Versin traducida de Lectura McLeod.

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Page 1 Diario lmernational de Investigacin Urbana y Regional Volumen 12 2001 25.4 Nuevo Regionalismo Reconsidered: La globalizacin y la reconfiguracin del * Poltica del Espacio Econmico GORDON MACLEOD El cambio de uso intensivo de conocimientos capitalismo va ms all del negocio en particular y estrategias de gestin de las empresas, .. involv [ing) el desarrollo de nuevos insumos y una infraestructura ms amplia a nivel regional ... La naturaleza de esta transformacin econmica hace regiones econmicas unidades clave en la economa global. En esencia, la globalizacin y el regionalismo son parte del mismo proceso de transformacin econmica (Richard Florida, 1995a: 531). El dogma de que "las regiones estn resurgiendo" como resultado de las transformaciones globales que implica el crecimiento de las economas de informacin "casi se ha llegado al punto de una ortodoxia, sino como la de moda para el posfordismo que le precedieron, lo que representa el triunfo de la moda y la en! 1uence de las figuras de autoridad acadmica en las ciencias sociales. El tratamiento de estas afirmaciones como las cuentas de la influencia causal clave en el desarrollo regional real en general ha llevado a los regionalistas Nueva pasar por alto las influencias ms importantes sobre la dinmica econmica de muchos, y probablemente ms, las regiones del mundo real (John Lovering, 1999: 386). La introduccin del renacimiento urbano-regional Si bien estas dos citas pueden tener puntos de vista contrastantes, tambin reflejan una incipiente axioma de que bas comenzado a permear el discurso acadmico en la investigacin urbana y regional: en medio de la larga lucha para configurar un rgimen post-fordista, muchas de las avanzadas los pases industriales estn experimentando un renacimiento de las ciudades y regiones. Por lo tanto, al igual que inversin, los viajes y las comunicaciones son cada vez ms globalizado, y como la Estado nacional configurado el bienestar se pretende que han renunciado a su papel como naturales "

zona econmica "(Ohmae, 1995), por lo que una serie de alto perfil de las economas regionales y urbanas metrpolis parecen estar avanzando en el mercado en la carrera para ser los principales motores de creacin de riqueza (Ef Castells, 1996; Scott, 1996; Soja, 2000). De hecho, una visin que prevalece es que, lejos de sealando el "fin de la geografa", la territorialidad de la globalizacin conduce capital, personas, * Las versiones anteriores de este artculo se han presentado en los potenciales regionales de la Asociacin de Estudios Regionales "en una Conferencia de la integracin de Europa, de la Universidad del Pas Vasco, Bilbao, Espaa, septiembre de 1999 y en el Instituto de Gegrafos britnicos Conferencia Anual de la Universidad de Sussex, Brighton, Inglaterra, enero 2000. Yo quisiera (0 agradecer a los presentes en estas reuniones de informacin til. Tambin estoy muy agradecido a dos rbitros annimos y de Ash Amin, Neil Brenner, Cameron Angus, Alan Harding, Holden Adn, Ray Hudson, Martin Jones, Patrick Le vendavales y Danny MacKinnon por darme algunos muy instructivo comentarios sobre los primeros borradores. Slo puedo pedir disculpas por el hecho de que yo era incapaz de responder a todas sus sugerencias y, por supuesto, al hacerlo, les libera de la responsabilidad ltima de contenido final del artculo. (L;) Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001. Publicado por la editorial Blackwell, J08 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 UF, Reino Unido y 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, EE.UU., Pgina 2 Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 805 instituciones y tecnologas para ser cada vez ms intensamente motivada y estimulada a travs de la aglomeracin geogrfica localizada y agrupamiento espacial (Porter, 1990; Krugman, 1997; Leadbeater, 2000). Uno de los estudiosos ms perspicaces de la persistencia de este resurgimiento regional ha sido Michael Storper. Un investigador de la llamada Escuela de Los Angeles de la geografa y la planificacin urbana, Storper demuestra que, durante gran parte del medio a finales del siglo XX,

la regin se convertira en una categora residual, ms que un resultado "de la poltica ms profundalos procesos econmicos "(Stolper, 1997: 3). Este ha de ser contrastada con el presente findesiecle, en la regin, y en particular la regin urbanizada, est asumiendo un papel como: (1) una base fundamental de la vida econmica y social, (2) un activo vital de relacin para la destilacin aprendizaje basado en ventajas competitivas, y (3) un significado ontolgico ms profundo como un nivel intermedio de anlisis en el que examinar la nueva era del capitalismo reflexivo (Storper, 1995, 1997). Otro cIitic de esta escuela illustIious, Allen Scott, hace un reclamacin relacionada con que las regiones se estn convirtiendo en "el marco bsico para las nuevas clases de sociales la comunidad y de nuevos enfoques a los problemas prcticos de la ciudadana y la democracia " (Scott, 1998: 11). Estos temas resuenan con (1993) influyente trabajo de Robert Putnam en el "capital social" y las tradiciones cvicas undelpinning el modelo italiano de desarrollo, (1997) Paul Hirst de proposiciones sobre "democracia asociativa", y las investigaciones recientes sobre la movilizacin poltica y territorial del gobierno {Harvie, 1994; Smith et al, 1996.; Keating, 1997; Le vendavales y Lequesne, 1998) .1 Una consecuencia de este inters se intensifica en el actual des-y reterritorializacin de la actividad econmica poltica 2 ve a la escala regional como ser canonizado un "espacio funcional" de la planificacin econmica y la gobernanza poltica (Keating, 1998). Todos estos eventos y debates han llevado a una serie de comentaristas para anunciar una nueva El regionalismo en la investigacin acadmica y discurso poltico (Keating, 1998; New Statesman, 1998; Amin, 1999; Jones y MacLeod, 1999; Allmendinger y Tewdwr-Jones, 2000; Deas y Ward, 2000; Lagendijk, 2000). Sin embargo, en lo que ya est demostrando ser un ensayo muy provocativa e influyentes, John Lovering (1999) considera que esta surgiendo la ortodoxia que se unctuated por varias insuficiencias tericas y prcticas (vase tambin Markusen, 1999): Entre ellas se encuentran: (1) la renuencia a abordar los dilemas conceptuales de 'la regin', (2) una tendencia hacia la abstraccin en mal salto estudiosos de ser idealtpico de las categoras tericas que se supone en el mundo real las categoras empricas, y de ah a recomendaciones de poltica "(Lovering, 1999: 385), (3) un enfoque de una sola pista sobre los actores que participan las exportaciones de manufacturas en detrimento de las personas involucradas en los servicios y los sectores del Estado;

y (4) la renuencia a cabo el cambio regional en una economa poltica ms amplia que se cada vez ms caracterizado por la austeridad fiscal y la reduccin del bienestar. En su ensayo imaginativo y entusiasta, si muy discutible, por lo tanto ofrece una Lovering sabor breve de cmo podemos comenzar a reformular la agenda predominante de crtica regional los estudios. Es sugerente el comentario Lovering que pide mi propio artculo para establecer dos objetivos principales. En primer lugar, y mientras que simpatizan con el tenor general de su crtica, que transferencias de una rplica a Lovering a travs de algn ret1ections aleccionador sobre lo que podra ser recuperado de los diversos puntos de vista regionalista Nueva. Es en este espritu que la segunda seccin Algunos pases como Canad, Espaa y el Reino Unido tambin ha habido una poltica de identidad sobre la base de los movimientos separatistas, a menudo expresada junto a las demandas de constitucional y administrativo cambio (Keating y Loughlin, 1998). Dentro de la Unin Europea, como las reformas institucionales han sido dado un acuerdo aadido por la invocacin de la Comisin Europea de una "Europa de las Regiones (Himmel, , 1997). 2 En la toma de este punto, sin embargo, vale la pena el seguimiento de las rutas diferentes a travs del cual muchas ramas dentro de las ciencias sociales han venido a presenciar un vibrante enormemente "a su vez transdisciplinario espacial" (Giddens, 1984; Soja, 2000). 3 Lo Es interesante notar que Lovering habitualmente ofrece una mordaz rplica a cualquier perspectiva que pudiera parecen estar asumiendo la presuncin de una ortodoxia: compara sus crticas de postfordista industrial nuevo espacios (Lovering, 1990) y el modo de "localista" una nueva forma de gobernanza (Lovering, 1995). coeditores y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 3 806 Gordon MacLeod se enfrenta a algunas de las principales crticas Lovering es al mismo tiempo que presenta una sntesis

resumen de la gama de nuevos discursos regionalistas que actualmente compiten por la atencin en el campo de los estudios de desarrollo regional (Cf. MacKinnon et al. 2001) .4 En la tercera seccin entonces reconoce el enigma perenne que rodean a cualquier definicin de la regin antes de lo que sugiere que ciertas contribuciones a partir de una "nueva geografa regional" podra ofrecer una gramtica terica acorde con la interpretacin de los complejos de regionalizacin las sociedades contemporneas. En la cuarta seccin, el artculo se vuelve hacia un objetivo sustantivo segundo: ofrecer algunas futuras orientaciones tericas para una agenda de investigacin geopolticamente sensibles regional (Soja, 2000), prestando especial atencin a la reestructuracin del Estado. Para estar seguros, la procesos mltiples que se entrelazan con la globalizacin econmica y la supuesta resurgimiento de las ciudades y regiones parecen estar arrojando algunos fundamentales desafos a la razn de ser tradicional y convencional de las asignaciones nacionales del Estado oUhe (Mayer, 1994; Giddens, 1998; Keil, 1998; Le vendavales, 1998b; Brenner, 1999, 2000; Cameron y Palan, 1999; Jessop, 1999; Kelly, 1999; MacLeod y Goodwin, 1999; Sassen, 2000; Swyngedouw, 2000). Sin embargo, como seala acertadamente Lovering, salvo una Salvo contadas excepciones (Storper y Salais, 1997; Scott, 1998), tanto la investigacin Regionalista Nueva o bien ha ignorado el papel cambiante del Estado o implcita de que, en medio de la corriente ronda de globalizacin-regionalizacin, lo es, inevitablemente, en fase terminal (Cf Jones, 2001). Esto es a la vez profundamente problemtica y no guardan si vamos a explorar a fondo las Anatoma del mundo contemporneo regional, en particular, ya que parece estar desarrollndose junto a una disolucin de trituracin del Estado de bienestar keynesiano y las medidas asociadas de apoyo fiscal (MacLeod, 2000). Lo Es en este contexto que el cambio funcional y contorno territorial del Estado - y sus intrincadas conexiones a la globalizacindialctica de regionalizacin - requieren con urgencia que se establezca como un objeto definitivo de la

Mientras que un inquiry.5 fcilmente podra basarse en una amplia gama de perspectivas, como la de Lefebvre teorizaciones sobre la espacialidad del Estado (Brenner, 2000) y los enfoques sociolgicos de "Poder infraestructural" (Mann, 1984), se argumenta que estos procesos tambin pueden ser provechosamente analizaron por medio de una informacin neogramscianas institucional-relacional aproximacin a la Estado y la poltica. Esto tiene como objetivo descubrir el estado de "materialidad institucional" (Poulantzas, 1978) junto a su embeddness en una geometra irregular sedimentado de los derechos econmicos y toda la sociedad las fuerzas (Cf Polanyi, 1944; Jessop, 1990). Adems, en este marco de desarrollo del estado se analiza como un relacionales 6 conjunto de formas institucionales - funcional y territorial - y por lo tanto no debe ser necesariamente objetivado con la fijeza ontolgica a menudo asociada con la westfaliana entre Estado y sociedad 4 5 6 La trayectoria inicial de mi respuesta est determinada por el hecho de que se trata de esta subdisciplina, que ocupa la mayor parte espacio en la crtica de Lovering. Los lectores tambin pueden estar al tanto de otros nuevos regionalismos. Una versin notable emerge de la economa poltica internacional (IPE) y preguntas de anlisis "realista" de los estados como aislados entidades e, igualmente, las llamadas a cuenta de la lgica supuesta de un solo mercado global. En cambio, IPE nuevo regionalismo - a menudo centrndose en "vas de desarrollo" - se trata de explorar el "regional" (en este caso supra-nacional) el impacto de "domstico" las decisiones econmicas (Mittelman. 1996; Thompson, 2000). Otro versin ha surgido de la ciencia poltica para examinar las luchas territoriales que podran dar lugar a la re-emergencia de las regiones como unidades econmicas importantes polticos (Keating, 1998; Le vendavales, 1998a). Todos de los cuales tambin plantea una pregunta clave sobre la forma en que puede ser que desee para definir el concepto de regin: un tema que Me dirijo en la tercera seccin. Al hacer esta afirmacin, soy plenamente consciente de que las preocupaciones sobre el cambio forma territorial del Estado son

central en los escritos del Nuevo Regionalista de los cientficos polticos como Michael Keating (1997, 1998, y ver la cuarta seccin). Sin embargo, y sin dejar de reconocer sus puntos de vista muy valioso. la poltica los propios cientficos no llegan a ofrecer las herramientas tericas necesarias para la conceptualizacin de la relaciones dialcticas entre las relaciones sociales del Estado y la regionalizacin de la sociedad. La idea de pensamiento relacional - que considera no slo el establecimiento "/ reconocimiento de los vnculos preeonstitllted entre "cosas", sino [tambin] la concepcin relacional de las propias entidades "(Massey et en., 1999: 12) - ha penetrado cada vez ms el tono filosfico y las estrategias de investigacin de lo social ciencias (vase tambin Storper, 1997; Amin y Thrift, 2001). coeditores y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 4 Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 807 tradicin (Brenner, 2001). Destreza metodolgicos, podra ayudarnos a activar a los investigadores a descifrar el 'radicalmente nuevas formas de iniciativa poltica regional "a que se refiere por Scott (1998: 114), mientras que respondiendo al llamado de Lovering para una exploracin ms profunda de los grupos regionales de reciente inters poderosos. La quinta seccin se ofrecen algunas observaciones sobre los desafos sociales y polticos que enfrentan los ciudadanos y las instituciones en medio de la actual imprescindible para las economas en el espacio a nivel mundial la competencia y la reorganizacin de los asociados territorialidades polticas econmicas. Un argumento que se plantea que la regulacin enfoque - sobre todo a la luz de algunas reformulaciones recientes de su mtodo - puede nos conceda cierta penetracin adicional conceptual en la descodificacin de estas transformaciones. Breve conclusiones. El nuevo regionalismo: una evaluacin comprensiva y una rplica a Lovering El seguimiento de la Ref. Nuevo} / onalism en el desarrollo econmico El nuevo regionalismo ha ganado rpidamente la moneda como una abreviatura para describir el trabajo de varios estudiosos, principalmente pero no exclusivamente, con sede en Amrica del Norte y Europa occidental, que han puesto de relieve la importancia de la regin como un espacio eficaz para situar la

las instituciones de la post-fordista, la gobernanza econmica. Algunos candidatos obvios son: (1996, 1998) de Scott evaluacin de las regiones como indispensable 'motores' en los mercados emergentes orden econmico mundial; Storrer (1995, 1997) la decodificacin de la regin como "un nexo de interdependencias no negociadas ", Cooke y (1998) de Morgan examen de una red, De asociacin de la economa "en algunas regiones europeas (Cooke, 1997; Morgan, 1997); (1994) Saxenian de la comparacin de las ventajas regionales en la Ruta 128 en Massachusetts distrito de California y Silicon Valley, Florida (1995a, 1995b, 1996), con sede en EE.UU. argumentos acerca de la innovacin mediada por la inversin extranjera directa, transferencia de tecnologa y un aumento concomitante de las "regiones de aprendizaje"; anlisis escandinavo de "proximidad" en la promulgacin ofleaming dentro de las empresas (Malmberg y Maskell, 1999) y Amin y Thrift (1994) el marco general que abarca a la medicin del grosor institucional, 9 de ciudades y regiones (para una discusin ms amplia, vase MacLeod, 1999). Aunque se inspira en una diversidad de fundamentos tericos la economa institucional, la sociologa econmica y la economa poltica evolutiva (Amin, 1999, MacKinnon et al, 2001;. MacLeod, 2001) - estas perspectivas aparecen unidos en en por lo menos uno de los frentes: el dinamismo permanente de ciertos grupos de alto perfil de las aglomeraciones regionales no se puede explicar por las ideas de Ricardo de la ventaja comparativa y, ciertamente, no en trminos de "la dotacin de materias primas naturales" (Scott, 1998). Tampoco puede explicarse exclusivamente por las fuerzas puras del mercado o por las polticas dirigistas y espacial de keynesianismo "que caracterizado a gran parte del capitalismo del bienestar de la posguerra (Martin y Sunley, 1997). Por el contrario, los mtodos cualitativos descritos anteriormente informados tomar en serio las Polanyi (1957) axioma de "la economa como un proceso instituido" para afirmar que una de las principales fuentes de 7 Aunque, obviamente, de pie a ser corregido en esta materia, la primera referencia explcita me encontr en el Nuevo Regionalismo fue reflexiones Robin Murray en profundidad el contexto cambiante de la regin el desarrollo en Europa (Murray, 1992). 8 Estos surgen de las acciones de organizaciones como agencias pblicas, el matcrialization de mano de obra local mercados, as como las normas locales derivados de la accin, convenciones, costumbres, concepciones y valores

(Storper, 1995). 9 Este concepto se refiere al hecho de que el crecimiento econmico depende ms de los "duros" econmica o activos fsicos, pero tambin depende de la infrastfllcture ms suave de informacin. Ms especficamente, Amin y Thrift (1994) ver un espesor institucional como la habilitacin a travs de una pltora de organizaciones participan en el desarrollo econmico, una inmersin adecuada de "dbil" y "fuertes" los lazos entre organizaciones (Cf. Granovetler, 1985), la representacin colectiva de intereses potencialmente pcaro, y un conocimiento mutuo de su lugar para que los actores regionales llegado a percibir de una "agenda comn". Editores conjunta lind Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 5 808 Gordon MacLeod ventaja competitiva de la regin se inserta en el funcionamiento de sus locales civiles societylO se manifiesta a menudo en un "capital social" (Putnam, 1993). Esto se relaciona con una serie de histricamente cultivado socio-institucional de las infraestructuras como redes, normas, convenciones, basadas en la confianza (a menudo cara a cara) las interacciones y las relaciones horizontales de reciprocidad, que se consideran para mejorar los beneficios de las inversiones en capital fsico y humano (Sabel, 1993; Hirst, 1997; Amin, 1999; Leadbeater, 2000) .1 Sin embargo, nuevos discursos regionalista tambin se remontan a principios de los debates documentar el impacto de la alta tecnologa en el desarrollo regional y un post-fordista el modo de la especializacin flexible (Piore y Sabel, 1984; Markusen et al, 1986;. Storper, , 1995). Esta ltima tesis fue para generar entusiasmo particular por una camarilla diversos de socilogos, historiadores de la economa y la geografa econmica de diversas anunci un reofindustrial aparicin de otros distritos como Emilia-Romagna en Italia y BadenWrttemberg en Alemania, y el surgimiento de nuevos espacios industriales como Rhne-Alpes en Francia y Silicon Valle de los Estados Unidos (Piore y Sabel, 1984; Scott, 1988a; Hirst y Zeitlin, 1989; Sabel, 1989; Brusco, 1990). Estas regiones continan siendo aclamado como post-fordista ejemplos de xito econmico cuyas rutas hacia la prosperidad se basa en aglomeraciones de empresas pequeas y medianas empresas de alta tecnologa (Silicon Valley),

ingeniera (Baden-Wrttemberg) y el diseo de los sectores intensivos en artesana tradicional (la Distritos italianos). Pero, a su vez, es esta fijacin prolongado con xito estilizados historias que Lovering considera que limitar tanto el alcance geogrfico y la el rigor analtico de la actual ola de anlisis regionalista Nueva. Al menos no en que, para un Desde hace algunos aos, algunas de estas regiones prototipo se han enfrentado a problemas econmicos y las rigideces institucionales. Heterogneos espacios industriales, nuevas sutilezas analticas Lovering punto est bien tomado, como es su presentacin devastadores de la "real" econmica bajo rendimiento de Gales: una antigua regin industrial que regularmente se invoca como precursor de la capacidad de innovacin renovadas (Cooke y Morgan, 1998). Pero en la respuesta a ste y otros reclamos que se hace en relacin con una nueva ortodoxia, vale la pena una breve la documentacin de algunos resultados de la investigacin relativamente reciente y las sutilezas conceptuales. Para ejemplo, como los debates se han desarrollado desde mediados de la dcada de 1990, ha sido posible detectar un investigacin ms circunspecto en la variedad de experiencias en otros menos, de moda regiones (Grabher, 1993; Hudson, 1994, 1999, Cooke, 1997; Gertler, 1997; MacLeod, 2000). Ms instructivo a este respecto es (l995b, 1996), Richard Florida, el estudio del papel desempeado por los fabricantes de trasplante en el extranjero (principalmente Japn) en la difusin de nuevas sistemas de produccin y "vendaval de destruccin creativa" en el Medio Oeste de EE.UU. industrial. Ann Markusen (1996), tambin ha establecido una muy perspicaz tipologa de los industriales los distritos para que las estrategias de investigacin en toda una diversidad de espacios econmicos: nuevas, viejas y en transicin. Adems, como el discurso de la post-fordismo se ha cansado y se convierten, al menos hasta cierto punto eclipsado por uno de la globalizacin (Peck, 2000), por lo que la mirada analtica de AngloAmerican la escritura se ha extendido ms all de Europa occidental y Amrica del Norte para considerar un mundial " mosaico ofregional economas (Cf Scott, 1988a, 1998, Yeung, 2000). Tambin se pueden detectar una mayor voluntad de centrarse ms firmemente en las regiones cuyo crecimiento se basa en la 10 A raz de puntos de vista originales de Gramsci (1971), de la sociedad civil en general se refiere a las prcticas dentro de un

la sociedad capitalista, que, al menos para fines de anlisis, se puede ver que estn fuera de la esfera de la produccin y el estado, aunque en trminos prcticos que implican a menudo mltiples y superpuestas esferas de influencia (Urry, 1981). II Sin embargo, estos compromisos de un anlisis evolutivo y sociolgico es menos evidente en la enorme influyentes 'grupos' anlisis de Michael Porter (1990) y el igualmente influyentes autodenominado "nuevo geografa econmica "de Paul Krugman, el ltimo a menudo se derivan de sus argumentos cuantitativos modelos (por ejemplo Krugman, 1997). Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 6 Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 809 sector financiero, multimedia y culturales (Allen et al, 1998;. Markusen, 1999; Scott, 1999), y las relaciones de clase y de gnero a travs del cual tales espacios econmicos son inscrito (McDowell, 1997). Otros tambin estn explorando la dinmica cultural entre empresas y las regiones (Schoenberger, 1999) y la construccin discursiva de la tecnologa la innovacin, en particular, los distritos industriales (Pinch y Henry, 1999). Lo Tambin vale la pena subrayar algunas sutilezas analticas de inters en los mercados emergentes cuerpo de los escritos del Nuevo regionalista. Por ejemplo, como se indica por Allen Scott (1998: 47), en medio de una "extensin mundial de la urbanizacin a gran escala metropolitana, muchas dinmicas las economas regionales parecen estar gravitando en torno a los principales sitios metropolitana, como en los casos de Miln, Lombarda y Boston Ruta128. Y estas aglomeraciones se pueden ingredientes activos en la formacin de nuevos "megalpolis" regiones como Boston y Nueva York-Philadelphia, Miln-Turn-Gnova, y Tokio-Nagoya-Osaka (Scott, 1998). Estos poco menos que los procesos diametralmente opuestas la aglomeracin y la urbanizacin hacia el interior de las fuerzas econmicas al lado de una regionalizacin se extiende hacia el exterior de tales zonas urbanas metrpolis - y sus geometras econmico, poltico y cultural, debe proporcionar una tenain ms frtil para los estudiosos urbano-regional para arar en los primeros aos de la en el siglo XXI (Soja, 2000). De hecho, es en este contexto, no menos importante que Edward Soja

epistemolgicamente difcil excursin de todo el Exopolis, 12 de Los Angeles podra resultar muy instructivo (Soja, 1996, 2000, Brenner, 1999). Finalmente, como en las ciudades globales como Londres, Pars, Los ngeles y Nueva York, un selecto nmero de motores regionales, como Miln, Lombarda, Barcelona y Catalua en Pars, Ile-de-France, se celebr centros de la alta costura y los ricos en la produccin cultural y el capital cultural (Scott, 1996; 2000). Un rpido vistazo a estos escritos, entonces, parece indicar que el depsito de la investigacin econmica regional puede ser ms amplio y ms profundo que Lovering est dispuesto a admitir. No, por supuesto, que ms necesariamente significa mejor. Y aqu Lovering (1999) es de hecho justificado para pedir un riguroso mtodo de abstraccin terica y separar contingente de las relaciones necesarias como en el caso de cualquier supuesta relacin entre exportaciones de productos manufacturados y la prosperidad regional. Sin embargo, una apreciacin de la amplitud y la duracin global de la investigacin en curso, y de algunas de las formas innovadoras en que se llevando a cabo, podra ayudarnos a examinar la particularidad de ciertas regiones dentro de procesos ms generales del cambio global: algo que considero que es un axioma fundamental de realista investigacin informado (Sayer, 2000). La poltica de la cola que menea al perro de anlisis: uno regionalista necesario ofNew mal la investigacin? Lo es de extraar que muchas coaliciones de crecimiento de las ciudades y regiones que han soportado en gran escala la desindustrializacin o marginalizacin econmica han tratado de aprender de las experiencias de clebres espacios prototpicos inteligente como Silicon Valle y Emilia-Romaa. Sin embargo, tambin es lgico que la poltica recetas elaborado a los efectos de la renovacin de las regiones pesimista, pero que son derivado de las investigaciones tericas sobre la base de las experiencias selectiva de tpico-ideal hotspots, estn equivocados. Y es en este contexto, teniendo en cuenta que muy Lovering (1999: 383-4) unbundles el nuevo paquete regionalista. Se establece una distincin entre un "Sofisticados" la versin, que se centra en las posibilidades hipotticas, y un "vulgar" variante. Este ltimo est cubierto por: (1) un sesgo de poltica normativa, y (2) una relacin tendencia a la ligereza recomendaciones guin de la poltica de la ms sofisticada 12 Soja despliega "Exopolis el trmino para captar la creciente complejidad de los Los Angeles urbana metropolitana

regin. En particular, sostiene que el mosaico de "ciudades exterior", "edge cities", "paisajes de silicio, "Tecnpolis" y "postsuburbias '- ex-ciudades en s mismas, y en rbita fuera de lo que se normalmente se conciben como un centro urbano tradicional - estn sirviendo para tum de Los Angeles de ciudad-regin 'De dentro hacia fuera "y" fuera-de-al mismo tiempo (Soja, 1996: 238-79). Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 7 810 Gordon MacLeod perspectivas: un deslizamiento conceptual que es la representacin regional teora mucho de ser "dirigido por poltica " 0.13 Una vez ms, yo simpatizo con los principios rudimentarios de advertencia sobre Lovering la posible difusin de un nuevo paradigma de poltica cruda y, tambin, su desconfianza sobre acadmicos a participar en la eleccin de la promocin de polticas. De hecho, un erudito notable que contina puente de las comunidades acadmicas y la poltica se ve obligado a admitir lo "La promocin puede ser un sustituto para el anlisis" (Morgan, 1999: 666). Tambin hay mucho que dio la bienvenida en la llamada Lovering para un examen ms detenido de la "real" las condiciones socioeconmicas de determinadas regiones como tratar de establecer sus respectivos motores (Ver tambin Markusen, 1999). Al aceptar todo esto, sin embargo, vale la pena criar a dos puntos en la respuesta Lovering a la lnea de ataque. En primer lugar, a pesar de que sirve un poco de pistas (Lovering, 1999: 385, 387, 390), en ninguna parte de su artculo es que el lector da una indicacin clara de que en particular los escritores regionalistas Nueva pertenecen a cada campamento respectivos vulgar o sofisticadas - y por qu realmente pueden hacerlo. El segundo punto y mucho ms significativo es que, lejos de actuar necesariamente como un Caballo de Troya de soluciones polticas de reparacin rpida de una lectura atenta de los regionalistas Nueva ciertas anlisis en realidad puede ayudar a alertarnos sobre los peligros muy de dicha transferencia de polticas crudo. Esto se ejemplifica en la Storper (1995, 1997) advierte que las infraestructuras blandas como

interdependencias no negociadas y las convenciones suelen ser activos relacionales locales especficos, en efecto, no codificable y por lo tanto, extremadamente difcil de transferencia a travs de geoeconmica el espacio, las fronteras geopolticas y ocenicas se divide. En trminos prcticos, entonces, en contraste con infraestructuras pblicas tradicionales, pero ms visible, tales como carreteras y escuelas de formacin, las suaves formas institucionales relacionados con la economa de aprendizaje son mucho ms difciles inducir a travs de polticas pblicas (vase Storper, 1997: captulo 10). Es tambin digno de mencin que algunos informes recientes de la historia econmica y el punto de la sociologa a la atenuada la naturaleza evolutiva de vital importancia local y regional y las prcticas institucionales, en el proceso de tener, llegado a rechazar los anlisis que se ciernen sobre paradigmtico ruptura industrial (Sabel y Zeitlin, 1997; cf Piore y Sabel, 1984). Amin (1999) plantea temas anlogos en su argumento de que un axioma fundamental de la nueva ' investigacin institucionalista "es que las soluciones actuales polticas deben basarse en el contexto y sensibles a la ruta local de dependencias: un punto que se hace eco (1990) Becattini los comentarios sobre el arraigo territorial y la contingencia histrica de los distritos industriales de Italia. Adems, un enfoque institucionalista nos informa de cmo los aspectos de un pmticular incrustado medio local en ltima instancia, podra dar lugar a una institucional "lock-in 'de las rutinas y convenciones que son disfuncionales para los nuevos entornos econmicos (Grabher, 1993; Glasmeier, 1994, Hudson, 1994; Scott, 1998). En vista de todo esto, entonces, sacar la conclusin de la empresa que en la obra regionalista Nueva 'la cola es la poltica que mueve al perro de anlisis "(Lovering, 1999: 390) hace algo de justicia a la serie de intentos de perspicaces tericos que lidiar con las condiciones contemporneas de la complejidad econmica regional. La nueva ideologa regional, la ofausterity la cultura y la construccin social de la conocimiento En la perspectiva de Lovering, la fascinacin por los ltimos acadmicos con urbanoregional gobierno, aliado con un discurso relativamente acrtica referencia a la "innovacin" y "Competitividad", se puede remontar a la sociologa de cambio del mercado de trabajo acadmico (Vase tambin Lagendijk y Comford, 2000). Estos incluyen la poltica de reduccin de gastos

13 Este enigma es ms crudamente ilustrada por brietly teniendo en cuenta el trabajo de Kenichi Ohmae (1995). que afirma que algunos estados la regin - que, curiosamente, van desde Silicon Valley de California / San Francisco Bay Area a Gales en el Reino Unido - representan en la actualidad las zonas econmicas ms natural. Esto es en gran debido a que son liberados de la "bagaje acumulado" de la cultura que complican los estados-nacin, y por lo tanto son capaces de poner una lgica econmica mundial por delante de la memoria poltica. Sin embargo, esta cuenta es, en clave sentido, diametralmente a los enfoques que consideran que ciertas regiones especficas polticos, culturales y ambientes institucionales - no como equipaje -, sino como factores indispensables para permitir que la prosperidad econmica. 1 [, Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 20tll Pgina 8 Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 811 que ahora bordear la financiacin pblica de la investigacin, la creciente competencia entre los acadmicos para obtener dicha financiacin, y el asombroso ascenso en la ltima dcada del agencias de desarrollo econmico y su papel como reservorios alternativos a travs del cual la dijo que los acadmicos pueden subvenciones saqueo de investigacin. Sin embargo, para Lovering, esta cultura nueva investigacin tiene graves costos intelectual. No al menos en lo que ha ayudado a promover una serie de redes interconectadas a travs del cual los principales investigadores son constantemente inscritos (Calion et ai., 1986) como parte de la clase de servicio" algunos regionales nuevas y por lo tanto intensamente a presin en la generacin de up-beat narrativas acerca de la prosperidad econmica futura. La otra cara de esta significa que para los acadmicos como para participar en una autntica crtica - una que sinceramente expone declive econmico regional y la "mala administracin" por parte de los muy instituciones que proporcionan el dinero en efectivo - pueda perjudicar seriamente las posibilidades futuras de financiacin y, a su vez, las perspectivas de promocin profesional decente. Todos los cuales solicita Lovering a la conclusin de que "la creciente influencia de la Nueva El regionalismo puede pagar menos a sus mritos genuinos explicativo y normativo que a su utilidad instrumental al poderoso estado industrial, y los grupos sociales "(1999: 389).

Estos argumentos sobre el papel de una ideologa nueva regionales son, en efecto persuasivo, aunque, como reconoce el propio Lovering, con necesidad urgente de ms anlisis en profundidad a travs de una variedad de contextos nacionales, regionales. Moreover, there is every reason to be profoundly concerned about the possibility of academic integrity being jeopardized by the political imperatives of certain funding regimes and the extent to which intellectual critique is itself being compromised by a growing 'culture of austerity' (Willis, 1998). Nonetheless, the very fact that the putative New Regionalist orthodoxy is in some sense reflective of a specific set of ideological imperatives should maybe not surprise us. Ni should it be considered a remarkably new phenomenon in the social construction of scientific knowledge (Mulkay, 1979). Postwar Britain, for example, experienced notable connections between political representation, an ideological faith in state-regional planning, modelling approaches to industrial location and a positivist philosophical paradigm: conditions that hardly guaranteed an environment conducive to 'pure' research (Parsons, , 1988). In this sense, then, the New Regionalism represents only the latest - if perhaps the most openly market-oriented - round of research that has been shaped by wider political and ideological forces. None of which is to take anything away from the valid substantive concerns raised by Lovering, only to add a small caveat about their current novelty. En what sense a regional study?14 One of the most intriguing criticisms Lovering charges against the recent wave of New Regionalist research relates to a fairly widespread conceptual vagueness in terms of how the foundational term itself is being deployed. This is difficult to dispute as the region undoubtedly continues to remain an 'elusive concept' (Keating, 1998). Sin embargo, parece to me that in social scientific analysis, any quest to establish an overarching definition represents a misnomer and that regions become definable only through the posing of particular research questions. Such dilemmas are usefully highlighted in a recent study of the United Kingdom's only genuine growth region, England's South East, where the authors acknowledge that: [regional] studies are always done for a purpose, with a specific aim in view. Si theoretical, political, cultural or whatever, there is always a specific focus. One cannot study everything, and there are always multiple ways of seeing a place: there is no complete 'portrait of a region'. Moreover, 'regions' only exist in relation to particular criteria. They are not 'out there' waiting to be discovered; they are our (and others') constructions (Allen et al. 1998: 2). 14 The title of this section is an adaptation of Doreen Massey's (1979) classic article, 'In what sense a regional problem'!'. Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 9

812 Gordon MacLeod Such claims become clearly evident when we inspect the approaches of various academic subdisciplines (see footnote 4). For example, in international relations, the region is habitually deployed to describe a multinational politically contested landscape like the Oriente Medio. This can be contrasted with the neo-Gramscian inspired global political economy of scholars like Robert Cox (1993), who envisage a triad of 'macro-regions' anchored around North America, Europe and the East-Asian Pacific belt. And both these differ from political science, where regions tend to represent subnational administrative units (Le Gales, 1998a) or with economic geography where they tend to be conceptualized as urban-metropolitan agglomerations formed out of political economic interdependence (Scott, 1988b; Smith, 1988).15 Of course, it is also possible to highlight the differing boundaries of politically-relevant regions constructed out of sets of social relations and 'real' power networks: compare the regional boundaries of some European Union member states with the various NUTS boundaries deployed by the European Commission (Keating, 1998). In principle, there should be little to fear about this variety of definitions. Nonetheless, the potential confusion that Lovering rightly warns of should be indicative of a growing requirement for researchers and political pragmatists alike to be ruthlessly unambiguous when defining the scales and contexts of their own inquiries. One useful entry point is found in the work of Anssi Paasi (1996), who identifies three main typologies of the regional concept. First, it can be considered as a practical taken-as-read or 'unreflected choice' by the researcher, as in the case of a legitimate or aspirant political unit. Second, there are discipline-centered interpretations where the region represents an instrument of formal or functional classfication or a 'perceptual unit' constructed by the researcher. And third, Paasi points to critical approaches associated with a 'new regional geography' (Gilbert, 1988) where the region is variously understood as: (1) an integral feature of capital accumulation; (2) collective interpretations in identity-formation; or (3) a setting for social interaction and practice (Cf Giddens, 1984; Thrift, 1996). It seems to me that Paasi's insights could prove most instructive in clarifying the ways in which industrial spaces like Silicon Valley and urbanized regions like Los Angeles have variously been demarcated as 'perceptual units' in the exploration of recent tendencies towards industrial agglomeration and the uneven geography of capital accumulation. It might also enable scholars to distinguish between 'prescientific' analyses of political regions like Baden-Wiirttemberg and those that take a social constructivist approach, as in Allen et al. 's (1998) study of England's South East as a 'neo-liberal heartland'. At a more general level, the work of Paasi, Allen et al, and other proponents of a new

regional geography could further enlighten liS about the political and cultural construction of region-specific untraded interdependencies, moments of institutional thickness and the spatialization of justice (Pudup, 2000; MacLeod and Jones, 2001). Certainly, it would appear that most New Regionalist analysis offers little sense of the interpretative structures of feeling and envisioning practices that endow particular industrial spaces or learning regional economies with a geographical imaginary or a community of politicalcultural interests. Moreover, a constructivist perspective could insulate researchers from reifying the region and encourage them to highlight the wider network of political, 15 Edward Soja (2000), in an impressive and wide-ranging book, invokes Storper's (1997) regionalist theorizing to call for a deconstmction of the long-standing conceptual division between city and region. For Soja, the current 'resurgence of regional economies thus does not translate to the relative decline of urban economies but rather to the resurgence of urbanized regions. These city-regions ... do not always revolve around just one large metropolitan core but should be seen rather as a network of urban nodes nested together in a regionally defined system comprising cities, suburbs, towns, villages, open space, wilderness areas, and other urbanized (and regionalized) landscapes. Perhaps the time has [thus] come to shift the emphasis to the region, to absorb the urban into the regional, to see the urbanization process and the development of urbanism as a way of life as simultaneously a process of regionalization and the production of regionality' (Soja,2000: 179). Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200I Pgina 10 New Regionalism reconsidered 813 economic and cultural processes out of which cities and regions are constituted and governed (see also Brenner, 2001). It could thereby also caution against over-extending theories of agglomeration and 'proximity' to be a full-blown explanation of local-regional ventaja competitiva. Indeed, for certain sectors, particularly in the cultural industries, 'economies of distance' that are enacted through relationally intimate but physically distant webs stretching across nations might be more advantageous (Amin and Thrift, 2001; see also Granovetter 1985 on 'weak ties'). We might also want to consider the extent to which federal/national state policy in a whole range of things like defence programs, tax guarantees and welfare provisions have long been vital in enabling the economic prosperity of celiain regions (Peck and Tickell, 1995; Allen et al., 1998). In thinking through these themes, perhaps we should also consider how and why many of the most successful localities and regions happen to be

located within the most robust national economies (Gertler, 1997; Hudson et al., 1997). Lo is exactly these very interscalar and relational webs that are being under-investigated within much New Regionalist scholarship. Thus, for instance, in Storper's discussion there is little allusion to the ways in which certain urban-regional conventions may be tied in to institutional forms such as the education system, itself often related in some way to the nation-state (Gertler, 1997). Similarly, for all Saxenian's skilful unravelling of the comparative role played by dynamic industrial cultures in Silicon Valley and Route 128, we gain little sense of how these relational assets interact with US Federal scales of regulation (Gertler, 1995). It is in this context that Lovering's (1999: 391) own critique bites deepest, particularly where he accuses the New Regionalism of being 'a poor framework through which to grasp the real connections between the regionalization of business and governance and the changing role of the state', While it would be most unfair to imply that the state has been ignored in New Regionalist accounts (Storper and Salais, 1997; Scott, 1998), to date these otherwise insightful approaches have done little to explore the intricate relations between the regional resurgence and the changing nature of the state. En the remaining sections, I draw on recent theoretical developments that posit a relational approach to the state, the politics of scale and a revitalized regulation approach to offer some possibilities for examining more closely the configuration of a new regime of regional political-economic interests. New states of regionalization, new regionalizations of la estado Currently unfolding transfOlmations in state form have entailed not the withering away of the state but, rather, the re-territorialization of state sociospatial organization as a means to promote profitability and competitive advantage in the intensified interspatial competition of the 1990s. . . . The state [thus] continues to playa central role in the ongoing struggle to command, control, reconfigure, and transform social space, even as the scales sobre which this struggle is organized have been significantly denationalized (Brenner, 1997: 157). the preeminence of the 'global' in much of the literature and political rhetoric obfuscates, marginalises, and silences an intense and ongoing spatial struggle in which the reconfiguration of spatial scales of governance takes a central position (Swyngedouw, 2000: 64). Globalization, post-Keynesian reflexive capitalism and the 'relativization' of state space In retrospective discussions about the era of postwar Fordism, particularly as it relates to western Europe, it is near customary to portray the nation-state as the primary 'geographical scaffolding' of social and economic regulation (Brenner, 1997; see also Lipietz, 1994; Peck and Tickell, 1994; Swyngedouw, 1997; 2000; Jessop, 2000), Here, national state hegemony was in a sense naturalized: politically, in the form of a Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Pgina 11 814 Gordon MacLeod nationally-inscribed system of welfare, but economically too, with national economic space the taken-far-granted object of macro-economic management. However, as implied in many New Regionalist discourses, with the relentless pace of globalization and the concomitant rise of the region as a focal point for economic governance, the nation-state is confronting a series of immense challenges to its erstwhile power and its institutional capabilities, legitimacy and territorial mapping. Michael Keating (1997; 1998) provides an insightful guide to this encounter, particularly where he traces the rise of the region to three interdependent political economic tensions. La primera se refiere afunctional restructuring. Here, under conditions of intensified economic globalization - not least the 'threat to exit' exercised by capital (Fox Piven, 1995, cited in Kelly, 1999) - nation-states are no longer perceived to be capable of managing their economies through redistributive policies and the strategic placement of public investments. The second refers to institutional restructuring, donde un decentralization of governance might be conducted: (1) in the name of modernization; (2) as a response to pressure from regional political movements; or (3) as a means to mejorar national political power by devolving the responsibility to regional stakeholders. Finalmente, the third identifies political mobilizations enacted by strategically significant communities of interest, whether in the name of nationalism or regionalism. Keating (1998: 14) goes on to argue that 'as the state is penetrated by the market and by international regimes, terTitories are remoulded and regional actors forced into a more direct relationship with the external world'. Scott (1998) raises comparable themes when discussing a 'spatial mismatch' between the sovereign state and the organizational features of modern capitalism, giving rise to a fourfold spatial hierarchy: the global level, multinational blocs like the European Union, sovereign states and regions. Various scholars have sought to map this re-territorialization of political economic activity and to demonstrate how such profound reshufflings represent key moments in an intense struggle to configure qualitatively new political economic spaces (Smith, 1992; Brenner, 1999; Cameron and Palan, 1999; Swyngedouw, 2000). Es en este sentido que perhaps more than any other period in recently recorded history geographical scale has become, in Erik Swyngedouw's (2000: 70) words, a 'deeply heterogeneous and contested' process. Indeed, Boyer and Hollingsworth (1997: 470) view the present era to feature 'a complex intertwining of institutions at all levels of the world, from the global arena to the regional level', with no single hegemonic authority and with causality running in virtually all directions and among all levels of society. Analogous ideas emerge in the 'hollowing out' of the state thesis (Jessop, 1994; 1999) which contends that

in contrast to the Fordist era we are witnessing a 'relativization of scale' with no privileged level yet assuming a preeminent role in the metagovernance of socioeconomic asuntos. Such features are provoking some commentators to proclaim the rise of multilevel governance within European political space (Tommel, 1997) and a glocalization of social and economic life (Swyngedouw, 1997; Brenner, 2001). Running parallel to this radical restructuring of state territoriality is a functional retreat of its traditional postwar role as a principled guarantor of welfare and socioeconomic redistribution. Acutely provoked by hegemonic discourses of globalization and 'business civilization', states have become predominantly concerned to offer supply-side policies to enhance economic competitiveness (Jessop, 1997a): an entrepreneurial mode of governance whose interventions are largely at the expense of local collective consumption for poorer sections of the working class (Harvey, 1989). En many places, these transformations in the urban and regional fabric are increasingly underwritten by a more tightly autocratic, authoritarian or 'revanchist' political regime (Cf Poulantzas, 1978; Smith, 1998; Swyngedouw, 2000). When contemplating these features, we might also reflect on Storper's (1997) arguments about the possible links between the rise of 'reflexive capitalism' and a regional resurgence. For Storper, postFordist reflexive capitalism signals a qualitatively new epoch, where firms, governments Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200I Pgina 12 New Regionalism reconsidered 815 and, indeed, families and individuals are increasingly implicated in constructing contextspecific 'frameworks of action' to manage radical economic uncertainty. Uno consequence of which is that many socioeconomic risks originally internalized in the national welfare state are being externalized to localized spaces of governance, from regions right through to the individual body (Mayer, 1994; Beck and Beck-Gernshiem, 1996; MacLeod, 2000). In contemplating all this, though, it must be stressed that any references to hollowing out, entrepreneurial governance and reflexive capitalism are in no way indicative of the state's withering away. Thus, recent calls which associate globalization with the state's imminent demise (eg Ohmae, 1995) are surely premature. Instead, what we are witnessing is a recomposition or qualitative reorganization of the state (Anderson, 1996; Le Gales, 1998b; Peck, 2000), where it actively serves to encode globalization both through political rhetoric and through globalizing accumulation strategies (Panitch, 1994; Brenner, 1997; Weiss, 1997; Yeung, 1998; Kelly, 1999; Peck, 2000). It is in this sense that: The sovereign space of the state retains a very powerful mediating function in delivering the variety of regulatory spaces that is so important for the lubrication of capital flows (Cameron and Palan, 1999: 280). Out of this creative restructuring ofpolitical economic flows, new institutional spaces (Jones, 1999) and new state spaces (Brenner, 1999) are being re-forged with urban and regional scales coming to represent particularly significant strategic sites in the

performance of accumulation, regulation and political compromise. This is not least down to the increasing preponderance for nation-state level governments to enhance the global competitiveness of their cities and regions (Jessop, 1998; Keil, 1998; Brenner, 1999; MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999). Furthermore, it is crucial to point out that as part of this re-territorialization, the various properties of the state are fully implicated in the very formation and regulation of regional conventions and in establishing a regional institutional thickness. In this context, and adapting Brenner's (1999: 433) insights, it becomes reasonable to argue that cities, regions and states 'operate not as mutually exclusive or competing geographical configurationsfor capitalist development, but rather as densely superimposed, interdependent forms of territorial organisation'. Uncovering the structuration of 'new regional spaces,16 In view of the above, then, how are we to theorize these emergent superimpositions and interdependencies of territory and social form? Here we might consider introducing Jessop's (1990) institutional-relational'? account of the state (Bertramsen, 1991; Thomson, 1991; MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999). Although recently acclaimed for his work on post-Fordism and state restructuring (Jessop, 1989; 1994; 1999), Jessop's earlier, admittedly more challenging treatise contains a rich vein of theoretical reasoning that could prove instructive towards an investigation of contemporary urban-regional reestructuracin. Drawing on a fertile tradition of European postwar thinking on power, politics and the state (Gramsci, Foucault, Luhmann, Poulantzas, Offe and Hirsch), Jessop stresses the contingent nature of the state form, such that it represents: a specific institutional ensemble with multiple boundaries, no institutional fixity and no pregiven formal or substantive unity [and where] [sltate power can only be assessed re1ationally. The state as such has no power - it is merely an institutional ensemble; it has only a set of institutional capacities and liabilities which mediate that power; the power of the state is the 16 The term 'new regional spaces' is a variation on Neil Brenner's (1999; 2000; 2001) extremely innovative account of state restructuring and the changing landscape of urban-regional governance across western Europa. 17 Jessop (1990) usually refers to his approach s 'strategic-relational'. However, for this. article, I have chosen to deFine it as 'institutional-relational' since his work places at the very centre of Its concerns the institutional sedimentation of society (see Bertramsen, 1991). Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 13 816 Gordon MacLeod power of the forces acting in and through the state. These forces include state managers as well

as class forces, gender groups as well as regional interests, and so forth. State power also depends on the fonTIs and nature of resistance to state interventions - both directly and at a distance from the state (Jessop, 1990: 267-70). Although clearly retaining a realist commitment to determination and 'contingent necessity' (Jessop, 1990), this approach does much to transcend the instrumentalist, structuralist and derivationist approaches so close to the heart of much European thought (Jessop, 1977), thereby permitting scholars to comprehend the relativo plurality and fluidity of state spaces. But I stress relative, since Jessop's schema also alerts us to the way that the particular institutional form of any state is simultaneously a medium and an outcome of the political forces that have access to that state. Moreover, the class, gender and geographical affiliations of these social forces eventually become critical in the political structuration of the state as an arbitrator of 'the public', as an instrument of policy implementation and as a vital means of shaping urban-regional governance and de identidad. In order to unravel the sociopolitical infrastructures that provide any given state with its distinctive institutional form and territorial shape, Jessop introduces six interacting dimensions (1990: 345-6). These have an intrinsic value as a heuristic device with which to consider state restructuring per se. More specifically, however, an appreciation of these dimensions could prove most instructive in the search to explore the relations between the re-territorialization of state structures, the political incorporation of urban-regional interest groups and the uneven geography of 'institutional thickness' and innovative milieux amid the emerging regime of reflexive capitalism. The first dimension relates to the state's permeable avenues of representation and their articulation into a codifiable representational regime. It thus invites us to consider the notable territorial and functional agents, political parties, state bureaucrats, business and labour representatives, community groups, quasi-state development agencies and, more conceptually, the urban and regional regimes and coalitions (Harding, 1994) that are actively incorporated into the state's everyday practices. This is very much the state in its integral or inclusive sense (Jessop, 1997a). Further, and touching on Lovering's (1999) ideas about 'new regional interests', a particular representational regime might incorporate research and professional bodies and local-regional individuals including academics and university vice-chancellors. 18 The second dimension is partly an institutionalized reflection of the representational regime and relates to the interno structures of the state. This is expressed: through the distribution of powers among different parts of the state system considered both territorially and functionally. Of increasing importance in this context are the relations between

nation-states and the emergent supra-national state forms and between central government and local, regional and para-statal forms of rule (Jessop, 1990: 345). From the perspective of urban and regional research, this is a vital factor to consider, particularly in unravelling the deeper political processes underpinning any purported regional renaissance, as in the case of those highlighted by Keating (1998). De hecho, un thorough examination of these processes could prove most valuable in establishing a meaningful sense of the regionally-charged relations 'behind' the structuration of newly hollowed-out states and a related rise of 'new state spaces' (MacLeod, 1999b; Brenner, 2001). Lo may also help to uncover the extent to which urban and regional states, and their respective institutional agents, are engaged in the design and delivery of regional and/or national economic strategies. The intel11al structures of the state might also prove to be the key arena through which actors struggle over the form and function of particular 18 The laUer, in particular, appear to be well represented on the boards of England's Regional Development Agencies (on which see Harding et al., 1999). Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 14 New Regionalism reconsidered 817 spatial scales of governance (consider here the role of the 'local state' in challenging Thatcherism - Duncan and Goodwin, 1988). An investigation of the third dimension, the patterns of intenJention in the economy and in civil society, might, in turn, reveal the efforts of the state regime to engage or disengage from particular responsibilities and obligations, perhaps most evidently through policies to nationalize or privatize industries or systems of welfare. Estos factores have critical implications for the state's role as a direct employer (Lovering, 1999). However, we also need to be mindful of its authoritative, perhaps authoritarian, role in defining the changing boundaries between the public and private surely a major source of transformation in the contemporary era of 'reflexive capitalism' (Storper, 1997)? Such changes might be accompanied by intense sociospatial struggle over a whole range of issues from education provision, housing and local economic intervention through to analogous laws on homelessness, citizenship rights and the comprehensive governance of urban-regional space (Kofman, 1995; Mitchell, 1997; Smith, 1998; Swyngedouw,2000). Taking this further, the specific institutional mechanisms available for such patterns of state intervention may be a vital factor to consider in efforts conducted by urbanregional coalitions to redefine cities and regions as 'competitive' (Leitner, 1990; Lauria, 1997; Jonas and Wilson, 1999). Of course, amid all this, the extent to which urban and regionally-based political regimes will seek to challenge any potential erosion of welfare rights in their efforts to retain some degree of social cohesion could provoke some

interesting theoretical questions for urban-regional scholarship (Duncan and Goodwin, 1988; Le Gales, 1998b). In this sense, St01l'er and Salais' analysis of France provides a useful illustration of the changing internal structures and patterns of intervention within a major European country. They are particularly keen to uncover the extent to which the French state's traditional role as 'prefect' and as a 'coordinator of national macroeconomic and sectoral policies and distributor of financial incentives has been diminished significantly, [as] local elected officials have begun to go beyond their traditional status as merely 'local' actors' (Stol1Jer and Salais, 1997: 243). Estos cambios resonate with Keating's (1998) reference about regional actors being intell'olated by a more 'external world'. The fourth dimension, the social bases of state power, consolidates the representational regime and refers to the various social classes, territorial interests and urban regimes that are crystallized into the overall state system. These might be strategically selected by the state via its mode of 'spatial selectivity' (Jones, 1997). Por otra parte, lo might refer to powerful and influential non-territorial interest groups whose constituents are incorporated as part of the 'social selectivity of the state', but who may still be concentrated in specific telTitories, as was clearly the case in the South East of England under Thatcherism (Gamble, 1994; Hudson and Williams, 1995; Peck and Tickell, 1995). Again, some of these processes are explored, albeit from an alternative perspective, in Storper and Salais' (1997) analysis of state intervention in France. Indeed, their work is thoroughly enlightening as a demonstration of exactly how the institutional shape of any political regime is contingent on the extent to which a specific state project (see below) is seeking to establish an 'institutionally thick' mode of support or one that is 'thin' and tightly discriminating. Fifth, we need to be mindful that the state does not exist as a fully constituted, internally coherent, organizationally-pure and operationally-closed system. It is rather an emergent, hybrid, contradictory, relatively open system that is actively performed and constantly in a process of 'becoming'. But of course, this plurality and permeability is dependent on and intricately bound up with the social relations and geometries of power sedimented through the state's representational regime, intemal structures, patterns of intervention and social base. In this sense, just as accumulation strategies are needed to bring a coherence and direction to the circuit of capital, state strategies and state projects @ Joint Editors and J31ackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Pgina 15 818 Gordon MacLeod are required to bring some coherence to the activities of the state. The net outcome of this process of political structuration is that: Particular forms of economic and political system privilege some strategies over others, access by some forces over others, some interests over others, some spatial scales of action over others,

some time horizons over others, some coalition possibilities over others (Jessop, 1997a: 63). Here, it is worth emphasizing the role of state managers (such as politicians and officials) in helping to provide some relative unity to the manifold activities of the state. Again, of course, the role that particular local and regional state managers and growth coalitions may have in shaping both regional and national paths to prosperity can be explored more effectively by considering these state strategies in association with the above four dimensiones. The post-1997 political restmcturing of Britain featuring a Scottish Parliament, Welsh and Northern Irish Assemblies and English Regional Development Agencies - and, of course, ongoing struggles over a European political space, should provide some fascinating objects of analysis in this regard. Finally, it is important to examine the relationship between regional economies and governance ensembles and their wider ethico-political context. It is here that the effort by a hegemonic state elite to construct a particular hegemonic project, in part through the mobilization of a social base of support, can prove decisive in resolving the conflicts between particular interests. In sum, the institutional-relational approach sketched out here could prove most instructive in the search to comprehend the wider politically-constructed arena around and through which cities and regions are constituted, governed and endowed with an 'institutional thickness'. For instance, (adapting Amin, 1999) it is clear that in the period of relative postwar prosperity, many older industrial regions witnessed state-level patterns of intervention which often appeared to be premised on short-term economic horizons and conventions. In many respects, this can be traced to the centralized internal structures ofthe state and the extent to which its social base and representational regime assumed the form of an 'untouchable' elite coalition across many regional spaces. Tal regions thereby failed to experience the collectivization and democratization of regional interests that might have institutionalized more sustainable time horizons and considered geographies of intervention. These processes can be contrasted with regions like EmiliaRomagna (Piore and Sabel, 1984), which were to witness a more regionally inclusive (if still selective) representational regime and a related capacity for more geographicallysensitive patterns of intervention and hegemonic projects. The institutional-relational approach might also enable a fuller dissection of what Lovering (1999) terms the 'new regional service class'. Not least in that the six dimensions might unveil the very networks, systems of representation and internal state structures through which regional academics and other professional consultants are enrolled into this purported cadre. All of which raises a more general point about the extent to which New Regionalist perspectives have a tendency to neglect the raw materialization of power. Para instance, even in Storper's highly illuminating work on regionalized conventions, there is a tendency to limit all social relations to those of a horizontal nature. En contraste, el institutional-relational perspective could alert us about the extent to which the regionalization of conventions, untraded interdependencies, institutions and networks represents a politically constructed hierarchized process: one that is often critically influenced by the state in all its contemporary re-scaled manifestations. In doing so, lo podra help instil political agency into Lipietz's (1994) conception of a regional armature: a 'proactive space-for-itself', where a hegemonic social bloc seeks to mobilize particular

political apparatuses (for example, central state branches) on matters of political, economic or cultural conflict. It is in these senses too that my argument bears on recent calls for a multiscalar approach to urban-regional restructuring (MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999; Brenner, 2000). Of course, as indicated at the outset, Jessop's is not the only perspective worth considering in this context and it is indeed tremendously encouraging to see the recent Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200 I Page 16 New Regionalism reconsidered 819 motivation to integrate urban and regional research with state restructuring (Lauria, 1997; Le Gales, 1998b; Brenner, 1999; 2000). Global neoliberalism, interterritorial competition and the regulation approach Global neoliberalism and interterritorial competition This penultimate section aims to further advance a geopolitical approach to urban and regional development by raising two interconnecting themes. The first concerns the 'hard' political economy of global capitalism: one within which, as Storper informs us, the regions of reflexive capitalism are more tensely intertwined. Nonetheless, as mentioned earlier, new regional analysis can sometimes sail close to a reified approach, where, in an emphatic quest to uncover the unique properties of particular cities and regions, it might be diverted from the complex multi-scalar re-territorialization of institutional capacity through which globalization is enacted. The theoretical pitfalls of this have already been aludido. But it must also be emphasized that a reification of regions has potentially disturbing policy implications. Not least in that we might lose sight of the global neoliberal amphitheatre and hugely competitive baUgame within which urban-regional coalitions operate and the extent to which the fortunes of cities and regions are increasingly inscribed into the pitching manoeuvres of globally-mobile transnational corporations (Dicken, 1994; Yeung, 2000). This is particularly evident in the way that cruder versions of the New Regionalism garnish their arguments with a euphemistic discourse of 'innovation', 'associative governance', 'clusters' and 'regional competitiveness' (eg Cooke, 1995). However, as Krugman (1997) has pointed out, competitiveness can become a 'dangerous obsession': one that, as politicians know only too well, conveniently safegllffi'ds us from considering a whole host of awkward questions relating to the uneven power networks that enframe the new regional mundo. Thus, as regional alliances and academics endeavour to convince each other that 'everyone's a winner', it is surely unwise to ignore the spectre of globalized neoliberalism 19 and interterritorial competition and the socioeconomic relations of exploitation and acrimony they entail. Indeed, Harvie (1994) usefully reminds us that, for all its communicative credentials, the mainland European prototype is still very much a 'bourgeois regionalism'. Yet much of the most intluential existing research tells us little about these regions' class, gender and ethnic politics, about the forms of alienation that might result

from new labour process technologies and management-labour relations, or about just how 'associative' labour conditions and union rights might be for the majority of employees (Lovering, 1998; Wills, 1999; Stenning, 2001). If we nonetheless follow the customary view that competition - whether economic or territorial - leads to winners and losers, and, furthermore, if we are entering an epoch of multiple, overlapping and superimposing scales of governance, then perhaps we should force ourselves to beg the following basic questions. Many relate to the seemingly now unpalatable theme of uneven development. Which cities and regions are likely to win? (Ignoring, for a moment, my indulgence in a spatial fetishism.) Who 'wins' within these regions, and at what cost socially, politically and envil'Onmentally,20 particularly if we are to fully retlect on the fiscally 19 As Philip Kelly (1999) has revealed, it is often too easy to conflate neoliberalism and globalization. However, it needs to be pointed out that many of the principles underwriting the discourseideology of globalization provide an elective affinity with neoliberal political economic strategy. 20 On this issue, it is worth pointing out that certain New Regionalist accounts provide little sense ofthe fact that prosperity in many of the more illustrious and sunlit regions is highly bifurcated between social groups, and often dependent on the super-exploitation of people on the basis of ethnicity, gender and class (Harrison, 1994). Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200 1 Page 17 820 Gordon MacLeod austere climate of reflexive capitalism (MacLeod, 2000)'1 Where are these regions located and why did aquellos regions and not others win? Which scales of governance were influential in establishing prosperity and in which particular spheres of governance and regulatory capacity? (Here, we must be mindful that certain actors, like multinational corporations, are endowed with greater capacity to 'jump scales' than others such as place-based workers - Smith, 1992.) What are the future implications for the regions ranging from the industrial rustbelts of North America and eastern Europe to the lessindustrial landscapes of Africa - that might not reconvert quickly enough to win; and what, if anything, can regional armatures and associated partners do about it? Cmo es la emerging 'global mosaic of regions' to be regulated so that it might be somehow dissuaded from pulling so fast ahead of the trailing pack that the latter is left to witness a darkening sunset? Alternatively, could the offer of cheaper labour in the 'new economies' (eg in eastern Europe) radically unsettle the erstwhile sources of prosperity in Europe's 'motors' (Hudson, 1999)'1 What are the implications for the political-economic stability of the

future regional world amid the impassioned diffusion of class conflict throughout the furiously industrializing and urbanizing spaces of the 'developing' south (Smith, 2000; Swyngedouw, 2000)'1 What respective roles can be played in the enactment of robust political economic democratic structures by nation-states, supra-national arenas of political-economic regulation like the European Union, and global governance las instituciones? How can globalization be seriously challenged or at least tamed in order to prevent its continuing erosion of democracy (Cerny, 1999)'1 Part of this is bound up with the politics of identity, in that if our political sensibilities are to extend beyond the boundaries of the region we each inhabit - and let's hope that they do - then serious questions must be posed about how we might establish responsive institutions through which political-economic communities can achieve a democratic form of interregional la cooperacin. We need, in other words, to destabilize and unsettle quite radically the processes that continue to permit a 'hostile brothers' scenario (Peck and Tickell, 1994). The recent experiences of the European Union provide some testimony to the hopes, possibilities, frustrations and sheer complexities of achieving a multi-scalar system of governance with which to sanction economic prosperity, political democracy, cultural enlightenment and interscalar political equanimity (Moulaert, 1996; Swyngedouw, 2000). Regulating the emerging 'regional world' The second theme is theoretical but might just have something to say about the questions planteadas anteriormente. As mentioned earlier, a lot of the work now being labelled New Regionalist takes its theoretical inspiration from perspectives in institutional economics, evolutionary political economy and economic sociology, which reveal the economy to be socially constructed and deeply embedded in a variety of seemingly non-rational institutions and tecnologas. One constituent of this institutionalist mode of thought is the French Regulation Approach (RA). The RA is often commended for critiquing neoclassical economics while simultaneously advancing a Marxian perspective on the historical and geographically uneven institutional infrastructures around and through which capitalist development proceeds, in spite of its conflict-ridden and crisis-prone character (Boyer, 1990; Tickell and Peck, 1992; Jessop, 1997b). Yet, in contrast to the earlier debates on post-Fordism and new industrial spaces (Scott, 1988a; Storper and Scott, 1989), it appears that very few New Regionalist perspectives are currently deriving their inspiration from the RA. One could ruminate that there are very good reasons for this, as affirmed in numerous critiques and countercritiques. Certainly, from the perspective of regional development, concerns have been voiced about the ontological emphasis on nation-states and, relatedly, how a macro-level analysis might hamper effective investigation of the interfirm relations touted to be the foundation of the current regional renaissance. To be sure, the regulationist research Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers LId 200 I Page 18 New Regionalism reconsidered 821

project was originally rooted in the study of national Fordisms in the USA and France (Aglietta, 1979). In view of which it would seem eminently sensible for Storper (1997) to turn to 'conventions' theory in his search to explore the microfoundations of the emerging regional world. Nonetheless, in recent years, some definitive reforms have taken stock of post-Fordist urban and regional restructuring to the extent that I remain unconvinced that the RA 'ongoing research project' is wholly redundant (Esser and Hirsch, 1989; Moulaert and Swyngedouw, 1989; Peck and Tiekell, 1992; 1995; Lipietz, 1994; Mayer, 1994; Painter and Goodwin, 1995; DiGiovanna, 1996; Moulaert, 1996; Jones, 1997; MacLeod, 1997; 2001; Swyngedouw, 1997; Kratke, 1999)?1 Here, rather than indulging in a form of theoretical imperialism, I only wish to highlight ways in which the insights from certain New Regionalist perspectives and from the state-theoretical account presented above might be positioned within the wider framework of analysis offered by the RA. This is particularly so in view of: (1) the RA's theoretical richness; and (2) recent reformulations to its method and conceptual arsenal (MacLeod, 2001). On the former, it is important to emphasize that its key concept, the mode of regulation, represents more than just another alternative heuristic to describe social capital, but is instead analysable on five dimensions. These are: (1) the wage relation (individual and social wage-bargaining, labour market regulation); (2) forms of competition (internal organization, ties between firms and banking capital); (3) monetary and financial regulation (the hegemonic banking and credit system, relative allocations to sectors); (4) the state and governance (systems of local and regional governance and all the processes outlined in the above section); and (5) the international regime (trade, investment, monetary settlements and political arrangements that help integrate national and regional economies, states and the world system) (Boyer, 1990: 37-48; Jessop, 1997b: 511-14). Analysed thus, the mode of regulation offers a rich set of tools through whieh to examine the internal governance of regional economies systems of corporate regulation, labour relations, development agencies - alongside the wider networks of political and economic institutions within which regions are positioned. Estos van desde national corporate and labour laws, patterns of intervention in education and health and cultures of consumption right through to the more radically turbulent territoriality of financial capital (Leyshon and Tickell, 1994; Peck and Tickell, 1995; DiGiovanna, 1996; Swyngedouw, 2000). As part of its continuing reformation, though, some political economic geographers have drawn attention to the way that, rather than forming some neat coherent pattern, thc different elements of the mode of regulation are likely to be situated and regulated at a variety of spatial scales (Peck and Tickell, 1995). In a sense, the mode of regulation assumes a messy geometry, featuring an interlocking network of multiple and superimposing geographies which, importantly, are only enacted out of and performed through a contested politics of scale (Swyngedouw, 1997; 2000). Surely, though, if we are to fully uncover the workings of the contemporary regional world, then we are duty bound to investigate the scalar structuration of a region'S mode of regulation, no matter how messy? As part of this, we could certainly begin by disentangling the state and governance, and, drawing further on the material discussed in the above section, by locating the various 'sites' of a region's political economic

regulation (Painter and Goodwin, 1995). Not least would this draw our attention to the existence or otherwise of an elected regional state, of a regional tier of labour representation or of a development agency and how these help to collectivize a region's 21 Indeed, as one New Regionalist writer who has long adopted the language of the regulation approach, Scott calls for a 'pressing need a examine governance issues in a regional context [andl .. , specifically regional forms of economic regulation' (Scott, 1998: 103). Whilst this is a valid point to make, it is nonetheless curious that in making this claim Scott has failed to draw our attention to the work on these issues from the European and North American-based regulation approach sympathizers that I have just en la lista. ( Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200 I Pgina 19 822 Gordon MacLeod institutional thickness. Equally, by focusing on forms of competition, we could identify the nature of a region's corporate structures and pose serious questions about whether strategic corporate headquarters are situated locally or in some physically distant but relationally proximate global city (Amin and Graham, 1999). Similarly, the scale at which interfirm cooperation takes place, in tum, shapes the envisioning practices of corporate competition (Swyngedouw, 1997). In addition to which an analytical focus on the wagerelacin could alert us as to the extent to which training levies are imposed and wagebargaining procedures in place, and, if so, at which spatial scale these might be institucionalizada. Crucially, all of these factors can provide valuable insights into a region's wider positioning within the general scale division of labour (K. Cox, 1993). By bringing into play these elements of the regulationist research project, we might be better positioned to locate and analse the economic and political conditions that lie 'behind' the emerging regional world? Certainly, it could alert us to the way that many of the active ingredients in establishing the prosperity and political shape of certain regional economies might well have their roots in other distant but relationally connected urban-regional, national, supra-national and global scales. Swyngedouw's (2000) brief dissection of how certain aspects of governance - monetary regulation, social policy, gender relations, work and migration/citizenship - as being re-scaled across the space of the European Union surely points the way ahead in this regard. Finally, as is clear in

Swyngedouw's own account, such arguments transcend the concerns of academia. Por lo is certainly the case that a host of agents - businesses, labour organizations, place-based workers, economic development practitioners - are only too aware of the need for a deeper comprehension of the political economic processes and scales of governance within which their regional economies are often precariously positioned. Conclusin This article has endeavoured to capture a sense of the current debate on regional el desarrollo. In particular, it has sought to provide a circumspect appraisal of so-called New Regionalist research and, in the process, offer something of a rejoinder to John Lovering's (1999) enlightening critique. My own impression is that some of these scholarly readings offer genuine innovations in the ceaseless endeavour to examine how and why certain regions have experienced the creation of sustainable forms of economic integrity and political capacity (see Amin and Thrift, 1994; Storper, 1997). Sin embargo, must also be acknowledged that Lovering's own article exposes a number of domains in which such analysis could conceivably be enhanced. And, in the latter two-thirds of this article, my aim has been to offer some fresh insights for re-theorizing regional change and for re-conceptualizing the emerging forms of regional development and governance. Three key themes have been highlighted. First, in much contemporary academic inquiry and political praxis, the region itself often appears to be analysed somewhat unreflectively. Sometimes this leads it to be approached as a reified, existentially pre-given and politically neutral entity. Es clearly unsatisfactory as any resolute comparison between England's 'new' regions, the Alemn Lander, and the regional powerhouses of the United States would testify. Es en this context that I recommended an engagement with certain theorizations from the 'new regional geography'. Not least in that such approaches might instil additional sensitivity 22 Not that this is in any way to deny the persistence of serious gaps and unexplored lacunae in the regulation enfoque. For instance, thus far it has yet to successfUlly bring into play a whole series of questions relating to consumption (cf Aglietta, 1979), the micro-physics of governmentality (MacKinnon, 2000), the discursive conslruction and performativity of political-economic regimes, or the ways in which they take on gendered sets of power relations (though see Jenson, 1990). and questions around subjectivity (Jessop, 1997b). Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001 Page 20 New Regionalism reconsidered 823 towards understanding the complex processes out of which regions are historically constructed, culturally contested and politically charged. Second, Jessop's institutional-

relational approach to the state was introduced as one possible means by which we might unravel the politically constructed nature of the emerging regional world, and, in particular, examine the relations between the territorial structures of the state and the structuration of urban-regional governance. In part, then, this article joins a growing rank of contributions (Brenner, 1997; Yeung, 1998; Jessop, 1999; Kelly, 1999; Jones, 2001) which question the currently fashionable notion that 'economic globalization has reduced the theoretical centrality of the nationstate' (Gereffi, 1996: 64). On the contrary, we need to rethink our theoretical approach to the state so as to unravel its often clandestine role as a key site, function and orchestrator of globalization: a role that indeed lends shape to globalization's own political economic geographies; one of which, in certain contexts, is expressed in and through a resurgence of particularly prosperous cities and regions. My final foray was to contend that recent reformulations of the regulation approach might offer a deeper sense of the current recasting of social, economic and political forms while simultaneously alerting us to their alarmingly uneven economic geographies and sociologies. Gordon MacLeod (Gordon.MacLeod@durham.ac.uk), Department of Geography and International Centre for Regional Regeneration and Development Studies, University of Durham, Durham DHI 3LE, Reino Unido. Referencias Aglietta, M. (1979) A theory of capitalist regulation: the US experience. Verso, Londres. Allen, J., D. Massey and A. Cochrane (1998) Rethinking the region. Routledge, Londres. Allmendinger, P. and M. Tewdwr-Jones (2000) Spatial dimensions and institutional uncertainties of planning and the 'new regionalism'. Environment and; Planning C: Gobierno y Poltica 18, 711-26. Amin, A. (1999) An institutionalist perspective on regional economic development. Internacional Journal of Urban and Regional Research 23, 365-78. -- and S. Graham (1999) Cities of connection and disconnection. In J. Allen, D. Massey and M. Pryke (eds), Unsettling cities, Routledge, Londres. -- and N. Thrift (1994) Living in the global. In A. Amin and N. Thrift (eds.), La globalizacin. las instituciones. and regional development in Europe, Oxford University Press, Oxford. -- and -- (2001)

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