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What's in a name the death and legacy of Nstor Kirchner
Alejandro Kaufman
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Alejandro Kaufman
WHATS IN A NAME: THE DEATH AND
LEGACY OF NE

STOR KIRCHNER
Every other year, the institutional calendar in Argentina indicates the need to hold
elections. 2010 was a year without any electoral events, in what would normally be a
break from the contest for democratic representation. Parliamentary midterm
elections had taken place in 2009, with bad results for the government, and another
round of presidential and legislative ones is due for 2011. In the current climate,
election results potentially entail signicant transformations for the populations daily
life. In a country where socio-political congurations have become extremely uid, the
electoral act has attained a decisive character. What is more, the collective actors
taking part in these elections tend to be variously and complexly articulated. They do
not respond in any clear way to long-term traditions and, even more importantly, they
are involved in a process of gradual consolidation following what has become known as
the crisis of 2001, during which among other things a fragmentation of political
representations took place. The main slogan of protests at the time was Que se vayan
todos, que no quede ni uno solo (away with them, until the very last one), referring
to politicians in general, regardless of their ideology. The crisis of 2001, then,
expressed a wider condition of dissolution affecting the institutions of collective
signication. During its most intense moments, lasting approximately one or two
years, Argentinas very condition of nation-state was widely perceived to have become
unsustainable. Most of the institutions that shelter and condition the life of the
collective were undergoing a profound crisis of meaning, which appeared to make the
nation-states own historical continuity unviable (at least as it had appeared and
consolidated itself historically) through a process of implosion and dissolution. It was
not at all uncommon to think that the administration of collective issues should be
delegated to some business entity separate from the sovereignty of the nation-state in
its historic form.
In this context, with socio-economic indicators at catastrophic levels, Nestor
Kirchner assumed the presidency with a moderate-progressive discourse associated
with the historical legacy of Peronism, thought to belong to a past that had been made
redundant by the postdictatorship period and, more widely speaking, by the
phenomena of globalization and the rise of neoliberalism during the decade of the
Nineties. To the residues of the Peronist tradition, with a mere 22 per cent of votes
cast in the elections of 2003, was conferred the mission to repair the bonds of public
life destroyed in the profound, extraordinary crisis of 2001.
On taking power, it gradually became clear that Nestor Kirchner was not going to
limit himself to restoring the state of things prevailing, in one or another of its
variations, during the previous two decades of postdictatorship. In this period, the
socio-cultural and economic changes the dictatorship had imposed on Argentine society
Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies, Vol. 20, No. 1 March 2011, pp. 97-104
ISSN 1356-9325/print 1469-9575 online q 2011 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13569325.2011.562635
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were taken to be denite and irrevocable. Although a consensus was reached that
crimes of lese humanity should not be repeated and that they needed to be brought to
justice within certain limits, until Kirchners arrival in 2003 there had been no attempt
on the part of federal government to cross the line of postdictatorial restraint and
implement the agenda of human rights, democratize the public sphere and redistribute
social wealth, among many other government measures.
Such progressive measures, above all for the practical efciency with which they
were put into practice (that is to say, for actually realising the proposed tasks that the
government had set itself ), were met by the conservative sectors of Argentine society
which do not dene themselves as such on the level of language, since in Argentina the
entire political spectrum manifests a level of linguistic homogeneity that conveys an
illusion of political correctness with an intense and persevering attempt to depose
the government. Rather than to express itself in the mode of a political programme and
to concur as such in electoral contests, this reaction took shape in a generalized diatribe,
organized in the form of a moral panic over the governments supposedly corrupt,
violent and mendacious nature. Without explicitly stating that the government needed
to be overthrown, everything in this discourse pointed to the impossibility of governing
in an efcient way and thus to the inevitable deposition of the government, although no
alternative options were being formulated. At the same time, these conservative sectors
funnelled, in a generalized and repetitive fashion, the circulation of a language of hatred
and resentment, replete with classist and racist elements, in which the moral panic
directed against the government and its supporters was being congured.
The relatively mediocre results obtained by the government in the parliamentary
elections of 2009 appeared to announce the end of the cycle of kirchnerismo, now under
the leadership of Cristina Fernandez, Kirchners wife and political partner of many
years. These were giving rise to expectations that, in 2011, the presidential election
would end the continuity of the progressive project under way since 2003.
The year 2010 was characterized by the coincidence as exceptional as the
occurrence of certain rare astronomical phenomena, which only happen at particular
intervals of three concurrent variables. As already mentioned, it was a year devoid of
electoral contests, and this break in the electoral hustle was inhabited by two events:
the celebrations of the Bicentenary and the realization of a demographic census, which
is being carried out at ten-year intervals. An event that takes place every hundred years
and another that takes place every ten years fell into a year without elections. Both
events, the Bicentenary as well as the census, in a country such as Argentina,
characterized by the laxity of its socio-political institutions, offered singular
opportunities for testing the degree of cohesion worked onto the social by the process
of recomposition initiated in 2003. There was a risk that both events would be crushed
by the discrepancies of the day, but things turned out rather differently.
The bicentennial celebrations in May 2010 presented the government with an
occasion for conveying a renewed narrative of the nation-state, re-invested with a
legitimacy emerging from the very depths of the crisis an idea that referred not just
to 2001 but also to the legacy of the dictatorship of 1976, the crimes of lese humanity,
the Malvinas war, and the hyper-ination under Alfons n: in sum, to the profound
deterioration of all narratives of the social collective in Argentina. Over the last
decades, furthermore, Argentina had been sending scores of emigrants across the
world: rst, as political exiles during the dictatorship, then as socio-economic
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migrants. An idea was taking root of the hollowing-out of all narratives of
Argentineness capable of sustaining the life-projects of new generations. Now, for the
rst time since 1976, the reinstatement of a language of solidarity and social justice as
advanced by kirchnerismo could claim some credibility, due to the actual implementation
of real measures which, rather than having been anticipated as electoral promises, had
been relegated to a social memory voided of all expectation, in the context of a
generalized sensation of emptiness and failure. The series of restorative measures that
had appeared almost by surprise, and without any relation to promises and expectations
announced beforehand, brought about a shift in the general mood, which made itself
manifest in the multitudinous attendance at the bicentennial celebrations despite the
conservative oppositions attempts to discourage the masses from gathering in the
centre of Buenos Aires, where normal business activity and car trafc had been
suspended. Here, a great spectacle was being organized, which offered innovative
alternatives to the common sense prevailing in the mass culture of previous years. As
well as shows of popular music, inciting a large part of the audience, and a grand-scale
exhibition occupying huge tracts of urban space, there was an audacious parade of
allegorical carriages staged by the underground art collective Fuerza bruta. A spectacle,
then, apparently devised for select minorities with a level of education far above the
average of the millions of spectators was exhibited to the very same multitudes that
habitually bestow consistency onto the ratings of television programmes renowned for
their plethora of vulgarity, stupidity and cruelty, which ever since the dictatorship have
been hegemonizing Argentine mass broadcasting to the point of uniformity.
The allegorical carriages displayed key moments of national history from a tragic
and critical perspective that was met with massive and enthusiastic approval from the
multitude. Among other artistic engagements, a striking audiovisual narrative was
being projected on some of the citys oldest buildings such as the historic Cabildo on
Plaza de Mayo, which likewise dramatized the history of Argentina with a critical edge.
Together, the bicentennial celebrations brought to the level of an event the
participation of multitudes which had not been prepared at all for what they were about
to witness. With the same attitude of suddenness and surprise as the Kirchner
administrations acts of restoration and justice, the themes and artistic characteristics of
the allegorical carriages had been kept condential even to the press, which, in
Argentina as much as anywhere else, is not particularly renowned for its discretion.
Thus, the audiovisual narratives and theatrical allegories, using a plethora of artistic and
expressive registers, inscribed into public space dissenting versions to the conservative
mainstream of an Argentine historiography which has long shielded itself from the
conceptual stimuli of wider debates in the eld, anxiously watching over its own
parochialism and ideological continuity over the years.
1
In this way, the bicentennial celebrations took on the very same socio-political
dynamic as other key public events since the assumption of Nestor Kirchner in 2003
had, with the leader deploying his astuteness in conguring political scenarios capable
of forcing out actions that otherwise could not feasibly have been carried out under the
appropriate conditions. Under the cover of condentiality, he organized agreements
which (on this we must insist) if divulged in detail could not possibly have been
reached, to then communicate in sudden and surprising fashion achievements that
responded to a long-standing but largely ignored agenda of social demands. In this way,
socio-political institutionality was reinstated and re-invested with legitimacy, as
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meaning was being returned to a narrative of the social collective in which the
Argentine people gured as active subjects of human rights, even in the context of a
country in the throes of modernization. The government was repeatedly criticized for:
(1) not making promises or outlining its future actions, and (2) for communicating
badly or even not communicating its politics altogether. At stake, then, was the
conguration of narratives capable of making intelligible to mass audiences what has
occurred in recent social history, throughout which conservative ideologies have
maintained their tight grip on the media (enlisted exclusively and systematically in the
promotion of moral panic against insecurity and against the government itself, held
responsible for all the ills it had been the rst to recognize and tackle).
The singularly heterodox and unexpected way in which the government organized
the bicentennial celebrations, devoid of any attempt to antagonize its opponents, thus
contributed to the establishment of a new, re-legitimized narrative on the condition of
the social collective. Carried out with a low prole, however, none of this had
changed the scenario produced by the electoral defeat of 2009. In this context, the
scheduling of the census for October 27th became the object of mediatic operations of
de-legitimization engineered by the conservative opposition, spreading the idea of the
fear to be counted. The daily La Nacion, in its editorial of October 9th, asserted that
many neighbours in the city of Buenos Aires and its surroundings, two areas aficted
by delinquency, are terrorized for having to receive the census ofcials in their homes,
with absolutely no security whatsoever that they are not treating with criminals in
disguise [...] Until this day, such reasonable doubts had never weighed down on the
mood of the citizenry about to be counted. Yet this is the degree of uncertainty we
must expect for the forthcoming 27th of this month. The same paper went on to
reproduce rumours more akin to a state of war and institutional breakdown than the
social peace of present-day Argentina: Some say they will receive the census ofcials
outside the doors of their homes, through the electric entry-phone or even directly on
the street. Other, even more apprehensive ones say the will not receive them at all.
Many have requested to pick up the forms at the census ofce, ll them out in private
and return them to the same ofce. Among the government agencies entrusted with
clarifying and neutralizing these rumours was INADI (the National Institute Against
Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism), given that the census was introducing new
questions related to aspects of anti-discrimination policy, such as the introduction of a
separate category for Afro-descendants, whose very existence had thus far gone
unrecognized. The induction of a moral panic about the false census ofcials who
could in fact be criminals must be understood, then, as one of the conservative
strategies of hampering the introduction of progressive policies into the everyday
practices of Argentine society. This dynamic, due to which an action constitutive of
state administration such as the demographical enquiry is turned into an object of
uncertainty, is paradigmatic for the socio-political process as a whole.
The day of the census, with professional and institutional activities interrupted to
the effect that the great majority of the population would await the census ofcials visit
in their homes, was therefore going to be another test for the government. It had to
demonstrate its capacity to guarantee that an action considered indispensable for the
continuity and consistency of state administration was being carried out in order. At
the same time, the attitudes adopted by the citizens, of collaboration, indifference or
obstruction of the census, was always going to be read in political terms as a show of
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support or disapproval, notwithstanding the damage a widespread negative attitude
could inict on the state and its relations with society a small price to pay, according
to the conservative sectors, for a prime opportunity to undermine the legitimacy of
national government.
On this particular day of the bicentennial year, on the day of the census, destiny
struck and Nestor Kirchners life was taken by sudden death. His death occurred
without warning at least not one understood as such by the general public. Despite
having suffered from cardiovascular accidents before, Kirchner had always avoided
public exploitation of his illness. He had declined to have a coronary emergency unit on
constant call and, although his health problems had never been hidden from the public
eye, they were being played down so as not to affect Kirchners public image. Even if
he had wanted to, his hyperactive and passionate personality would probably not have
allowed him to behave like a patient. Once again, all this conspired to bestow an
element of radical surprise on an event related to his person his own death which
occurred at 9.30 am on October 27th, the day of the census.
Suddenly, the choice in the private homes of Argentines was no longer between
receiving the census ofcial as a state employee or keeping them out as a potential thief.
Rather, following the immediate distribution of the news, the choice was now between
receiving themin order to celebrate as effectively happened in some neighborhoods
or to weep Kirchners death.
In the course of a few hours that passed between the news of his death and the
afternoon, when many of those who had already received the census ofcials visit
turned to the streets in a state of sorrow, a drama was being played out under the
condition of an event in its purest form of sheer emergence. None of the instances of
power, neither the government nor the opposition, were capable at this time of
articulating any initiative that would have determined the mood and actions of the
multitudes. It was one of the rare, exceptional days when it was possible to witness the
event of the multitude in its purest form, against the silence of the government as well
as the hegemonic mass-media, taken by surprise by a death on so peculiar a day, and
without any tactics at their disposal for responding to an event which, as the hours
passed, was quickly seized by the multitude and its expression of profound sorrow and
afiction. For the rst time, in a way that had somehow been anticipated by the
bicentennial celebrations, the conservative media hegemony found itself incapacitated
to intervene into the scene by deploying its usual narrative instrument of moral panic.
Just as the Bicentenarys emerging narrative of Argentineness had done before, the
outburst of sorrow over the sudden death of the former president left the opposition
speechless for a few hours or even a few days. On both these occasions, therefore, a
different narrative could erupt onto the scene.
Tradition requires the vigil of former presidents to be held at the National
Congress, but the Executive decided to follow the current of the multitudes which had
started to congregate on Plaza de Mayo, in front of the Casa Rosada (the presidential
palace), on the very day of the census and of Kirchners death. Thousands of people
were already arriving at the Plaza during the afternoon and evening once they had
been visited by the census ofcials in their homes and were holding out until the next
morning, when the former presidents remains arrived at the Casa Rosada, where the
vigil would be held.
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The cofn was laid out in a room of intense symbolic connotations, the Gallery of
Latin American Patriots. On one side, the doors were opened to the public, now
numbering tens of thousands, who queued to pay their respects, individually and in
small groups. On the other side of the room, during most of the vigil, the widow and
President of the Republic was present, accompanied by various gures from the
government and the militancy closest to the family. Also present during part of the
proceedings were the Latin American heads of state, all of whom had travelled to
Buenos Aires to attend the vigil. The multitude and the leaders of Argentina and Latin
America came into close contact with one another, including verbal and physical
exchanges with frequent embraces and expressions of sorrow and pain. The scene was
broadcast live on national television as well as on a giant screen erected on Plaza de
Mayo. Among the most common expressions of the people who had come to pay
homage to the former president were the sentences Gracias Nestor and Fuerza
Cristina (Thanks, Nestor Be strong, Cristina). The country came to a halt in an
emotive outbreak with those who, over the years, had made a habit of employing the
most calumnious and resentful expressions and of fashioning a language of systematic
hatred against a populist government keeping a prudent silence for a few days. One
who, some years before, had asserted that Nestor Kircher was the same as Hitler, only
without the concentration camps made it known that on the day of his death she had
been hospitalized and receiving medical treatment. If we mention her, it is because
Elisa Carrio, one of the most visible gures of the political opposition, permanently
occupying television screens and front pages, predicting the incarceration and death by
lynching of Nestor and Cristina Kirchner (on one occasion she anticipated a Ceaus escu
ending for them) was a paradigmatic case of the way the discourse of hatred and fear
was being dismissed by the multitude. The body of Kirchner having been the object
of the utmost contempt, hatred and suspicion on his death was making evident the
inconsistency of the narrative established in previous years. The absurd attempt of
narrating Argentine political reality in terms of totalitarianism, in which the media
hegemony had taken hostage an important part of the population, was suddenly facing
the decisive proof of its own insubstantiality: in the inertia of death, Kirchner was in
fact dismissing the foolishness of this narrative. This was what the multitude was
expressing when it made manifest something impossible to communicate publicly in
previous years, due to a law passed by the dictatorship of 1976, which until this day
even though a new law has been passed and is undergoing validation permits the
concentration of audiovisual and print media in the hands of a small number of owners.
Indeed, the case of Argentina could be summarized as combining a precarious political
institution with a tendency to dissolve, an educated population harbouring aspirations
of social ascent and with a high level of mass-medial consumption, and a public sphere
hegemonized by a discourse of moral panic directed against delinquency and against
politicians of all colours, with the undeclared intention of promoting private business
interests dictated by highly concentrated capitals that threaten to turn the institutions
of democracy into empty shells.
When a totalitarian leader dies, the entire system sustained and articulated by his
gure collapses or is severely weakened: this is what should have happened to
Kirchner, had the defamations poured out over his gure and over the government and
the weak, minoritarian political movement backing it turned out to be true.
Kirchners capacity of intervening into the conguration of power in Argentina had
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been based on the necessity to recuperate what the crisis had destroyed at least on
some basic level that would allow for the continuity of production in the country. For
this there had been a generalized consensus, which came apart when, instead of merely
reconstructing appropriate conditions for capitalist enterprise to recommence and
ourish, Kirchner started to adopt radical attitudes (for Argentine standards) in terms
of honouring state responsibilities towards human rights and of redistributing wealth.
For the conservative mainstream, these attitudes marked him out as a class enemy,
even when Kirchner was no more than an Argentine social democrat: a centre-left
Peronist. His capacity for developing astute articulations that allowed him to bypass
political stumbling blocks, at the same time as they incited a growing support, also
earned him the enmity of the Argentine right. His death put in evidence the fallacy of
their defamations, since instead of weakening or collapsing a power he had never
possessed nor aspired to, his disappearance irrevocably exposed the falacious nature of
the epithets coined by his enemies. The multitude could feel entitled to express its
gratitude and support because the disappearance of Kirchner cleared the way for an
immediate response: there cannot be a hypocritical or self-interested gratitude to
someone who has died unexpectedly, so much so that nothing could anticipate the
multitudes reaction. This unexpected emergence of the grateful multitude, which
suddenly could express itself outside the hegemony of the media, in a moment of
ataraxis, was irreconcilable with the defamatory language which had until then
prevented its appearance, and which was now collapsing due to the disappearance of its
addressee. At the same time, what this multitudinous expression entailed was the
desire for the continuation, on behalf of Kirchners widow and political partner
throughout his life, of that for which the multitude was expressing its gratitude.
In the same conservative newspaper quoted earlier on these pages for its
propagation of rumours, which sounded more like a vulgar piece of propaganda than an
opinion piece in one of the most traditional ideological and journalistic tribunes,
Vicente Palermo, a renowned intellectual of the conservative opposition, wrote on
October 29th: the conditions are now given for Kirchner to turn into a myth. [...]
Personally I see no reason to celebrate this possibility. But a myth is neither true nor
false. Why is it important to point out the possibility of Kirchners mythication? If this
phenomenon should indeed occur, we would need to learn to coexist with it. It would
make little sense to oppose ourselves frontally. The idea of extirpating political
phenomena we dislike is an all too Argentine one. But it is just another way of adding to
the disaster. If Kirchner were to turn into yet another Argentine political myth, those
of us who, like me, will not let ourselves be captivated by its spell should attempt to
defend difference, the same which enables us to express our opinion on the topic,
instead of trying to crush it.
Many intellectuals who support the government, we would have to say, effectively
let themselves be captivated by its spell. But we must also observe that these words
were published even before Kirchner had effectively been buried. Nevertheless, the
short passage quoted above is of a moderate character, expressing a preoccupation
about the myths potential intolerance in the face of difference. One can agree with its
argument, if not its sense of proportion or opportunity. The truth is that, over many
years in Argentina, those who adhered to the mythical traditions of Peronism have been
made the objects of persecution, prohibition, imprisonment, shootings and massacres.
Social and political violence over the last sixty years has been intimately related to the
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drama to which we have attempted to refer in these lines. Evidently this drama is
ongoing, and the death of Kirchner, contrary to what tends to happen when
authoritarian leaders die, resonates with the mythical dynamic proper to those
associated with the defence of ethics and of human rights. Their death strengthens
them, by giving them a place in the narratives of memory, instead of submitting them
to devalorization and oblivion.
Translated by Jens Andermann
Note
1 Exactly ten years before Kirchners death, Hayden White, in his closing remarks to the
I. Congress of the Philosophy of History, organized by the Philosophical Institute of
the University of Buenos Aires, on October 27, 2000, expressed his surprise over the
political incorrectness that persisted in the displays of Argentinas principal historical
museum, which he had just visited. Through its museological representation, he
pointed out, women, aboriginal and Afro-American subjects were repeatedly being
made the symbolic victims of the very forms of oppression and violence which had
effectively victimized them in empirical history yet the prevailing discourse at the
museum showed no inclination to criticize or even reect on these issues.
Alejandro Kaufman is a cultural critic and essayist. He is a professor at Universidad
Nacional de Quilmes and Universidad de Buenos Aires and a fellow at the Gino Germani
Institute for Social Research. He has been a visiting professor at the universities of
Bielefeld (Germany), San Diego (USA) and at the E

cole des Hautes E

tudes en Sciences
Sociales, Paris. A member of the advisory board of the Journal of Latin American Cultural
Studies, he is also one of the directors of the journal Pensamiento de los Connes and a
member of the editorial committee of the Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires
(EUDEBA).
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