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ROD WSON University of Arizona

During much of this century, the United Stam and other Western countries have had a tremendous impact on Korea1 One very noticeable effect is the changes that have taken place in the Korean language (Lee, 1989)--particularly the adoption of thousands o foreign (mostly English) loanwords. This paper begins f by giving a brief history of lexical borrowing in Korean, and then specifically discusses the types and patterns o English borrowing. Finally, the principles of f semantic field theory mi y 1987; Lehrer, 1 7 LRhrer & Kittay, 1992) are ta , 9k applied to attempt to descrik and categorize some of the types of semantic changes that occur--in both the English and Korean words-when EngIish lexical items are borrowed into Korean.


Korean has a long history of Iexical borrowing. In fact, well over half of dl modern Korean vmbulary consists o words either directly borrowed from Chinese or derived from f Chinese characters2 (Park, 1989; i, 1 7 ) From 1 1 to 1945, Korea was a Japanese colony, Y 95. 90 and the official language became Japanese, Although the policy in Korea has been to try to eliminate Japanese words since independence in 1945, many Japanese vccabulary items are still in common use (Joh, 1989). Furthermore, since the J a p e were actively importing Western technology and with it many English words during much of this period, this was also the time when some of the earliest loanwords from English began to be introduced into Korean. Thew words can often be recognized by their distinctive Japanese-style pronunciation; for example, kopi 'coffee', biniru "vinyl'(meaning "plastic")), taim 'tile'. These pronunciations are still and used by many older Korean spkers, but younger spaken tend to give them a pronunciation that integrates them into the Korean phonological system; e.g., the above examples are pronounced kapi (a fortunate change since kopi literally means " oe bloodn),b i d , and tail, ns respectively? The first intensive exposure to American culture and language came with the arrival of American soldiers following World War 11. English words such as ba kt, resgt2irang 'restaurant', and teilZ6 tailor' became familiar to Koreans at that time, and must be considered among the earliest English loanwords to enter Korean. A d d i t i d contact tmk place during the Korean War (195e53)when the latest military technology was intrduced as well as the words to describe i t - a n g u 'tank', rake& 'rocket',and misuil 'missile' for example (Park, 1 8 ) In 93. fact, Algeo (1940) Webskr (1%0) document an English-based pidgin ( i s , " K o m Bamboo and Enghshu)tbat developed during this period, which has more or Iess disappear&, but may have been responsibIe f r adding other English words and expressions to the Korean vOcasulay. The o United States has maintained a major militay presence in Korea since 1 4 ,with tens of 95 thousands o troops presently stationed there. f In addition, the Korean economy has been one of the fastest developing i the world for n much of the past thirty years o so, and this, along with the unprecedented rate of m&rnization r that resulted, came abut in large part due to a massive infusion of Western technology, mostly from the United States. One of the major reasons for the relatively sudden appearance of thousands of English loanwords in Korean,then, was probably that the words introduced along -

El Two T l ,VoL 1. No. I , S p * q1993,H. ak , 29-36.

30 Rod Tyson

with the new technology and ideas were "so intimately associated with an object o a concept r that accepmce ofthe thing [involved] acceptance also of the word" (Baugh & Cable, 19'78%). Another reason far the bomowing, no doubt, is the relatively high status and prestige (Allan, 1W244) of English as a foreign language among Koreans. English has been a required subject i Korean middle and high schools for more than forty yews (Lee,198935) and is also a n popular subject of study in universities and private bagw8r1,or institutes. Also, many Korean students now have the o p p o d t y to study abroad--mosto them in the United States--and thus f become fluent in English. Finally, Takashi (1990) suggests that one reason English borrowings are common in Japariese is because they seem " o convey a mdemity and sophistication about t the subject matter under discussion"(p.3301, and it seems likely that that may also be true in Koran--at least in certain domains o borrowing and for certslin speakers. f

PATTERNS OF ENGLISH LEXICAL BORROWING I K N O En@h loanwords are very widespread throughout the Korean lexicon There seem to be few domains (except perhaps for the most traditional) w i h do not include aome borrowed items hc which are relatively well-esmblished, frequently used, and integrated phonologically, morphologically, and syntactically into Korean4 Also, dthough there is W o n a l discussion of the "problemof loanwords" (see Shim, 1890) by language purists, there seems to be very little practical resistance to the use of English loanwords among Koreans of varying age, sex, occupation, education, and social class. There are, however, certain fields in which examples of English loanwords are very common. The following is a very small -pie o some fields that f include numerous English bornwings, intended to give a general idea o the breadth and pattern f of borrowing.

a .

Technology, medicine, engineering, ek: bi-ti-a 'VTR (video tape recorder)' enjiinza 'engineer' *&in 'aspirin' t f laser' dl penishillin 'peeillin' b q y u U 'computerf p&lk@na Iplasmal sopiWivcif 'software'

b .

F d s and food service:

uismmn 'icemeam'

kcae&gif kbwger' bk 'cola' l

k W 'cake1

si$ochdd 'sports'

Sports and entertainment: bodlirzg 'bowling' &?piif 'umpire'

&t&o 'disco' pqp song Pop sag'


komdi 'comedy'


paaa '@

Clothing and fashion: dis&M T-shirt' stBvem 'sweater' m u 'skirtf

p s h 'fashion' mm baker' e k&&il ?lairstyle' me'manicure'

s o p 'sofat & M 'table' i
hp1i7 It -

Lodging and household furnishings: * a 'apartment' b i k 'villa' h e tcondo' hogl +hotelq

&wnd@ 'stand (lamp)'

English Lmnwords in Korean 31

Tcmprtation and automobiles: mil 'bus' Win. 'terminal' l tuebhi 'taxi1 rmurmuh a ' 'my r

oMdi&aibtF 'owner driver' ~~w~ 'rush hour' k &n z %ar air conditioner' -hi s&endil 'taxistandt

One thing that is immediately noticeable about the lists above is that nearly all o the f borrowed words are n o w . In fact, the grat majority of English loaawmds in Korean seem to be nouns.5 There are, however, dso loanwords dram from other syntactic categories, including verbs, adjectives, and adverbs. Also, many words borrowed as nouns can be changed into verbs by adding suffixes such as -ha& 'o, -doe& 'become', or - c k h play'; into adjectives by adding d' the suffix -hart;o into adverbs by adding -hnge. The following are a few examples: r


mhd 'to cut' #aa t sbphg-h& 'to shop' b&I-chida 'to play tennis' s#ti+aiM-he& 'o strike (in hasebdl)' t

aipib-krsda 'to typet shuking-han 'shocking1 p&eishi-laage 'freshly'

Another dmacteristic shared by the words listed in (1) above is that most of them are used to refer to objects o ideas induced into Korean only fairly recently; that is, they may r have been borrowed largely in response to a need for new vocabulary. There are many other

English loanwords, however, for which lexical need obviously plays little if any role since equivalent (or very similar) Korean words exist, as i the following examples: n

bilding 'building' paat- 'party' p e n plan'

r i m leader'

h H 'comer' * g 'funning' &Bia' re#$ love letter' SiaamhaHa 'to start'

In addition, besides the more obvious phonologid changes that take place, a few o the f words listed in example (1) illustrate two other common p m s s e s that sometimes occur and change the fom of English lexical items borrowed into Korean: shortening (or truncation) and compounding. First, it is very common for the final syllable o syllables of a long English word to r simply be cut off:

r i h n 'remote contml' d#?.u 'demoastratid saUpa 'supmarket'

dipfU 'department store'

&on 'airconditioner' @i&m 'personal computer'

Another less common form o shortening is the use of acronyms. Many o these, such as di-jei f f D.J,',ji-ai 'G.I.', shi-di 'C.D. (compact disk)', and pi-shi T.C. (personal computer)', are d the same as in English. Others, however, are innovative:

ki-eistd K S . ( K Standard)';a qualityccontroI mark tidi-shi T.D.C. (Tongduchon City)'; site of a military base em-ti 'M.T. (membershiptraining)'; an overnight student trip

Second,two o more loanwords are sometimes combined to mate new lexical items that r do not occur in English:

'salary + man'; businessman 'office -t- gi1.l'; female office worker

32 Rod Tyson
sho pihgii?wm 'show + program';TV variety show rijotel 'resort + hotel';mort hotel gorin 'goal + in'; a successful shot in basketball
Another form o compounding involves combining English loanwords with Korean words: f

tenisit.-jang 'tennis jmg (=court)' maib-shhe 'my car s i a k (=generation, age)' gosok-MiZ tMmI 'gosok (=highway) bus termid'

Changes in English Loanwords

Many English words are borrowed into Korean with Iittle o no change in meaning. Not r surprisingly, this is particularly true o names for c0nm.k objects, such as M s t l 'bus', mail f 'missile', or radio ' a i ' However, there are many examples of loanwords that undergo rdo. semantic narrowing (or restriction), semantic widening (orextension), and semantic transfer (or shift). A few examples are listed in (8).

Semantic narrowing: Loanword pcaenchff pants' r m 'meeting' n g

atlm 'out' &@iZ 'tape'

Restricted M d n g

blind date heball term only recording tape

Eartended Meaning

b .

Semantic widening: bEQ@ ak2akm 'icecram' -is# krvice'

wain lwine'

any frozen dessert or snack anything offered free of charge any dcoholic beverage
Shifted Meaning slow dance TV actor cheating on an examination frid chicken
apartment fingemad polish


Semantictransfer; Loanword B M s U 'blues'

~I&nb# Went'
m g 'cunning'

k& e Kentucky' maemMh 'mansiont

mn@t&l 'manicure'

Changes in Koman Words

Semantic field theory claims that the meanings of individual words cannot be studied i n isolation (Kittay, 1 8 ) Znstesad, because "the lexicon is a network o relationships" [Lehrer, 97. f 19'74 181, the meanings of words must be studied "in relation to other words that artidate a given content domain and that stand i the relation o affinity and contrast to the word($) in n f questionw(Kittay & LRhrer, 1m314). One of the implications of semantic field theory, then, is that the introduction o a new item such as a loanword into a semantic field should influence the f meanings of other words in that field This section of the paper attempts to describe some o the f t y p o semantic changes that have occurred (orare still mcuning) in Korean words because of f the introduction of hgtish loanwords. Frt there do appear to be some English loanwords in Korean that were bornwed to fill is, a lexical gap created by the i n a d d o n of a new object o idea that have had little or no effect r on the meanings of related Korean words. The items listed ih (9), perhaps, add to the number o f

English Loanwords i Korean 33 n

words in their respective lexical fields without actually changing ihe meanings o any of the f Korean words in those fields. There simply are no Korean words or Sino-Korean constructions6 that are commonly used in their place.


fellebi 'television'
goem' +g0ir g g d 'gas' W 'tire'

pijapi 'pizza pie'

BoZpen 'ball(pint) pen' sw&ichi 'sandwich' haiM %ighheel' ripsi&ik 'lipstick' pmna: 'permanent (wave)'

Most English loanwords, however, seem to have Korean synonyms, or at least words with approximately similar meanings, as shown in (10). As predicted by semantic field theory, there are several differeat types o semantic changes that seem to be directly attributable to &e f appearance of Western concepts and English loanwords. These seem to fall into at least four broad cate ories (represented by the items in 10a, lob, 10c, and 10d)in terms of the types of influen= e loanwords have had (or a .having) on Korean words in their Iexical fields.


Korean Svnonvm


kapeM 'carpetr renji 'range'

knisil 'tennis' a e l m 'album'


d#miS 'department (store)' taipMait2r 'typewriter' blcchfs''lmts'

m@ i


kkhwajm tajagi janghwa hwajang

taelnbm 'talent (=actor)' pi&enchip&ai 'French fries' d@ochU 'sports'

bmpyutU 'wmputer'
M t i l 'skirtf


gmnjatwigim undong jihsangi



kid5 'cookie' hotel 'hotel' misi&if 'mistep

y#g wan sksmngnim, ssi, ctc.

First, the Korean words listed in (10a) seem to have been all but replaced by their loanword counterparts. The Korean words, if used at all, are now used maid y by older speakers, in reference to old-fashioned objects or ideas, or in very formal--and usually written--contexts. On the other hand, in the judgement o one native Korean speaker at least, the Korean words in f (lab) seem to be used in abut equal distribution with the loanwords and with almost exactly the same meaning. Baekhwajifm 'department store', for example, sounds no more o less appropriate r to most Korean speakers than dipatki 'department store', and both appear in print. However, many of the loanwords in this category s e to be more commonly used by younger speakers, em and thus may eventually become members of the fonner category. Other Korean lexical items appear to have been affected in other ways by the introduction of English borrowings, but do not seem to be in any danger of being totally replaced by them. The Korean words in ( 10c) seem to have become m w e r in meaning than they once were; that is, the loanwords have taken over some part of the meaning formerly covered entirely by one Korean word. For example, baeu 'actor'is no longer used to refer to a TV actor; twlItrd 'talent' is used instead. Gamjatwigim refers to all types of fried potabs, except those in the shape of

34 Rod Tygon

American-style piirenchip'drai French friesf. And j h a n g i , a Sino-Korean constmction originally denoting any type of "computing machine," now usually means "calculator" ; "cumputer"is kompyutif. Finally, the items in (1Od) are examples of another phenomenon in Korean semantics. The meanings of the Korean words have become restricted to things of hxditiond Korean origin or design (even though some of the words seem to have been applied more generally when the objects were initially intduced). A chima is a traditional Korean-style "skht,"whilestfmtZ refers only to a mdern, Western-style %kirt,"for example, and yifgwan refers only to a Korean-style "inn," never a modern, Western-style "hotel." There seem to be many examples of this type of duality in the domains of clothing and food, but it alm appears in other domains. A subclass of this category may include borrowed terms o address, such as f m i s W 'mister' and misit 'miss'. These are often used as socially-neutral tides i business and in n situations where the relative social status of the partxipants is unclear. la other contexts, however, Kurean tenns of address which indicate social or kinship relationships are much more likely to be used. Before concluding this section, there are two additional observations wmlh noting. First, it should be pointed out that there am examples of En,gIish loanwords that were cmce widely wed in Korean but have more monly k e n replaced by other lexical items. Martin's (1954) textbook, for instance, lists ppiru (obviously borrowed through Japanese) as the Korean word for Veer," but this has since been replaced by the Sino-Korean construction ma&& k f . Also, it seems important to mention that nearly dl of the Korean words listed in (10) are in fact SineKorean wnstructions and, in many cases, have a relatively short history of usage in Korean themselves (e,g,, tajagi 'typewriter7) or perhaps underwent fairly recent extension to include newlyintrduced objects or concepts in their meanings. It is likely that further investigation would verify that these words are more easily rep1ac-d ( rdisplaced) by the introduction of loanwords o than are original Korean words.

Clearly, English loanwords, as well as exposure to English and Western culture in general, have had a major effect on the Korean language. Unfortwxately, little has been published in this area. This paper began with an overview of the history, sociolinguistic environment, and general patterns of English lexical b w i n g in Korean, based to some extent on casual observation and conjecture. There are many interesting and important questions that this p p r could not even begin to touch upon. More facused, experimental studies, for instance, could look at the influence of sociolinguistic factors such as age, sex, level of education, occupation, socia1 class, register, and area o residence on variation in the use of English f loanwords and their Korean counterparts. Such studies, aside from their theoretical value, would have important pedagogical and even political impli~ansespecially considering the widening gap between language use and vocabulary in North and South Korea (Kumatani, 1990;Lee,

The find section o the paper has taken a brief I k at some o the semantic changes that f m f a e place when an English loanword enters K O . As might be expected, the meanings o the f Eblghsh words are often narrowed, widened, o shifted to related objects or concepts. As r predicted by semantic field theory, the meanings of Korean words me also altered by the addition o the new words. Most loanwords are nouns, and this paper has d d t mainly with changes that f

however, the changes are more drastic: Korean words are sometimes totally replaced by Ioanwords or become restricted to formal or written usage. Other times, loanwords take over a part o the sense o a related Korean word, and the two words become hyponyms-as in the case f f o hotel 'Western-style hotel' and yagwan KMW-style innl-or a supemrdinate-subordinate f relatiofiship devdops-as when ptirenchipiirai 'French fries' becomes one type of gmjatwigim 'fried potatoesf.

occur in KO- synonyms and other closely related words. Sometimes these are new words for new objects o ideas that simply add to an existing field, or sometimes a lozlnword aad a Korean r synonym appear to continue to be used concurrently, for a period o time at least. Often, f

Further research would no doubt shed light on variation in the current usage of English loanwords and their K r a counterparts, as well as lead to a.better understanding of the patterns oen of semantic change that take place over time. A further analysis should examine borrowings other than nouns more closely. How do w i s h verbs (e.g., s h b t % - W 'start'),adjectives (e.g., shoking- han 'shmking'), and adverbs (e.g., pxreshi-hage 'freshly') affect the existing synonymous, hpnymous, and antonymous relationships in the fields they are added to? And what, if any, are the effects across syntactic categories? This analysis suggests that the situation in Korean, in which there has recently been a massive influx of various types of borrowed lexical items from an historically unrelated language, provides an extremely rich opportunity for semantic research--in particular,'perhaps, from the point of view of semantic field relations. Further studies wuld look more closely at specific k n s o semantic relationships, various semantic relationships in specific damah, or at id f individual lexical items and how they affect o are affected by related words. r

An earlier version of this paper was submitted as a term paper for a course in lexical semantics and lexicology taught by D .Adrienne Lehrer at the University of Arizona during the fall r semester of 1992. I gratefully acknowledge Dr. khrer's valuable assistance and encouragement.

Rod Tyson is a doctoral candidate in Second Language Acquisition and Teaching at the University of Arizona. His specialization is L2 Use, and his minor is I 2 Analysis. He taught English at Hong-Ik University in Seoul from 1985 to 1989add is currently teaching at the Center for hglish as a Sacond hnguage at: the University of Arizona
Program in Second Language Acquisition and Teaching Modem Languages BuiIding, Raom 445 University of Arizona Tucson, AZ 85721

11t should be noted that the Korean Peninsula has been divided into North and South Korea since 1945,and the language has developed in very different ways in the two countries (Clarke, 1982; Lee,1990). The communist government of North Korea officially prohibits the use of foreign loanwords (Kumatani, 1990). In this paper, Korea is used to refer to South Korea, and Korean refers to the dialect spoken in and around the capital city of Smul. % r an historical description of how this came about, see Gaur (19921, Lukoff (19821, o Park (lw, Y (1975). or i 31n the interest of readability, I have used a slightly revised version of the McCuneReischauer Romztnization system. Consonants are pronoun& roughly as in English, except that ch, k,p, and t are more strongIy aspirated, and r is flapped. Vowels are pronounced approximately as foIlows: a Id, e /el, i lit, o 101, u lul, ae lael; aid, and ii M. There is no word stress system in Korean. 4For a detailed descripon of the problems involved in deciding when a lexical item from one language s h d d be considered a loanword in another, see PopJack & Sankoff (1984) o r Poplack, Saakoff, & MiIIer (1988). For the purposes of this paper, I have used three bilingual dictionaries (see references), my own observations based on residence in Korea from 1982 to 1989, and the judgements of several native Korean speakers to determine whether or not a mcular item is a "loanword. "

36 Rod Tjtgon

*his agrees with the findings o Morrow (1987) ~akashi f and (1990) concerning English loanwords in Japanese, Poplack & Sankoff (1384) in Puerto Rican Spanish, and Poplack, Sankoff, & Miller (1988) Canadian French. in %no-Korean constructions are Korean words derived by combining two or more Chinese characters. These new words may or may not be the same as Chinese andlor Japanese words, but the pronunciation is distinctly Korean. The demand for new Korean words was met almost exclusively through this process for centuries, and it is still very pmductive (Yi, 1975).

Algm, J. T. (1960). Korean B a m h English. American Speech, 35,117- 123. Allan, K (%. 1) Linguistk meaning: Vol.one. New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Baugh, A. & Cable, T. ( 1978). A Itistory of the English language. (3rd 4.). n g l e w d Cliffs, E Nk Rentice Hall. Clarke, H. D.B . ( 9 2 .Linguistics and language policies in North and South Korea. Korea 18) J o d , 22,2043. Dongab new concire Korean-Enghh dictionmy. (1982). Seoul: Donga Publishing Company. Gaw, ( 1992). A h&tory of writing. New York Cross River Press. A. Job, S (October 1 , 9 9 .What's in a name? The Korea HeraM, 8. . 018) Kittay, E.F, (1987). Semantic field theory. In M e q h o r : Its cognitive force a d linguhfic sbructsrre (pp. 214-257). Oxford: Clarendon Press. K t a , E F. & Lebrer, A. (1992). Introduction. In A. Lehrer & E F. Kittay (Eds.), Frames, ity fields, and contrusi~: New essays irt semantic and lexical organization (pp. 1 1 ) -8. Hillsdale, N : Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers. J Kmatani, A. ( 9 0 . Language policies in North KO- IntermtiottQlJournal o the Sociology 19) f o Lmguage, 82,87108. f Lee, H.-B.( 1990). Differences in language use between North and South Korea Internatiod J o d o the Sociology o -page, 82,71-86. f f h, ( 9 9 .The subversion of Korean. English Today, 20,34-37. S, 1 8 ) h b r , A. & Kittay, E F (Eds.). ( 9 2 . Frames, $el&, and contrasts: New essays in . 19) semantic and lexical organization. Hiusdale, NJ: Lawrence Exlbaum Associates, Publishen. Lukoff, F. (1982). A fist reader in Kbrean wriling in i p t d script. Seoul: Yonsei University Press. Martin, S. H (1954). Korean in a hurry: A quick approach t spoken Korea. Rutland, VT: o Charles E. Tuttle Company. Mijungseorh's new link Englhh dictiomry. (1981). Seoul: Minjungsemim. Morrow, P R (1987). The wers and uses o English in Japan. World Englishes, 6,4962. . f New world link Korean-EnglishlEictbnuq. (1982). Seoul: Si-Sa-Yong-0-Sa Publishers, Inc. Park, C.K. ( 9 3 . A Icandbook for teaching Korean-spe-g 18) students. Lus Angeles: California State University, Evaluation, Dissemination and Assessment Cen'ter. Park, F Y.T. (1989). S p d g Korean: BooB I . Elizabeth, N : Hollyrn International Corp. . U J Poplack, S. & S d o f f , D ( 1984). Borrowing: The synchrony o integration. Linguistics, 22, . f 99135. Poplack, S., Sankoff, D., Miller, C. (1988). The social correlates and linguistic processes of & lexical bornwing and assimilation. Lingr&ics, 26,47- 104. Shim, H. K (1990). A survey o SocioIinguistic studies in K o m Intermtbnal J o u d of z h f Socwlogy o h g u u g e , 82,7-24. f Talcashi, K. (1991). A swiolinguistic analysis of English h w i n g s in Japanese advertising texts, World Englshes, 9,327-341. Webster, G. (1960). Korean Bamboo English once more. k k m Speech, 35,261-265. Y ,K.-M.(1975).Language and writing systems in traditional Korea. in P H I a ( d ) The i . . E., aaditioml c u l ~ aPnd society af Korea: Art and titeratwe (pp. 1 . 2 . Honolulu: c 53) University o mwaii, Center for Korean Studies. f

ADRIENNE LgIRER Deparhent of Linguistics Universiv of Arizona
It is a pleasure to comment briefly on Rdney Tyson's paper. The predominant attitude in American linguistics, at least since Bloomfield, has been that the lexical meaning of most content words is idiosyncratic, unsystematic, and beyond the realm of scientific study--inshort, simply too flaky to bother with. Connected to the attitude was the view that loanwords and semantic change are especially unsystematic; such studies can be no more than lists--amusing to read perhaps, but of little semantic interest. In contrast, the European tradition stressed the existence of lexical-semantic structure. Saussure (1916, 1959) and especially Trier (19311, who introduced the notion of semantic fields, argued that semantic content, like phonetic content, is structured. Trier's view that the semantic structure of a semantic field is like a mosaic, without gaps or overlaps, has turned out to be wrong, but he was right in arguing that introducing new words in a field are bound to create shifts elsewhere in the field. Brkl's Law of Differentiation (1897) predicts that synonyms are very unstable and will in a short time become differentiated in meaning. Tyson's paper presents evidence for the correctness of the European perspective. He shows that the intrduction of English loanwords into semantic fields in Korean is affecting the meanings of the native words, in some cases restricting or shifting their meaning, and in other cases replacing them. In the cases where two items seem to be synonymous now, here is evidence that younger speakers are imposing a semantic difference. This phenomenon supports Clark's view that children learning language assume that two different forms must reflect different meanings ( 1992). Many of the Korean loanwords are nouns denoting concrete physical objects, and such words may not enter into particularly interesting structures; they are likely to be basic-object level words in a simple taxonomy. However, a deeper, more complete study may show interesting changes and shifts in Korean semantic structure. The next step I would recommend in Tyson's study would be to examine the structure of several semantic fields in detail--fields that have b m w e d a number of English words. In such a study, modeled a t r Trier's work on verbs of knowledge in medieval German, the investigator fe would compare the semantic structure before and after the borrowing. He would assemble d l the lexical items in each field, show their relationships in terms o the relevant lexical-semantic f concepts (hyponymy, synonymy, antonymy, etc.). This way we could determine whether the borrowing was relatively superficial, e.g., simply added items to an existing taxonomy, or whether there were substantial shifts, e.g., where a basic object word became superordinate or vice-versa, where a twmway contrast became a three-or four-way contrast (or vice-versa). A further part of such a study would look at the other parts of speech associated with loanwords, examining the collocations and selectional restrictions. For example, do kt& 'cookie' and piirenchipfdrai 'French fry' simply collocate with the same items as their Korean counterparts? Initially, one would not expect anything very unusual, but then one has to investigate these matters to be sure. Finally, this study can serve as the basis of a longitudinal one. Tyson makes predictions about changes i the future. Labov introduoed the notion of 'apparent t m ' where differences in n ie, speech patterns between younger and older speakers can be used to predict changes. L a b v concentrated on phonological change, but the method could be used for semantic change as well. In short, I find Tyson'spaper an exciting kginning for a whole program of research on lexical borrowing and lexical change. I hope he continues with his work.

El Two Tdk,VoL I , No.l,Spring1993,pp. 37-38.


B l o ~ ~ dLeonard. ( 9 3 . Language. NY: Halt, Rinehart, & Winston. d, 13) B d , Michel. ( 1 .Essai & Shnantiq~. m Paris: Hachette. Clark, Eve V. (1992). Conventionality and contrast: Pragmatic principles with lexical consequences. In Frames, Fie&, and Contrasts, A. bhrer & E F. Kittay, (Eds.), pp. 171- 188. Hilbdale, NJ: hwrence EaIbaum & Assmiates. Labov, WilIiam. ( 9 2 . Socwlinguistic Patterm. PhiWlphia: University o Pennsylvania 17) f

Press. Saussure, Ferdinand de. ( 9 9 .Course in General Linguislics, translated by W.Basking. New 15) Y ork (First pubIisbed in 1 1 . 96) Trier, Jost. (193 Der &u~scheWor~schutz Simkzirk dar Vers-s. 1). iwr Heidelberg.