lineage of savage rhetoric that is conscious of the lively power of speech; one only has to listen to the voices of charlatans and grifters, as well as to electoral rhetoric, in order to be convinced of this.
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2. See the famous debate about the rhetors in Platos Gorgias. 3. See the comparative study of everyday life across four adjacent neighborhoods, Situations dhabitat et faons dhabiter, by Jean-Franois Augoyard and Alain Medam, a planning-construction research paper. 4. Stairwell numbers, or segments of the building-neighborhood. 5. The hexagon is the archetypical shape that determines all the angles. 6. The Video-Gazette is the name of the sector of activity that manages the neighborhoods closed-circuit television system and is responsible for localaccess programming. 7. The Video-Gazettea sort of spider, the inhabitants say. Although not occupying much room of its own, it is nevertheless said to have the power to branch out into each home via the strange inuence of cable transmissions. 8. [The phrase no mans land appears italicized in English in the original French. Trans.] 9. See the Figures of Redundancy subsection of the Combinatory Figures section of chapter 2. 10. See the Figures of Symmetry subsection of the Combinatory Figures section of chapter 2. 11. See the Polysemous Figures subsection of the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2. 12. [Traditionally, children in France have had Wednesday and Saturday afternoons off from school. Trans.] 13. Heading in this direction, we bring together two statements by Raymond Ledrut: (1) The connection between social differentiation in the city and the partitioning of space is more or less solid. Local groupings and other groups are often entirely distinct. This is the case of contemporary cities (LEspace social et la ville, 339); (2) The eld of urban experience is not a eld of signications that belongs to a city in itself, to clearly distinct people in the city, or even to mechanical relationships between two protagonists who are external to each other. This experience is that of a time, and it nds itself structured by everything that more or less denes this time (Les Images de la ville, 13). 14. The park does not forsake complicities between the concept of nature, on the one hand, and the concept of man who has rediscovered a self invested with universality, on the other. Such complicities are sealed together in a residual ideology that is preromantic and romantic origin. 15. See the gures of avoidance in the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2. 16. Here the appearing and functioning of difference presuppose an originary synthesis not preceded by any absolute simplicity. Such would be the originary trace. Without a retention in the minimal unit of temporal experience,
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without a trace retaining the other as other in the same, no difference would do its work and no meaning would appear. It is not the question of a constituted difference here, but rather, before all determination of the content, of the pure movement which produces difference. The (pure) trace is differance (Derrida, On Grammatology, 62 [I have corrected a simple grammatical errorconfusion of singular and pluralin Spivaks translation. Trans.]). 17. See the Polysemous Figures subsection of the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2. 18. See the Figures of Redundancy subsection of the Combinatory Figures section of chapter 2. 19. See anaphora in the Figures of Redundancy subsection of the Combinatory Figures section of chapter 2, and paralipsis, in the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2. 20. See the question of dialectical movement, which was left hanging at the end of the Differentiating Appropriations section of this chapter. 21. See the Hegelian concept of Aufhebung, which is constitutive of dialectical movement. 22. To mix up [confondre] space is to scramble its geometrical appearancesbut also to greet them with derision. 23. See, in particular, staggered polysemy, in the Polysemous Figures subsection of the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2.
4. The Body of Inhabitant Expression

1. As in forests, the existence of animals is read on the basis of the network of traces of their passing: tracks [passes]. 2. See the epigraph to the present chapter, drawn from Maurice MerleauPontys Preface to his Phenomenology of Perception (1945), ix, and this book as a whole. 3. We need several words to designate what the German language says in a single word: Stimmung. A substantivized adjective would come rather close. This would be the term climatic, which we shall sometimes employ. 4. See Sansot, Potique de la ville, passim. (And the term passim will never have been so adequate; for, in order to apprehend what the atmosphere of urban sites might be, something quite other than a dogmatic formula is needed there; what is needed here is at least a book, and between each word, the weaving of a ne internal necessity that, in its discretion, is the opposite of seeming and a model of making-appear.) 5. Let us understand this term in the strong sense it had during the Renais227
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sance (in the Latin word character), namely, a striking, lasting quality, a printed sign, which is never random and which gives access to the thing intended. 6. Text reproduced in the Figures of Redundancy subsection of the Combinatory Figures section of chapter 2. 7. A careful analysis would note that, in the drawings framing this page, the junior high school is not to be found there at all, but only the residential buildings and the crossing areas. 8. Theres basically the wind . . . [laughter] against ones face! From number 130 to number 140, ones really facing an air current. That wind! . . . especially in winter, its another restriction. I heard an old lady say that she was afraid to go out in the winter, because she was scared about being bowled over by the wind. A gust of wind like that, on elderly people who easily lose their balance, that can be dangerous! On account of the wind, people are in a hurry; and even more so in the winter, with the cold; except in a few areas, where you have some respite. 9. We understand this term phantasm simply in the sense it had in an old litany of the Catholic ritual that was used for conjuring away the fantastic and demonic manifestations of the night: Ab omnia phantasmata liber nos Domine; something unreal that is posited at the same time as it is exorcized. 10. When it rains, I dont look at anything. I could care less! At that point, I dont know anyone any longer! one inhabitant exclaimed. 11. Sansot, Potique de la ville, 18 and 29. 12. Let us go further: in a city, one never knows what reects and what is reected, what is the sound and what is the echo, who or what has night fever, whether it is the lights of the city or the busy passersby (ibid., 13). 13. It is a matter of a signal rather than of a landmark [repre]. In conformity with the theory of the legibility of urban formsa theory that still seems to be in fashionthe designers wanted the bearing-nding or locating [reprage] function to be operational. But what could the urbeme, the unit of signication of a language (in the strict sense) of urban affairs, possibly be? (See the articles by Raymond Ledrut, Parole et silence de la ville, Richard Fauque, Pour une nouvelle approche smiologique de la ville, and Marion Segaud, Anthropologie de lespace: catalogue ou projet? in Espaces et Socits. 14. If we are to believe certain architectural discourses, color is supposed to cancel out what would otherwise be the opacity of concrete facades. 15. Let us recall the etymology: bel vedere, or having the lovely view, is possible only from a distance that leaves the object untouchable. 16. It would be like that ctional sailors story, which a rich merchant wants to live out himself and make someone else live out, but which, once lived, disintegrates into death and incommunicability. There is no longer any story (see the
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wonderful 1967 made-for-television medium-length lm by Orson Welles, The Immortal Story, which was based on a short story by Isak Dinesen). 17. A fragment from one interview: On a photograph of the gallery, [ . . . ] its hard to nd ones apartment. There are three postcards about the New Town [ . . . ]. Its really quite something. The lake is bluer than blue. [Bursts of laughter.] And the building reected within it! Oh, I really had a laugh! 18. Here are a few expressions we have heard: The colors? How to say it? . . . I dont like the bands; I prefer the rungs. The buildings altogether . . . it smells like concrete! I dont like the pointy tops to the junior high school. I like the school from the lake with its honeycomb pattern; it stings less (the allusion is here to the roofs on the junior high school, which are in the shape of asymmetrical pyramids). 19. We have often pointed out to the inhabitants that the total route of the gallery covers a good kilometer. Everyone has expressed surprise or incredulity, so much can the lived experience of everyday time be alien to topography. This even implies that the pathways we take towards desevered entities in the course of our dealings will vary in their length from day to day. . . . As Dasein goes along its ways, it does not measure off a stretch of space as a corporeal Thing which is present-at-hand; it does not devour the kilometers; bringing-close or de-severance is always a kind of concernful Being towards what is brought close and de-severed. A pathway which is long Objectively can be much shorter than one which is Objectively shorter still but which is perhaps hard going and comes before us as interminably long (Heidegger, Being and Time, 140). 20. For the critique of reexology, we refer the reader, on the one hand, to the works of embryologists (George Ellett Coghill, Leonard Carmichael, and Adriaan Kortlandt) and ethologists (Konrad Lorenz, Niko Tinbergen, Peter H. Klopfer), and, on the other hand, to Kurt Goldstein (The Organism: A Holistic Approach to Biology Derived from Pathological Data in Man), as well as to Maurice Merleau-Ponty (Phenomenology of Perception). [One of the best arguments against reexology is to be found in the opening pages of the fundamental and too neglected work of Erwin Strauss, Vom Sinn der Sinne (Berlin: Springer Verlag, 1935), which, on this theme and on that of the interdependence between feeling and moving, has broadly inspired perceptual psychology, phenomenology, and ethologyAuthors note, 2004.] 21. See the gure of bypassing in the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2. 22. There is a strangeness to the return trip, where identity wavers from the rst step onward: That night I set out for home. I did not get far. But it was a start. It is the rst step that counts. The second counts less. . . . Then I followed more or less the same paths we had taken on the way out. But paths look differ229
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ent, when you go back along them (Beckett, Molloy, in Molloy. Malone Dies. The Unnameable, 16566). 23. See the Polysemous Figures subsection in the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2. 24. These are the ironic ups and downs of a technological medium that is lived in contradiction to the elevators function; through it, we rediscover the vertical dimension that is essential in human motor patterns (Binswanger, Dream and Existence). 25. Identitt von Weg und Werk. See Klee, The Thinking Eye: The Notebooks of Paul Klee, 168. 26. See the nal, fantastic short story, The Aleph, published in The Aleph and Other Stories, 19331969. 27. On the illusion of spatial simultaneities, see the third rule of the code of appropriation at the end of the Territorial Appearance section of chapter 3. 28. Does this Aleph exist in the heart of a stone? Did I see it there in the cellar when I saw all things, and have I now forgotten it? Our minds are porous and forgetfulness seeps in; I myself am distorting and losing, under the wearing away of the years, the face of Beatriz (Borges, The Aleph, 30). 29. See the beginning of the From Figures to Code section in chapter 2. 30. See the experiment in continuous reportage (seven months running) that was attempted by an American television network on the Loud family in 1971 and the commentary Jean Baudrillard offers in The Precession of Simulacra, 28ff. 31. Nor does this denition depart from the quite numerical notion of measure. The preferable denition (in the sense of a seizure of limits via conguration, rather than formal division) will be the one that presided over the art of Gregorian modal music: sequences of bursts (arsis) and rests (thesis); death and birth of the impulse (ictus). 32. It would be the essence and also the secret of time, if we are to believe Anaximanders statement (sixth century BCE) as reported by Simplicius in his Physics (24.13): And the source of coming-to-be for existing things is that into which destruction, too, happens according to necessity; for they pay penalty and retribution to each other for their injustice according to the assessment of time, as he describes it in these rather poetical terms (Kirk, Raven, and Schoeld, The Presocratic Philosophers: A Critical History with a Selection of Texts, 11718). 33. See the fourth rule of the code of appropriation in the Differentiating Appropriations section of chapter 3. 34. One female inhabitant from number 60 says, The little bit of the neighborhood I frequent, its mine.
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35. I dont often look through the window [ . . . ]. Or else, just like that, while passing by it, because the neighborhood is also a bit my home. Another female inhabitant says, You see, I bring my chair close, like that, near the balcony, to knit. Notice that I dont see very much, because Im small and because the plant stands are high. But I keep contact with the outside. And the view isnt unpleasant. 36. See the expressions of some inhabitants, reported earlier: this isnt a spot, I wouldnt live there. 37. Some sites in the Arlequin neighborhood that planners foresaw would be used as meeting places, sites of collective gravitation (because on the walls have been painted the words pole 1, pole 2), remain obstinately deserted. 38. We speak of the power of the body in the sense of the evaluation of what it can do (in terms of limits, but also in terms of dynamic capacity). It seems to be of fundamental importance to weigh this evaluation before any ethology of inhabiting, as well as before any production of habitat, just as Spinoza weighed it at the start of his ethic of feelings (that which affects), in his Ethics (in Complete Works, Part 3, 277ff.), which proposes some quite valuable prolegomena to the study of existence in concrete situations. 39. As structural grammar becomes with Noam Chomsky generative and transformational grammar (Syntactic Structures). Can one imagine a generative and transformational development plan and architecture?
5. On the Imaginary Ground of Inhabitant Expression

1. [In the French translation of Kandinsky, what in English appeared as uncontrollable force of nature appears as une force qui de les calculs. Trans.] 2. [In French, the meanings of discrete and discreet overlap in one word: discret. Trans.] 3. This power to produce syntheses is analyzed in the famous pages from Kant where he deals with the Schematism (Critique of Pure Reason, 121ff.). 4. See the section An Articulatory Process in chapter 4. 5. This schematism of our understanding applied to phenomena and their mere form is an art hidden in the depth of the human soul, the true secrets of which we shall hardly ever be able to guess and reveal (Critique of Pure Reason, 123). 6. Kant, Critique of Judgment, Including the First Introduction, book 2, Analytic of the Sublime, 91ff.). 7. The spiritus phantasticus (a term that is nearly untranslatable, because
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it includes ideas that are for us so different, such as those of imaginary power, divine re, and breath of life) manifests itself in two ways. On the one hand, it animates; it is the breath that gives life to all things and makes signications speak. On the other hand, in the form of the subjectum, the eld that supports all existence, or else in the metaphorical form of the atrium or the combinatory eld of second-order signications (interpretorial reproduction of the immediate meaning of things), it grounds. See our masters thesis, Imagination et Nature chez Giordano Bruno, a 124-page mimeographed document. 8. See in particular Giordano Brunos La Cena de le Ceneri. 9. So as not to weigh down our argument, let us simply recall the extreme importance that, in a kind of thinking that is familiar to us, Sigmund Freud and Gaston Bachelard granted to this industrious circulation of the imaginary that dees the apparent distinctions in whose name mental functions are doggedly separated from one another and our psychosomatic entity is torn asunder. 10. The concrete forms by which one evokes the possible in the present pick up on various traits of everyday life that are already present in gures and appropriationswhence the numerous references to narratives already quoted. This nal reading, which seeks out the ground of expression, will briey recall those traits of everyday style, along with their most representative expressions. 11. See the Polysemous Figures subsection in the Elementary Figures section of chapter 2. 12. Mechanical ventilation system for the apartment complex. 13. See Yves Bardins short lm Quand les poules auront des dents (When the hens will have teeth). The fantastic and murderous invasion of ferocious hens who take over the Arlequin begins in this lm with eggs hatched in the underground areas of the gallery. This lm is available at Grenoble-InformationAnimation, Grand Place, Grenoble, France. 14. Cf. the narrative of one mother. In one stairway, someone shot at her son with a rie. The evidence seems quite convincing: the cake pan he was carrying now strangely resembles a colander. In this case, the horrible persists through eventful marking. 15. See the Polysemous Figures subsection in the Elementary Figures section in chapter 2, and the Appropriation via Dislocation section in chapter 3. 16. See the Second Rule of the Code of Appropriation at the end of the Territorial Appearance section of chapter 3. 17. See the cascade of exclusions of which the Community Center is the site in the Differentiating Appropriations section of chapter 3. 18. Let us recall the two logical traditions that, each in its own way, have articulated Western philosophy, depending on the different connotations they
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give to the modality of the possible: the tradition of paired values: true or false (see the dominant scholasticism of the Middle Ages, the Port Royal Logic, Leibniz); the tradition of unpaired values: true, false, neither-true-nor-false (this tradition, which has always inspired mistrust, stretches from Epicurus to Jan Lukasiewicz). 19. Durand, Les Structures anthropologiques de limaginaire: Introduction larchtypologie gnrale, 68. 20. We are thinking here of several practices that stretch from the damaging of urban sites to the ironic inversion of their functional signications. We refer to the analyses of Andr Micoud in his mimeographed research report, Les Nouvelles Formes du refus de la ville (Saint-tienne: Centre de Recherche et dtudes Sociologiques Appliques de la Loire [CRESAL], 1976), and those of Jacques Ion and Jean Nizey, in Les Processus dvolution des grands ensembles (Saint-tienne: Centre de Recherche et dtudes Sociologiques Appliques de la Loire [CRESAL], 1973). 21. If one wanted to draw up the logic of everyday life, it would no doubt be necessary to begin with the covariant of nonexclusive disjunction, replacing the either/or of the logic of the excluded middle with the and/or. This logic of the imaginary has been launched in the eld of axiomatic research. See the various works of Stphane Lupasco, and in particular Logique et contradiction and Les Trois Matires. 22. Lalande, Symbole. 23. Durand, Les Structures anthropologiques de limaginaire, 38. 24. See, respectively: (1) The Poetic Idiom at the end of chapter 2; (2) Conclusion in the Form of a Bifurcation at the end of chapter 3; (3) An Articulatory Process at the end of chapter 4; and (4) Three Powers of the Lived Imaginary in the present chapter. 25. Let us refer here to the most memorable source in the history of linguistics, Ferdinand de Saussures Course in General Linguistics. 26. Ibid., 6769 and 6970. 27. Such thinking is scandalous because it is grounded upon a philosophy of immanence. In his Ethics, Spinoza abandoned the concepts that would immediately denote a status for expression. This status appears only through an almost initiatory reading, the second reading Gilles Deleuze reconstitutes in his Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza (1968). 28. There is nothing fortuitous, or even contradictory, about the fact that one would have to go back to the Renaissance to nd an openly declared theory of expression and that, in the same age, a dominant mode of thinkingproducing was rmly constituted on the basis of a certain way of representing space. At that time, methods of combination bore upon a quite precise status for
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signication. Signicationseach one referring to the othersmade up the way of understanding a cosmic order that expressed itself on its own, as well as a way of making that order reexpress itself, and yet that order still had to be convoked through the medium of streams of signications-expressions. The break occurred during the second half of the Renaissance. The methods of thought production and of fabrication (Ars) were little by little led astray and turned into pure operative instruments subsumed under a binary structure that went on to disjoin identity and difference, which would be split up, the I think and the world. The triad of expression disappeared like an outdated metaphysics. The representation of space from which the arts of thinking drew strength was attened into res extensa, into representational space, the manipulation of which no longer convokes anything expressive, but simply some immediately benecial divisions in which the heterogeneous disguises itself as homogeneous. Cf. the remarks of Franoise Choay: I am more and more convinced that in the West, the great break in urban development and design occurred at the end of the fteenth century. Before . . . no planning. Not that the urban space included no organization, but such organization was the product of a set of social practices and not that of a specic practice, which is itself the fruit of a break performed on the level of reection upon the urban object (interview in Metropolis, 67). 29. Deleuze, Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza, 333. 30. Ibid., 335. 31. Beckett, The Expelled, 33.
Conclusion: A Cosmogenetic Point

1. We offer, in an appendix, a synoptic table that sketches out the varieties of this reductive process. It is a formal account of the contradictions and reductions that occur between the order of building-housing and the power of inhabitant expression. 2. We use this expression that was favored in the Bauhaus aesthetic. The pictorial metaphor evoked here seems illuminating. The universe of inhabitant expression is engendered on the basis of discretely lived point-like experiences, just as the world of forms tightly bound in the canvas is born of a simple graphic gesture or of a colored point. 3. On the question of this necessary involvement of tension in the act of building, the reader is invited to read and reread the pages of Georges Braques Cahiers. [A later, bilingual edition appeared as Illustrated Notebooks, 19171955.Trans.]
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4. See our analysis of the process of conception-production of a high-density housing complex: Des oprationnels autour de lArlequin. 5. Rocard, La France en qute dun avenir. 6. Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, 84. 7. See chapter 1 of Medams La Ville-Censure. 8. Durand, Science de lhomme et tradition: Le Nouvel Esprit anthropologique, 143. 9. In the sense in which the one-dimensional false consciousness denounced by Herbert Marcuse as representation of a destiny of productivity did not yet carry weight. 10. Cf. the bitterness and regrets of a frustrated creativity, quite well analyzed in Lugassys work Le Discours idologique des architectes et urbanistes. 11. See Worringer, Abstraction and Empathy: A Contribution to the Psychology of Style, originally published in German in 1908. 12. For this passage, we have borrowed the French translation given by Henri Maldiney at the University of Lyon in 1969 [and then retranslated it into English; for the available English translation, which differs somewhat, see The Thinking Eye: The Notebooks of Paul Klee, 169.Trans]. 13. Ibid. [English translation again somewhat altered to reect the French translation from the German.Trans.] 14. [It should be noted, for the reader of the present French-to-English translation, that the 1962 French translation of Martin Heideggers 1950 volume, Holzwege (literally: wood trails; a recent English-language translation has Off the Beaten Track), was titled Chemins qui mnent nulle part (paths that lead nowhere), and thus is the opposite of what Augoyard afrms concerning the paths of expression at the close of his book.Trans.]
Appendix B
1. Zone durbanisation en priorit (ZUP).
Afterword The ambulatory dialogue between author and translator, broached on that crisp fall day in Grenoble and continued in the present text (placed most appropriately as an Afterword), has been pursued in an exchange available on the authors professional Web site, www.cresson.archi.fr/sbs.html. 1. I make explicit here my American prejudice against the International
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Style, which was reinforced by my 20002001 residency at Taliesin West at the invitation of the Frank Lloyd Wright School of Architecture. 2. This experience was the reverse of the one Laurie Anderson drolly described in her eponymous song from Big Science (1982) depicting disorientation in a future-dominated builtscape: Hey Pal! How do I get to town from here? And he said: Well, just take a right where theyre going to build that new shopping mall, go straight past where theyre going to put in the freeway, take a left at whats going to be the new sports center, and keep going until you hit the place where theyre thinking of building that drive-in bank. You cant miss it. And I said: This must be the place. This song includes a sly comment on ctionalized landscaping reminiscent of the Arlequins mounds: You know. I think we should put some mountains here. Otherwise, what are all the characters going to fall off of? I know not whether Anderson ever read Jean Baudrillard on simulacra, but it is known that she studied Merleau-Ponty at Columbia with Arthur C. Danto. 3. Like Proust (translator of John Ruskin) or Paul Auster (translator of Pierre Clastres). 4. But not even a hint of inuence, so far as I can tell, from the existentialist philosopher of an absolute freedom Jean-Paul Sartre, who also wrote on the imagination. 5. The University of Minnesota Press originally took an interest in translating Pas pas as an outgrowth from its publication of Lefebvres The Urban Experience. 6. There is in Step by Step one late, and quite intriguing, reference to the death of modernity: Building is missing-in-action, not dead. And its potentialities are still exercised in a virtual way in the obscure confrontations between inhabitant expression and constructed space. We would say, rather, that the modern is what has just died; it is already conceptuality, already xed in place. It is dead absolutely, that is, as soon as one lays down the rst stone, as soon as its rst object is sketched out, for it has rid itself of lived time. And rather than calling for a return to the past, we would prefer to grant, as a plausible outcome, self-construction. Postmodernism, however, seems absent from the present volume. Jean-Franois Lyotards volume on the postmodern condition, La Condition postmoderne: Rapport sur le savoir had only come out the same year Pas pas was published; nonetheless, the term had already existed for decades and was popularized two years earlier in Charles Jenckss The Language of Post-Modern Architecture. And the plausible outcome of self-construction seems rather alien to postmodern concerns, being reminiscent, rather, of Cornelius Castoriadiss 1975 major work The Imaginary Institution of Society (trans. Kathleen Blamey [Cambridge: MIT Press, 1998]), even though Augoyard, himself work236
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ing on the imagination at the time, had not read this volume. Because of similarities of concerns and an overlap of themes between Augoyard and Castoriadis, I have often referred to the latters work while translating and reecting upon the formers. It is indeed fascinating to witness these two intellectual trajectories developing at the same time within the context of postwar French thought. I have been helped in my examination of Augoyards work by Castoriadiss own reading of Yves Barel, another author whose work developed in parallel with his during the 1970s: see Castoriadiss Complexity, Magmas, History: The Example of the Medieval Town (1993), in The Rising Tide of Insignicancy (The Big Sleep), available online starting at: http://notbored.org/RTI.html. Neither does Michel Foucaults name make an appearance. Augoyards microscopic study of appropriations and counterappropriationsthemselves couched in Saussurean terms of mutually generated difference based on the arbitrariness of the sign but being, most proximately, of Lefebvrean provenance might nevertheless make one think of that theorist of micropowers. On the other hand, it is hard to imagine Foucault, champion of powerlessness, speaking afrmatively, as Augoyard does, about the power of the imaginary. 7. Not to forget a wealth of premodern and early modern inuences: as Augoyard notes, his masters thesis was written on the topic Imagination and Nature in Giordano Bruno. Those who would take Step by Step to be merely a clever text in urban studies or a microanalysis of a particular housing complex would miss a great deal of the philosophical intent and import of this quite remarkable volume. 8. A nearly impossible, not to say innite, task, given the complexity and overlap of the multitude of referrals involved. 9. In French, interprte can mean both performer (like Ion) and interpreter-translator. Nevertheless, to the extent that one can say that a translation is an artistic re-creation of voices and signications in another tongue, the term interpretation, with its merely hermeneutic overtones, seems quite inadequate and inappropriate. 10. In a Tribune libre for the December 28, 2005, issue of the Communist newspaper LHumanit (Btir la ville: le dsir de civilisation), Jean-Paul Doll proposes an amalgam of Heidegger (Doll cites Btir, habiter, penser) and Lefebvre (he also mentions the production of space) as a frame for discussing the fall 2005 riots in France. Yet, in contrast to Augoyard, he fails to take as his point of departure the self-articulating position of the inhabitant-user of this space. 11. Augoyard explains in chapter 2: In any case, one never makes a complete tour around the everyday as it is lived. This apposite claim to, or admission of, nonexhaustiveness is made on several occasions. It is to be noted that An
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Essay on Everyday Walks in an Urban Setting is the proper English translation of the books subtitle. A compromise subtitle, Everyday Walks in a French Urban Housing Project, was settled on for the present translation. 12. To dwell has been reserved, instead, to translate demeurer and its derivatives, as in the possibility of dwelling, of coming to a stop plus city dweller for citadin, and for Choays use of the term habiter when discussing it in relation to Heidegger. Also, dwelling connotes meditation on allegedly profound matters, while inhabiting indicates a mobile bodily practice. 13. The author wisely added apparently with regard to walking practices assumed resistance to co-optation. For, along with malls (centres commerciaux), a major urban planning and design contrivance popularized in France, as elsewhere, since this book was originally published, has been the deployment and proliferation of voies pitonnes, pedestrian ways (generally designated in the States as walking streets) devoid of cars that funnel pedestrians and foster shopping in an environmentally more friendly setting, thereby democratizing (to use an abusive, journalistic term) and further commercializing the experiences of the Baudelairean dandy and Walter Benjamins neur. (See, on an early-twentieth-century artistic transguration of these two nineteenthcentury pedestrian gures, Giovanna Zapperis Marcel Duchamps Dandyism: The Dandy, the Flneur, and the Beginnings of Mass Culture in New York during the 1910s, translated by me and available at http://www.artsetsocietes. org/a/a-zaperri.html.) 14. Two roads diverged in a wood, and I, / I took the one less traveled by, / And that has made all the difference (Robert Frost, The Road Not Taken). As we shall soon see, however, even this mutual exclusion is, according to Augoyard, to be avoided: Sometimes rather more following an existing path, sometimes rather more hewing a new one, one moves within a space that never tolerates the absolute exclusion of the one or the other. 15. Augoyard immediately and enthusiastically recognized the Anderson lyric reference when I mentioned it to him; he was familiar with the song on account of his son Erwan, now a lmmaker. 16. See mentions of the French Ideology in Social Transformation and Cultural Creation (1979), from Castoriadiss Political and Social Writings, vol. 3 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 304, as well as in The Movements of the Sixties (1986), from his collection World in Fragments (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1997), 51. The obvious reference here is to Marx and Engelss attack on the irrelevancies of their contemporaries in The German Ideology. 17. An early indication of the limits of a deconstructive approach to walking practices is perhaps contained in the very citation of Derridas concept of differance (note 16 to chapter 3): It is not the question of a constituted differ238
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ence here, but rather, before all determination of the content, of the pure movement which produces difference. The (pure) trace is differance. It is unclear how such a hypostatized notion of purity can account for the messy everydayness of such movement practices. 18. There are two further mentions of deconstruction. 19. This modal methodological approach, he acknowledges, comes up right away against a major difculty: peoples tendency to forget. The investigator addresses this problem by asking a how questionHow do you walk through your neighborhood; what trips do you take?in a protentional rather than retentional mode (the interviewees are to provide their answers only after a suitable lapse of time and after having had the actual experience with this question in mind). Of note, the protentional/retentional terminology stems originally from Edmund Husserls 1928 work Phenomenology of Internal Time-Consciousness (based on his 190510 lectures) and is an extension of his method of intentional analysis, derived from the intentionality thesis developed by his teacher Franz Brentano. 20. In fact, in Husserl himself, this call was already articulated as a going back (wir wollen auf die Sachen Selbst zruckgehen). 21. Plato Cratylus 401d (on Heraclitus) and Aristotle Metaphysics 1010a 1315 (on Cratylus). Perhaps Heraclituss most famous fragment begins All things ow (panta rhei). 22. A questionable, but key, thesis in Merleau-Ponty concerns The Primacy of Perception and Its Philosophical Consequences. This 1946 talk, rst published in French in 1947, forms the eponymous text for The Primacy of Perception and Other Essays, ed. James M. Edie (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1964). 23. In French, sens means both meaning and direction, an overlap of signications exploited in particular by Merleau-Ponty, as Stephen HastingsKing points out in his 1999 Cornell University history PhD dissertation, Fordism and the Marxist Revolutionary Project: A History of Socialisme ou Barbarie, Part I, 192. 24. Of course, movement here is to be taken in its Aristotelian sense of change or alteration, of which there are four species, and not limited to its Galilean sense alone of local movement. Lest it be thought that I am making a fetish of movement, allow me to recommend, by way of contrast, the work of the late post-Surrealist artist, sculptor, and writer Pol Bury, including his book Les Horribles mouvements de limmobilit (Paris: C. Martinez, 1977); see also my translation of Andr Balthazars text for one of Burys catalogs: Pol Bury or Murmured Slowness, in Pol Bury. La lenteur murmure (Paris: Galerie Louis Carr, 2004), 911.
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25. One wonders why Alfred North Whiteheads process philosophy was not an appropriate reference for Augoyard. 26. Merleau-Pontys May 1959 Working Note, titled Transcendence of the thing and transcendence of the phantasm, begins as follows: The transcendence of the thing compels us to say that it is plenitude only by being inexhaustible, that is, by not being all actual under the lookbut it promises this total actuality, since it is there. . . . When we say thaton the contrarythe phantasm is not observable, that it is empty, non-being, the contrast with the sensible is therefore not absolute. The senses are apparatus to form concretions of the inexhaustible, to form existent signications And here, still couched in the language of Husserlian phenomenology, is what follows the statement just quoted, about things not really being observable: What we call the sensible is only the fact that the indenite [succession] of Abschattungen precipitatesBut, conversely, there is a precipitation or crystallization of the imaginary, of the existentials, of the symbolic matrices (The Visible and the Invisible followed by Working Notes [1964], ed. Claude Lefort, trans. Alphonso Lingis [Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1968], 19192). What Merleau-Ponty describes in static or xed terms as concretions and precipitation or crystallization could have been rearticulated in mobile terms by extending his metaphor of enjambment, meaningcreation through ongoing strides. I believe that Augoyards book points in this direction. 27. Aristotle Peri psuches 431a17. See Castoriadiss The Discovery of the Imagination, in World in Fragments. Although he does not present this history as thoroughly and profoundly as Castoriadis does, Augoyard is quite aware of these multiple rediscoveries and successive cover-ups: Several times in the history of thought, the imaginary has been considered neither as one of the lower faculties, archaic in origin and conned to the production of images, nor as too confused a faculty to be able to attain the empire of reason, too uncultivated and too uncontrolled in its sudden appearances to be a bearer of truth. Each time our imaginary capacity has been taken into account as a whole, it was in order to point to its operative function: imagining is the power to connect. The imagination is the medium par excellence. Thus, Kantianismwhich, two centuries ago, did not immediately preoccupy itself with the instantiated principle of the imaginarynevertheless conferred upon it the threefold role of reproducing, synthesizing, and creating. And Augoyard, author of that Giordano Bruno thesis, offers precious indications as to the historical role of the imagination in Renaissance thought, about which Castoriadis has not written (at least in the extant and posthumous work published so far). On the other hand, with the introduction of anticipation as origin of the realization of the real via the imaginary (render[ing] present
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what really is not yet so), the entire basis (ground) for Augoyards aforementioned protentional method of interviewing inhabitants is itself tossed up into the air. 28. He also footnotes the work of the philosopher and social theorist Gilbert Durand, founder, in 1966, of the University of Grenoble IIs Center for Research on the Imaginary. Augoyard explained to me that the mention of Durand in his thesis (and subsequently in his book) was a late addition made after he had learned that Durand would be on the thesis committee. 29. This consistent denigration of the why is particularly perplexing in light of Augoyards insistence that, however unremarkable our ways of inhabiting might be, they would never depart from a climatic pregnancy that never leaves them totally unmotivated. It is perhaps understandable that the author wishes to view inhabiting not only as movement but also as motivated. (The power of the imaginary, however, would more plausibly opt, rather, for a present participle with future implicationsmotivatingalthough the imaginarys interpenetration of action and passion would militate instead for past and present participles combining in an ongoing Stiftung, Husserls German word for institution.) And he wishes to challenge Saussurean linguistics, which is based, by way of contrast, on linearity and the arbitrariness of the sign: expression is never carried out according to an arbitrary relation and does not unfold in a single dimension. But what, we may ask, is the sense in saying that inhabiting is motivated (taken here by Augoyard to mean the opposite of arbitrary) and yet eschews the why? Augoyard is battling against Saussurean-based Structuralism, and he thereby becomes a champion of expressive creativity. But he has yet to reach the vista where the risky possibility of positing the why and the metanecessary arbitrariness of creation themselves combine in, as well as ow from, an unmotivated, self-positing (indeed, self-instituting) imaginary that alters itself not just in time but as time. And yet this is precisely what his cosmogenetic point, in his Conclusion, could itself eventually generate. 30. The ambulatory act of skipping over is not to be confused, of course, with the high-ying birds-eye or Gods-eye view (pense de survol) MerleauPonty rightly criticized. 31. One nds the lived experience/representation opposition often in Merleau-Pontys work, too. The denigration of representation, in this case tied even more directly to causality, also may be found in a passage from Deleuze that Augoyard quotes: What is expressed is sense: deeper than the relation of causality, deeper than the relation of representation (Gilles Deleuze, Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza [1968], trans. Martin Joughin [New York: Zone Books, 1990], 335). 32. In the sixth part of his 1637 Discourse on Method, Descartes does indeed talk about represent[ing] my life as in a picture, and the terms reprsen241
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tation and tableau (but also imagination) do appear a number of times in this and other Cartesian works. For his part, Heidegger provides no textual evidence of his own here. 33. See also the May 1960 Working Note Visual Picture representation of the world Todo y Nada, where, in a line of descent from Heideggers The Age of the World Picture, Merleau-Ponty seeks to generalize the critique of the visual picture into a critique of Vorstellung (The Visible and the Invisible followed by Working Notes, 252). This he does even after his admission that one is never at the thing itself! 34. Heidegger could just as easily have understood Vor-stellung to mean a putting forth of images, their placing in advance, instead of a static and objective setting before (a subject). Many German vor- words have the former two senses. See Merleau-Ponty and the Weight of the Ontological Tradition, in World in Fragments, 282, where Castoriadis speaks of a representation in the active sense . . . that is not placing-something-in-front-of-someone but rather is that by which and in which every placing and every place exist, originary positing starting from which every positionas act of a subject or determination of an objecthas being and meaning. Such an understanding and acceptance of imaginary representation could rejoin the meanings of enjambement explored earlier and inspired by Augoyards movement-oriented method. 35. When this phrase was rst cited, it seemed that the operative word was aesthetic, but now it appears that what is being contested especially is objecthoodwhich would be condemned for representationalism. That is to say, Augoyard has no objection in principle to aisthe so long as the feeling of sis, inhabiting is understood as movement. 36. Here, skips and does without are translations for the French phrase faire lconomie de. Augoyard goes on to state the important points that, in the imaginary realm establishing the ground for real life, neither set theory nor identitary logic operates and that the individual can be opposed to or considered separate from the social sphere only via abstraction: there is nothing about [inhabitant expression] of a relation of part to whole or of a relation of the individual to the socius. Despite the dubious Heideggerian pronouncement that representation would somehow be absent from lived experience (instead of their being, thanks to the imaginary, mutually interpenetrative), we can see that, as with Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty, what is truly being contested is subject object dualism and a specic representational reduction of things, people, and processes to inert and manipulable objects: the same goes for rationalizing explanations that would yield on the one hand the subject, on the other hand the object, on the one hand knowing, on the other hand the world in itself. The
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genuine topic at hand for Augoyard is an elucidation of the imaginary via inhabitant expression: To the extent that everyday life can nd meaning qua expression, the imaginary proposes itself as the essential referent to which the moments of inhabiting, and all the spaces inhabited, relate. The imaginary weaves beneath each present lived experience a ground the imaginary immediately gives to it as world. 37. Martin Heidegger, Being and Time (1928), trans. John Marcquarrie and Edward Robinson (New York and Evanston, Ill.: Harper & Row, 1962), 140 (emphasis added). If we take Heideggers early talk of Vorstellung and add thereto his mentions of affective life and volition (the latter in its most general sense as the distinctly human form of intention and desire), we have, in Castoriadiss terminology, the three characteristics of the for-itself, which were rst sifted out as distinct elements during the fth century B.C.E. in ancient Greece. Everywhere there is the for-itself there will be representation and image, there will be affect, there will be intention; in ancient terminology: the logico-noetic, the thymic, and the orectic. This goes for a bacterium as well as for an individual or for a society (The State of the Subject Today, in World in Fragments, 146). 38. This never extinguished resonance also seems to be of Merleau-Pontean provenance. 39. Castoriadis, The Discovery of the Imagination, 21516. 40. Heidegger, Die Zeit des Weltbildes (1938), in Holzwege (Frankfurtam-Main: Vittorio Klosterman, 1977), 106. 41. Only a God Can Save Us is the 1976 title of the posthumously published interview Der Spiegel conducted with Heidegger a decade earlier. 42. In fact, Augoyards characterization of the imaginarys industrious circulation provides us with the key dynamic phrase for following these otherwise paradoxical movements of redundancy and repetition. The best work on this question is that of the Italian philosopher Fabio Ciaramelli; see my translation: The Self-Presupposition of the Origin: Homage to Cornelius Castoriadis, in Thesis Eleven 49 (May 1997): 4567. I thank Ciaramelli for pointing me to Heideggers The Age of the World Picture and helping me to orient myself in relation to that text. 43. Cornelius Castoriadis, The End of Philosophy? in Philosophy, Politics, Autonomy, ed. David Ames Curtis (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 15. 44. Let it be noted that Arlequin, the name of this housing project, is French for Harlequin: the traditional comic character of pantomime theater. Augoyards book is not without its own humor. And the hexagon form of the Arlequins basic architectural design recalls Frances general hexagonal shape.
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(France is often referred to as the Hexagon.) In many ways, Step by Step is a lively and witty critique of an entire French way of thinking about building, housing, and residing. 45. In the time of the polis, political terms and cosmological terms creatively intertwined and interpenetrated within ancient Greek philosophy. See Jean-Pierre Vernants 1962 book The Origins of Greek Thought (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982). To account for cosmogenesis as well as anthropogenesis, philosophers, historians, and poets created cosmogonies and anthropogonies. On the latter, see Castoriadiss Aeschylean Anthropogony and Sophoclean Self-Creation of Man (1991), in Figures of the Thinkable (Including Passion and Knowledge), available online starting at: http://notbored.org/ FTPK.html. 46. In light of the originary redundancy of representation, it might be worthwhile to examine more closely a phrase from Freud. Despite his scientistic leanings as a medical man and a nineteenth-century offspring of the Enlightenment, Dr. Freud managed not only to integrate the imagination (via phantasy) into his psychoanalysis but also to place it, at least implicitly, at the center of his concerns. When he writes of the Vorstellungsreprsentanz des Triebesrepresentations representative of the drivehe is providing a useful justication, in metapsychological terms, not only for representations and for representing as Vorstellungen and Vorstellen but also for representation as re-presentation in representation of an a-representational drive. (In Logic, Imagination, Reection [1991], now in World in Fragments, Castoriadis provides the references in Freud as follows: Gesammelte Werke, 10:285 = Standard Edition, 14:186. Although Castoriadis knowingly described this phrase as limpid, I do not believe that he ever explicitly explored the signicance of its startling redundancy.) 47. Here and elsewhere I have heightened the point by translating savoir as scientic knowledge in order to contrast it with familiar knowledge (connaissance). In French, after all, a savant is a scientist. 48. Augoyard is himself an accomplished musician, his wife a former dancer. He is the editor of La qualit sonore des espaces habits/Sound Quality in the Living Environment (bilingual acts of a March 1991 colloquium; Grenoble: CRESSON, 1992), and the coauthor, with Henry Torgue, of lcoute de lenvironnement. Rpertoire des effets sonores (Marseille: ditions Parenthses, 1995). Today, he directs the Ambiances, ambiance series at ditions la croise. His volume Sonic Experience: A Guide to Everyday Sounds, also edited along with Henry Torgue, with a Preface by R. Murray Schafer and translated by Andra McCartney and David Paquette, was just published by McGillQueens University Press in 2006. 49. Augoyard offered the example of a student of his who spent months studying how people actually go into and out of a commercial centers revolving
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and xed doors, noting how such practices differ from the designers theoretical anticipations thereof. 50. When I raised this issue with Augoyard near the end of my tour of the Arlequin complex, he readily admitted that there was a point to what I was saying but it was not possible to analyze these narratives from all perspectivesa point he had already rightly made in general in his book, and that is in fact a basic principle of his step-by-step approach that makes no pretense to offering a general overview. 51. We nd at http://crisis.vianet.on.ca/march.htm the following excerpt from a Take Back the Night statement: Women are often told to be extra careful and take precautions when going out at night. In some parts of the world, even today, women are not allowed out at night. So when women struggle for freedom, we must start at the beginning by ghting for freedom of movement, which we have not had and do not now have. We must recognize that freedom of movement is a precondition for anything else. It comes before freedom of speech in importance because without it freedom of speech cannot in fact exist. Given that this statement is itself an instance of speech, the hierarchization between freedom in movement and freedom in speech seems implausible. Yet we should remain attentive to the salutary emphasis on the importance of unencumbered and unthreatened pedestrian movement that this statement articulates. 52. Rocard, it may nevertheless be noted, made this astute comment in April 1974, just as he was preparing to leave the autogestion (self-management)-inspired PSU, with its legacy of postMay 68 politics, so as to lead a minority of its members to join the regrouped French Socialist Party. 53. Similarly, in a 1974 interview summarizing the work of the postwar French revolutionary group Socialisme ou Barbarie (194867), Castoriadis declares apropos of workers gestures: The history of modern industry, however, is not only the history of great pitched union battles; it is also and especially the history that unfolds eight hours a day, sixty minutes per hour, sixty seconds per minute in production and apropos of production; during each of these seconds, each gesture of the worker has two sides to it, one that conforms to the imposed production norms, the other combating those norms. Effective output is the result of the struggle that unfolds upon this terrain. Labor power, therefore, has no denite use value that one might grasp independent of this struggle and its effects (The Only Way to Find Out if You Can Swim Is to Get into the Water: An Introductory Interview, in The Castoriadis Reader, ed. David Ames Curtis [Malden, Mass., and Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1997], 18). A decade earlier, in the third point of his programmatic text Recommencing the Revolution, Castoriadis had already articulated such gesture analysis in terms of everydayness: Certainly, society today still remains profoundly divided. It
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functions against the immense majority of working people. In their everyday lives, these people express their opposition to this society with half of each one of their gestures. The present crisis of humanity will be able to be resolved only through a socialist revolution. But these ideas run the risk of remaining empty abstractions, pretexts for sermons or for a blind and spasmodic activism, if we do not strive to understand how societys divisions are concretely being realized at the present hour, how this society functions, what forms of reaction and struggle laboring people adopt against the ruling strata and their system, what new kinds of revolutionary activity related to peoples concrete existence and struggle in society and to a coherent and lucid view of the world are possible under these conditions (ibid., 107). 54. In Step by Steps quotation from One-Dimensional Man, Marcuse explains that this new conformism is new because it is rational to an unprecedented degree, instead of examining (through peoples involved everyday struggles against it) the irrationality inherent in modern bureaucratic-capitalist rationalization processes. 55. See Grace Lee Boggs, Living for Change: An Autobiography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998). 56. Hastings-King, Fordism and the Marxist Revolutionary Project, 176. 57. These oral and written narratives that Augoyard obtained are not at all to be confused with detached and isolated individual responses to the usual scientic survey questions. 58. This is one of Hastings-Kings critical conclusions about the limitations on Socialisme ou Barbaries use of workers narratives: in neither Leforts 1952 programmatic text advocating phenomenological analysis of such narratives (via eidetic variation) nor in subsequent efforts by the group to solicit, publish, and employ such texts did it succeed in controlling for these texts rhetorical origins. In later life, Lefort published a collection of essays whose aim was to come to terms with the political aspects of literary texts and the literary aspects of political texts; translated into English by me as Writing: The Political Test (Durham, N.C., and London: Duke University Press, 2000), this book strangely makes no explicit reference to his earlier efforts in LExprience proltarienne. 59. See Browns insightful review, Henri Lefebvres The Production of Space, Not Bored! 30 (February 1999): 6576, also available at http://www. notbored.org/space.html. 60. In a 1957 Socialisme ou Barbarie text that forms the second part of a three-part series On the Content of Socialism, Castoriadis had already articulated this more positive understanding of the everyday: Socialism aims at giving a meaning to peoples life and work; at enabling their freedom, their cre246
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ativity, and the most positive aspects of their personality to ourish; at creating organic links between the individual and those around him, and between the group and society; at reconciling people with themselves and with nature. It thereby rejoins the most basic goals of the working class in its daily struggles against capitalist alienation. These are not aspirations about some hazy and distant future, but rather the content of tendencies existing and manifesting themselves today, both in revolutionary struggles and in everyday life. To understand this is to understand that, for the worker, the ultimate problem of history is an everyday problem. To grasp this is also to perceive that socialism is not nationalization or planning or even an increase in the standard of living. It is to understand that the real crisis of capitalism is not due to the anarchy of the market or to overproduction or to the falling rate of prot. Indeed, it is to see the tasks of revolutionary theory and the function of the revolutionary organization in an entirely new way. Pushed to their ultimate consequences, grasped in their full strength, these ideas transform our vision of society and the world. They modify our conception of theory as well as of revolutionary practice (The Castoriadis Reader, 51; emphasis in the original). As a member of Socialisme ou Barbarie for a brief period during 196061, Situationist International founder Guy Debord was certainly familiar with the contents of this key programmatic text, which accords a positive centrality to everyday life and struggle. 61. A translation (by John Fullerton and Paul Sieveking) of this celebrated text, the counterpart to Debords The Society of the Spectacle (also from 1967), is now available online, for example, at http://www.scenewash.org/lobbies/ chainthinker/situationist/vaneigem/rel/roel.html, which is where I found this and the following Vaneigem quotations. 62. The following Vaneigem quotation from The Revolution of Everyday Life allows us to gauge the full distance between that book and Augoyards Step by Step: Everyday Walks in a French Urban Housing Project: The revolution of everyday life will blot out ideas of justice, punishment and torture, which are notions dependent on exchange and fragmentation. We dont want to be judges, but, by destroying slavery, masters without slaves recovering a new innocence and gracefulness in living. We have to destroy the enemy, not judge him. Whenever Durrutis column freed a village, they would assemble the peasants, ask which were the Fascists and shoot them on the spot. The next revolution will do the same. With perfect composure. We know therell be no-one to judge us, nor will there ever be judges again, because we will have gobbled them up. Here we see what can result when someone elses everyday lived experience is fetishized into an excuse for not thinking on ones own and for not exercising responsible judgment. 63. A point Augoyard reiterated to me several times.
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253
Index
abandonment, 17, 28, 153; and abstention, 151 absence, 1617, 28, 62, 7073, 12834, 14243, 156, 166, 182, 184; of conjunction, 72, 74, 128; of connections, 6770, 72, 161; gured, 129; -in-abeyance, 132; and the present, 59, 113, 12829, 13134, 13739, 156, 161; prolonged, 102; pure, 28; really, 117; symbolic, 35; of symmetry, 61; transitory, 131 abstractness, 1920, 23, 66, 80, 127, 13234, 161, 16667, 169, 17275, 183, 185, 187; originary, 109 abstract observer/subject, 21, 23 accidents, 7, 3435, 41, 45, 54, 59, 70, 118, 135, 14344, 14648, 15355, 166, 172 acted: and felt, 131; and suffered, 71, 11314, 117, 122, 125, 138, 156, 158, 161 activity, 3, 17, 1920, 23, 25, 34, 57, 82, 12425, 127, 133, 147; daytime, 142; feverish, 54; fragmented, 7; impromptu, 19; and passion, 155; social, 151; sociocultural, 190;
spatiotemporal, 26, 57; and submission, 25 activity areas, 56, 82, 87, 91 activity coordinators, 89, 151 actors, 88, 172; expressive, 27 adolescents. See young people adults, 29, 35, 52, 54, 61, 86, 89, 100, 144 advocacy planning, 10 aesthetics, 123, 154, 173; Bauhaus, 234n2 affectivity/the affective, 21, 120, 133, 147, 156 afternoon, 49, 69, 72, 96, 226n12 age group, 52, 68, 87, 99 aggregates, 89, 92, 99, 102, 111, 166; collective, 90; social, 100 101, 110, 145 Agora, 8687 air, 11920, 142, 150, 228n8. See also wind Aleph, the, 128, 230n26, 230n28 Algerians, 91, 104, 145. See also North Africans alien, 9496, 109, 118, 126, 131, 139, 14547, 153, 169, 18283 alternation(s), 27, 29, 58, 14142; symmetrical, 72 ambiance, 116, 120, 133
255
INDEX
ambiguity, 34, 40, 8283, 120, 175, 178 ambivalence, 4142, 45 ambulatory congurations, 5, 29, 35, 40, 48, 67, 78, 112, 115, 141, 156, 158, 165 amplication, 51, 57, 101, 104, 106, 141, 224n19 anamorphosis, 77, 121, 167 anaphora, 5556, 95, 106, 108, 113, 148 Anaximander, 230n32 anticipation, 48, 57, 97, 99, 102, 106, 109, 117, 122, 124, 126, 128, 13334, 137, 174, 176; abstract, 185; of avoidance, 78; motor, 127, 133, 156, 184; mutual, 78 anxiety, 43, 66 aporias, 15, 222n10 appellation, 64, 8090, 92; common, 87; functional, 8283; ofcial, 8586; private, 89; singularized and particularized, 8384. See also names/naming apprehension: of places walked, 81; of space, 67, 90 approach, 35, 1314, 1819, 37, 56, 59, 75, 87, 104, 161, 16364, 172, 175; asymmetric, 61; sidelong, 6 appropriable, the, 16, 79, 94, 98, 110, 122, 152, 182; un-, 16, 86 appropriations, 7, 16, 31, 58, 71, 73, 79, 8290, 94113, 146, 15253, 161, 18283; act of, 61, 8386, 88, 113, 161, 232n10; alien, 95, 109; code of, 77, 79, 90, 94, 97, 101, 105, 10913, 147, 155, 158, 162,
230n27, 230n33; collective, 97, 103, 107; combative, 57; competing, 98; denite and limited, 83; dialectic of, 96, 102, 109, 111; differentiating, 9798; via dislocation, 106, 108, 145; dynamic of, 79; everyday, 109; failure of, 93; force(s) of, 1023, 105; memorable, 86; partial, 99; positive, 94; power of, 93; projected/project of, 109, 153; pseudoconcept of, 111; sensorimotor, 162; shared, 84; of space, 9, 12, 16, 44, 83, 90, 111; total, 99. See also counterappropriations; differentiating appropriations arbitrary, 85, 15860 architects, 910, 144, 170 architecture, 910, 2324, 4041, 5859, 84, 120, 122, 127, 129, 132, 135, 14344, 150, 16667, 16971, 185, 228n14, 231n39 Aristotle, 223n13 Arlequin (high-density housing complex in Grenoble, France), 22, 26, 42, 45, 55, 57, 60, 64, 6667, 82, 85, 87, 117, 120, 123, 140, 149, 15152, 167, 189, 223n1, 223n8, 223n10, 224n17, 231n37, 232n13 arteries, 9, 14 articulation, 17, 72, 75, 105, 11314, 12934, 138, 153, 155, 15859, 162, 16970, 178, 182, 18485, 187; concrete, 132; motor, 130; of movement, 74; sensorimotor, 136, 162; of walking, 27, 83 artistic, 128, 154
256
INDEX
Arts of thinking, 51, 225n1 assimilation, 122, 157, 183 asymmetry, 47, 61 asyndeton, 6263, 6774, 109, 112, 114, 128, 133, 137, 15556, 15859 atmospheres, 17, 35, 48, 67, 108, 11618, 12024, 12728, 13031, 13334, 13940, 150, 153, 156, 159, 227n4; everyday, 11617, 140; variations in, 152, 184 attitudes, 23, 123, 129, 134; bodily, 127; social, 78 attraction, 5556, 64, 108 auditory. See hearing automobiles, 39, 47, 61, 91, 126 autonomy, 74, 154, 162 avoidance, 1516, 24, 2829, 3335, 40, 45, 63, 7778, 9091, 95, 9899, 116, 125, 131, 137, 141, 147, 160; absolute, 28; delayed, 108; false, 33, 39; by variation, 34, 37, 40 Bachelard, Gaston, 232n9 bakery, 82, 118 Bar-bu (bar), 31, 33, 35, 104, 223n5 Bauhaus, 234n2 bearings, 64; taking ones, 60, 83, 108, 124, 228n143 Beckett, Samuel, 164 becoming, 177, 187 behaviors, 5, 31; social, 174 belonging, 8889, 93, 97 besieging. See siege bifurcation, 33, 45, 4748, 50, 5859, 64, 109, 126 binary: distinctions, 163; division, 187; principle of
noncontradiction, 160; structure, 234n28 body, 12, 11415, 12324, 127, 13234, 136; of expression, 116; of inhabitant expression, 134, 136, 158; its structuration, 12; before knowledge, 116; lived, 132; powers of, 13334, 229n19, 231n38; signifying and signied, 112 Borges, Jorge Luis, 128 boundaries. See limits breakdowns, 33, 41, 61, 74, 95, 104, 111, 130, 136, 143, 156, 178, 182; in architectural forms, 127; catastrophic, 45; in narratives, 33, 69, 74; in punctuation, 68; unforeseen, 39. See also rupture Brownian motion, 136 Bruno, Giordano, 162, 232nn78 building, 811, 17, 24, 26, 4142, 5859, 61, 64, 66, 72, 78, 90, 109, 115, 117, 12122, 128, 132, 134, 144, 163, 16772, 17678, 225n26, 226n4; act of, 170, 234n3 building-housing, 234n1 burst (lan), 131, 230n31. See also forward bound; impetus businesses, 18; local, 167 butchers shop, 82, 144 bypassing, 28, 31, 3335, 37, 39, 48, 63, 78, 14748, 229n21; usual, 35. See also passing by caf, 35, 56, 104, 108, 150 calmness, 49, 58, 90, 120, 144 Carmichael, Leonard, 229n20 Carroll, Lewis, 63 cars. See automobiles
257
INDEX
Cartesian era, 51 cartography. See maps catastrophe, 45, 107, 143 causality, 6, 1214, 1819, 25, 112, 164, 172; transitive, 174 causal links, 1013, 18, 146, 157, 172; basic, 9; deep-seated, 1213; and effects, 18, 174, 187; efcient or circumstantial, 12; essential or formal, 12; rst, 177; general, 4, 9, 159; necessary, 5, 14, 173; primary, 11, 172 centering, 55 certainties, 6, 155, 159, 168, 178 change of scenery (dpaysement), 3, 27, 84, 158, 164, 172 Char, Ren, 7 characters, 118, 123, 129, 153, 155, 228n5; climatic, 117; common, 129, 153; preperceptual, 116 charting. See maps Chesneau, Csar, 225n1 children. See young people choice, 37, 58, 6364, 78, 163, 172; deliberate, 151; spontaneous, 45 Chomsky, Noam, 231n39 chronogeneses and chronotheses, 131 chronometry, 95, 105, 13334; non-, 105, 113 circuits/circulation, 9, 60, 79, 82, 106, 131, 136, 140, 157, 185; of the imaginary, 139, 232n9 citizens, 8 city, the, 3, 710, 14, 2122, 24, 135, 156, 16465, 169, 171, 226n13, 228n12 city dwellers, 8, 22 civilization, 10, 72, 118 class(es), 13, 166, 169; social, 78 climates, 41, 4950, 67, 71, 95, 11625, 12728, 130, 134,
14041, 147, 149, 15657, 159, 164, 169, 184, 227n3; originary, 21; social, 151, 185 climbing. See scaling closure, 9394, 102, 105, 127, 132, 183 code(s), 6, 44, 72, 76, 7879, 84, 90, 11011, 113, 166, 225n35; discursive, 171; of effects, 110; graphic, 15; of knowledge, 187; meta-, 110; production, 11; rhetorical, 110; ruling, 11; social, 110, 155; system of, 23; two signications of, 110; user, 11, 185. See also appropriations: code of Coghill, George Ellett, 229n20 coincidentia oppositorium, 138 cold, 11920, 169, 228n8 collective space, 7, 9, 103, 163, 173 collectivity, 1314, 17, 19, 25, 29, 75, 78, 8081, 8488, 90, 92, 94, 9799, 103, 105, 10710, 117, 121, 13942, 15859, 174, 231n37 color, 41, 66, 88, 120, 12325, 149, 15153, 156, 225n26, 228n14, 229n18, 234n2 combination(s), 2627, 5052, 54, 5859, 6264, 7274, 233n28; axis of, 73 combinatory process, 27, 34, 50, 52, 58, 61, 6364, 74, 101, 113, 130, 232n7 coming and going/returning, 39, 47, 49, 5962, 66, 75, 79, 96, 106, 135, 229n22 commerce, 11, 19, 169 communication, 11, 43, 107; through sympathy (Einfhlung), 129 communication theory, 51, 225n33
258
INDEX
Community Center, 5556, 5859, 64, 85, 87, 9294, 99100, 149, 190, 232n17 community of meaning, 5, 24, 62, 75 competition, 27, 42, 48, 63, 98, 101 composition, 27, 5152, 127, 135, 161; eurhythmic, 130; of plenums and vacuums, 59; re-, 52; visual, 125 conceived space, 134, 166 conception-production, 153, 235n4 concepts, 34, 147, 16869, 174, 185; abstract, 134, 185, 187; genesis of, 154; pseudo-, 111 conceptuality, 8, 17, 22, 126, 128, 154, 163, 17071, 17677, 17980, 183, 18587; and the lived, 187 concrete (building material), 35, 39, 88, 124, 145, 14850, 16667, 228n14, 228n18 conducts, 3, 5, 31, 40, 48, 63, 103, 121, 123, 12527, 139; everyday, 156, 158; expected, 93; spatial, 34, 40; spatiotemporal, 37; urban, 154; of ones walks, 48, 51, 55, 75 conguration, 2627, 40, 76, 78, 80, 11213, 115, 126, 128, 13335, 153, 16162, 167, 171, 17677, 182, 18485, 230n31; atopic, 108; of everyday sites, 112; of inhabitant space, 78, 130, 162, 166; lived, 186; pedestrian, 111; sensorimotor, 134; of space, 128, 15657, 159, 162, 166, 16970, 173, 184, 186; spatiotemporal, 110; walking, 186 conict, 12, 4344, 103, 110, 169, 175, 177, 182
confrontation, 34, 100, 120, 131, 171, 17980; social, 187 conjunctions, 6768, 133, 155, 157, 163; absence of, 72, 74, 128; coordinating, 68 connecting route, 14, 18 connections, 63, 6768, 7374, 13233, 13639, 15455, 157, 161; absence of, 67, 70, 72, 161; fundamental, 137; imaginary, 157; staggered, 43 connotation, 50, 86, 88, 106; and denotation, 114 consensus, 87, 99 constraints, 910, 17, 165; functional, 8; operational, 11; physical, 43; social, 2021, 43 constructed product, 170, 179 constructed space, 74, 108, 110, 156, 171 constructing-housing, 17981, 183, 185, 187 construction, 4, 1011, 16871, 174, 177, 183, 187, 226n3; self-, 171 consumers, 4, 8, 11, 19, 176, 179 consumption, 7, 18, 103, 174; and play, 185 containers, 8, 14, 17, 134; and contained, 8, 114, 17374, 187 content analysis, 14, 187 contextual analysis, 2829, 34, 42, 47, 50, 6367, 71, 73, 75, 1089, 150; spatial, 64, 1089, 112; spatiogeometric, 107 contiguities, 1516, 6869, 105, 176, 185; expressive, 68; spatial, 128, 133, 157 continuities, 1516, 35, 68, 12930, 136, 183; chronological, 157; spatial, 68 contradiction, 13, 87, 101, 13637,
259
INDEX
146, 150, 160, 168, 173, 17980, 187, 234n1; basic, 180; non-, 160 contraries, 146, 153, 16062, 187; coincidence of, 131, 161 convenience, 49, 55, 120 conversation, 4344 convocation, 6, 19, 50, 54, 8283, 14953, 15657, 15962, 171, 177, 182, 184, 186, 234n28 co-optation/unco-optable, 19, 154, 168 corporeal being. See body cosmic, 157, 234n28; micro-, 6 cosmogenetic point, 165, 169, 177 counterappropriations, 16, 91, 9395, 98102, 1045, 107, 10910 countryside, 87, 115, 169 coves, the, 28, 8485, 121, 189; blue, 124 creation, 17, 35, 64, 86, 95, 105, 121, 123, 138, 144, 176, 235n10; artistic and technical, 154; historical, 173; ongoing, 151 crisscrossing, 31, 120 crossing areas, 15, 35, 56, 59, 65, 83, 85, 88, 90, 123, 12526, 134, 228n7 crushed, feeling of being, 35, 42, 44, 125, 127 culture, 10, 120, 175. See also sociocultural cutting across, 29, 35 cutting through, 31, 34, 63 daydreaming, 11, 75, 98 decoding, 89, 110 deconstruction, 107, 109, 135, 171; rhetorical, 110; spatial, 102
deferred polysemy, 48 deformation, 74, 109, 12122, 128, 134, 139, 153, 163, 167, 182 delays, 18, 55, 1089, 113, 135, 148 Deleuze, Gilles, 163, 233n27, 234n29 denotation, 28, 8687, 114; and connotation, 111 derealization, 24, 1079, 11112, 121, 128, 13435, 141, 144, 153; of space, 109, 112, 137, 140, 15556, 158 desertion, 28, 116, 144, 231n37 Desfontaines, Pierre, 169 design, 11, 24, 29, 41, 50, 56, 66, 81, 85, 132, 153, 176, 228n13, 234n28; conceptual, 17677 design plans. See planned spaces destiny, 45, 93, 107, 151,235n9 destructuration, 110 details, 3, 7, 15, 19, 2324, 51, 66, 68, 71, 131, 154, 160, 172; everyday, 23, 179 detours, 3, 18, 24, 56, 60, 83, 107, 148, 172 development, 4, 89, 11, 16, 29, 35, 41, 84, 108, 134, 156, 161, 165, 231n39, 234n28. See also laidout and developed development plans. See planned spaces diachronism, 50, 98 dialectic, 96, 98, 1012, 105, 109, 111, 227nn2021 diastole and systole, 56, 95 differance, 105, 227n16; time of, 136 difference(s), 4849, 51, 56, 58, 98, 101, 1045, 113, 129, 131, 18384, 22627n16, 234n28; ethnic, 183; qualitative, 97; play
260
INDEX
of, 117; and similarities, 40, 78; social, 107, 183 differentiating event, 102, 105 differentiation, 25, 78, 81, 9899, 1012, 105, 110, 11819, 162; of atmospheres, 121; of climates, 118, 127; de facto, 109; among groups, 1045; lack of, 87; lived, 131; multiple, 141; project of, 96; via rejection, 88; social, 8586, 226n13 digression, 19, 31, 34, 37, 39, 66, 95, 126, 224n15; forgotten, 39; lived, 39 din. See noise directedness, 13, 21 direction, 16, 19, 31, 37, 39, 45, 4748, 54, 59, 61, 6465, 80, 95, 12728 discontinuity, 6869, 73, 112, 129, 133, 135, 137 discretion, 79, 110, 123, 13638, 166, 168, 182, 227n4, 231n2, 234n2 disjunction: exclusive, 25, 35, 147, 155, 160; nonexclusive, 25, 43, 122, 233n21; true-or-false, 147 dislocation (non-lieu), 106, 108, 112, 145. See also nonplaces disorganization, 62, 110 dissymmetry, 5961, 95; everyday, 61 distance, 33, 98, 145, 185, 228n15; ironic, 88; spatial, 125 divergence, 24, 29, 33, 55, 61, 63, 66 divisions, 1415, 69, 99, 109, 176, 187, 234n28; abstract, 187; clear-cut, 175; excessive, 107; formal, 230n31; of Meaning, 111; spatial, 96 dogs, 54, 59, 91; and children, 100
domesticity, 7, 1719, 61, 8283, 95, 123, 132, 14344, 169 domination, 78, 168, 174, 177 drawing(s), 14, 48, 126, 167, 228n7 dread, 106, 141 dreamers, 108, 121. See also daydreaming drive, 157; for imitation, 176; for order, 176; ornamental, 176; to play, 176; subjective and assimilative, 157 dualisms, 114, 16364, 186 Durand, Gilbert, 175 dwelling(s), 12022, 12930, 132, 143 dysfunctions, 10, 171 ease, 82, 9394, 96, 160; and unease, 55, 94, 96, 124 eccentric, the outlying, 168, 178 economics, 4, 78, 1014, 19, 166, 16970, 17374 economists, 78 either/or, 25, 233n21 elderly, 141, 228n8 elementary gures, 2729, 3334, 37, 40, 50, 52, 58, 6264, 94, 130. See also bypassing; digression; paratopism; peritopisms elevators, 35, 4345, 49, 54, 60, 83, 85, 1068, 121, 127, 14445, 148, 150, 189, 230n24 ellipsis, 28, 51, 84 emphasis, 114 emptiness, 16, 168 enacted gures/process, 17, 20, 28; in lived time, 132; in the present, 20 encoding, 110 encounter, 78, 95, 109, 119,
261
INDEX
131, 152; with the other/with others, 125, 153; sudden, 68; unexpected, 149; unpleasant, 98 envelopment, 4041, 71, 106, 11718, 120, 122, 128, 156, 159, 16163 environment, 66, 82, 107, 120, 157 epic mode, 75, 120 Epicurus, 233n18 epistemology, 6, 138, 166, 168 equivalencies, 74, 88, 114, 153, 185; principle of, 73 equivocality, 23, 40, 47, 80, 185; of meanings, 45 errancies, 5, 54, 81, 158 error, 57, 123 escalation, 57. See also scaling establishment, the, 100, 17475 ethnic differences, 78, 121, 183 ethnological methods, 5 ethology, 229n20, 231n38 eventful marking, 147, 232n14 eventful memory, 105, 182 eventfulness, 1045, 113, 153; and the everyday, 146, 14950, 161, 182 events, 33, 35, 82, 88, 1035, 14649, 164, 183; cyclical, 149; derealization of, 112; and the everyday, 102, 149; exceptional, 146; favorable, 149; harmful, 144; imagined/imaginary, 147, 150; irruptive/irruptive force of, 1034; little, 149; overall, 149; singular, 108; striking, 116; unforeseen, 75, 105, 147, 149 everyday actions, 7, 1314, 17, 19, 85, 97, 109, 13536, 15455, 159, 173, 177, 183 everyday life, 46, 9, 1417, 1921, 2326, 34, 4042, 48, 51, 61,
66, 6869, 7273, 79, 83, 98, 101, 1045, 11213, 11518, 12022, 128, 130, 132, 13637, 139, 146, 14849, 151, 15358, 16064, 16668, 17172, 174, 177, 179, 18284, 226n3, 232n10, 233n21 everyday sites, 112 everyday space, 12 evoking, 37, 68, 88, 107, 118, 132, 140, 142, 144, 14647, 149, 15253, 156, 163, 168, 182; dramatic, 107; of the future, 151, 156; and the imaginary, 108, 140 145, 14849, 152, 157, 159; of the possible, 143, 146, 153, 15657, 232n10; of time, 103, 113 exaggeration, 5758, 77 exceptional, the, 39, 51, 105, 146, 149, 155 excessiveness, 50, 57, 74, 95, 100 101, 107, 11112, 114, 12223, 148, 156, 159, 168, 175, 182 excluded middle, 233n21 exclusion, 25, 2829, 67, 74, 90, 93, 98, 99101, 232n17 exhaustiveness, 28, 52, 54; illusory, 26 exoticism, 5, 121, 171 expansion, 152; and contraction, 61, 95 expectations, 93, 104, 137, 14748 explanation, 1213, 25, 48, 60, 11011, 136; causal, 9, 12, 14, 1819; rationalizing, 157 explication, 17, 55, 58, 121, 16163, 180; and complication, 16263; and implication, 16162 expressed, the, 6, 77, 114, 15964, 186; paradoxical status of, 163
262
INDEX
expressers, 114, 15963, 186 expressing oneself. See self-expression expression, 46, 20, 2628, 31, 37, 3943, 50, 59, 6263, 6773, 75, 77, 11012, 11416, 132, 135, 140, 157, 15964, 167, 17172, 175, 17778, 186, 232n10,234n28; abortive, 116; ambulatory, 67; direct, 23, 26; discrete, 136; discrete and scattered, 123; everyday, 15, 132, 136, 149; exaggerated, 57; excess in, 114; graphic, 25; imaginary, 107; its context, 63; lexical, 27; rhetorical, 77; signications-, 234n28; spatiotemporal, 27; status of/for, 114, 159, 16163, 174, 233n28; theory of, 158, 161, 164, 233n28; they say, 140 expressionism, 58, 114 expropriation, 121 facades, 24, 84, 12325, 238n14 factor analysis, 13 falling, 14445 far away, 48, 12324, 167; and nearby, 123, 12628, 13133, 156, 169 fascination, 33, 39, 5556, 66, 75, 106, 1089, 130, 148, 153 fashioning, 5859, 103, 105, 140; of space, 7778, 12425 favorableness, 98, 143, 147, 149, 153 fearfulness, 4344, 106, 11920, 141, 144, 15152, 175, 228n8 feelings, 20, 12223, 126, 128, 131, 134, 156, 231n38; vague, 42 female inhabitants, 29, 49, 54, 60, 64, 68, 85, 88, 95, 103, 106,
119, 122, 124, 151, 228n8, 231n35 ghts, 33, 1034, 147 gures, 2628, 72, 7778, 115, 128, 161, 176, 232n10, 233n2; ambulatory, 156; complex, 34; meta-, 63, 74; rhetorical, 52, 128; walking, 26, 34, 4748, 75, 78, 94, 98, 101, 108, 111, 11314, 123, 125, 14849, 155, 162, 225n1 ller, 85, 177 lling in, 4, 9, 17, 40, 74, 94, 16869, 171, 17677, 185 ight, 11921 focusing, 65, 71, 120 Fontanier, Pierre, 225n1 forces, 24, 86, 92, 99, 1012, 1056, 1089, 131, 134, 138, 14548, 151, 154, 175, 177; of appropriation, 103; congurative, 171; of expression, 101, 136, 160, 186; and forms, 137, 158, 18687; of the imaginary, 109, 138, 140, 149, 154; of inhabitant expression, 179, 187; of negation, 109; of the possible, 145; relations of, 101; rhetorical, 111; shadowy, 143; unforeseeable, 135 foreign. See alien foresight, 48, 59, 61, 103, 124, 126, 134, 149, 156, 183 forgetfulness, 19, 37, 39, 69, 95, 128, 134, 230n28 formation, 12425, 143, 168, 17677, 18587, 234n2 forward bound (lan), 158 fragmentation, 7, 9, 16, 68, 73, 105, 137, 156, 166, 175, 182; spatiotemporal, 108
263
INDEX
free fall. See falling frequentation, 7, 15, 3335, 37, 43, 65, 8284, 90, 109, 124, 131, 141, 144, 149, 152; spatial, 79, 90; willingly, 40, 119 Freud, Sigmund, 232n9 functionalism, rational, 61 functionality, 6, 89, 12, 19, 42, 5051, 54, 56, 73, 82, 110, 125, 135, 143, 150, 15556, 16566, 16970, 17273, 17677, 185, 189, 233n20 fundamental gures, 27, 62, 84, 99, 158; of walking rhetoric, 133, 152. See also asyndeton; synecdoche fusion, 183 future, the, 97, 125, 15051, 156, 178 gaits, 31, 80, 12931, 178; creative, 64; spatial, 128; uniform, 178; varied, 50, 178 gallery, the, 2829, 3335, 37, 41, 45, 49, 55, 59, 61, 6465, 7071, 75, 8385, 87, 9293, 9596, 99, 106, 11920, 124, 126, 14144, 150, 156, 189, 223n10, 224n14, 229n17, 229n19; commercial, 55, 64; its ceiling/cover, 39, 4142, 124; its oor, 35, 42, 156; its layout, 37, 50, 65, 189; mechanical, 142; street-level, 142, 189; outside, 42; under, 4142, 95, 143, 167; underground areas of, 232n13 gangs, 87, 90, 96, 99, 104, 106, 141 gaps (carts), 46, 31, 33, 37, 6869, 77, 111, 130, 133, 141
garbage, 8, 35, 86, 92, 141, 14344, 152, 156 gaze, 28, 124 genesis, 154, 157, 177; chrono-, 131; morpho-, 104 geometricality, 11, 1516, 24, 34, 37, 74, 108, 125, 127, 227n22; spatio-, 31, 107, 109 gestures, 14, 23, 126, 131, 157, 167, 234n2 getting lost, 7, 39, 54, 60, 70, 82, 141 globalizing, 17, 62, 73, 15253, 160, 166, 182; climatic, 157; sensorial and imaginary, 156 goals, 52, 130; immediate, 75; unavowed, 55 Goldstein, Kurt, 229n20 gossip, 106 grafti, 145, 156 graphics, 15, 25, 71, 8182, 167, 234n2 grass, 29, 31, 91, 98, 125, 127, 167, 190 gratuitousness, 19, 31, 52, 55, 75 gray days (griseurs), 121, 164 Grenoble (France), 22, 140, 189, 223n1 Gro, the, 56. See also supermarket ground, 67, 70, 13233, 13536, 138, 140, 142, 155, 159, 162, 166, 171, 173, 175, 18283, 18587; of absence, 128, 184; common, 122, 136, 13941, 143, 148, 153, 155, 162, 17576, 178, 18283, 232n7; of continuity, 183; of expression, 140, 232n10; of the imaginary, 13536, 140, 14546, 153, 155, 157, 161, 177; of possibility,
264
INDEX
14849. See also inhabitant expression: ground of groups, 9193, 9798, 100101, 1045, 110, 166, 226n13; occupying, 93, 101; social, 25, 8789, 110, 166. See also subgroups gymnasium, the, 37 Gypsies, 33 habitat, 3, 910, 12, 98, 104, 122, 129, 134, 142, 163, 170, 183, 186, 231n38; collective, 11, 163; -object, 24; technological, 154; urban, 8 halts, 31, 113, 116, 12122, 124, 12931, 133, 158; full, 163, 165, 168 harmfulness, 91, 144, 147, 153 hearing, 9697, 99, 1069, 121, 132, 141, 14648, 183 hearsay. See rumor Hegel, G. W. F., 227n21 heightening. See amplication hell. See infernal, the here: and now, 131, 161; and there, 125 hesitations, 31, 4748, 8182, 88 heterogeneity, 16, 13233, 156, 166, 182, 234n28 hexagon, 189, 226n5 high, 57, 150; and low, 131, 133; on, 124, 12627 high-density housing complex, 8, 2223, 45, 78, 98, 108, 166, 171, 223n1, 235n4 holes, 35, 37, 59, 68, 7073, 126, 128, 131, 133; -trips, 72 home, 7, 9, 12, 52, 56, 60, 69, 169, 231n35; arriving/leaving/
returning, 34, 39, 49, 52, 59, 69, 75, 83, 99, 119, 123, 130, 150, 224n14, 229n22; at, 42, 52, 58, 79, 82, 9496, 100, 117; private, 108; single, 78, 108 homeyness, 144 homogeneity, 16, 45, 68, 78, 98, 109, 13334, 136, 153, 175, 177, 183, 185, 234n28; spatial, 183 hoodlums. See gangs hooligans. See gangs horizontal dimension, 17, 122, 137, 147, 164, 167; and vertical dimension, 127 horror, 144, 151, 232n14 housed, being, 9, 93, 111, 170 housewives, 49, 69, 149 housing, 11, 13, 61, 121, 166, 17074, 177, 17981, 183, 185, 187; -cells, 169; conceptually designed, 176; delivery of, 179; multiunit, 186, 225n29; -object, 171, 174; single-unit, 225n29. See also constructing-housing housing complexes. See high-density housing complex how, 1820, 17273; of appropriation, 16 hyperbole, 5658, 95, 1056, 108, 114, 123, 130, 14849, 224nn1819, 224n24 hypertely, 222n2 Idealism, 138 identication, 8889, 93, 102, 105, 110, 145, 162, 183; delayed, 109 identity, 25, 71, 93, 102, 104, 117, 164, 175, 185, 229n22; abstract, 183; and difference, 234n28
265
INDEX
ideological order, 4, 1011, 120, 140, 166, 170, 180, 226n14; diffuse, 149 image patterns, 1078, 13738; cultural, 120; visual, 148 imaginable, the, 87, 107, 109, 137, 139, 149, 152, 15657, 166, 184 imaginary, the, 17, 45, 1069, 113, 13559, 162, 166, 17577, 182, 224n20, 232n9, 233n21; collective, 108, 135; convocation of, 14951, 153, 157, 159, 161; devaluation of, 175; everyday, 152; evocation of, 139, 14850, 157, 159; irreducible, 17577; its dynamism, 139, 146, 148, 158; lived, 137, 148, 15455, 157; and the real, 34, 14750, 154; suffered, 176; visual, 147 imagination, 13738, 15455, 157; creative, 176; formal denition of, 137, 155; its dynamic aspect, 138 imagining, 108, 137, 142, 151, 153 imagining power, 139, 153, 158, 176, 232n7 immediacy, 1819, 116, 120, 126, 133, 150, 157, 16062, 175; lived, 116; sensorial, 117 immobility, 120, 127, 136 impasses, 12, 15; exemplary, 14; theoretical and methodological, 14 impetus (lan), 148. See also burst; forward bound impregnation. See pregnancy impressions, 7, 41, 49, 5556, 68, 72, 75, 103, 105, 116, 12223, 140, 148
incidental, the, 4, 101, 104, 118, 15455, 166, 187 incorporation. See body indetermination, 48 indifference, 48, 72, 74, 85, 122, 134, 149 individual, the, 9, 1213, 98, 103, 140 174; and the collective, 19, 25, 80, 139, 173; and the social, 79, 97, 187; and the socius, 157 inductions, 64, 185, 187 infernal, the, 44, 107, 14243, 145, 149, 152 inhabitable, the, 12122, 126, 13334, 152 inhabitant activity, 102, 179 inhabitant content, 17 inhabitant expression, 14, 18, 112, 11415, 129, 132, 13437, 147, 150, 153, 155, 15860, 16364, 166, 168, 17071, 17475, 17780, 182, 18687, 234n2; ground of, 135, 153, 155, 159; lived experience of, 152, 157, 159, 177, 187; power of, 166, 168, 180, 234n1 inhabitant power, 111, 114, 164, 168, 171 inhabitant practices, 78, 129, 132, 164 inhabitant rhetoric, 23, 75, 77, 11112, 115, 129, 135, 15859 inhabitant stochastics, 136 inhabited space, 11, 16, 24, 72, 78, 94, 111, 117, 130, 145, 157, 16061, 164, 18283 inhabiting, 7, 910, 17, 24, 92, 115, 118, 12122, 12829, 13335, 147, 152, 15657, 16974,
266
INDEX
17687, 224n20, 231n38; activity of, 114, 124, 129, 147, 153, 15558, 163, 170; and building, 16971; without building, 169; everyday, 20, 147; lived experience of, 126, 158, 16264, 168, 17576, 178, 18587; modalities of, 18, 143, 157, 16062, 171, 178, 180, 18687; modal study of, 173; powers of, 168, 180; practice of, 18; styles of, 40, 62, 110, 129, 139, 152, 157; time of, 164; ways of, 103, 117, 134, 136, 152, 159, 161, 166; without a why, 172 initiates, 29, 8283, 88 injury (injuria), 121 inside, the, 87, 119, 127, 18687 insignicancy, 6, 134 instant, 184; lived quality of, 116, 126, 12829, 133 instantiated principles (instances), 4, 13, 17, 27, 34, 42, 63, 6667, 75, 7981, 106, 109, 13639, 149, 158, 168, 174, 225n1; heterogeneous, 57, 132; imaginary, 108, 155; irrational, 155; symbolic, 169. See also collectivity; combinatory process; elementary gures; imaginary, the; individual, the; motor act; play; social dimension; spatial appearances instating (mise en tat), 131, 134 intactness. See totality intention, 63, 97, 141, 173 intermediate forms, 14, 1819, 65, 172, 17475, 178
intervals. See gaps interviews, 11, 13, 2021, 26, 28, 58, 60, 64, 6869, 72, 121, 149 irony, 47, 52, 61, 88, 112, 230n22, 233n20 irrational, the, 55, 60, 114, 15455 irreducible, 17577, 180 irruptions, 96, 1035, 132, 148, 150, 154; accidental, 7; threatening, 143 isochronisms, 185; everyday, 61 Jansenist morality, 123 junior high school, 35, 56, 82, 99, 119, 147, 190, 224n14, 228n7, 229n18; its entrance, 33, 8788, 90, 96; its lobby, 58 juxtaposition, 67, 169, 174, 183 Kandinsky, Wassily, 135, 231n1 Kant, Immanuel: Kantianism, 13738, 231n3 kids. See young people Klee, Paul, 128, 17778 Klopfer, Peter H., 229n20 knowing, 157, 175, 177 knowledge, 14, 25, 77, 82, 89, 11516, 138, 154, 159, 166, 187; objectifying, 187; rational, 123, 176; received, 156. See also epistemology; science Kortlandt, Adriaan, 229n20 labor, 185 labor force, 175 labyrinthine movement, 39, 49, 54, 106, 141, 144, 151 laid-out and developed: paths, 29, 127; space, 4, 8, 1516, 22, 57, 62, 109, 112, 114, 130, 133,
267
INDEX
13537, 139, 163, 177, 179; spatiogeometric context, 107 lakeside, 58, 65, 6768, 75, 85, 14950, 190, 225n26, 229n17 landmarks, 55, 59, 64, 80, 228n13; spatial, 83 landscape, 66, 71, 81, 88, 92, 115, 126, 167, 189, 225n26; everyday, 78; striking, 120; surrounding, 133; toponymic, 81 language, 21, 2627, 51, 62, 67, 80, 8889, 99, 114, 116, 223nn23, 223n11, 228n13; everyday, 79; of initiates, 88; parallel, 88; poetic, 73; prose, 74; and walking, 26 language theory, 73 leaps. See gaps Le Corbusier, 129 Ledrut, Raymond, 226n13 Lefebvre, Henri, 222nn56 left and right, 37, 45, 4748, 59, 70, 72, 126 legibility. See readability Leibniz, 233n18 leisure and relaxation, 7, 1819, 52, 58, 69, 176, 185 light, 75, 116, 120, 228n12 limits, 1516, 80, 93, 101, 10910, 123, 127, 137, 14546, 158, 183, 230n31, 231n38; xed, 146; indenite, 156; spatial, 110, 156; territorial, 17, 93, 9697, 126, 132 linearities: continuous, 68; rectilinear, 80, 133, 143, 157, 15960; straight, 60; unbroken, 15 linguistics, 26, 51, 7374, 81, 15960, 225n1, 233n25; its paradigmatic and syntagmatic axes, 27; meta-, 80, 88
lived experience, 35, 16, 1822, 27, 34, 57, 6567, 7172, 81, 83, 85, 89, 113, 117, 122, 131, 140, 14648, 152, 154, 161, 164, 168, 172, 174, 179, 18487; of the atmosphere, 108; corporeal, 123; everyday, 51, 121, 132, 163, 171; of everyday time, 229n19; and the given, 186; narrated, 15; of ones habitat, 104; of oppositions, 110; of space, 74 lived space, 5, 107, 166, 184; -time, 64, 158 location, 82, 94, 228n13; cartographic, 80 lodging, 7, 9, 12, 69, 83, 86, 92, 95, 108, 117, 119, 127, 13032, 143, 171 logic, 27, 173, 180, 232n18; of binary division, 187; of everyday life, 233n21; of the excluded middle, 233n21; of the imaginary, 155, 233n21; organizational, 8; of repetition, 8; of serial articulation, 17; spatial, 48; of urbanistic thought, 151 Longinus, 224n19 Lorenz, Konrad, 229n20 Lukasiewicz, Jan, 233n18 machines, 14, 43, 14243, 148, 232n12 magnifying. See amplication maintenance, 44, 61, 15152 malaise: inhabitant, 912, 160; urban, 4, 14 management, 23, 81, 168, 170 manipulation, 173, 177, 179 maps, 15, 1718, 5152, 59, 67, 79, 86, 91, 113, 146, 189
268
INDEX
marketplace, 35, 41, 54, 87, 92, 99, 1034, 121, 14950, 191, 224n14; creation of, 87, 103 marking, 102, 1045, 115; boundary, 15, 80; of sites, 35, 105; spatial, 17. See also eventful marking mastery, 9, 170, 185; of space, 3, 165 meaning, 138; 111, 16364; everyday, 16; lived, 121; proper, 114; unique, 114; univocal, 187 mechanical. See machines mediations, 13, 75, 116, 125, 16062; lived, 14; spatial, 19 memorable, the, 2021, 7172, 81, 86, 1045, 11112, 116, 130, 186 memories, 8, 20, 50, 68, 70, 103, 1057, 113, 118, 13233, 137, 187. See also eventful memory Merleau-Ponty, Maurice, 115, 227n2, 229n20 metabolic process, 52, 5455, 95, 113, 119, 148 metamorphosis, 26, 37, 48, 95, 108, 145 metaphor, 17, 73, 172, 183 metathesis of quality, 48, 5051, 91, 96, 106 meteorology. See weather methodology, 4, 12, 19, 27, 174, 222n9 metonymy, 24, 73, 224n21 mezzanines, 28, 37, 39, 44, 54, 6667, 70, 96, 108, 144, 152, 189 modal analysis, 5, 1819, 110, 162, 173 modalities and modes, 6, 14, 18, 20, 160, 162, 172, 174, 185, 18687; accidental, 135; of appearance, 137; concrete, 187;
general, 20; of life/living, 146, 172; lived, 157, 162, 171; of lived experience, 5, 174, 179, 184; of meaning, 40; of the possible, 233n18; of thinkingproducing, 163, 180, 233n28 modes of production, 8, 10, 69, 72, 180 modulor, the, 129 moments, 5, 90, 124, 223n13; irruptive, 105; of inhabiting, 157; lived, 128, 156, 160 monotony, 70 monumentality, 41, 58, 169; ephemeral, 121 mood, 21, 48, 50, 85, 116; of the imaginary, 107; of trips, 60 more and less, 6465, 84 morning, 17, 49, 52, 54, 71, 100, 11819, 164; lousy, 119 motility, 127 motor act, 34, 37, 83, 11618, 122, 12428, 130, 13334, 138, 15657, 184; lived, 126; sensori-, 116, 13334, 136, 162, 230n24 mounds, 54, 57, 65, 67, 75, 8384, 98, 108, 125, 130, 149, 190, 225n26 movement, 5, 1517, 23, 25, 94, 9697, 105, 111, 113, 126, 129, 13132, 173, 17778, 18587, 229n20; code-producing, 111; congurative, 80; creative, 176; expressive, 62, 112; lived, 128; overall, 68; perpetual, 113; in space, 26 music, 103, 116, 121, 131, 230n31 names, 41, 6465, 70, 99, 111; act of, 89; codes of, 90; loss of, 70; private, 90; of spaces, 81;
269
INDEX
vague, 92. See also place-names; toponyms narratable, 2021 narratives, 1522, 2429, 35, 37, 4042, 45, 4849, 5152, 5457, 61, 64, 6671, 75, 7881, 87, 91, 101, 1034, 11516, 122, 126, 12932, 137, 13941, 145, 15253, 158, 160, 164, 172, 186, 225nn3435, 232n10, 232n14; breaks in, 33, 68; conduct of, 2021, 24, 26; economy of, 68 natural world, 120, 148, 150, 173, 226n14; anti-, 118 necessary, the: and the gratuitous, 19; and the playful, 25 needs, 6, 17374 negation, 106, 10911 neighborhoods, 5, 79, 15, 18, 20, 23, 28, 35, 58, 6061, 67, 71, 8182, 8488, 9091, 9596, 1035, 117, 123, 127, 13132, 13940, 15053, 16667, 189, 225n26, 226n34, 230n34, 231n35; mixed, 8; new, 16566; old, 225n29; outer limit of, 123; rest of, 66, 97, 127, 152, 156; unfrequented parts of, 134; as a whole, 16, 81, 8789, 9192, 1034, 118, 152 neologisms, 27, 89; collective, 86, 88 Neoplatonism, 138 New Town, 54, 57, 85, 9293, 123, 140, 151, 167, 189, 229n17 Nicolas of Cusa, 162 night, 28, 33, 39, 49, 104, 118, 12021, 14345, 147, 150, 15255, 164, 228n9, 228n12; and day, 49, 51, 75, 96, 99, 106, 120, 14043, 15455, 169
noise, 39, 44, 49, 96, 103, 1078, 117, 120, 132, 141, 145, 148 nonplaces (non-lieux), 85, 108, 119, 133. See also dislocation North Africans, 9192, 96, 120, 14546. See also Algerians; Tunisians number 10, 60 number 20, 60 number 30, 33 number 40, 65 number 50, 69, 71, 92, 96, 118 number 60, 37, 48, 5960, 65, 71, 81, 224n14, 230n34 number 70, 37, 224n14 number 80, 59 number 90, 47, 224n14 number 100, 45, 47, 81 number 110, 39, 48, 59 number 130, 81, 92, 228n8 number 140, 228n8 number 150, 42 number 170, 33, 224n14 numbering, 8182; graphic and chromatic inscription of, 81 objectication, 124, 129, 170, 185, 187; abstract, 174 objectivity, 100 observation, 5, 12, 20, 40, 79, 101, 172; abstract, 21; cinematographic, 129; direct, 26, 106; everyday, 107; self-, 21; topographical, 19; of walks, 136 observational neutrality, 21 obstacles, 29, 3435, 37, 49, 57, 78, 87, 99, 126 occupation, 9094, 99, 101, 152, 158, 166, 170, 176; extended, 96; imminent, 91; permanent, 91; territorial, 100
270
INDEX
odors, 49, 96, 118, 121, 125, 141, 14344, 146, 229n18 off-track, 5, 85, 146 Olympic Village, 68, 191 opposition, 3334, 78, 9899, 100, 102, 108, 110, 129, 138, 185 oral expression, 15, 1920, 50, 68 ordinary life, 3, 135, 14647; and the alien, 14546 organization, 8, 10, 6164, 67, 82, 94, 183; of space/spatial, 110, 156, 170, 189, 234n28 orientation, 24, 58, 61, 66, 97, 128, 130; dis-, 60 other, the, 75, 7881, 9193, 99, 105, 119, 12223, 125, 131, 140, 153, 164, 171 outside, the, 42, 50, 95, 9899, 119, 127, 132, 18687, 239n35 outsiders, 16 overabundance, 5051 overdetermination, 112, 117, 171; qualitative, 112 overowing (dborder), 56, 66, 73, 83, 87, 97, 112, 123, 134, 13738, 148, 156, 158, 175, 182; of meaning, 128; of the senses/of sensoriality, 123, 125, 128 overloading, 5758, 114 overwhelmed, feeling of being, 42, 123 ownership, 110, 170; social, 90 paralipsis, 33, 39, 106, 108, 227n19 paratopism, 29, 31, 3334, 37, 3940, 55, 87, 95 park, the, 54, 5860, 65, 67, 84, 8788, 92, 9899, 103, 108, 12325, 149, 152, 18990, 224n17, 225n26, 226n14
particularities, 3, 5, 21, 153, 161; contradictory, 101; and the general, 139; lived, 24; modal, 162; spatial, 73 particularization, 6466, 8384; contrary, 101; of space, 99 partitioning, 183; functional, 73, 166; of space, 99, 226n13 passageways, 37, 42, 49, 54, 57, 6061, 68, 70, 8486, 92, 11819, 143, 146, 167, 190, 223n9 passing by, 39, 9394, 99, 104, 118, 228n12, 231n35 passing through, 37, 50, 65, 120, 12526 pathic, the, 66, 117, 121 paths, 7, 13, 15, 18, 24, 26, 29, 31, 3334, 54, 5960, 64, 66, 68, 79, 104, 12324, 126, 132, 141, 161, 164, 172, 223n62; charted, 127; end of, 139; existing, 25; of expression, 178; new, 25; paved, 31; semi-wild, 29; wild, 29, 127 pauses, 113, 122, 129, 131, 135, 185; and movement, 13132; and poses, 129; and stays, 56 pedestrians, 15, 17, 26, 2829, 34, 40, 45, 48, 73, 75, 7880, 101, 108, 11112, 115, 189 perceptions, 20, 25, 99, 12324, 126, 137, 154, 171, 175, 185, 187; conscious, 176; pre-, 116; tactile, 125 periphrasis, 3334, 85; imprecise, 116 peritopisms, 29, 3334, 40, 55, 95 permanency, 17, 9196, 102, 105, 110, 117, 185; and accidental, 34; spatial, 95, 97, 111, 185
271
INDEX
perplexity, 40, 47, 83, 175 persuasion: art of, 77 phantasia, 175 phantasmagoric, 154 phantasms, 11, 92, 120, 228n9 phenomenological approach, 78, 229n20 pillars, 45, 4749, 59, 144 place-names, 7990, 223n14 planned spaces, 35, 810, 17, 29, 41, 50, 81, 85, 108, 12627, 135, 15356, 15859, 16566, 168, 183, 226n3, 231n38, 234n28 planners, 28, 52, 189, 231n37 Platonic thought, 222n10, 226n2 play, 25, 31, 34, 50, 52, 54, 66, 92, 126, 176, 185 pleasure, 35, 39, 41, 49, 52, 55, 58, 61, 65, 98, 103, 120, 127, 142, 150, 153, 164 plural forms, 6, 23, 26, 160, 225n34; discrete, 138; limitless, 121; lived, 24; of meanings, 114; and the scattered, 5, 114 poetics, 5, 25, 52, 54, 65, 67, 69, 7375, 120, 149, 158, 173; everyday, 75; of narration, 75; of space, 55; and the useful, 25 political economy, 11 political scientists, 78 politics, 8, 10, 88, 140, 173, 225n1 polysemy, 4041, 4748, 50, 64, 88, 11213, 127, 140, 146, 154, 159, 168, 223n11; simultaneous, 48. See also staggered polysemy Ponge, Francis, 23, 25 Port Royal: Logic, 233n18; School, 225n1 possibilities, 15, 17, 27, 64, 71, 97,
131, 134, 13637, 139, 141, 14553, 15657, 161, 175, 183, 232n10, 233n18; absent, 156; condition of, 63, 73, 97, 110; convoked, 14950, 157; evoked, 143, 146, 15253, 15657; imagined, 108, 139, 147, 149; and the lived, 139, 151 postponement, 18, 5556 postures, 43, 61, 129, 185; of attack, 56 powers, 4, 112, 11415, 123, 125, 13334, 13741, 145, 149, 154, 156, 16263, 168, 17071, 175; of appropriation, 93; of the body, 13334, 231n38; of building, 170; buried and unnoticed, 163; to congure, 133, 171; of connection, 13738; to deform, 134, 163; to develop, 134; excessive, 112, 156, 159; expressive, 16263, 175, 177; of the giver, 173; of the imaginary, 139, 158, 162, 171, 17577; of immediacy, 157, 159; of the lived imaginary, 154; to name, 86; to orient otherwise, 128; to produce syntheses, 231n3; to reform, 134; of reversibility, 15657, 159; to signify, 111; of speech, 93, 225n1. See also imagining power; inhabitant power practices, 6, 1819, 23, 77, 8283, 160, 17273, 233n20; ailing, 25; everyday, 1314, 19, 85, 109, 154, 159, 173, 183; housing, 13; intermediate, 1819; lived, 4, 14, 85, 147, 161; pedestrian, 78; pure, 158; urban, 155; walking, 5, 14, 19, 26, 40, 48, 62, 7374,
272
INDEX
81, 102, 112, 165, 233n20. See also social practice; spatial practices preconception, 4, 126, 165, 168, 170, 17677, 183 pregnancy, 107, 109, 111, 11516, 124, 147, 160, 186; of archaic space, 12, 176; of atmospheres, 11617, 184; climatic, 11617, 159; of the imaginable, 157 premonition, 125, 131, 145, 150 preoccupations, 17, 72, 142; ordinary, 135 presence, 21, 48, 75, 115, 12223, 12829, 13134, 147; collective, 117, 121; immediate, 151; lived, 118 present, the, 20, 59, 71, 113, 126, 129, 13132, 134, 13739, 14651, 152, 156, 161; and the eventual, 148; lived, 126, 128, 134, 13940, 146, 148, 153, 159; ordinary, 146; and the past, 146; and the possible, 13637, 139, 145, 14751, 153, 157, 161, 232n10; really, 137 presentiment, 17, 102, 108, 131, 143 present tense, 28, 151 private, the, 19, 8991, 132, 18687 produced, the: and the reproduced, 25, 78 produced space, 121, 183 production, 10, 12, 14, 163, 170, 183, 187; artistic, 128; of the built world/edied space, 8, 168, 17678; of cities, 23; economic, 1314; of habitat, 10, 134, 231n38; of high-density housing complexes, 22; of images, 137;
planned, 154; of planned space, 5, 166, 168; relations of, 173; of space, 112, 128, 134, 164, 168, 172, 179, 187; technical, 154; urban, 1011, 165; urbanistic, 171; of urban space, 78, 174. See also conceptionproduction; modes of production; productivity productivity, 176, 235n9 projectation, 170 projected, the, 17 projects, 910, 71, 80, 85, 9697, 134, 141, 153, 178, 183, 185; architectural, 9, 170; deferred, 148; of inhabiting, 15253; initial, 9; of our action, 133; social, 176, 187 properties, 51, 94, 102 property, 9, 8990, 93 proprioception, 117 prose, 26, 7374, 114, 158, 163 protention, 20, 130, 133, 184 psychoanalysis, 11, 225n1 psycholinguists, 144 psychology, 1213, 75, 116, 168; depth, 78; of faculties, 123, 137, 154; perceptual, 229n20 psychosociology, 1213; applied, 222n9 public, the, 9; and the private, 19, 132, 18687 public life, 69 public services, 18 public spaces, 90, 167 public sphere, 17, 95 public transport, 8 public use, 104 pursuit, 24, 121
273
INDEX
qualiers, 16, 48, 7980, 99, 113, 11719, 120, 122, 125, 142, 183; concrete, 89; overall, 141; particular, 89; of sites, 113, 160; of space, 79, 84, 117, 133, 166, 169; of spatial relations, 102 qualitative analyses, 4, 8 qualities, 8, 15, 17, 2223, 37, 49, 89, 9798, 100101, 112, 121, 133, 136, 147, 152, 156; change in, 48; climatic, 119, 122; dreamlike, 108; irruptive, 148; kinesthetic, 125; of life, 3; lived, 5, 20, 26, 129; of lived space, 5; of movement, 129; preeminent, 108; present, 147; social, 9091, 93; tangible, 125; unforeseen, 142; unnoticed, 48. See also metathesis of quality quantication: geometric and economic, 11 quantity, 34, 78, 6364, 66, 71 questionnaires and questions, 13, 2022 rain, 72, 120, 169, 228n10 rambling, 3, 39, 54, 158 ramp, the, 42, 59, 8485, 127, 150, 189, 224n14 Ramus, Petrus, 225n1 rationality, 23, 25, 37, 52, 61, 123, 135, 15455, 157, 174, 176, 183; necessitarian, 8; technologybased, 11, 174 rationalization, 126, 157 rats, 14345 reactivation, 126, 140, 146, 177 readability, 124, 171, 228n13 reading, 5, 10, 1213, 2526, 57, 75, 80, 11011, 145, 158,
160, 225n35; degree zero of, 28; directed, 13; nal, 139, 232n10; initiatory, 233n27; re-, 116, 119, 128, 145, 148; and writing, 25, 40, 5758, 6263, 67, 78, 114, 122, 124, 132, 137 real, the, 11, 34, 42, 57, 1089, 117 134, 137, 147, 15354, 166, 176, 183, 187; as conceived, 128; constructed, 113; material, 176; and rational, 174, 183; and the unreal, 117, 137, 14647, 185 real estate, 8, 10, 176 recognition, 21, 42, 78, 86, 89, 93, 100, 102, 104 recounting. See narratives re-creation: of given spaces and preconceived uses, 126; of space, 90, 128 Red Square, 8789, 103 reductions, 36, 19, 23, 67, 80, 92, 113, 12829, 154, 166, 16870, 173, 17576, 17985, 187, 234n1; self-, 185 redundancy, 5052, 5558, 94, 116, 125; hyperbolic, 130 reduplication, 5, 7, 57, 59, 85, 110, 11920, 142, 144, 156, 166 referential function, 75, 82, 109, 186; eld of, 135, 139 referents, 17, 75; essential, 157; social, 75 reexology, 229n20 refusals and rejections, 28, 40, 69, 7880, 88, 9293, 101, 109, 131, 134, 15859, 165, 176 refuse. See garbage regulars, 81, 87, 93, 152 reimagining, 14447, 153
274
INDEX
remainders, 6, 14, 168 Renaissance, the, 13839, 162, 225n1, 22728n5, 23334n28 renting, 44, 168 repair work, 29, 35, 127 repetition, 4, 5, 7, 2526, 31, 48, 5152, 5556, 58, 60, 6869, 71, 7779, 116, 121, 130, 14648, 152, 170, 183, 185; amplied, 51; collective, 29; in difference, 184; excessive, 148; logic of, 8; rules of, 59; spatial, 105; varied, 34, 54 re-presentable, 183 representational space, 234n28 representations, 45, 1011, 17, 23, 28, 34, 67, 85, 1012, 13537, 164, 168, 17071, 173, 179, 182, 18687; abstract, 1920, 185; cartographic, 40; causal, 187; of constructing-housing, 179; dominant, 11, 23, 110; of everyday life, 118; and everyday lived experience, 25, 34, 51, 15354, 166; general, 179; geometric, 15; graphic, 15, 71; of homogeneity, 183; housing, 170, 174; ideal, 164; of neighborhood design plan, 85; of neighborhood practice, 23; of poses and positions, 185; pure, 91; social, 120; of social space, 11213; of space, 107, 185, 23334n28; of the spatial totality, 156; spatiogeometric, 109; streams of, 157; stroboscopic, 185; synchronic, 16, 63; systematic, 111; theoretical, 161; of time, 156; of a totality, 16667; totalizing, 14; of a trip, 67; of the whole, 98
reproduction, 4, 11, 25, 78, 81, 90, 102, 12627, 138, 179, 187; symbolic, 56. See also social reproduction repulsion, 29, 39, 55; and fascination, 39, 66 res extensa, 234n28 resistance, 56, 58, 110, 153 resonances, 120, 186; affective, 133; eventful, 113; imaginary, 157; qualitative, 121 retention, 20, 40, 130, 133, 184; of the other as other in the same, 105 return. See coming and going/ returning reversals, 106, 139, 144, 14849, 15657, 15960, 170 rhetoric, 6, 26, 28, 33, 37, 50, 52, 57, 60, 67, 7475, 77, 11014, 122, 126, 128, 132, 134, 166, 175, 225n1; ambulatory, 158; art of, 77; classical, 27; electoral, 225n1; everyday, 158; goal of, 77; modern, 75; of ones walks, 26, 67, 7275, 98, 100, 111, 114, 133, 152, 159, 189; savage, 225n1. See also inhabitant rhetoric rhetors, 226n2 rhythm, 3, 17, 34, 61, 73, 108, 11314, 12932, 158, 165, 178; ambulatory, 141; bodily, 132; change in/of, 33, 130; of everyday life, 133, 182; variations in, 61 right. See left and right rubbish. See garbage rules, 79, 110, 135; of the code of appropriation, 90, 94, 97, 101,
275
INDEX
105, 109, 111; rational, 154; of repetition, 59; of the whole and its parts, 8 rumor, 82, 1067, 14041, 14647; collective, 107, 142; common, 140 running, 54, 135, 141, 143 rupture, 109, 133, 157. See also breakdowns Sansot, Pierre, 56, 227n4, 120 Saturday, 52, 54, 69, 96, 103, 226n12 Saussure, Ferdinand de, 223n3, 233n25 scaling, 54, 57, 65, 125, 130 scattered, the, 5, 7, 114, 123, 136; and the manifold, 138 schematism, 176, 231n3, 231n5 science, 3, 6, 9, 12, 14, 1819, 2324, 26, 76, 110, 112, 160, 172 seasons, 49, 118, 120, 130 seeing. See visual order selection, 27, 6367, 74, 125; axis of, 73; olfactory, 118 self-expression, 3, 56, 19, 40, 112, 114, 130, 16264, 172, 174, 182, 186, 234n28 semantics, 55, 114, 171 semiology, 78 sensation, 19, 11625, 128, 13233, 138, 142, 145, 156, 184; act of, 91 sense. See meaning sensorimotor, 116, 13334, 136, 162 sequences, 50, 64, 68, 83, 110, 170; bypass, 35; causal or rational, 157; functional, 19; logical, 133, 157; territorial, 73; time, 50
sex, 87 shadows, 23, 39, 75, 14243; articial, 120 shelter, 49, 120, 169 shopping, 75, 95, 120 shops, 82 shortcuts, 29, 31, 34, 37, 128, 156, 223n6 side step, 34 side streets, 7, 14, 18 sidetracking (droutant), 2425, 126, 160, 178 siege, 56, 95, 108, 116 sight. See visual order signals, 66, 123, 146, 148, 228n13 signications, 45, 48, 106, 11114, 116, 132, 159, 165, 187, 228m13, 232n7, 234n28; attractive, 64; clear, 15859; competitive play of, 63; excess of, 101; formal, 128; functional, 233n20; latent, 40; lived, 66; manifest, 75; prosaic, 114; question of, 74 signieds, 6, 14, 57, 67, 76, 78, 100, 11112, 114, 132, 146, 15860, 174, 187, 223n11; concrete and everyday, 75; different and unique, 111; well-connected, 111 signiers, 14, 57, 100, 11112, 114, 124, 146, 15860, 174, 187; accidental, 174; arrangement of, 75, 101; pedestrian, 101; predominant, 101; their linear character, 159 signifying, 74, 76, 90, 111112, 114, 139, 158, 225n35 signitive relation, 177 signs, 23, 80, 110, 123, 146, 150; concrete, 156; discrete, 156; theory of, 159
276
INDEX
silence, 17, 23, 43, 68, 70, 72, 108, 114, 120, 126, 148 Silesius, Angelus, 173 silos, the, 28, 35, 39, 54, 59, 12526, 190 simultaneity, 8, 17, 45, 48, 106, 128, 16162; spatial, 185, 230n27; topographical, 113 singularities, 5, 1314, 18, 2324, 77, 8384, 146, 154, 165, 225n34; and the manifold, 138; and the universal, 138 six-hundred-seat room, 86, 93 sky, the, 4142, 122, 124; and earth, 149, 169 slippages, 45, 85, 119; of meaning, 64; semantic, 55 slum areas, 7 smells. See odors sociability, 78, 90, 174, 186; conictual, 182 social castes, 169 social change, 12, 173 social dimension, 29, 75, 79, 9091, 93, 97, 187 social division, 7 social groups. See groups: social socialist myth, 140 social life, 9, 2223, 153, 173, 183, 185, 187 social mechanisms, 170 social movements, 173 social practice, 12, 234n28 social reproduction, 1314, 112 social sciences, 14, 17374 social space, 11213, 159 social status, 12 sociocultural activities, 3, 174, 19091 sociology, 12, 75, 78, 89, 116;
classical, 4, 78; new, 4; qualitative, 4; urban, 5 socioprofessional categories, 89 sounds. See noise space and time, 5, 15, 2627 37, 40, 55, 57, 64, 68, 7475, 10810, 114, 12829, 133, 139, 15558, 161, 172, 18485 spatial appearances, 35, 42, 7980, 84, 86, 91, 97, 102, 104, 1067, 113, 123, 146, 17980, 185; constructed, 156; planned, 155; as raw material, 185; substantication of, 185 spatial practices, 3, 15, 2526, 28, 84, 115, 126, 155, 16566; constructed, 110; socio-, 89 spatial wholes, 27, 58, 98, 105, 117; planned, 17; socio-, 86 spectacular, 124, 167, 185 speech, 5, 10, 19, 37, 80, 83, 88, 93, 115, 140, 179, 225n1; art of, 77; gurative, 77; power of, 93, 225n1 Spinoza, 231n38, 233n27 spiritus phantasticus, 175, 23132n7 spots, 60, 70, 99, 122, 144, 231n36; dead, 65; my, 83 staggered polysemy, 4245, 106, 145, 227n23 staircases, 108, 144 stairs, 84, 12526, 145 stairways, 83, 103, 145, 226n4, 232n14 statistical data, 4, 13, 18 staying, 18, 25, 56, 116, 118. See also visiting step by step, 3, 5, 135 step forward, 34 steps, 3, 5, 1617, 2627, 48, 57,
277
INDEX
61, 69, 75, 7981, 109, 115, 120, 125, 13031, 14243, 153, 158, 161, 165; conguration of, 153; decisive, 49; enunciation of, 73; everyday, 127, 149; their succession, 16, 25, 67; wasting of, 54; writing of, 57 steps (of stairs), 65, 125 Stimmung, 227n3 stopping. See halts strange. See alien Strauss, Erwin, 229n20 strolling, 17, 19, 52, 54, 124, 133, 147; daily/everyday, 3, 1719, 73, 135, 189; horizon of, 137 structuration, 12, 74, 111, 122, 128, 134, 139, 177; act of, 115 structure, 115, 122, 128, 177; binary, 159, 234n28 styles, 26, 57, 62, 67, 69, 111, 11415, 129, 146, 172; ambulatory, 115; of being, 122; community of, 75, 80; everyday, 232n10; of expressing oneself, 6; expressive, 27; of inhabiting, 40, 6162, 6869, 110, 122, 129, 139, 15253, 157; of movement, 129; narrative, 68, 104, 115, 129; of walking, 6162, 6869, 74, 113, 12122, 129 stylistic devices (gures de style), 26, 225n1 stylistic effects, 72, 75, 77 stylistics, 136 subgroups, 81, 8990, 1023 subjects, 1113, 157, 174; collection of, 13; and objects, 122, 157, 183, 187; residential, 11; universal and abstract, 23 subjectum, 232n7
sublime, the, 138, 149, 224n19 submission, 25 substitution, 1718, 27, 29, 31, 33, 5152, 55, 63, 83, 86, 137, 139, 143, 156, 168; paratopic, 29; radical, 37 subterranean, 143, 145, 154, 232n13. See also underground subversion, 109, 171 summer, 35, 9596, 118, 121, 150 summoning. See convocation Sundays, 49, 223n10 supermarket, 33. See also Gro, the surreal, 117, 148 suspension points, 33, 114, 116, 126 swervings. See gaps symbols, 56, 67, 74, 93, 108, 120, 141, 148, 154, 15657, 159, 169 symmetry, 45, 50, 5859, 61, 95, 142 synchronic representation, 16, 50, 63, 91, 98, 223n11 syncretisms, 79, 88 syndeton, 129 synecdoche, 6268, 70, 7374, 8384, 95, 99, 100, 1047, 109, 112, 123, 128, 133, 141, 148, 152, 15556, 15859, 224n21; pathic, 66 synonyms, 33, 64, 81 syntactic level, 34 syntagma, 27, 62, 73; poetic, 74 synthesis, 13839, 157, 226n16, 231n3; utopian, 171 systems model, 102 tactile, 119, 121, 125 taking a plunge, 3, 6, 180 tangible, the, 109, 125
278
INDEX
technology, 1011, 43, 154, 161, 169, 174, 230n24; manipulated, 177 temporality, 48, 50, 55, 68, 90, 9798, 104, 106, 113, 123, 12829, 131, 142, 169, 172, 186, 226n16, 230n32; chronometric, 95, 13334; of differance, 136; everyday, 4, 17, 229n19; of inhabiting, 164; linear representation of, 157; lived, 34, 16, 19, 24, 113, 129, 13235, 171, 18485, 226n13; nonchronometric, 105, 113; of walking/of a walker, 19, 48. See also space and time tensions, 43, 78, 81, 94, 105, 107, 110, 127, 13234, 147, 156, 169, 175, 185, 234n3; dynamic, 176 territorial appearance, 91, 9798, 110, 145 territorial uidities, 94, 96, 111, 146 territory, 17, 28, 73, 9198, 100 101, 10911, 126, 132, 153, 166, 182; circumscribed, 54; diffuse and mobile, 96; xed, 94; mental, 154; never-frequented, 131; permanent, 94; urban, 133 thetic, 24, 171; principle, 175; space, 185 they, 100, 140 threats, 92, 107, 120, 14243 Tinbergen, Niko, 229n20 tomorrow, 20, 128, 151; and today, 150, 156 tone, 61, 63, 120, 12425, 133, 149, 156; affective, 120, 147; change in, 31; knowing, 52, 88; lived, 123; of ones walk, 143; playful, 52
tongue, 62 top and bottom, 42, 44 topical assignments, 92, 139 topical position, 123 topography, 15, 19, 51, 67, 113, 146, 150, 229n19 topology, 124, 130; imaginary, 146 toponyms, 8081. See also placenames topos, 106 totality, 89, 1617, 22, 24, 64, 6768, 74, 108, 137, 153, 16667, 183; absent, 71; constructed, 182; and lived parts, 95, 156; rational and real, 183; and the scattered, 114; sensorial, 184; simultaneous, 8; spatial, 28, 135, 153, 156; urban, 8, 153 totalization, 14, 6466, 162; progressive, 74 town, 3, 111, 113, 115, 117, 123, 166 traces, 15, 17, 26, 29, 63, 76, 115, 128, 158, 227n1; originary, 226n16; pure, 227n16; of steps, 16, 115 tracks, 115, 135, 227n1 trafc, 18, 54, 62, 74, 79, 146, 165 trailblazing, 127 trails, 29, 31 transguration, 77, 150, 225n26 transgression, 15, 127, 130, 139 transitivity, 48, 133 transmutation, 118, 142 transparency, 23, 153, 183; diurnal, 154; of forms, 124 transport, 8, 45 traveling through, 24, 48, 125, 128, 159 trips, 15, 17, 2021, 25, 2829, 35,
279
INDEX
42, 47, 5052, 55, 5861, 64, 6667, 6972, 80, 106, 116, 119, 122, 124, 126, 13031, 152, 158, 229n22; blank or hole-, 72, 137; everyday, 113, 152; exhaustive, 54; ordinary, 52; same, 15, 19, 34, 49, 51, 72; varied, 39, 51 truth: and error, 57, 77, 137, 147; and false, 147, 233n18; selfevident, 159, 178 Tunisians, 91, 145. See also North Africans underground, 142, 232n13. See also subterranean understanding, the, 138, 231n5 unforeseen, the, 35, 39, 48, 75, 103, 1056, 118, 125, 135, 142, 144, 14748, 154, 168, 184 unimaginable, 15253, 163 uninhabitable, 119, 133, 152; and unlivable, 124 unity, 5, 8, 98, 114, 136, 138, 162, 174; ctive, 99; lived, 19; of meaning, 138, 158; qualitative, 97, 136 universality, 13, 83, 138, 226n14 univocality, 80, 111, 11314, 187; local, 47 unmotivated, 159 unnameables, 8486 unpleasantness, 65, 98, 118, 123, 127, 142, 151, 231n35 unsayable, 114, 121, 141 upkeep. See maintenance urban development, 35, 811, 23, 40, 66, 146, 155, 158, 165, 16971, 174, 228n13, 234n28 urban experience, 49, 1214, 18,
21, 23, 66, 78, 82, 87, 10910, 118, 120, 124, 127, 13233, 135, 139, 147, 150, 15455, 16566, 168, 174, 17677, 226n13, 227n4; and the rural, 78, 150 urbemes, 228n13 use and usage, 8, 55, 62, 8586, 110, 12122, 134, 143, 154, 166, 174, 17980, 183, 185, 187; codes of, 6, 185; common, 103; deviant, 31; everyday, 145; functional, 110, 135, 143, 155, 165, 185; macrocollective, 99; of pedestrian spaces, 17; of space, 78; of the spatial product, 179; practical, 82; preconceived, 126, 176; prosaic, 163; public, 104; representations of, 4; -space, 183 useful, the, 25 users, 34, 1011, 66, 148, 173, 179 use-value, 25 utopian, 17071 vacancy. See emptiness vacant lots, 33, 154 value judgments, 20, 68 variation, 29, 3334, 37, 3940, 5152, 5456, 61, 78, 113, 130, 148, 152, 164, 169, 172, 178; day-to-day, 18; modal, 186; quantitative, 63; seasonal, 49, 120; walked, 47 vertical dimension, 37, 119, 127, 230n24 vicissitude: concept of, 139 Video-Gazette, 86, 9192, 167, 226nn67 view, 39, 98, 126, 132, 228n15, 231n35; from afar, 124, 167
280
INDEX
visiting (le sjour), 65, 99, 113, 122, 133, 13536, 154 visual order, 34, 42, 48, 96, 107, 109, 121, 12425, 127, 14648, 185; for the sake of, 124 walkers, 25, 33, 55, 66; mood of, 48; temporality of, 48 walking, 1517, 1921, 2429, 3335, 4043, 45, 4752, 5576, 7881, 83, 85, 89, 94104, 1089, 11114, 116, 119, 12123, 125, 12731, 133, 13537, 141, 14345, 14749, 152, 155, 159, 162, 172, 186, 189, 224n19; activity of, 19, 42, 48, 5051, 6465, 74, 114, 12829, 132, 139; degree zero of, 28; direction of, 59, 61, 64, 127; everyday practice of, 14, 16, 24, 26, 176, 178; expression of, 50, 6870, 7273; lived experience of, 6567, 71, 81, 83, 113, 117; modes of, 35, 55, 59, 69, 72, 75; mood of, 48; organization of, 55, 58, 62, 67, 6970, 72, 74, 113, 128; orientations of, 58; and reading/writing, 2526, 40, 55, 57, 62, 71, 122, 137; and recounting, 25, 40, 42, 48, 64, 6869, 71, 80, 91, 103, 137, 139; rhythm of, 17; temporality of, 19, 48; ways of, 24, 113. See also rhetoric: of ones walks walking alongside, 33, 122 walking through, 41, 64, 72 way out. See coming and going/ returning
ways of being, 5, 1820, 75, 90, 93, 154, 169; collective, 109; everyday, 24, 184; with the other, 93; in space, 93, 104, 109, 129, 142; in time, 129 ways of doing, 24, 75 ways of expressing, 77 weather, 49, 116, 118, 120 Wednesday, 96, 226n12 Welles, Orson, 229n16 West, the, 29, 234n28 Western philosophy, 232n18 whole, the: and the fragment, 156; geographic, 109; and the part, 89, 6364, 6667, 7374, 83, 112, 114, 152, 15657, 16162, 224n21; representation of, 98; territorial, 101, 166. See also spatial wholes why questions, 1314, 1819, 17273 wind, 39, 47, 49, 85, 11820, 141, 152, 169, 228n8. See also air windows, 24, 86, 123, 126, 132, 167, 231n35 winter, 39, 228n8 work, 7, 1718, 7172, 75, 130 workers, 8, 69 workplaces, 19 works, 169; and the way, 128, 178 writing, 2528, 40, 55, 57, 6263, 67, 7879, 98, 114, 122, 124, 132, 165, 178 young people, 1112, 29, 33, 35, 50, 52, 66, 8692, 96, 98100, 103, 144, 146, 167, 226n12
281
Jean-Franois Augoyard is professor of philosophy and musicology, and doctor of urban studies, at the Center for Research on Sonorous Space and the Urban Environment, School of Architecture, Grenoble, France. Franoise Choay is professor emeritus of history and theory of urbanism and architecture at the University of Paris VIII and Paris I. David Ames Curtis is a translator, editor, writer, and citizen activist. His translations and writings have appeared in American, European, and Australian journals, books, and art catalogs.

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Step by Step

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University of Minnesota Press

Foreword Franoise Choay

3 7 23 77 115 135 165 179 189

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Arteries, Impasses, Side Streets

Impasses Theoretical or Methodological Impasses

Side Streets Intermediate Practices

Indications about the Method of Approach

Final Note: A Last Word about the Terrain Chosen

Paratopisms, Peritopisms: Elementary Figures of Avoidance

c.: So, I look in, but I never stop there! [Laughter]

Apropos of the Bar-bu, at number 30:5

Figure 7. The pillar at No. 100, seen from the north.

Figure 8. The pillar at No. 100, seen from the south.

3. Mixed figure, which clarifies the hesitations of the first example

Two Fundamental Figures: Synecdoche and Asyndeton

From Figures to Code

The Poetic Idiom

Toward the Instantiated Principle of the Collective

The Naming of Places

Singularized or Particularized Appellation

Ofcial name (nonexistent) (nonexistent)

First Sketch of the Status of Appropriation on the Basis of Namings

A little later (for the same social aggregate):

The Differentiating Event

One inhabitant living near the caf says:

Appropriation via Dislocation [Non-lieu]

The Third Meaning of Rhetoric: An Inhabitant Expression

The Body of Inhabitant Expression

Sensorial Hyperboles and Anticipations

On the Imaginary Ground of Inhabitant Expression

Between the Present and the Possible, the Imaginary Ground

Evocation of the Imaginary: The Present according to the Possible

The Diurnal according to the Nocturnal

Another inhabitant says:

Form and Use according to the Accidental

The Ordinary according to the Alien

The Everyday according to the Eventful

Convocation of the Imaginary: The Possible according to the Present

Three Powers of the Lived Imaginary

Toward a Theory of Expression

An Inhabiting without Building

An Inhabiting without a Why?

expressions of this principle

oper ative procedures a nd reductions of inhabiting

expressions of this principle

2. Movement of motor conguration. Appearance and disappearance of lived space. Reduction :

definitions of space a nd reductionist corollaries of inhabiting

reductive effects produced by these abstr act divisions

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Map and Toponymic Lexicon of the Arlequin Neighborhood

silos mounds lake

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Walking Together, Three Decades Later

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1. Arteries, Impasses, Side Streets

2. An Inhabitant Rhetoric: Figures of Walking

3. An Inhabitant Rhetoric: The Code of Appropriation

4. The Body of Inhabitant Expression