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Paige Klunk Ethnomusicology December 27, 2010 Fighting the Power: Public Enemys Influence on Senegalese Hip Hop When we heard 'Fight the Power,' we wanted to do the same, stated Jojo of Senegalese group Yatfu (Herson 2008). This Senegalese rapper affirmed that the roots of Senegalese hip hop originated in politically conscious American hip hop. Even though the dominant hip hop style in the United States was gangster rap, it has had very little influence on the nature of Sene-rap. African hip hop is conscious hip hop. Thats our main advantage over French and American hip hop, which has become the story of bling bling. Here its education first, stated rapper Xuman (in Lobeck 2002, 23). Inspired by American rap group Public Enemy, the Senegalese group, Positive Black Soul, rapped in English, Wolof, and French to educate their people. African American music has always been central to social and political change. Spirituals, for example, used Biblical texts, which articulated an anti-slavery viewpoint. Blues and gospel music supported African Americans through changes associated with World War I and urbanization. During the 1960s, the Freedom Songs and soul music strengthened the Civil Rights movement; artists such as Marvin Gaye, Freda Payne and Sly Stone addressed political and social issues (Forman and Neal 2004, 308). Gil Scott-Herons use of African percussion and spoken word were especially empowering for black youth. His 1971 poem and song The Revolution Will Not Be Televised captured the prevailing political sentiments during the Nixon administration, demonstrating the absence of public dissatisfaction from media coverage. Hip hop was constructed on the tradition of musical activism in African American music. In 1979 the Sugarhill Gang released Rapper's Delight, which blended disco sound with rap lyrics. Rapper's Delight launched hip hop into mainstream popularity. It's the only record

Klunk 2 after which, no matter what who you were or what you did in hip hop, everything was different. It changed the rules of the game (Og and Upshal 2001, 44-45). Hip hop eventually focused on the politics and social issues of urban blacks' daily lives. In 1982 Melle Mel and Grandmaster Flash released The Message, which was one of the first hip hop songs to make a socially aware musical statement. The Message focused on the lifestyle of African Americans, exposing mainstream listeners to the revolting conditions of urban living: Rats in the front room, roaches in the back. Junkies in the alley with the baseball bat. I tried to get away, but I couldn't get far, cause a man with a tow-truck repossessed my car. Grandmaster Flashs descriptions revealed the truth about systematic racism that shaped the daily lives of African Americans. The Message was the beginning of social consciousness in hip hop. Politically charged lyrics and the vivid descriptions of ghetto living became mainstays of conscious rap. First formed in 1982 in Long Island, New York, Public Enemy's members Chuck D, Flavor Flav, and Professor Griff were best known for their political activism. Public Enemy emphasized political and economic independence for African Americans. Group leader Chuck D was a member of the Nation of Islam, whose black nationalistic principles influenced Public Enemy's music. Chuck D described hip hop as a black folks' CNN, noting that it aired African American news content that television neglected (Forman and Neal 2004, 356). One example was Public Enemy's By the Time I Get To Arizona. It was released in 1992 as a reaction to Arizona governor Evan Mecham's repeal of the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. The music video featured a white governor who was annihilated by a bomb explosion. The lyrics went as far to state, I'm on the one mission to get a politician, but until we get to some land, call me a trigger man. Chuck D stated in his autobiography that even though many enjoyed Public Enemy's music for entertainment purposes, he saw their role in hip hop to express their political attitudes:

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On the one hand the music of Public Enemy can help to unite but on the other hand it can help someone to say 'F*ck off,' to the oppressor. Those things are included in the message for me, and like it, I like both things. I like the protest or rebel aspect, and I also like the fact that it's stupid to speak about black racism when you have the civilizational situation of white dominance (Chuck D 1997, 58). Similar to other conscious hip hop groups Public Enemy embraced a philosophy of black nationalism. The black nationalism expressed by Public Enemy encouraged African Americans to find their own solutions to social issues rather than looking to the white mainstream for answers. Hip hop aimed to solve problems such as unemployment, police brutality, and unequal education. Socially conscience hip hop unified African American voices in their cause. [These artists] are the 'organic intellectuals of the inner-city black poor, documenting what they do and their generally hidden conditions and lifestyle choices (Forman and Neal 2004, 357). Conscious rappers were a type of worldly scholar, reporting of the realities of impoverished African Americans. In 1989 Public Enemy's Fight the Power hoped to inspire African Americans to challenge white domination. What we need is awareness, we can't get careless. You say what is this? My beloved, let's get down to business, mental self-defensive fitness. What began as entertainment genre transformed to a genre aiming to unify African Americans voices. Not only did Public Enemy establish a musical black nationalism in the United States, it triggered a global political movement in hip hop, inspiring Africans everywhere to rap about socioeconomic difficulties in their own countries. Senegal had a uniquely syncretic musical history, containing the traditional music of over twenty different ethnicities. One aspect of Senegalese music that has been fused into modern music was the Wolof sabar, the traditional drum ensemble. Urban music in Senegal, however, developed with the patronage of the ruling

Klunk 4 government. Prior to Senegalese independence, colonial governments provided instruments and rehearsal space for developing bands. In Dakar the band Lyre Africaine was financially supported by the government and was given space underneath the local marketplace to rehearse (Benga 2002, 76). This funding, however, led to the expectation that the bands would collaborate with the colonial powers. After Senegal obtained independence in 1960, Senegal's first president, Leopold Senghor, advocated the development of a national identity in the arts (Benga 2002, 78). This created Senegal's national music mbalax, which was a mixture of Cuban sounds and traditional Wolof drums (Lobeck 2002, 21). American hip hop had humble beginnings, first developing in urban areas by poor youth reciting poetry over a mixed beat of old disco records. Sene-raps formation was more elitist, beginning in Dakars most prestigious high school, Sacre Couer. The first MC's were the younger relatives of well-traveled people who brought back music and style from the United States (Lobeck 2002, 21). Even though they did not always comprehend English lyrics, students tried their best to emulate the American rap style and dance moves. It was purely by imitation of something American that we had picked up on recordings stated Kool Kock 6, a rapper in Pee Froiss (Lobeck 2002, 21). What began in the school yard eventually became a national phenomenon. Dakar was reported to be the third largest market for hip hop and rap groups, calling itself home to nearly 1500 groups (Lobeck 2002, 21). Many Senegalese rappers were inspired by Public Enemy's Fight the Power. Ndongo D of Senegalese hip hop group Daara J found his voice while listening to Public Enemy:

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They rapped in English, and we did the same in Wolof. We were lucky because we could learn English at school. So that is how we knew what they were talking about, it was then the real Senegalese hip hop began (Herson 2008). If there was one group that was associated internationally with Sene-rap, it was the group PBS. Its leaders MCs Doug-ee-tee and Didier Awadi met at a party and realized they had many common ideals; they joined together to form Positive Black Soul in 1989 (Lobeck 2002, 21). PBS was well known internationally, signing two contracts for their album release. Their popularity at home was secured with their early 90s release of Boul Fal (Wolof for Don't Worry), which became an anthem for a whole generation in Senegal. Similar to Public Enemys use of Louis Farrakhans ideas, rapper Didier Awadi borrowed the words of famous African leaders to promote African history (Higgins 2009, 112). I take a speech by Kwame Nkrumah and mix it over a beat where Im rapping, so it becomes a kind of intergenerational dialogue, stated Didier. He continued, I wouldnt call it Black Nationalism, but Africanism (Positive Black Soul). By strategically naming his musical philosophy Africanism, Didier J demonstrated the link to traditional African elements. His group Positive Black Soul rapped about societys problems over the accompaniment of traditional instruments. This made them more competitive with other Senegalese artists. In 1992, the French Cultural Center of Dakar produced a CD of popular Senegalese music, which featured PBS. Unable to find an interested record label, the PBS duo recorded their first cassette together in 1994, which included many messages about the government and president. Contemporary Senegalese rappers affirmed the same message as PBS during the 2007 presidential race. The message is that the country has not been doing so well under the current leadership of President Abdoulaye Wade, and that Senegal is desperate need of a change (In Senegal, Hip Hop Is About Social Change). Public Enemy and Positive Black

Klunk 6 Soul were linked by the common music bonds that joined together all blacks. As Sene-rap continued to flourish, other groups added their own personal touches to the genre. Daara J created the ensemble formula Rap-Ragga-Soul (one person sings, one raps, and another toasts) while Pee Froiss was the first to tackle political events, particularly the assassination of an electoral supervisor. Neither of these groups, however, had as much impact as Kool Kock 6, which was the first to rap in Wolof. When people started rapping in Wolof, the guys really got a feel for it, because the messages really concerned them, said Kool Kock (Lobeck 2002, 21). Even though it was influenced by American hip hop, Sene-rap developed its own distinct identity within Senegals the political circumstances and culture. Education was always a central focus in Senegalese rap. It is because where we are from, because where we are from, the realities cannot be the same states Ndongo D (Herson 2008), who adds that Africa and Dakar are like ghettoes. But it's not like BK, Brooklyn, Harlem. Ndongo pointed out an important distinction between what influenced the formation of American and Sengalese hip hop. While American hip hop acknowledged unemployment and poverty in its music, these problems were only greater in Senegal than in the US. The unemployment rate in Senegal was nearly 50% in 2007, causing astonishingly high rates of poverty in Dakar among youth populations (Herson 2008). Some argued that higher unemployment could not be attributed to poor education, but rather to the lack of political action taken by President Adoulaye Wade to create new job opportunities. Ndongo D's description of Dakar's ghetto highlighted the role of Senegalese hip hop artists in society: to use music to critique the political climate and inspire people to change their circumstances. Hip hop has also played an essential role in political elections in Senegal, most especially the most recent 2007 presidential election. Abdoulaye Wade had been leader of the

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Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS) since its founding in 1974 and was first elected president of Senegal on February 27, 2000. Coming into the 2007 election Wade was charged with not fulfilling the promises that helped him be elected in 2000, which many hoped would help lead to his demise (Goldenberg 2007). He made promises with his first election to strengthen Senegal's economy with increased job opportunities. The 2004 Institute for Security Studies profile found Senegal's unemployment rate for urban cities at 23 percent and the poverty line in the country at 54 percent (In Senegal, Hip Hop Is About Social Change). Even though there was not much change in the job market, the economy still grew by an average of 5.1 percent a year (Goldenberg 2007). Many hip hop artists used their music to rally youth support to remove President Wade; Senegalese hip hop artists inspired the electorate to choose a leader to serve the interests of the people (Herson 2008). In 2008 the independent film entitled African Underground: Democracy in Dakar captured the rappers sentiments and tales about the election from high hopes with great voter turn out to the hollow silence after Wades reelection. On February 25, 2007, President Wade was chosen from among 15 candidates, winning 56% of the popular vote with nearly 73% of the population casting their votes (Senegal). The days following the elections were quiet in Dakar; even though rappers had lost their sense of hope for better conditions, they still believed in the power of their music. Senegalese rappers, like Chuck D, were influenced by their Muslim faith. As a member of the Nation of Islam, Chuck D advocated black nationalism, which encouraged him to use hip hop as a check for the social media. Public Enemys 1988 album It Takes Millions of Nations to Hold Us Back urged political protest against systematic racism, critiqued television for not covering American news stories, and echoed Malcolm Xs slogan, Too black, too strong (Schrodt 2008). Similarly Islam offered a guiding set of principles for Senegalese hip hop;

Klunk 8 rappers of whom were practicing Muslims respected their religious laws (Herson 2008). Male artists respected women and elders and eliminated the use of misogynistic text. In our images, we never have girls and women wearing sexy clothing, said P Blow of Tigrim-Bli. While American hip hop valued women scantily clad, Islams cultural standards affected Senegalese hip hops portrayal of women in a manner with more respect and dignity. Another significant influence from Islam was that Senegalese rappers were not afraid to refer to God in their texts. This focus on Islam has not deterred Senegalese women from making waves in the local hip hop scene. Female hip hop group Farafina Mousso also have committed themselves to the revolution of the feminine role in Senegalese hip hop. As stated on their Myspace page, these women were devoted to developing a new vision for humanity and most specifically, for women (Farafina Mousso). Farafina Moussos goal was the same as other Senegalese hip hop artists: to educate their listeners. The topics they rapped about, however, were humanitarian rather than political. With our lyrics, our goal is to educate and raise awareness. We talk about issues faced by women. We talk about issues that children- homeless children and orphans face (Herson 2008). Farafina Mousso saw themselves as community builders, once going so far as to state that are guerrieres de la rime et du micro tackling issues such as womens educations. Socially conscious hip hop has become a global trend that was strongly influenced by Public Enemy. Chuck Ds black nationalistic philosophy contributed to Public Enemys use of politically charged lyrics to teach Americans. Public Enemys platform to inform has motivated Senegalese rappers to educate their people. Positive Black Souls Africanism philosophy developed from the Islamic culture and socioeconomic conditions in Senegal. Hip hop, whether

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in Wolof or English, encompassed a musical activism that drove Senegalese and American rappers to work for a better society.

Klunk 10 Works Cited Benga, Ndiouga Adrien. 2002. The air of the city makes free: Urban music from the 1950s to the 1990s in Senegal- Variete, jazz, mbalax, rap. Playing with Identities in Contemporary Music in Africa. Finland: Abo Akademic University. Charry, Eric. 2010. Senegal. Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online, http://www.oxformusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/25404. (Accessed on August 21, 2010). D., Chuck. 1997. Fight The Power: Rap, Race, and Reality. New York: Delacorte Press. Forman, Murray and Mark Anthony Neal. Thats the Joint! The Hip-Hop Studies Reader. New York: Taylor & Francis Books, Inc. Goldenberg, Tia. 2007. Preview: Senegalese to vote for President in Sunday Polls. Deutsche Presse-Agentur. http://www.monsterandcritics.com/news/africa/news/article_1267777.php/Preview_Senegalese_t o_vote_for_president_in_Sunday_polls. (accessed on August 21, 2010). Herson, Ben, Christopher Moore, and Magee McIlvaine. 2008. African Underground: Democracy in Dakar. Brooklyn, New York: Notable Productions. Higgins, Dalton. 2009. Hip Hop World. Toronto: Groundwork Books. Lobeck, Katharina. 2002. Dakarapping. Roots. Vol. 4, 2-3: 230-231. Ogg, Alex. 2001. The Hip Hop Years: A History of Rap. New York Fromm International Publishing Corporation.

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"Positive Black Soul." 1999. RFI Musique. http://www.rfimusique.com/siteEn/biographie/biographie_6210.asphttp://www.rfimusique.com/s iteEn/biographie/biographie_6210.asp. (accessed March 18, 2010). Schrodt, Paul. 2008. "Public Enemy: It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back Music Review." Slant Magazine. http://www.slantmagazine.com/music/review/public-enemy-it-takes-anation-of-millions-to-hold-us-back/1324http://www.slantmagazine.com/music/review/publicenemy-it-takes-a-nation-of-millions-to-hold-us-back/1324. (accessed May 2, 2010). "Senegal." 2010. U.S. Department of State. http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2862.htmhttp://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2862.htm. (accessed May 2, 2010)