Cover Story: From the White House to Your House, considering the possibility of cities returning to the presidential agenda, by Lisa Glazer.
Other stories include Norman Oder on parishioners from different neighborhoods building bridges separated by race and class; Jon Gertner on Donald Trump’s ongoing Riverside South project; various community organizers give their advice to President-elect Bill Clinton; Andrew White on the ongoing struggles of South Jamaica despite traditional economic development projects; Renita Steeley on the need for city homeless agencies to support and help homeless families adjust to living in shelters and permanent housing; Eric Weinstock’s book review of “Broken Covenant,” by Charles M. Sennott.
Cover Story: From the White House to Your House, considering the possibility of cities returning to the presidential agenda, by Lisa Glazer.
Other stories include Norman Oder on parishioners from different neighborhoods building bridges separated by race and class; Jon Gertner on Donald Trump’s ongoing Riverside South project; various community organizers give their advice to President-elect Bill Clinton; Andrew White on the ongoing struggles of South Jamaica despite traditional economic development projects; Renita Steeley on the need for city homeless agencies to support and help homeless families adjust to living in shelters and permanent housing; Eric Weinstock’s book review of “Broken Covenant,” by Charles M. Sennott.
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Cover Story: From the White House to Your House, considering the possibility of cities returning to the presidential agenda, by Lisa Glazer.
Other stories include Norman Oder on parishioners from different neighborhoods building bridges separated by race and class; Jon Gertner on Donald Trump’s ongoing Riverside South project; various community organizers give their advice to President-elect Bill Clinton; Andrew White on the ongoing struggles of South Jamaica despite traditional economic development projects; Renita Steeley on the need for city homeless agencies to support and help homeless families adjust to living in shelters and permanent housing; Eric Weinstock’s book review of “Broken Covenant,” by Charles M. Sennott.
Direitos autorais:
Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
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Baixe no formato PDF, TXT ou leia online no Scribd
December 1992 New York's Community Affairs News Magazine $2.50
C R E A T I N G J O B S I N S O U T H J A M A I C A S E X , L I E S A N D H O M E L E S S N E S S D T R U M P E D O N T H E W E S T S I D E ? Could This Man Really Be... A P resident For T he C ities? eitv Limits Volume XVII Number 10 City Limits is publisbed ten times per year, monthly except bi-monthly issues in Junel July and AugustlSeptember, by the City Limits Community Information Service, Inc. , a non- profit organization devoted to disseminating information concerning neighborhood revitalization. Sponsors Association for Neighborhood and Housing Development, Inc. New York Urban Coalition Pratt Institute Center for Community and Environmental Development Urban Homesteading Assistance Board Board of Directors' Eddie Bautista, NYLPIICharter Rights Project Beverly Cheuvront, former City Limits Editor Mary Martinez, Montefiore Hospital Rebecca Reich, Turf Companies Andrew Reicher, UHAB Tom Robbins, Journalist Jay Small, ANHD Walter Stafford, New York University Doug Turetsky, former City Limits Editor Pete Williams , Center for Law and Social Justice 'AffiJiations for identification onJy. Subscription rates are: for individuals and community groups, $20/0ne Year, $30/Two Years; for businesses, foundations, banks, government agencies and libraries, $35/0ne Year, $50/Two Years. Low income, unemployed, $10/0ne Year. City Limits welcomes comments and article contributions. Please include a stamped, self- addressed envelope for return manuscri pts. Material in City Limits does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the sponsoring organiza- tions. Send correspondence to: City Limits, 40Prince St ., New York, NY 10012. Postmaster: Send address changes to City Limits, 40 Prince St., NYC 10012. Second class postage paid New York, NY 10001 City Limits (ISSN 0199-0330) (212) 925-9820 FAX (212) 966-3407 Editor: Lisa Glazer Senior Editor: Andrew White Associate Editor: Steve Mitra Contributing Editors: Errol Louis, Peter Marcuse, Margaret Mittelbach Production: Chip Cliffe Advertising Representative: Faith Wiggins Office Assistant: Seymour Green Interns: Beth Greenfield, Donna Leslie Proofreader: Sandy Socolar Photographers: Isa Brito, F.M. Kearney Copyright 1992. All Rights Reserved. No portion or portions of this journal may be reprinted without the express permission of the publishers. City Limits is indexed in the Alternative Press Index and the Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals and is available on microfilm from University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, M148106. 2/DECEMBER 1992/CITY UMITS Move Beyond Symbolism S O far, so good. The early signs from President-elect Bill Clinton are surprisingl y encouraging: dropping the ban on gays in the military, reversing the executive order that sends Haitian boat people straight home without a hearing, and spending time in Washington's poor neighborhoods to get acquainted with his new home. If Clinton uses the presidency to highlight and humanize society's so- called outsiders-gays, refugees, immigrants, poor people-it will be a tremendous improvement on the sneering rich boys' club that's domi- nated the White House for the past 12 years. Still, strolling through inner-city neighborhoods is hardly on a par with reforming discriminatory policies. Clinton needs to move quickly beyond symbolism and initiate creative, effective policies that truly foster change in America's urban centers. Unfortunately, some of Clinton's pledges, like starting new enterprise zones in poor neighborhoods, fail to meet this challenge, as illustrated by "Dollars and Change," Andrew White's insightful feature on economic development in Jamaica, Queens. White's article shows that about $1 billion of public investment in Jamaica's downtown enterprise zone has helped stabilize the business district-but it's hardly made a dent in the depressed neighborhoods a few blocks away. What's more, officials can only point to a few hundred jobs created for local people since the zone began five years ago. The enterprise zone can be a magnet for large companies based outside the community, but what the area also needs is economic development from within-direct investment in job creation through local entrepreneurs. Another worrisome indicator is the emphasis on homeownership in Clinton's housing policies. The median sale price for a house or apart- ment in New York City is $180,000-well beyond the reach of most renters, whose median household income is $20,000. Peter Dreier and John Atlas detail a much more progressive approach to housing policy- with real help for renters-in "Changing America: Blueprints for a New Democracy," edited by Mark Green, Harvey Gantt and Madeleine Kunin. President-elect Clinton-read that book! * * * We note with sadness the recent death of Peter Smith, the director of the Partnership for the Homeless. Smith, 57, set up a well-regarded program for sheltering the homeless in synagogues and churches across the city. 0 Cover photograph of Bill Clinton campaigning in East New York by Stacy Rosenstock/Impact ViSUals ". ,. SPECIAL SECTION: THE NEW PRESIDENT From the White House to Your House An interview with Marc Weiss, a top urban advisor to President-elect Bill Clinton. 11 Promises, Promises Policy proposals from the Clinton campaign. 13 Listen Up! Advice from a New York community leaders and advocates. 14 FEATURE Dollars and Change Examining old and new options for economic develop- ment in Jamaica, Queens. 16 DEPARTMENTS Editorial Move Beyond Symbolism ... ............ ................ ........ . 2 Briefs Grand Street Investigation ........ .... .......................... .4 Parkash Problems ..................................................... 4 Tax Credit Veto ............ ............ .... ............................ 5 Tainted Money ........... .. ................. ......... ...... ... ......... 5 Profile Good Neighbors ....................................................... 6 Pipeline Down by the Riverside ............................................. 8 City View Take the Blinders Off! ............ ........ ........ ...... ......... 22 Review Sex, Lies and Homelessness ...... ...... ............ .... ...... 25 Letters ....... .... ..... ........... ..... ........ .... .. ............. ........... .. 27 Job Ads ....................................................................... 31 Riverside/Page 8 White House/Page 11 Dollars and Change/Page 16 CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/3 GRAND STREET INVESTIGATION Grand Street Settlement House, a 76-year-old social services agency, is the target of investigations resulting from charges of inAated enrollment forms and improper use of city funds in some of its education programs. Funded in part by the city's Department of Employment and housed in the New York City Housing Authority's Jacob Riis Community Center on the Lower East Side, the programs were canceled last year because of budget cuts and funding changes. Beverly Cheuvront, a spokesperson for the city's Deportment of Employment, says Grand Street is currently under investigation. Jean Nathan, a spokesperson for the New York City Housing Authority, adds that Grand Street is no longer administering the community center because of the investigation. And a spokesperson for the Manhattan District Attorney's office says they "have received information and are reviewing it to see if an investigation is warranted." Anna Hopkins, Grand Street Settlement's executive director, denies the charges of wrongdo- ing. "An independent account- ing firm has looked into these allegations," she says, adding that she is sure the charges will be proven false. Founded in 1916, Grand Street Settlement is a social services organization with a multi-million dollar budget and an array of day care, eCluca- tional, senior citizen and youth programs funded by city, state and federal agencies. Most of the charges against Grand Street come from Stephanie Samuels, a former employee who was hired in 1990 as the director of a program for teenagers. Samuels was laid off last summer because of budget cuts. During her two years at Grand Street, Samuels eventu- ally became the director of all the organization's programs at the Jacob Riis Community Center site, including a General Equivalency Degree (GED) program called "Bridge to the Future." Funding for "Bridge to the Future" came from the Depart- ment of Employment. Students were required to sign a time card at the beginning of the day, which enabled them to receive $30 a week as well as a stipend for lunch and travel. Samuels says students told her they'd been receiving the stipend without attending classes. "Somebody was signing them in and signing time cards for them," she explains. Hopkins from Grand Street Settlement concedes there were problems with "Bridge to the Future." 'We did find lax attendance monitoring at the site, we made some staff adjustments and we made sure the system was not at fault," she says, adding "sometimes kids may have signed for one another, but not staff. There was no financial gain to the agency. We discovered the problem and we fixed it." Questions about attendance records are not limited to the GED program. Samuels and Charlie McCormick, another former Grand Street Settlement employee, say they had to submit attendance forms to the housing authority, which allowed Grand Street Settlement to use the Jacob Riis Community Center without paying rent. But at one point Samuels says she received a call from a super- visor and was asked to submit the forms to Grand Street administrators rather than directly to the housing authority. Suspicious, Samuels contacted the housing authority and she says an employee dropped off a stack of photocopied attendance records. "1 found that the forgeries were unbelievable," says Samuels. ''There were sign-in sheets and time cards and if you looked closely the signatures on the sign-up sheets didn't match the time cards." Hopkins responds, "Our employee [who reported to I the housing authority in no way Families in the NYC Shelter System and Where They Stay 6,000 en Number of families in :! 's 5,000 each type of shelter, 10192: "' i&. 4,000 Private Rooms ITItr 2'., 3,844 '5 ~ Dormitories ITItr I'., 133 a.. .! 3,000 E Hotels 1,107 = 2,000 Z 1illJ0Iher 374 1,000 Total Families: 5,458 0 2190 10190 6191 2192 10192 Source: NYC Human Resources Administration. 4jDECEMBER 1992/CITY UMITS looked to forge the forms .... He says if he made a mistake it was done in all honesty." She adds that since Grand Street doesn't pay rent to the housing authority, or receive fUnds for increasing attendance at the community center, there was no motive for forging the forms. In essence, Samuels and McCormick claim that Grand Street Settlement has a pattern of abuse in their reporting to government agencies. But Hopkins says, "If we are guilty of anything, it is poorly managing staff." 0 Paul DeRienzo PARKASH PROBLEMS Queens landlord ved Parkash is up to his old tricks. In 1990 he evicted a tenant organizer, Marsha Barnes, claiming he needed her apart- ment for his personal use. That act put Parkash on the Village Voice's ''Ten Worst Landlords" list. Now another tenant standing up for her rights, Phyllis Winston, is losing her apartment because P a r ~ a s h says he needs her home for his father. Winston recently agreed to pay $2,100 in rent she held back because of a lack of repairs-even though she says the repairs have still not been made. In exchange, Winston avoided immediate eviction and has until May to find a new place to live. The "personal use" eviction law allows landlords to repossess any apartment in their building if they or an immediate family member need the unit. There is "absolutely an abuse ... a pattern" going on, says Isaac Parsee from the Jamaica neighborhood stabilization office of the Commission on Human Rights, explaining that Parkash's actions send a message to tenants demanding repairs and decent housing that their actions might lead to eviction. Parkash took control of Winston's building, 162-05 89th Avenue, in 1984. "He let the place deteriorate into a slum," says Winston, listing problems including broken elevators, peeling paint, buckling walls due to leaks and a frequent lack of heat and hot water. The 70-unit building has 136 housing code violations, according to a for the city's Deportment of Housing Preservation and Development. And the state's Deportment of Housing and Community Renewal reports eight com- plaints of illegal rent increases by Parkash. The state housing agency found that Parkash overcharged one tenant, Brandon Fortez, by $155 per month and owes him $15,991-0 finding that Parkash is currently appealing for the second time. In response to questions from City Limits, Parkash hung up the phone. The secretary at Horing and Welikson, the law firm handling Parkash's litigation against Winston, says the firm has "no comment" on the case. Andrew Kelman, a housing specialist for Queens Borough President Claire Shulman, says there are serious problems with the personal use eviction law. ''What we have found in many instances is that people are somewhat powerless to fight abuse of the system:' he says. He and others say the law should be reformed to increase the penalty for landlords whose actions prove they have not acted in good faith. Winston, who moved to New York from St. Thomas in 1977, is now searching for a new home. She says she "never believed that poor people were really treated like this." Meanwhile, another activist tenant is having problems with Parkash. German Bayron, a tenant from 90-60 1 79 place recently received a letter from Parkash claiming that the apartment is needed for his brother. The case is in court. 0 Beth Greenfield TAX CREDIT VETO President George Bush's recent veto of urban aid could cause major delays in the development of low income housing in New Elegy of a Program? Mayor Dinkins speaks at the opening of Hattie Dodson Houses in Harlem-completed by the AbYSSinian Develop- ment Corporation under a tax-credit program that expires at the end of this year. York-ot least until President- elect Bill Clinton takes office and deals with the issue next year. The vetoed legislation included a permanent extension of the low income tax credit program, which has been one of the primary sources of funding for subsidized housing development since 1986. The tax credits enable corporations to earn a substantial return on investments in low income housing channeled through the Enterprise Foundation or the local Initiatives Support Corp- oration. But the current year's allocation is almost used up. ''There's probably going to be a slow-down:' says Bill Frey, director of the New York office of the Enterprise Foundation. President-elect Bill Clinton repeatedly stressed his support of the program during his campoign, so some advocates believe he will resurrect it early in his administration, perhaps in the first 100 days. But the lag between the veto and the renewal could hurt-some fear that the program could grind to a halt early in 1993. ''The pipeline is dry," says Rich West of the National low Income Housing Coolition. "It requires the Clinton administration to turn on the spigot quickly." Other advocates suspect that Congress will not approve the program until legislators have worked out a major new tax bill. If that's the case, politics could push the tax credit's renewal back well into next summer or fall, according to Frey. Since the program was created in 1986, it has been responsible for creating 125,000 units of housing nationwide each year, West says, and in New York state the program helped produce 5,000 units in 1991 alone. In New York City, the corporate money derived from tax credits is usually combined with financing from the city, state and foundations to develop housing that must remain affordable for 30 years. The buildings are developed and owned by community groups, and must be run as typical rentals. The program has been criticized as more complicated and expensive than giving direct grants to commu- nity groups. 0 Steve Mitra TAINTED MONEY? The real estate, banking and buildin9 industries contributed nearly $75,000 to the election campoign of Republican Rep. Susan Molinari of Staten Island in 1989 and 1990. At the same time, they gave $30,000 to Democratic Rep. Jose Serrano of the South Bronx. For both of them, the contributions made up a large portion of their campoign war chests-far above the nationwide average, according to a recent report by the National Housing Institute (NHI). Nationally, the average congressman or woman got one-tenth of his or her cam- poign funding from the three industries. But Molinari's take was nearly 40 percent of her total expenditures, and Serrano's was 27 percent. On the Aip side, the report shows that neither Molinari nor Serrano gave up crucial votes in exchange for the money. The report, entitled "Politicians for Rent," graded politicians on their votes for or against legislation that pitted consumer interests against the three inAuential industries. Serrano scored an A+ by the institute's measure, and Molinari a B+. New York City's entire dele- gation scored' in the "A" range except for Molinari and out- going Congressman Bill Green. "New York was one of those states where candidates appeared to be more indepen- dent," says Patrick Morrissy, executive director of NHI. ''The candidates took money from the interests but then voted with the consumer." But overall, Morrissy charges, the three interest groups remain fully able to steer the Congress. The National Association of Realtors has the largest political action committee in the country, the repc>rt shows, and it has successfully lobbied to keep reforms-like capping the tax deduction for mortgage interest-off-limits for discussion in Congress. ''What they do is set the agenda," Morrissy explains. "And it does not include affordable housing." 0 Steve Mitra CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/5 By Norman Oder Good Neighbors Three years after the death of Yusuf Hawkins, churchgoers in Bedford-Stuyvesant and Bay Ridge are sharing food, discussion-and friendship. O n a chilly October afternoon, a line of people forms inside the hall of John Wesley United Methodist Church, a sanctuary far more handsome than its surround- ings at Quincy Street and Nostrand Avenue in Bedford-Stuyvesant. Many of them are parishioners, older folks still in Sunday suits and fancy hats. But others-the ones with white faces-have trekked from Bay Ridge, a neighborhood some six miles away and a few worlds apart. At a table overseen by Loretta Power of Bed-Stuy and Judy Parris of Bay Ridge, people pick up name tags , programs and a selection of readings from the American Bible Society on peace and justice. Thus begins a leisurely afternoon of pot-luck meal, speakers, small group discussion and prayer among some 60 people. They're all members of a three-year-old group called Neighbors for Racial Harmony that includes seven churches divided between Bed-Stuy and Bay Ridge. helped her feel there's less of a chasm between her and African Americans. And Loretta Power, a lifelong Bed- Stuy resident who is a retired office chicken, salad and cake, some of the stiffness is replaced by conversation and joking. Exchanges between churches in different communities are nothing new, but this program was prompted not by church leaders but by the 1989 killing of Yusuf Hawkins in white Bensonhurst, which shook the city. Hortence Lopez, a retired school- teacher and veteran peace activist from Bay Ridge, attended a memorial service at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine, and listened to Mayor David In Brooklyn, where the racial mosaic is frequently far from gorgeous, this modest meeting is a hopeful sign, an attempt to build bridges between neighborhoods separated by race and class. It introduces parishioners from Bay Ridge, which in places might be mistaken for Westchester, to the com- munity institutions thatthrive behind Bed-Stuy's notorious blight-and welcomes Bed-Stuy residents into a neighborhood that has been known to greet African Americans with cold stares and violence. Reaching Out Parishioners from Bay Ridge and Bedford-Stuyvesant are trying to build bridges between neighborhoods seperated by race and class. How to Stop Prejudice "Face to face contact between people who don't ordinarily interact is the single most important thing to counteract racism and prejudice," observes Robert Sherman, executive director of the Increase the Peace Volunteer Corps, a mayoral initiative that promotes mutual respect among various races and ethnic groups in the city. For Judy Parris, a secretary and a church activist who's lived in Bay Ridge for 25 years, the group has 8/DECEMBER 1992jCITY UMRS supervisor, sees her participation in the group as an extension of her church activism. Still, Power, who once worked in Bay Ridge, notes that for some African- Americans, getting together with whites is no big deal. And she, like some others in the group, wonders if Neighbors for Racial Harmony will ever evolve to tackle community prob- lems like the need for jobs and hous- ing. "I don't think the people in Bay Ridge are familiar with the things that go on here in Bedford-Stuyvesant," she says carefully, implying that it may take more frequent and more inclusive meetings to deepen under- standing. The group has had some growing pains. At a previous meeting, steering committee members unconsciously segregated themselves by race. And here at John Wesley Church, it takes a while for discussion to get going. But over a shared meal that includes Dinkins exhort attendees to go home and work in their own communities. It took a year, but Lopez and others from St. Andrew the Apostle Catholic Church linked up with St. Peter Claver Church in Bedford-Stuyvesant. Monsignor James Hunt brought a parishioner, lawyer Jim Sullivan from Bed-Stuy, to a meeting in Bay Ridge, and the churches decided to hold a potluck meal together. Hunt suggested they do it again, and thus the quar- terly meetings, which have included up to 150 people, were born. Lopez, who grew up in white Flatbush and whose second husband is Puerto Rican, says she was color- blind to children she encountered as a schoolteacher, but became close to only one black person-a former maid. Now she's speaks on a weekly basis with Geneva Whitfield, a Bed-Stuy resident who works as a school secre- tary. As a result of the church inter- change, they've become friends. Helping the Healing The contacts in the Neighbors group led recently to an unusually open attempt at racial healing during a September church service honoring St. Peter Claver, who in the 17th century in Colombia consecrated him- self "slave of slaves forever. " In the midst of the service, Lopez and two other white Catholics moved to the microphone and apologized for the sins of their ancestors for any role they may have played in the slave trade. Then Julius Walls, a St. Peter Claver parishioner and a member of the Neighbors steering committee, accepted the apology and said, "We too must apologize for much that we have done against other people." Hunt says his parishioners were amazed that white people would make such statements. Whitfield comments that some people felt the gesture wasn't concrete-but most "felt it would help with the healing." The comments stirred controversy. When news of the service was reported in a local Catholic newspaper, The Tablet , several Irish American Catholics wrote vehement letters objecting to the apology from an Irish speaker at the church and citing discrimination against the Irish in America. (The apology had included the statement, "Many Irish who came to the United States were in-volved in the slave trade.") Lopez and Whitfield each wrote to The Tablet, defending the symbolic value of the statements. Monsignor Hunt, the child of Irish immigrants, says recognition of past wrongs is the first step towards change. "You gotta lance the boil ," he says. Developing Mission Organizers say Neighbors for Racial Harmony is still finding its way, still in the process of drafting a mission statement. And while discussions at the quarterly meetings have been fruitful-especially a one-time youth forum-sometimes they're not. On this fall Sunday, the group seems to lose momentum when aguest speaker drones on about brother- hood. After his speech, people have only a brief time for small group discussions, and the topic is limited to brainstorming ideas for the group's future. Some members propose that the churches exchange classes or pulpits or choirs. Several say the group should attract more youth. "My basic feeling is you have to work with the teenagers," says Whitfield. Group members have debated issu- ing statements about controversies such as the riot in Washington Heights. "Some would like it if we could be a little more critical of what exists in Methodist Church says he hopes to create more organic links between congregants by pairing churches of the same denomination. Then "they would have a natural liturgical pro- grammatic life together," he says. Such bonds could eventually involve more people, since only a small percentage of each congregation has the time and energy to pursue the current ex- changes. "Face to face contact is the single most important thing to counteract racism." Then again, he's realistic about the group's potential. Progress, he says, will come slowly and quietly, "as re- lationships between people and reli- gious communities can be established, and as some of the self-consciousness drops away." Whitfield comes back to the impor- tance of developing friendships. " If you can't talk and communicate with each other," she asks, reflecting on the continuing tensions in Crown Heights, "how are you ever going to get together?" 0 the city," says Hunt. But, he adds, "This group is not ready to make a statement. " Norman Oder is a freelance writer based in Brooklyn whose work has been published in the Columbia Jour- nalism Review and In These Times. And for now, public statements may not be the point. The Rev. Scott Summerville of Bay Ridge United Now we meet more insurance needs than ever for groups like yours. For nearly 20 years we've insured tenant and community groups all over New York City. Now, in our new, larger headquarters we can offer more programs and quicker service than ever before. Courteously. Efficiently. And profes- sionally. Richards and Fenniman, Inc. has always provided extremely competitive insurance programs based on a careful evalua- tion of the special needs of our customers. And because of the volume of business we handle, we can often couple these programs with low-cost financing, if required. We've been a leader from the start. And with our new expanded services which now include life ond benefits insurance, we can do even more foryou. For information call: Ingrid Kaminski, Senior V.P. (2J2) 267-8080, FAX (2J2) 267-9345 Richards and Fenniman, Inc. 123 William Street, New York, NY 10038-3804 Your community housing insurance professionals CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/7 By Jon Gertner Down By The Riverside Is Donald Trump's Riverside South project a disastrous sell-out, an artful compromise or some mixture of the two? E ven by New York's ruthless stan- dards, it's been a year of long knives and acrimonious dispute on the West Side of Manhattan. The reason is Riverside South, the massive Trump development slated for the largest empty parcel of land in the borough. The development proposal recently emerged from the City Planning Commission after a fa- vorable unanimous vote, and will-if and when it is completed-be the largest private construction project in the history of the city. Depending on whom you speak with, Riverside South is either a disast- rous sell-out, an artful compromise or some mixture of the two. The planning commission's stamp of approval virtuall y assures fleet passage through the City Council in mid-December. But disagreements still swirl about sewage problems, population density and subway improvements related to the site, the old Penn Central railroad yards that stretch from 59th to 72nd Street between West End Avenue and the Hudson River. The West Side's community boards and most local elected officials are opposed to Riverside South, but their basic concerns about whether a city with a luxury real estate glut has any need for new upscale towers have been brushed aside by city officials and media commentators declaring the need for new property tax revenue. In this climate of concession, the Riv- erside South dispute has evolved into a fiery argument over specifics. "This time," one neighborhood resident notes, "the devil is in the details." Sewage Scandal The detail that has stirred some of the greatest controversy concerns sewage. The North River Water Pollution Control Plant in Harlem is already seriously overburdened, according to the state. Can it handle the waste generated by residents in an extra 5,700 apartments? No problem at all, says Albert Appleton, commissioner of the city's Department of Environmental Protec- 8/DECEMBER 1992jCrTY UMITS tion (DEP), which operates the plant. In late October he produced data for the planning commission showing that Riverside South would have a negligible impact on the amount of sewage flowing to the plant. The as- sertion left critics dumbfounded, since North River has hovered just at or Disagreements still swirl about sewage problems, density and subway improvements. above its legal capacity of 170 million gallons per day for years. State Sena- tor Franz Leichter says Appleton's analysis is "inadequate, insufficient, unsubstantiated and erroneous," and charges that the commissioner has fudged the figures. Even some advocates for Riverside South raise doubts about Appleton'S data. "It's hard to feel comfortable with government data that all of a sudden indicates a dramatic shift," says Eric Goldstein of the Natural Resources Defense Council, which is part of a coalition of civic groups supporting the proposal. "We are concerned. " State officials are also skeptical. "The city's flow data is taken by us with a grain of salt," says Richard Newman, the regional water program director for the state's Department of Environmental Conservation. Early last summer, after the city repeatedly violated regulations by channeling too much waste water through North River, the state fOI:.ced DEP to sign a legally-binding consent order that gives the city 18 months to reduce the burden on the plant. !fthe city doesn't comply by 1994, the state can prohibit sewer hook-ups-which are essential for new development-in the sur- rounding neighborhoods. Besides the basic question of whether North River can handle Riv- erside South's waste, there are other concerns. The sewage treatment plant serves virtually the entire West Side of Manhattan. Riverside South oppo- nents have charged that a new hookup of its size would, in effect, block new developments in less exclusive real estate markets, including Harlem. When Borough President Ruth Messinger accepted the Trump plan last August, the two agreed that the developer would address concerns about the capacity of North River by either paying for low-flow toilets and other conservation fixtures in hun- dreds of West Side buildings, or build- ing a small treatment plant on the site. But DEP opposed Messinger's pro- posals. "At this point it doesn't seem necessary," says agency spokesper- son Ian Michaels. "We anticipate the plant will be able to handle it." Critics counter that officials have simply failed to seriously consider the sewage question as it affects the long-term interests of the borough. "The city continues to shirk the responsibility of good planning," says Peggy Shepard, the co-founder of West Harlem Environmental Action, a community group that has battled with the city over problems at the North River plant. Her reaction to DEP's data? She's "disgusted." Too Much, Too Vast? The disagreement over Riverside South's population density has been equally heated. For nearly two decades, West Siders have warned of the congestion and intrusions they expect from development on the derelict, 57-acre site. A mid-1970s plan for the Penn Yards, Lincoln West, included a total of 4,300 apartments and what was then considered an unthinkable seven million square feet of space. Trump acquired the land in the mid-1980s; his Trump City proposal of several years ago doubled the Lincoln West plan to 14.5 million square feet. After what looked to be an unwinnable war against community groups and the city, Trump joined Make Way for Trump: The 57-acre wasteland on the West Side waterfront could become the site of the largest private construction project in the city's history. forces last year with six civic groups that had collaborated on an alternative plan, including the Municipal Art Society, the Parks Council, the Natural Resources Defense Council, the Regional Plan Association, the River- side Park Fund and Westpride. He downsized the project to 8.3 million square feet-still larger than Lincoln West. With Trump's consent, the planning commission recently reduced the density even further, but at a current 7.9 million square feet- with 5,700 residential units-the trimming hardly seems severe. In June 1991, a workshop of planners and architects sponsored by the Manhattan Borough President's office issued a detailed report recom- mending a more dramatic density re- duction of 16 percent, as opposed to the five percent agreed upon by the planning commission. In July of this year, Community Board Seven voted against Riverside South, demanding that the project's density should not exceed 6.9 million square feet. Both suggestions have been relegated to footnote status. "People who don't understand all the aspects that go into a good and balanced plan reach for density as a simplistic issue," charges Rosina Abramson of the city's Department of City Planning. "The notion of density is a critical one, but simply cutting density does not mean you meet your other goals," she says. But opponents say Trump passed the breaking point when his project eclipsed the seven million square foot mark. Abramson counters that studies have shown that the new project is in sync with its surroundings. She says the project came outto 102 apartments per acre, while the surrounding West Side area has 105 apartments per acre. Other methods of analyses further complicate the debate. For instance, a spokesperson for the project's archi- tect, Skidmore Owings & Merrill, recently told Metropolis magazine that designers used Central Park West and its massive towers as their frame of reference, rather than the smaller buildings along Riverside Drive. Madeleine Polayes of the Coalition for a Livable West Side charges that the manipulations of data and zoning contexts obscure the true impact of such a huge development. "It will ruin the West Side as we know it," she says. Early Disagreement While the specific hot spots in the Riverside South debate were identi- fied early on, some say Mayor David Dinkins' and Borough President Messinger's support at Riverside South's 1991 unveiling sealed the plan's ultimate success even before the caterwaul began. The opposition of State Senators Franz Leichter and Manfred Ohrenstein, as well as the criticisms of virtually every locally elected West Side politician-includ- ing Council Members Ronnie Eldridge and Stanley Michels- have helped galvanize the opposition, even as the project seems increasingly a fait accompli. But the fact that the elected officials have closed ranks, including former Trump ally Andrew Stein, is rarely noted in press accounts. However strong the opposition, advocates maintain that the project's CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/9 "economic integrity"-a euphemism for profit making-could be jeopar- dized by too many concessions. Even in the report that accompanied the Borough President's approval of the project, this was rhetorically antici- pated. Messinger stated that "[den- sity 1 has often led to horsetrading, which can easily overtake the resolu- tion of issues of much greater conse- quence to the community," like the city's need for property tax revenues, affordable housing and parks. One issue that appears resolved after the planning commission's ap- proval is an increase in Trump's con- tribution, from $5 million to $12 mil- lion, towards the renovation and ex- pansion of the 72nd Street and 66th Street subway stations. Years before, when the Lincoln West project had been the center of a similar fire storm during its review by the now-defunct Board of Estimate, mandates in the planning agreement had called for over $30 million in contributions to- wards improving the 72nd Street sub- way station. "Lincoln West was giv- ing $32 million plus other allowances for the ' subway," says Madeleine Polayes. "By today's standards that's $45 million." But the planning com- mission concluded it was unrealistic for Trump to assume the entire cost of subway renovations and that, in fair- ness, the developer's contribution should only match the estimated 28 percent increase in foot traffic at the stations. A similar battle has raged over af- fordable housing and park sites. The tantalizing prospect of a 21.5 acre park abutting the river was one cor- nerstone of the plan. Accordingly, the planning commission insists that the park be built in increments along with the towers, and that apartments can't be occupied until the commitment is fulfilled. In addition, part of the pub- licly-owned park's maintenance and oversight costs will be picked up by the developer. But the newly refurbished, elevated Miller Highway on the Riverside South site is a major obstacle. The planning commission called for an "interim park" until the highway can be moved slightly below ground level, as called for in the development proposal. But the federal government just sank $62 million into renovations for the el- evated road, and newly elected Rep- resentative Jerry Nadler, a strong opponent of the current plan, "will do whatever he can to prevent the 10jDECEMBER 1992jCITY UMITS moving of the Miller Highway," according to his aide, Brad Korn. The congressman "believes any federal money should be used to repair other infrastructure problems of the city," Korn explains. Progress on Affordable Housing Of all the conditions worked out by the planning commission, proponents call the Riverside South affordable housing guarantees the most promis- Riverside South is Trump's life preserver. ing and progressive. Trump had origi- nally agreed to provide 10 percent of the project's units for this, but with insistence from the planning com- mission he agreed to a mandate of 12 percent, or 20 percent if federal pub- lic subsidies can be procured. The stipulations have teeth, Planning Com- missioner Ron Shiffman says, and would force the developer to actively search out subsidies to hit the 20 per- cent mark-which would mean Man- hattan could have 1,140 new afford- able apartments. Furthermore, the af- fordable housing will be scattered throughout the project, not segregated, and half of the units will be targeted to low income households. (The rest will be divided evenly between moderate and middle income families.) Shiffman sees this as the shape of things to come. "I anticipate that we're going to hold any developer with a large scale development to any inclusionary housing in future agree- ments," he says. "A number of the commissioners will fight for it with any project that comes before us." Trump, Chase and Beyond But will Donald Trump ever see any of this to completion? Both critics and advocates of Riverside South quietly acknowledge that a property sale, probably parcel by parcel, is imminent once the plan makes it over its final hurdle in the City Council or, perhaps, after the completion of the first few units. While development of the Penn Yards site has been Donald Trump's lifelong dream, at this point the dream may be replaced by his need for cash. Zoning clearance for the site would vastly inflate the net worth of the property; it might even propel the bankrupt developer back into the black. Documents from the New Jersey Casino Control Commission indicate that Chase Manhattan would be willing to refinance other Trump properties, such as Trump Tower, if Riverside South gets the nod before the end of the year. At present, Chase has over $200 million behind the Penn Yards properties. Though Trump has never stopped being a player- perhaps because he had sunk so far into debt (about $6 billion) that the banks couldn't let him fail-critics say Riverside South is his life preserver, his way back on to the cover of New York magazine. The Riverside South proposal has yielded many firsts: Donald Trump has held court with the community to some degree, conceded to precedent- setting affordable housing guarantees, and did not, for a change, name a project after himself. But in the end, New York's reliance on real estate development as the most facile means of stimulating the local economy- and raising new revenue-has been the guiding force behind negotiations. Bob Fitch, an economist who is currently working on a book about the topic, says this approach ignores the long-term, structural needs ofthe city and its residents. "There has to be something wrong with a city that has tens of millions of square feet of empty office space and has thousands of empty condos and we have to keep building more," he says. "We have to think seriously about what this city is going to do for a living." 0 Jon Gertner is a freelance writer based in Brooklyn. Advertise in City Limits! Call Faith Wiggins! (212) 925 .. 9820 By Lisa Glazer Talking with a top urban advisor to President-elect Bill Clinton. From the White House to Your House I ' m stressed to the max," says Marc Weiss, 42, a senior policy advisor to President-elect Bill Clinton. It is two days after the election, Weiss is just back from Little Rock, and he is clearly on overdrive-hyper and yawning at the same time. In the quiet of his office at Columbia University he relaxes slightly, just enough to detail his involvement with the successful Democratic campaign and to provide a conceptual road map for urban issues in the new administration. Like the man he campaigned for , Weiss comes across as an earnest, affable political moderate committed to building broad-based coalitions. He speaks in the generalized parlance of the election: "housing equals jobs", "a new passion for community," "a time of opportunity." But un- derlying the rhetoric are a handful of campaign proposals Weiss helped develop that just might put cities back on the presidential agenda. (How high they'll be on that agenda is another question altogether.) But only some of that enthusiasm has spread from the Clinton campaign to cities, where many have noted how rarely racism, poverty and urban re- building were mentioned during a year of electioneering targeted mostly toward suburbanites. Catering to the These aren't the only promises. Besides business enterprise zones, microenterprise loan programs and community development banks, Clinton has also pledged full federal funding for the maintenance of public housing, permanent extension of low income housing tax credits, more money for important housing develop- ment programs, and the expansion of Federal Housing Administration mortgage insurance to a greater num- ber of home buyers. When push comes to shove, when dollars don't match desire, what will be funded? "Some of the really key priorities will be the tax credits and mortgage revenue bonds, " says Weiss. The credits give tax breaks to corpora- tions in return for in- vesting in affordable housing, and mortgage revenue bonds enable states and cities to float bonds to raise capital for housing, often as mort- gages for home buyers. Not incidentally, neither requires serious, up- front investment of fed- eral funds. But with the recession still going strong and for- eign crises looming, it seems entirely possible that even these modest goals could be put on UJ hold. Weiss denies this vehemently, saying that Clinton's $20 billion "I've been working on the campaign from the very beginning," says Weiss, who was anadvi- sor to Governor Jerry Brown in California in the 1970s and was im- pressed by then-Gover- nor Bill Clinton's achievements in Arkan- sas. Years later, when Weiss heard that Clinton was running for presi- dent, he volunteered his and became _________ ---' __ 00 "Rebuild America" City Person: Marc Weiss says, ''I'm very, very, very excited about what we're plan-if enacted-will going to be able to do ... one of the candidate's chief advisors on city topics. Growing Role "It grew to be a bigger role than the campaign itself," explains Weiss, who seems slightly dislocated by the shift from campaigning to pre-inaugural strategizing. After a year of policy- making and public speaking for Clinton, including outreach to national housing and community development groups, he says, "I'm very, very, very excited about what we're going to be able to do." middle class can easily overwhelm the needs of the nation's 35 million poor people-and many of the early Clinton positions on community de- velopment can only be described as vague. "Early on there was an effort to be very lean and later things developed," Weiss says, noting that as the campaign progressed Clinton became more specific on city issues and now prom- ises to expand the budget for housing and urban development to pre-1980s levels-in terms of how many people are assisted-over four years. include extra money for cities. "The centerpiece of his whole program is economic growth, and housing and community development are definitely a part of that," he says. How will it happen? Adding extra money to Community Development Block Grants and more funds-perhaps an extra billion-for the new HOME program, which offers cities and states flexible funding for a range oflow income housing options. Expansion of ei ther program would give a kick to the depressed building industry as well as increase the hous- ing supply. But this approach worries some, including Richard West from CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/11 the National Coalition for Low In- come Housing. "They sell low income housing as a job creation program, but we don't believe the primary problem in America today is supply of hous- ing-it's affordability. This can be solved economically and efficiently through rental assistance programs in contrast with much more expensive and time-consuming construction pro- grams." West and others note that the nation's largest housing subsidy pro- gram for low income families-Sec- tion Eight rental vouchers and certifi- cates-is in dire straits because of funding cutbacks but is not singled out for attention in any Clinton policy papers. Meanwhile, 132,000 people are on New York City's waiting list for the federal rent assistance, a number that has exploded during the recession. Instead of tenant assistance, Clinton proposals have focused more on home- ownership. But Weiss says, "I would expect to see an increase in Section Eight and very possibly an effort to improve the program." Broad-based Vision Raised in Chicago, Weiss describes himself as a "city person" who worked as a community organizer in anti- poverty programs while in high school and marched for civil rights and fair housing. He served in Vietnam, and later earned an urban planning doctorate from the University of California. Today he teaches real estate and urban planning at Columbia and is the author of two publications: a real estate textbook and "The Rise of the Community Builders," which focuses on large-scale, for-profit residential development. His current book project is about home owner- ship, so the lack of focus on rental assistance shouldn't come as a surprise. Nor should his disinterest in politicall y risky reforms like changing the tax rules for mortgage interest deductions so the wealthy don't ben- efit from tax breaks. "Housing programs need to get broad-based support and when you zero in on that issue in particular it becomes very divisive," says Weiss. "If you said we need to expand hous- ing programs that serve middle income and low income, that are for home ownership and rental, and that you are going to pay for it by cutting the defense budget, you get a much big- ger, more positive political coalition 12/DECEMBER 1992jCITY UMITS and it's much more likely to pass." Stressing the importance of the HOME program, he says it's "a great vehicle with one important advan- tage: you can do it quickly. The alter- native is to come up with an entirely new program. That would take years and wouldn't help the economy. It's much better to take the existing programs and make them work better." Could cities return to the presidential agenda? Many low income housing advocates agree that HOME is essentially a good program, especially since it gives states and cities a lot ofleeway to determine how they'll expand low income housing. The program funds both rehabilitation and new construction, and mandates that 15 percent of funds must be set aside for community-based housing groups. Regarding public housing, Weiss predicts that the Jack Kemp agenda of privatization will be slowed down- but boosting tenant involvement in management will remain key. Weiss also says the president-elect is likely to support the new, neo-conservative Family Self Sufficiency program, which offers families on Section Eight rental assistance greater access to social services, education and job training-in exchange for giving up Section Eight five years down the road. When it comes to the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) , there are already signs that Clinton is living up to his reputation for trying to please everyone. On the one hand, advocates are heartened that bank lending in poor neighborhoods has been high- lighted as an election issue and they point to Clinton's record in bringing the South Shore community bank to Arkansas to manage a rural develop- ment bank. Yet his campaign's policy papers lead with a demand to cut back CRA paperwork, which Allen Fish- bein from the Center for Community Change describes as "disingenuous," explaining that paperwork overkill is a pet peeve of the banking lobby and a ruse to undercut CRA. Steven Kest, the director of the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now, which has worked nationally on CRA issues, adds that the new head of the American Banking Association, William Brandon Jr. of Arkansas, has worked closely with the president-elect for two decades. "I think Clinton is hearing from both sides and there will be a battle over which side prevails," notes Kest. Dismay, Ecstasy Among inside-the-beltway housing and neighborhood policy wonks, the early take on Clinton's campaign promises is divided. Some, like Chester Hartman from the Poverty and Race Research Action Council, are dismayed by his centrism and by the absence of big-name housing and community development folks in the campaign. But others beg to differ. "Our members are ecstatic," says Bud Kanitz from the National Neigh- borhood Coalition. Kanitz says the organizations he works with are absolutely thrilled that the Reagan- Bush era is finally over. But what will come in its place? Most of the experts say there's little chance that housing, homelessness, and community development will leap to the top of the Clinton agenda. But they acknowledge that Weiss is at least listening to nonprofit neighbor- hood and housing groups, bringing them back in the loop after 12 years of embittered outsider status. Continu- ing his quest, Weiss says, "I hope everyone reading City Limits-the people really out on the front lines making change-will know that they have a friend in Clinton and a friend in the federal government." Already it looks like Clinton won't be a best friend-but at least he'll be an acquaintance, and that's a start, advocates say. As Fishbein puts it, "There's nowhere to go but up." ::J Subscribe to CITY LIMITS (212) 925-9820
Promises, Promises Some of the key campaign pledges for cities made by President-elect Bill Clinton. Community Development Create a national network of 100 community development banks and 1,000 microenterprise loan programs to provide capital and technical assistance to people who want to start or expand small businesses and help revitalize communities. Create 75 to 125 comprehensive enterprise zones to help distressed communities. Require businesses to make jobs for local residents a top priority if they are to receive the benefits of the new enterprise zones. Strengthen the Com- munity Reinvestment Act to emphasize per- formance over paper- work and stop the practice of "redlining" in economically disad- vantaged communities. Fighting Poverty Set up Individual Development Accounts for low income Ameri- cans for first-home pur- chases, post-secondary education, business development and retire- ment. Raise the asset limit for AFDC recipi- ents from $1 ,000 to $10,000. Increase the Earned Income Tax Credit so that no one with a family who works full-time has to raise their children in pov- erty; make up the difference be- tween a family's earnings and the poverty level. Scrap the current welfare system. Provide the education, training and child care that recipients need for up to two years so they can break the cycle of dependence. After that, those who are able will be required to work. Require any corporation receiv- ing a multi-million dollar federal contract to create a mentors hip , after-school employment or summer employment program for urban and rural disadvantaged youth. Rebuilding Urban Infrastructure Target funding and Community Development Block Grants to rebuild roads, bridges, water and sewer treat- ment plants and low income housing stock, stressing "ready to go" projects. Require companies that bid on these projects to set up a portion of their operations in low-income neighbor- hoods end employ local residents. Affordable Housing Increase the ceiling on Federal Housing Administration mortgage insurance to 95 percent of the price of a home in an average metropolitan area. Make home ownership possible for lower-income Americans through federal support of low income, long- term housing-buy-out programs in which condemned houses are pur- chased, restored and sold to low income buyers through a package of long-term subsidized housing. Maintain the mortgage revenue bond program to make affordable housing a reality. Continue and strengthen the HOME program by giving more authority to local administrative officials. Permanently extend the Low Income Housing Tax Credit. Preserve public housing by ensuring that adequate funding for maintenance and upkeep is in- cluded in the HUD budget. Hold a Housing and Homeless- ness Summit with urban leaders to create a new consensus for poverty programs, funding levels and fed- eral assistance for innovative hous- ing solutions. Fighting Homelessness Make permanent housing with supportive services a priority. Work to develop cost-effective, community-based, service-en- riched housing programs for spe- cial needs populations. Build flexibility into federal funding programs, like the McKinney Act, to finance housing and supportive service costs, in- cluding pre-development and ad- ministrative costs. Children and Education FullyfundHeadStart and the Women, Infants and Children program. Give teenagers who drop out of school a sec- ond chance through a Youth Opportunities Corps,andhelpcommu- nities open youth cen- ters. Develop a national apprenticeship program that offers non college- bound students valuable skills training. Give every American the right to borrow money for college, establish a National Service Trust Fund where those who borrow from the fund will be able to repay the balance by work- ing as teachers, police, health care workers or peer counselors. Establish a national health care plan. Improve health care access in urban areas through school and community-based clinics to provide preventive care. Transportation Allocate greater resources to "intelligent vehicle" and roadway technology to reduce traffic. Increase the decision-making role of municipalities and commu- nity development groups so they can allocate a greater share of their transportation funds for mass transit systems. CITY UMnS/DECEMBER 1992/13 LISTEN UP! Guillenno Linares New York City Council Member Your strategy has to be bottom up, based on what communities perceive should be the focus. Pursue an agenda that creates jobs right away. That's the first thing that communities, people of color, im- migrants and poor people need. Sec- ondl y, focus on channeling resources to cities that help families pull them- selves together-especially housing, which should include strategies to help the homeless. Not just the men- tally ill but families that are doubled and tripled up. Help small business people that have such a hard time surviving. A strategy that does not focus on economic development at the base of the community is doomed to fail. Linares repmsents the Washington Heights section of Manhattan. He is the city's first Dominican-American elected official. Marjorie Moore Community Environmental Health Center Come visit Harlem. You will find that in addition to the childhood lead poisoning epidemic, we are also experi- encing alarming rates of asthma and tuberculosis. Do these environmental health problems exist in other urban communities? I can assure you they do. When you visit, you will get an instant education about how the urban center-the city-supports the comforts of those who are financially better off and can live in the suburbs. You will be hit by the sudden realization that when we say we are unwill- ing to accept another envi- ronmentally questionable project or any kind of unwanted facility, or that we won' t let industry dump its poisonous bypro ducts-we are not saying "not in my backyard" but rather that we don't even have a backyard. I want to challenge you to be imaginative and creative and to reject complacency out of hand. Get busy! The Community Environmental Health Center is based at Hunter College. 14/DECEMBER 1992jCITY UMITS Jay Small Association for Neighborhood and Housing Development During the campaign none of the candidates, yourself included, articulated an urban agenda. In fact, it almost seemed as if cities had ceased to exist. While the conven- tional wisdom seems to be that this was just part of a centrist election strategy, it is entirely possible that ignoring cities and poor people will remain an entrenched government strategy. An effective housing policy would have to include radical new initiatives addressing both urban and industrial policy. The flight of capital from the cities and the accompany- ing destruction of the infrastructure is not a new phenomenon. Some priorities: create high- paying, union jobs-not enterprise zones. The federal government should directly fund the creation of new low income rental units. The homeownership fetishism of the Reagan-Bush years should be scuttled for what it is- racist and elitist. By all means, flood the cities with money, and let that money be spent according to local, popularly-based plans. The Association for Neighborhood Housing and Develop- ment is a coalition of 30 community-based housing groups. Sally Hernandez-Pinero New York City Housing Authority I hope you'll bring the same tenacity to solving our housing problems that you brought to your election campaign. You will find that among those advocating for affordable housing there is a wide diversity of opinion because there are so many disparate and compet- ing needs-housing for people with AIDS, housing for the mentally ill, housing for people doubled up, housing for the homeless. Dollars are only one part of the solution-allocation ofresources between competing needs is a serious challenge. Don't be deterred. Come up with equitable solutions even if they might not be the most popular. The New York City Housing Authority is the nation's largest provider of public housing. City Limits asked an array of New Yorkers-community organizers, advocates, government leaders-what their advice is for President-elect Bill Clinton. Here's what they had to say. Richard Cloward Columbia University Your welfare reform ideas are all wrong. The idea of putting welfare mothers into training programs and then cutting off benefits is ridiculous. Mothers are needed at home to raise their kids and they can't possibly survive on minimum wage jobs. If you do in fact begin cutting people's benefits after two years it will be a social catastrophe that leads to a monumental increase in homelessness. What I would instead rec- ommend is doing something about welfare grant levels that have fallen precipitously. Also, legislate services that give women more support. Revise the tax structure. The structural changes that took place in the 1980s really were horrendous and redis- tributed taxes downward. I think something has to be done about campaign financing-the money interests are just buying the country, buying the political process. The national Voter Registration Act, popularly called the motor voter bill, should be enacted. Cloward helped devise some of the early programs in the War on Poverty. Rima McCoy Action for Community Empowerment This is what we'd like to see. No wars. Better education. Tax the rich. Make transportation more accessible. Make govern- ment officials more accountable. Pass gay rights laws and the Equal Rights Amendment. Get decent people on the Supreme Court. Recoup the civil rights we lost in the Reagan-Bush years. Abolish the death penalty. Revamp the prison system, with less money for prisons and more money for services. We need more housing that doesn't cost a lot of money to live in. The main thing is to really get to the root causes of poverty instead of just fighting the symptoms. Action for Community Empowerment is a community organizing group working with formerly homeless fami- lies in Harlem. Julie Sandorf Corporation for Supportive Housing Make permanent housing with support services a prior- ity and take your lead from the best and most creative community-based organizations. Es- tablish partner- ships between nonprofit housing and service provid- ers and state, local and federal govern- ments that take a comprehensive approach. This is a far more cost- efficient alterna- tive than the revolving doors of shelters, emergency housing, jails, hospitals and institutionalization. The Corporation for Supportive Housingprovides technical assistance for nonprofit groups developing housing and services for people with special needs. Richard Green Crown Heights Youth Collective When you spoke about the re-United States, that was perhaps the most profound statement I had heard from a politician in decades. There is a real need to reunite this United States. In Crown Heights, the African American and Hasidic population has co-existed without really paying attention to each other. That led to the riot that happened last August 19 and the tensions that con- tinue to simmer. These issues have to be brought out into the open. You should inaugurate a leadership program for young people and bring resources to the table for a youth agenda. For foreign policy, take a definitive stance on Haiti and help return it to a democracy. Start close to home and continue further abroad. The Crown Heights Youth Collective brings together Hasidic and African American youth in Brooklyn. CITY UMITSIDECEMBER 1992/15 Traditional economic development schemes have hardly made a dent in South Jamaica's desolation. Now the community is struggling to find a new way. BY ANDREW WHITE I n the middle of an autumn afternoon, the sidewalks in downtown Jamaica, Queens, are jammed with black and Latina women and their children, office workers grabbing a late lunch and teenagers just out of school. Vans and buses fight for space on the crowded avenue, while across the way, bold signs and window banners announce bargain prices-$9.99 for dress pants at Sam's Fashion, $9.99 for gold tooth caps from Chubby's Jewelry. Asian and Indian merchants mind the shoppers, their storefronts piled high with discount mouthwash, coffee-makers, shirts and paper napkins. But just a few blocks to the south, past the lawns of the newly-built York College campus, the commercial energy fades to desperation. Beyond a no man's land of wide roads, auto repair joints and used-car dealerships is the edge of South Jamaica, a place of crowded, tumble-down wooden houses with cracked siding and broken windows, where toddlers ride rusted tricycles and stringy corn stalks stand seven feet high along a fence. This is the dichotomy of Jamaica, a neighborhood whose contrasts clearly illustrate the serious limitations of traditional economic development work. 16jDECEMBER 1992/CITY UMITS t Waiting for a Better Day: The bleak streets of South Jamaica, where development has failed to create either stability or a sense of security. The downtown discount marketplace along Jamaica what has to be done. We just need to give them an Avenue thrives in large part because of more than a billion opportunity." dollars of government investment, the development of a For all of those involved, there remain nagging doubts: federal office building and the creation of an enterprise in an increasingly global economy, rebuilding individual zone. It looks like an important urban success story-but neighborhoods in severe decline is more than a challenge. the benefits have not made much difference to the impov- "It's very difficult to do," says Wim Wiewel, director of the erished residential community of South Jamaica. Center for Urban Economic Development in Chicago. "To "When you talk about economic development, you think about totally restoring a local economy ... that is far want to develop a sense of pride, a sense of well-being, a beyond what's going to harp en. It's just not realistic." sense of security," says Inez Patterson, the director of the But within the bounds 0 realism and the opportunities South Jamaica Urban Renewal Committee. "We don't created by government investment, people are searching have that here." for workable alternatives. "The ultimate aim is to stop the In a year when community economic development has leakage of dollars going out of the community," says moved to the fore of the national agenda with the support Walter Stafford, a professor of public policy at New York of politicians like President-elect Bill Clinton, local lead- University. "But how does the community generate the ers in neighborhoods targeted for such work say it takes institutions to capture that money?" more than money to do it right. In South Jamaica, Patterson and others say they have learned that communities must guard against giving up too much to the owners of major corporations, shop owners from miles away, and contrac- tors and developers who often live outside the city. It's a question, they say, of community control. The African American leaders of Southeast Queens have begun to focus on redirecting development funding to local groups, making sure the money does not go to outsiders. "I don't think [outside organizations] have to develop anything here," says State Senator Al Waldon, Jr. "The contractors and organizations I know are profession- ally prepared and are extremely intelligent about doing The organizations that are meant to answer that ques- tion are the Queens Overall Economic Development Cor- poration, the Greater Jamaica Development Corporation, a handful of community-based groups in South Jamaica and the local development corporations from more stable, middle class neighborhoods nearby like Hollis, Rochdale Village and Springfield Gardens. But instead of working together and striving for creative new approaches, these organizations often must compete for scarce government grants, with the smaller groups-those rooted in the resi- CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/17 dential communities-frequently missing out. Almost two years ago, Edward J. Lewis, the leader of the Rochdale Village Local Development Corporation, learned there was state money available for a revolving loan fund targeting minorities and women in Queens-and that local groups could apply to administer the fund. Loan funds like these are among the rare sources of capital for people seeking to establish or expand small, inner-city businesses. Lewis, who has a dozen years' experience running a printing and marketing firm, says he saw the fund as the perfect chance to do what he and his colleagues had long been talking about: creating jobs for the commu- nity. The Rochdale Village LDC put together a loan commit- tee comprised of a Chase Manhattan vice-president, a loan officer from another bank, real estate professionals and other successful business people from Southeast Queens, and sent their proposal to the state. They were all from the community, African American, with strong ties to churches, block groups and civic associations. But they didn't get a chance to test their plan. The state gave the $200,000 loan fund to the Greater Jamaica Development Corporation (GJDC), instead. "We need an organization that can get into more than one district," says Alan Sullivan, executive deputy com- missioner of the state Department of Eco- nomic Development. "GJDC was able to make that happen. They are better funded." the improvement of downtown Jamaica, and in that time the government has poured hundreds of millions of dol- lars into revitalizing the commercial hub. Half a century ago, Jamaica Avenue was one of the largest retail areas in the city, with department stores, the subway and government offices all crowded within a few blocks. But soon the downtown district began to stumble- new highways bypassed the area and malls went up in the suburbs. Finally, in 1978, Macy's closed its Jamaica store and, two years later, the locally-based Gertz department store shut down for good. It's faded advertisement still graces a railroad bridge near York College-the scripted "Gertz" is hidden behind another sign that reads, "Adver- tising Space Available." The development corporation was the offspring of the Regional Plan Association's ambitious 1969 plan for the metropolitan area. The planners called for a remake of the district's image, estimating that 50,000 office jobs could be created there by 1985. GJDC's first and only executive director, Carlisle Towery, was one of those planners; he came to the organization in 1971 committed to creating a new downtown Jamaica. Between 1971 and 1984 the government spent $750 million on projects ranging from the removal of the el- evated subway and street improvements to the creation of a pedestrian mall and the expansion of Mary Immaculate Hospital. In the later part of the 1980s the new cam- pus for York College opened, the federal government built a massive brick office building, the city completed a new sub- way extension and state agencies moved into the old Gertz store. Much of the work was overseen in one way or another byGJDC. Lewis can't argue with that. After all, GJDC receives an an- nualgrant of$420,000 from the city's Depart- ment of Business Ser- vices, and other plan- ning and develop- ment funds from the state. But he and a chorus of others in the community say GJDC simply doesn't have strong ties to the neighborhoods be- yond the enterprise zone, which it over- sees. Besides, Lewis Help Wanted: Edward f. Lewis says community groups like his need a chance to oversee development projects and funds. In 1987 the state. designated the down- . town area an Eco- nomic Development Zone-the state's ver- sion of an enterprise zone. The zone offers adds, "local development corporations haven't been given the type of money they need to establish a track record." The problem is emblematic, says James Heyliger, the director of the York College Small Business Development Center and a long-time advocate for South Jamaica. He leans forward, impassioned, as he describes the common Catch-22: "They will never have that track record if you never give them the opportunity." T he shopping strip, the federal building and the brightly lit entrance halls of the Jamaica Center subway station are all testament to Greater Jamaica Development Corporation's strong track record. For 20 years the group has managed 18jDECEMBER 1992/CITY UMITS an array of tax credits designed to make doing business cheaper inside the zone than outside, and it generates government spending on infrastructure to make the area more attractive. The intended targets for all this activity are industrial companies looking for a desirable place to build, renovate or expand a plant. The benefits to the surrounding community include increased property val- ues, the cash spent by workers in shops and restaurants, and, sometimes, low-wage jobs. Today there are several thousand office, manufacturing and wholesale jobs in the Economic Development Zone, many more than there were five years ago (though tens of thousands less than RPA predicted in 1969). The retail strip is very much alive-but there's no way of knowing where most of the workers in the area come from, says Jobs, Jobs, Jobs? Government programs helped develop a thriving business district, but officials can only point to 200 local people hired in the enterprise zone in recent years. James Johnson of GJDC. Local activists confirm what any eyes can see-the cultivation of an economic base has not had a ripple effect in South Jamaica. "It' s had no impact," says Storm Russell , the director of the Jamaica Housing Improvement Pro- gram, a nonprofit group that assists tenants and small property owners. "I've not seen that people here are working in the federal buildings. And the premise for the state offices was the number of jobs created. People were excited but those jobs did not go to community residents. Retailers don't hire in the community. I don't see it. I really don't see it." Indeed, reports by zone officials can point to only 200 local people hired in the zone between 1987 and December, 1991, as a result of their work. The enterprise zone pro- gram includes wage tax credits for employers that hire residents of the South Jamaica area. But to earn those . credits they have to hire new people to fill new positions, not just replacements for departed staff. And the tax incentives are not much help to a local entrepreneur who has a good idea but little capital to start a company. Johnson, who oversees the Economic Development Zone for GJDC and lives in Far Rockaway, is extremely frank about the limitations of his work. "The design is trickle-down. The benefits work best for a manufacturer moving into the area. That's the prime target." But attract- ing outside companies "doesn't necessarily create stabil- ity," he adds. "It creates lower-level, unskilled jobs with little chance for promotion. "Businesses that stabilize the community are the ones that are owned by the community. They hire their friends ' children, they hire their neighbors , even if it's just one or two jobs here or there," he continues. "You not only create a higher level of income, you have higher incomes and profit staying in the neighborhoods, investing in homes, investing in Little Leagues. " If the supervisor of the Economic Development Zone concedes this, why isn't there more direct support for neighborhood-owned businesses? Mainly because it's a riskier financial approach that involves direct subsidies rather than tax credits. "Giving up revenue that you haven't got is a lot easier than loaning or granting out the taxpayer's money," says Sullivan from the state's Depart- ment of Economic Development. There are several alternative strategies to GJDC's fo- cused work in downtown Jamaica. One of them, champi- oned by Queens Overall Economic Development Corpora- tion (QOEDC), is the redevelopment of smaller commer- cial strips all around the borough. QOEDC receives nearly half a million dollars in fund- ing from city and county officials each year, along with planning and development grants from the state. The results and the reactions to its work on commercial strips are mixed. One example is a planned shopping development on empty urban renewal land in South Jamaica, at the inter- section of Sutphin and Linden boulevards. QOEDC is working on the project with the Sutphin Boulevard Local Development Corporation, an all-volunteer group of business people and civic leaders. Current business owners express fear about the new development-they've heard that one of the prospective tenants of the planned stores is a large franchise or chain operation like Rite-Aid Pharmacy. "If they bring them here our expenses will go up," says Jose Montalvo, the owner of the Sutphin Grocery, speaking in Spanish. "Everyone will have to close." Iris Luckain, who lives nearby and manages the new Shear Elegance beauty parlor, also worries her rent will shoot up. It's better to develop the property for small businesses, she says. "We should be given a chance." CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/19 A few miles away on Hollis Avenue is a new shopping plaza that is a larger version of what the Sutphin Boule- vard effort could become. Working with a state grant of $300,000, QOEDC joined forced with the Hollis Local Development Corporation-another all-volunteer grou p- and a for-profit company to set up the plaza. The shops are brightly lit and busy: Blockbuster Video, Domino's Pizza, Walgreens Drug Store. All the stores are owned outside the community and, so far, all but one are managed by people from outside the community, according to QOEDC. The contractors that built the stores are also outsiders. The Hollis group that helped develop the site has not yet earned a penny from it, though they are slated to receive 15 percent of the profits from the store's leases (QOEDC will get 35 percent, and the private developer will get 50 percent). Marjorie Banks, a leader of the Hollis LDC, says her group often felt uninvolved in the project. "We didn't have any control in choosing the tenants," she says. "They [the for-profit developer and QOEDC] didn't use any of our suggestions. And we didn't have much say in the money part." But local residents are happy with the shopping center. Martha Snipes, shop- ping with her children, says it has improved the commu- nity. "I didn't feel that we had high quality stores" in the neighborhood before, she says. And Banks is sincerely pleased with the end result. "Our biggest concern is to get the avenue cleaned up," she says. Drug dealing has long been a major problem in the area, but now the scourge has moved further up the avenue. In fact, it's hard for anyone to argue that the busy stores are not a major improvement over the broken-down buildings that stood here before. like a one-way trap for money," he argues. "There's no investment back into the community. Who did they ac- complish this for? What about the guy who owns the candy store down the street?" , 0 understand the grassroots options for economic development in South Jamaica, it's important to know the area's history. Once a market village for the farming communities of Long Island, Jamaica evolved into a magnet for African Americans moving up the economic ladder from working class to middle class in the 1950s and 1960s, and the small homes with yards provided a welcome escape from the stress and crowded streets of the city. "Queens was the borough for people who had made it, regardless of their ethnicity," says Frank Vardy from the Department of City Planning. But over the years, many black New Yorkers of means moved closer to the border of Nassau County, away from the industrial landscapes along the Jamaica railroad tracks and avenues. Thousands of them stayed within the city boundaries because they worked in government agencies with residency requirements. Yet they still managed to leave the poor- est part of the community behind in South Jamaica, and the area's been deterio- rating ever since. "The project goes beyond job creation," argues Elise WagerofQOEDC. "This pro- vides well-known, well put- together stores that people didn't see in the neighbor- hood before. In the end, it helps the neighborhood prosper. It keeps the people that are the backbone of the community here. It keeps investment there in new homes and small stores." But what about criticism thatthe money spent on the project didn't employ local people, and that the stores provide Besides a smattering of church-funded projects and the construction of middle- income townhouses, eco- nomic development work here is sparse. But some long- time activists have very clear ideas of what could be done. Larry Cormier, presi- dent of the Jamaica NAACP and one of the founders of both QOEDC and GJDC, now runs a security company on Merrick Boulevard. He says he would like to see govern- ment investment in pri- vately-owned, community- based plants that manufac- ture products for industry, like pallets for airport freight operators, or plastic and electronic components for computers, cellular phones or short-wave radios. The plants, he says, could train and hire local unemployed people. His model is a Invest in Opportunilr. Larry Cormier, president of the Jamaica NAACP, would like to see government investment in locally-owned and staffed industrial plants. company he owned during the 1980s, Technology Industries, which employed 450 local laborers in the manufacture of electrical cables and harnesses for the defense industry on Long Island. "We brought in the hard-core unemployed, gave them classroom training and put them in the plant," he says. "Anyone who only low-wage employment-like for the teens that work the counter in the video shop? "The neighborhood revital- ization approach is separate from jobs," she explains. But Sherman Brown, a former banker from the commu- nity who serves on QOEDC's board, isn't convinced. "It's 20jDECEMBER 1992jCITY UMns survived a year with us, they went on to bigger and better things." could do the work?" adds Patterson. Other proposals focus on the develop- ment of small-scale, community-based re- cycling businesses that could be respon- sible for sorting, cart- ing and re-using the huge volume of trash gathered in New York City. In East New York, a firm is already manufacturing traffic cones and other plas- tic products from recyclables, and in the South Bronx, a plan is in the works to de- Their aim is to build an economy indigenous to the community, finding a market for the prod- ucts and services that the community itself can generate, and using government and private money to invest in those busi- nesses, in skills train- ingfor local residents, and in neighborhood improvements like street repairs, day care and health centers. New Directions: Some activists say its time to recognize the collective wealth of even the poorest neighborhoods. Supporters say that such a plan requires intense effort from local people who already have business skills as well as from government officials and politicians. In the end, they say, the up-front costs are compensated by higher employ- ment, fewer people on public assistance, more income taxes for the state and more retail activity for the neighbor- hood. velop a $200 million paper mill that will recycle news- print. In all ofthese projects, the government has to have a role, either as an investor or low-interest lender provid- ing training funds, tax incentives and regulatory relief. Heyliger of the Small Business Development Center recommends a business incubator on an urban renewal site near York College, which would cost about $800,000. He envisions a building designed like a mall that would have a staff of five or six people providing advice and support for retailers, light manufacturers, and service providers like accountants, printers and copy stores. Once a business developed roots in its market and a long-term business plan, it could move out of the incubator and into a storefront somewhere else in the community. "If we develop a site, control that site, and create an incubator for entrepreneurs, that's work forever," says Heyliger. But perhaps the single principle that pervades all of the various pieces of proposals people here discuss is the one they've learned from watching the work going on under the Some say this is visionary-and unrealistic. But the advocates disagree. "We have the contractors, we have the churches, the owners of property," Patterson says. "We can push the banks, find investors, do the marketing. The experience is here." At its most basic level, development is a question of planning, priorities and power. The community has to devise a plan for creating a wide array of businesses, shopping strips and services, so that money can be spent there in many different ways. Prospecti ve labor pools direction of government agencies, GJDC and QOEDC. While tremendous amounts of money have been spent on infrastructure improvements in the area, like street and sewer repairs ($1. 8 million was spent in the enterprise zone in 1991 alone), local labor and contractors have not done the work. "The dollars go to contractors from outside the neighborhood," says Cormier. "They bring the workers, the workers bring their bag lunches, they don't even buy a soda in the neighbor- hood. There's no recycling of dollars here. It's beautification for us, not eco- "Businesses that stabilize the have to be targeted, training programs expanded, local contractors enlisted. And the community must organize a united front behind-or in front of- its politicians and other leaders, to foster the influence that makes gov- ernment listen. community are the ones that are owned by the community." Mel King, a prominent African American activist in Boston who lec- tures at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, promotes development methods that recognize the power of the collective wealth in even the poor- est neighborhoods. He says vision is nomic development." Instead, say Cormier, Patterson, Heyliger and the rest, if local people were in command of the money, local contractors with local employees would be used for every job. "Put the dollars back into the community so they are used over and over and over," says Lewis from the Rochdale Village LDC. "Why bring in builders from Staten Island and Egypt when people here exactly the point. "We need well-connected road maps of where we are going, not scraps of theory, not discontinuous plans," he writes. "The trans- formation will require a paradigm shift for all concerned. It must be participatory and not administrative. It must be creative leadership and creative followership, as we find that we need different skills to face the problems that are facing us." D CITY UMITSIDECEMBER 1992/21 II' I 0i I l'tll By Renita Steeley Take the Blinders Off ! T his summer I attended a confer- ence about families who leave the shelter system and move into permanent housing. The conference, sponsored by the American Red Cross, was held for case workers who work with people in the shelter system. As I sat there and listened to hours and hours of sugar- coated, cheer- ful speeches about how things are run- or are supposed to run-I grew more and more angry. Finally, I felt compelled to stand up and make the speak- ers aware of their ignorance. What they were talking about and what happens in the real world are two different things. I know-I lived in the city's shelter system and moved to a New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) apart- ment over a year ago. My experiences, as I left the frightening conditions in a Bronx shelter and entered an apart- ment, stripped me of my self-worth, self-respect and dignity. All this because I, a taxpaying citizen of the United States, was forced into home- lessness after living with eight other people in an overcrowded two- bedroom apartment. No Support Imagine if you became homeless, then had to enter a shelter, and then were relocated to public housing. Imagine the trauma of dealing with continually changing circumstances, and readjusting to a new life. You'd think the city would inform you about basic services like medical care, schools and day care in your new community, if only to prevent you from falling back into homelessness. Butno. WhenImoved into my NYCHA apartment, I was never told of any City View is a forum for opinion and does not necessarily reflect the views of City Limits. 22jDECEMBER 1992jCITY UMITS community services. When I asked speakers at the conference why not, I was told that "while living in the shelter, I appeared to be capable and self-sufficient." I was classified as a "one" on their scale of "one" to "four." They explained that a "four" is some- one who has multiple problems like drug addiction, or is abusive to family members, while a "one" has the least number of problems. To those fine women and men who assist relocated families , I can only say that I appreciate your con- fidence in placing me in the ' one' category, but it would have been nice to receive the welcome anyway. I could have used a little help. Never Saw Rent Money When I got into the apartment, I was put on the "Direct Vendor " system. This meant that I never saw my rent money-it went directly from the public assistance office to NYCHA. I was never given any reason why I wasn't entrusted with handling the money. When I asked why I was placed on Direct Vendor, I was told this was because I "moved to a NYCHA apart- Sugar-coated speeches ignore the reality of homeless families. ment from the shelter." Unless you have a bad payment record from the past-like being evicted for nonpayment-you're supposed to have a choice in deciding whether or not you get on the Direct Vendor system. If you don't have a bad record (and I didn't), you're supposed to be able to volunteer for Direct Vendor. But the city sometimes forces your hand. Handling your own rent is an im- portant part of being a tenant, whether or not you're on public assistance: Firstly, if your landlord is lax in his upkeep you can, at the very least, stop paying the rent and try to force him or her to be more responsive. Secondly, if you're on Direct Vendor and the city's rent check issued to NYCHA is late-and it often is-you get a bad rent record that stays with you. This can be a real problem when you move or look for a different apartment. According to state regulations, if at any time I wanted to get off Direct Vendor, I could have filled out a form to request this. However, I was not given this option. When I asked about getting off the payment program, I was exposed to how nasty, insensi- tive' and abusive city employees can be. It took me a year of com plaining to city officials before they finally approved my paperwork. Help Us Adjust The point of all this is to tell the employees at various city agencies who may be totally unaware of the problems of families who become homeless: Take the blinders off! Once you give us homeless families apart- ments, make sure we have the tools and basic knowledge it takes to keep the apartment. Help us to adjust. And reform the current Direct Vendor system. You need people with ground-level experience-the formerly homeless-on your panels and advisory committees. An ex- shelter resident like myself can be a great asset to you. Don't throwaway my ex.-erience-use it to your advan- tage! U ADVERTISE YOUR JOB OPENING IN CITY LIMITS Reach thousands in the nonprofit community! Call: Faith Wiggins at (212) 925-9820 Deadline: The 15th of the month before publication. FIGHTING THE GOOD FIGHT. Decent housing. Small business development. Worth fighting for. That's why Brooklyn Union Gas started the Area Development Fund four years ago. We committed $7 million to create a revolving fund and to attract others to the cause. In this good fight, we use equity investments; below-market loans for site acquisition, pre-development costs, construction and business expansion; bridge financing; letters of credit and venture capital. To date the Fund has contributed $9 million for housing, small business development, and capital projects for cultural institutions. We've gained dedicated allies among several private and public Their help has enabled the Fund to leverage $9 million to $300 million. Come, join us in fighting the good fight ... shining armor supplied. Talk to Chris Haun at (718) 403-2583. You'll find him working for you at Brooklyn Union Gas, naturally. c) Brooklyn Union Gas CITY UMRSIDECEMBER 1992/23
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I I 0 a nde teIk.;, n11f fo:end wlw tk # M fo-. I I I I /;,0 9'>wtce Q#ew 10012 I L ___________________________________ 24/DECEMBER 1992/CITY UMnS By Eric Weinstock Sex, Lies, and Homelessness ing .... Those people never would have had it together enough to make a film. They were just junkies, who let us crash on their floor ." Ritter knew well that sex sells and used that knowl- edge to great effect. "Broken Covenant," by Charles M. Sennott, Simon and Schuster, 1992, 373 pages, $23, hardcover. "God's Lost Children," by Sister Mary Rose McGeady, 115 pages. "Children of Eve, " by Kevin Casey, 116 pages. Both published by Covenant House, 1991, "suggested donation" $5 each, paperback. F our or five years ago, at about this time of year, a brown enve- lope arrived in my mailbox. In- side the envelope was a letter from Father Bruce Ritter urging me to send money to Covenant House in time for Christmas. Also enclosed was a picture of a white female, about 16 years old, wearing a tube top, hot pants, and fishnet stockings. She was standing in front of an apartment door in an obviously abandoned building. Beneath the grainy black and white photo was a continuation of the fundraising plea. It implied that if I did not contribute to Covenant House, the young woman in the photo would be forced to continue to lead a life of prostitution. Although I'm pretty much immune to any mail order pitch, particularly one for a charity affiliated with a church, I kept the letter and photo for a few days, then threw them away. The pitch was little more than soft- core pornography. From Charles M. Sennott's account of Covenant House, Bruce Ritter and the organization's fundraising magic, many people contributed money before they threw the picture away. Sennott, at the time a reporter for The New York Post, broke the story of the Manhattan District Attorney's investigation of Covenant House and Bruce Ritter in December, 1989. For Sennott, an Irish Catholic, calling up a priest to ask if he had sex with a former male prostitute was a difficult task. Nonetheless, the reporter pro- vides a well-crafted portrait of Father Ritter, Covenant House's finances and the shock and dismay of its workers as they tried to cope with the downfall of their idol. Father Ritter was a Franciscan, a follower of a Catholic order founded on the works of St. Francis of Assisi. St. Francis was the son of a wealthy merchant who left behind all of his possessions and led a life of poverty. In 1968, Father Ritter, who had recently completed his religious train- ing and taken his vows, asked to start a street ministry in order "to live and work among the poor." Ritter's desire to go it alone conflicted with the com- munal nature of proper Franciscan living and he was forced to take two other ministers with him. Still, there is no mention of anyone but Bruce Bruce Ritter was the Donald Trump of Catholicism. Ritter in the mythology of how the East Village ministry was transformed into Covenant House. Even at this early stage, the tragic flaws of the man and his organization were evident-but routinely ignored. Ritter highlighted Covenant House's work with teenage runaways and added a sexual content that had not been present, claiming that the first runaways he sheltered were running from "junkies who were pimping them ... (and forcing) them to make a porn film." When Sennott contacted one of those runaways years later, she said, "That's just Ritter's mind work-
Fundraising Genius According to Sennott, "Bruce Ritter was the Donald Trump of Catholi- cism," a fundraising genius. He made Covenant House one of the wealthiest charities in the U.S. by persuading white middle-class suburbanites that if their kids ever ran away, he would be there to catch them and send them home. He knew that saving runaway white children from prostitution would encourage Middle America to contribute to Covenant House. He would even fly in whites from other Covenant Houses for photo and press opportunities in New York City. As Covenant House grew, Father Ritter became a favorite of the political and religious right. Ritter was named an unsung American hero by President Ronald Reagan in 1984. Covenant House was widely de- nounced in the nonprofit sector for a number of reasons. The size of the organization and its ability to grab the spotlight and raise money were dis- liked by its rivals. Its fundraising from foundations and corporations helped drain scarce dollars from smaller, com- munity-based nonprofit groups strug- gling to make ends meet. When it moved into a new city it often drove- or nearly drove-smaller out of business. However, professional jealousy and pride aside, Covenant House's method of operation itself was often the subject of criticism. SUPPORT SERVICES FOR NONPROFIT ORGANIZATIONS Writing D Reports D Proposals D Newsletters D Manuals D Program Description and Justification D Procedures D Training Materials Research and Evaluation D Needs Assessment D Project Monitoring and Documentation D Census/Demographics D Project and Performance Evaluation Planning and Development D Projects and Organizations D Budgets D Management D Procedures and Systems Call or write Sue Fox 710 WEST END AVENUE NEW YORK, N.Y. 10025 (212) 222-9946 CITY UMITSIDECEMBER 1992/25 Covenant House's main focus is on providing shelter, food, and clothing. Although it does provide counseling, its policy of open intake gives anyone under the age of 21 the right to come in-no questions asked-and receive support. Some kids used Covenant House facilities while dealing drugs and conditions within the shelter were often far from ideal. But these criticisms ignore the ar- gument that open intake is probably the best way to get kids off the street. Providing unconditional access to shelter and food is an appropriate policy not just for children, but for adults as well. At a time when welfare restrictions are being pushed by the right-and by our centrist president- elect-Covenant House's policies are a welcome respite. Covenant House workers believe that they cannot talk about God to children that are hungry. Welfare reformers will also find that they cannot talk about work unless basic needs are being met. Although the Manhattan District Attorney eventually dropped the investigation into Covenant House's finances (and Sennott implies this was a result of pressure from the Catho- lic Church) an internal investigation showed tremendous improprieties and confirmed numerous allegations of sexual misconduct by Father Ritter. Covenant House has survived the resignation of Ritter and continues serving its population of homeless kids. Falling Back on Old Ways As part of its fundraising efforts, Covenant House sends out short, inexpensively-printed paperback books which are really infomercials for the literate, telling the heart- wrenching stories of individual children and young adults assisted by Covenant House. In the post-Ritter era, the first book, "God's Lost Children," is written by the current president of Covenant House, Sister Mary Rose McGeady. In it, she talks about the difficulties of working with homeless children and is far less sen- sationalist than Father Ritter. She is more realistic about the causes of homelessness , but nonetheless stresses the stories of children snared by the sex industry. Book two of the series, "Children of Eve," is written by Kevin Casey. The bookis about Casey's experiences in the Covenant House van, "scan- ning for young hustlers , prostitutes, 26/DECEMBER 1992/CITY UMITS like we do every night." A picture of a white female teenager is on the cover, and the book stresses Covenant House's work with "runaways" as opposed to abandoned children. Casey's contacts wi th Lisa a/kI a Stray, whose mother committed suicide and father locked her out, is the main story of this short book. Casey meets Stray after her first two weeks on the street. He writes, "she was probably 16 un- der all that white powder and death black lipstick, maybe younger. She wore black shoes, tights, a short leather skirt, a tube top and a leather jacket. .. The Harley Barbie ensemble, I thought." Get the picture? 0 Eric Weinstock is an economist and a former city housing official. THE NEW YORK WOMEN'S FOUNDATION is pleased to announce its 1993 grants program. A total of $400,000 will be awarded in grants of up to $30,000 to grassroots, neighborhood-based, women-led non-profit organizations that serve low-income women and girls in New York City. Areas of focus include housing, employment, safety, domestic violence, education, child care and health care. To learn how to apply for a grant, telephone The Foundation at (212) 226-2220. Proposals must be received in The Foundation's office no later than Friday, January 8, 1993, 5:00 P.M. The New York Women' s Foundation, 120 Wooster Street, New York , NY 10012 Competitively Priced Insurance We have been providing low-cost insurance programs and quality service for HDFCs, TENANTS, COMMUNITY MANAGEMENT and other NONPROFIT organizations for over a decade. 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Therefore, the RSA has initiated a lawsuit which seeks to prohibit the city from continuing its water meter installation program and to return metered buildings to a flat rate basis. We believe that maintaining front- age rates will have a less regressive effect than metered billings. However, the already high-and rising-front- age bills will themselves be disastrous unless all involved parties, govern- mentand private, profit and nonprofit, can work together to find ways to contain and fairly distribute water and sewer costs. John J. Gilbert, III President, Rent Stabilization Association Labor Power To the Editor: Bill Weinberg and Andrew White suggest in their article "Electric Shock" (October 1992) that upstate electricity users who receive low-cost hydro- electric power use electricity very in- efficiently, and that downstate users, who are paying dearly for high-cost nuclear generated power, deserve to get this cheap power. No evidence was offered in the article that upstate users have invested in less conser- vation (because they are allegedly deterred by cheaper power rates) than downstate users. It might be smart policy to take this cheap power away from upstate users if most opport- unities to conserve power had been exhausted downstate, and if few upstate users would invest in conser- vation because power is so cheap. But you'll find the cupboard is bare if you want to make that case. To understand the debate of up- state versus downstate hydropower allocation requires some history. On June 7, 1956, the rock wall above and behind the Schoellkopf Power plant collapsed. The hydroelectric plant which had been owned by Niagara Power Co. (a private utility) was washed down the Niagara River. West- ern New York State industries were dependent on the plant and had to buy power from Ontario, Canada at a much higher rate until Congress sorted out who would develop Niagara Falls: the state, thefeds, or the private utility. Thankfully the state developed it and, as consequence, the power rates have been kept far lower than if a private utility had retained the right to exploi t the falling water. Which brings me to the point. Why did Niagara Power give up the oppor- tunity to rebuild a power plant at Niagara Falls? Because the Power Authority of the State of New York (P ASNY) cut a deal to allow Niagara Power to transmit and resell, at cost, a large block of power from PASNY's Robert Moses plant to its customers in exchange for surrendering its claim to the falling water. Today, this is called "Replacement Power" which is sold to industrial customers in the Niagara frontier at approximately 1.1 cents per kilowatt-hour. Given the history of Replacement Power, how can any- one imply that PASNY (now called NYPA) is robbing this low-cost power from the city? The appropriate criticism ofNYP A is that they have squandered the economic development potential of what is now 695 megawatts (equiva- lent to a medium sized nuclear power plant) of low cost hydropower by failing to require this $250 million per year subsidy to be reinvested by the corporations that have benefitted from this public largess. As a result of a no- strings-attached feeding frenzy at the public trough by many companies, Erie and Niagara counties are struggl- ing with massive de-industrialization, evidenced by mile after mile of empty factory buildings. Indeed a duPont/ Olin joint venture (Niachlor) enjoys a subsidy of $120,000 per worker per year. Moreover, these corporations have used this cheap power to spawn a legacy of toxic pollution at Love Canal and elsewhere. However, the solution is not to yank the low-cost power away from western New York State but to reform the terms by which it is granted. Plant closings have cost the Oil, Chemical & Atomic Workers Union 60 percent of its membership over the past 15 years in the Niagara frontier, while industry has received in excess of $2 billion in low-cost power subsidies. The union has proposed that the process of allocating low-cost power be democratized by creating a Western New York Power Allocation Board made up of representatives from local government, industrial unions , public interest groups , academic and economic development organizations. The union also proposes to add strings to the low-cost power allocations so that industry can get low-cost power only if 75 percent of the subsidy is reinvested over a five-year period; a company has implemented maximum feasible energy conservation measures (to free up cheap powerformorejobs), and a company has been in compli- ance with environmental, labor and equal employment laws for the past three years. Pitting one half of the state against the other makes interesting reading. But that neither promotes equity nor accountability. Rather, massive conservation efforts would reduce demand and thereby take the most expensive energy supplies off line, while public participation and new rules would make business more accountable for the subsidies they receive. Richard Miller Oil, Chemical &- Atomic Workers International Union, AFL-CIO Holyoke, Mass. Andrew White replies: I fully agree with Miller's argument that upstate industry has abused the public trust by milking state subsidies before shutting down, and that his union's proposals are critical to the develop- ment of modern, energy efficient factories in western New York State. But winter's coming, and power consumers still use inefficient electric heaters to stay warm. Mean- while, Niagara-Mohawk has actually moved to cut its energy-efficiency programs. As we clearly explained, the litigants calling for a redistribution of cheap hydropower to the city are not targeting the power consumed by CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992127 industry, but ratherthat sold to general consumers. But the main point is that efficiency programs upstate are not what they could be. Niagara-Mohawk has proposed a new "conservation" program that actually gives an incen- tive to industry, in the form of a two percent rate reduction, not to partici- pate in conservation. "It's wrong headed, it's backwards, it's very unfortunate," says David Wooley of the Pace University Energy Project. If getting the upstate utilities to share some of their cheap power with New York City would, in turn, force them to push forward with efficiency measures, then it may be a good idea. Have a Heart To the Editor: The inaccuracies and unsubstan- tiated claims in your article "Homes for the Heartless?" (November 1992) do a disservice to many talented employees who find great satisfaction working in the nonprofit world, not to mention the 530 homeless families including over 1,000 children who benefit from programs at Homes for the Homeless. Among the many false charges that employees were fired (they were not), that Mr. Nunez never communicated with staffin person (he did often), that staff were hired to break up the unions (staff is hired based on ability to do the job), you even claim that one employee was driven to leave town by her supposed ordeal at Homes for the Homeless (she told us she left for personal family reasons). Such accu- sations betray a lack of knowledge of the circumstances surrounding this issue and reveal your seriously preju- diced journalism. At Homes for the Homeless, we are committed to our employees and to the families we serve. We provide critical services to an ever-increasing population of children growing up in poverty. We are saddened by tactics this union has employed against us; it is a message to all nonprofits that we are all defenseless against the wrath of a few disgruntled employees. We are further disheartened that your publication chooses to legitimize such "heartless" tactics against an organi- Tackle the Issues. zation whose sole mission is to serve New York City's less fortunate children and families. Amy J. Roitshteyn Homes for the Homes Andrew White and Aaron Jaffe reply: As we stated in the article, eight employees of Homes for the Home- less-some who were never involved with the Communications Workers of America-spoke to us about serious problems they experienced with management while working for the shelter organization. All of the charges in the article are attributed to them. City Limits did not invent them nor did we "claim" anything. We gave Ralph Nunez and his staff ample opportunity to tell their side of the story. The idea that an organization is above scrutiny because of its honorable "mission" makes no sense. And as for the threat to other nonprofits, we know of no other National Labor Relations Board investigations of nonprofit shelter operators in the city, only the one of Homes for the Homeless. You can make a difference. At New York University'S Robert F. Wagner Graduate School of Public Service, you will acquire the skills necessary for a professional career in public, nonprofit, and health organizations. Programs of study include Urban Planning. Public Administration. Health Policy and Management. Study full time or part time. Financial aid is available. Career placement services are available to all Wagner students. Find out what the Wagner Graduate School can do for you: Call (212) 998-7400 Monday through Friday. ~ ~ < = > ~ ----------------------------------------- ~ New York University Robert F. Wagner Graduate Scbool 0/ Public Service """ .... """"""".m .. """""""'" 4 Washington Square North. New York. N. Y. 10003 Please send me information on: D Urban Planning D Public Administration D Health Policy and Management D Saturday programs D Doctoral programs NAME ADDRESS CITY STATE ZIP CODE TELEPHONE SOCIAL SECURITY NO. New YOTk University ilan affirmative action/equal opportunity institution. T30 28/DECEMBER 1992/CITY UMnS THE CIT Y LIMITS RESOURCES CLEARINGHOUSE "COMMUNITY ORGANIZING" "Catalyst." A newsletter of community news and profiles of people in Harlem. Action for Community Empowerment. Free. "Youthbuild Bulletin." Organizer profiles, funding news, upcoming workshops. The Y outhbuild Coalition. Free. "FAC News." Housing and Neighborhood notes in English and Spanish, serving residents on Brooklyn's Fifth A venue corridor. Fifth A venue Committee. Free. "Inner City Press." Investigative reporting, news and opinion-from the South Bronx to City Hall. Inner City Press/Community on the Move. Free. "Network Notes." 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Quarterly on activism among Asian, African- American, Latino, Native American and Arab peoples in the United States. Center for Third World Organizing. $20 per year for individu- als, $50 for institutions. TO ORDER Please include check(s) or money order(s) payable to the publisher of the resource or resources you request. Remember, if you are ordering multiple publications, you will probably have to write a number of checks. Checks should not be made out to City Limits. Please circle the reports and guides you want and send this form to City Limits, 40 Prince Street, New York, NY, 10012. Allow 3-4 weeks for delivery. Name ______________________________________ __ Address _________________ _ City, state, zip ________________________________ _ Telephone ________________ _ The Resources Clearinghouse is supported by the Joyce Mertz-Gilmore Foundation. CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992129 PROFESSIONAL DIRECTORY ASHOKMENON Attorney at Law Representation of HDFC Coop Boards . Commercial Leases Coop, Condo & House Closings. Purchase & Sale of Business Non-Profit Corporations. Wills, Trusts and Estate Planning 875 Avenue of the Americas, Suite 800 New York, NY 10001 Tel: (2 12) 695-2929 Fax: (2 12) 695-1489 DEBRA BECHTEL - Attorney Concentrating in Real Estate & Non-Profit Law Title and loan closings All city housing programs Mutual housing associations Cooperative conversions Advice to low income co-op boards of directors 100 Remsen Street, Brooklyn, NY 11201, (718) 624-6850 *GET SOMETHING FOR NOTHING* We print mailing labels for free by charging you at most what we save you with postal discounts. UPSS CASS FORM PROVIDED Interested? Call us. Talk is not only cheap but free. 212-741-2365 LAWRENCE H. McGAUGHEY Attorney at Law Meeting the challenges of affordable housing for 20 years. 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Certified Annual Audits Compilation & Review Services Management Advisory Services Tax Consultation & Preparation Call today for free consultation 77 QUAKER RIDGE ROAD, SUITE 215 NEW ROCHELLE, NY 10804 914-633-5095 FAX-914-633-5097 30jDECEMBER 1992jCITY UMITS TURF COMPANIES Building Management/Consultants Specializing in management & development services to low income housing cooperatives, community organizations and co-op boards of directors 329 Flatbush Avenue Brooklyn, N.Y. 11217 Rebecca Reich 718/857-0468 C ommunity D evelopment legal AsSistance C enter a proiect of the lawyers Alliance for New Yark, a n o n p r o ~ t organization Real Estate, Corporate and Tax Legal Representation to Organizations Tax Syndications Mutual Housing Associations Homeless Housing Economic Development HDFCs Not-for-profit corporations Community Development Credit Unions and Loan Funds 99 Hudson Street, 14th Fir., NYC, 10013 (212) 219-1800 COMPUTER SERVICES Hardware Sales: 286/386/486 Computers Super VGA Monitors Okidata Laser Printers Okidata Dot Matrix Printers Software Sales: Data Base Accounting UtilitieslNetwork Word Processi ng Services: NetworklHardware/Software Installation, Training, Custom Software, Hand Holding Clients Include: Acorn, ANHD, MHANY, NHS. UHAB Morris Kornbluth 718-857-9157 LOREN BAILY & ASSOCIATES The Lawyers Your Organization Needs! "Before your non-profit organization ends an employment relationship with a senior staff member, let me talk to you about your rights and responsibilities, the legal consequences of your decision, the steps you should take to protect your organization and the risks of litigation exposure." 295 Madision Avenue, NY, NY 10017212-986-7468 COMPUTER-EASE Got MAC Files but a PC Computer? Got PC Files but a MAC Computer? CITY LIMITS Can Solve Your Problems! Just $10 to Convert a File Many Programs Available - Quick Turnaround Call CITY LIMITS: 212/925-9820 PROFESSIONAL DIRECTORY LAW FIRM OF BARRY K. MALLIN Specializing in HDFC Co-Ops and Not-far-Profits HPD/DHCRIHUD Closings 0 Tax Credit Projects Assistance in Preparing New Co-Op Re-Sale, Subletting, Primary Residency, Inheritance Policies Dedicated Service-Se Habla Espanol 72 Spring Street, New York, NY 10012, (212) 334-9393 JOB ADS YOUTH PROJECT COORDINATOR for the Community Environmental Health Center at Hunter College. Work with existing youth pro- grams for low income African Americans and Latinos and with youth themselves to develop collaborative action to address environmental health issues. BAiBS degree and youth organizing experience required. Salary: mid 20s to low 30s, excellent benefits. Send resume, writing samples, and names of three references to Marjorie Moore, Community Environmental Health Center, Hunter College, School of Health Sciences, 425 East 25th Street, Box 596, New York, NY 10010. BULK SALES REPRESENTATIVE. Work part-time from your home to sell City Limits in bulk to libraries, nonprofits, community boards etc. Generous stipend plus commissions. Resume to: Lisa Glazer, 40 Prince Street, New York City 10012. David H. Grumer Certified Public Accountant 25 West 45th Street, Suite 1401, New York, New York 10036 (212) 3541770 Financial Audits Compilation and Review Services Management Advisory Consulting Tax Return Preparation & Advice Over a decade of service to community and nonprofit organizations. COMMUNITY ORGANIZER. Requires BA degree plus one year of tenant/community organizing; or H.S. degree plus two years expe- rience. Some night meetings. Must be bilingual Spanish-English. Lower East Side resident preferred. Organize building and block associations to deal with n'hood development and fight displace- ment. Salary based on experience. Excellent fringe benefits. Re- sume to: Cooper Square Committee, Att: Executive Committee, 61 East 4th Street, NYC 10003. ORGANIZER for a Lower East Side housing advocacy coalition. Develop and implement organizing strategies and coalition building among community-based groups. Community organizing experi- ence, public speaking, writing and bilingual Spanish/English skills. Resume and cover letterto Lower East Side Joint Planning Council, 61 East 4th Street, NYC 10003. Salary: low to mid 20s. JPC is an affirmative action employer. BankersliustCompany Community Development Group A resource for the non,.profit development community Gary Hattem, Vice President 280 Park Avenue,19 West New York, New York 10017 Tel: 212A54,3487 FAX 454,2380 CITY UMITS/DECEMBER 1992/31 ANNOUNCING The Seventh New York City Computers For Social Change Conference IIInformation Technology for Our Communities" "hursday-Friday,January 21-22, 1993 Hunter College School of Social Work J29 East 79th Street (between Lexington and Park Avenues) in Manhattan Keynote Address Dr. Marc L Miringoff Director of The Fordham Institute for Innovative Social Policy "Snapshot o f America: A Picture o f the Nation's Well-Being -Making the Invisible Visible" Presentation of the Walter A. Wannerstrom Progressive Computing Award to honor the work o f a community-based group that has used computer technology in an espe- cially innovative way to improve its community (HELP CHOOSE NOMINEES: SEE BELOW) Wo rksho ps o n: _ Empowerment & Activism _ Public Policy & Public Data Access _ Organization & Management _ Telecommunications _ Computer skills Also available: _ Resource Room, Networking & Affinity Groups _ Technical Assistance & Shareware We need your help in identifying grass- roots organizations and neighbOrhood groups using computer technology for social change! We encourage groups to nominate themselves or others. The deadline tor submissions is December 30, 1992. For further information, please contact: Robin Sirota ECCO, Hunter College School of Social Work 129 East 79th Street, NY, NY 10021 phone 212-457-7132 Fax 212-452-7150 SPONSORS _ NY Computer Activists _ Education Center for Community Organizing, (ECCO) at Hunter College School of Social Work _ Community Service Society _ Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility CONFERENCE FEES $35 per person (if registering before January 15); $45/person after January 15. Fees include Friday lunch. Thursday evening keynote only: $5 for nonregistrants. FOR MORE INFORMArlON Or to receive a brochure or registration packet: _ Patricia Friedland, CSS 212-614-5314 _ Robin Sirota, ECCO 212-452-7132 or 7112 _ Krista Kaminsky, 212-666-4245. Entire conference is wheelchair-accessible.