Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
-
1
s the City Council filUllly showing some spunk? Does New York
City really have the iruleperulent legislature it has always hoped
for? It 's a bit too soon to make such ajudgment, but there are some
very good signs. In at least two recent cases, skillful arul intense grass-
roots activism has pushed the council to oppose Mayor Giuliani.
Eighteen months ago the mayor announced his plan to eliminate
street corner fire boxes, those beaten old war-horses that serve as life
lines in many low income communities. With a bit of hemming arul haw-
ing, the council at first gave in to his demand, approving a pilot program
that ultimately led to the disconnection of one-quarter of the boxes, a
large number of them in poor, politically disconnected communities like
EDITORIAL
East New York and Brownsville.
The methodical organizing effort of a multiracial
coalition of neighborhood groups, clergy arul organized
labor has shamed the council into dropping the mayor's
plan (see "Father of the People," page 12). In a rare
show offorce, the council's black and Latino caucus has
ulUlnimously come around to the position that the fire
boxes must stay. Last month, Council Speaker Peter Vallone announced
his opposition, and put forward a bill to reconnect the entire system. He
hasn't played his entire haru1 yet; some compromise is still in the works,
but whatever the result, Vallone's spokesperson assures us that there will
be some kirul of on-street device wired directly to the fire dispatchers in
every neighborhood.
The same kirul of thing has happened with Giuliani's plan to priva-
tize Queens arul Elmhurst hospital centers. A grourulswell of communi-
ty opposition proved too powerful for even the mayor. The council is
blocking Giuliani's privatization plans, arul the likely private-sector
buyers of the facilities are losing interest.
Why the change in the council's east wing of City Hall? Perhaps it's
the looming threat of term limits, which will mean a complete turnover
of members in the year 2002. More so than at any time since the coun-
cil was exparuled to 51 members in the 1989 revision of the city charter;
legislators have reason to express the will of their constituents rather
than the will of Speaker Vallone. It's all a question of preserving their
own political futures after Vallone leaves to firul other work. The tum of
the century looms large.
Cover illustration by Liz Prager
Andrew White
Editor
(ity Limits
Volume XXI Number 4
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Strategies and opportunities: a comprehensive resource guide for community-
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FEATURES
Cashing In
City Hall considers chopping up HPD; the commissioner flees; Rudy sells out.
People could say the city's housing policy is in chaos-that is, if there were a
housing policy. By Glenn Thrush
Ties That Bind
Two once-fractured neighborhoods forge a new grassroots democratic movement
on the streets of Philadelphia. By Ri((J Giordano
Black and Blueprints
Community-based planning by the books can take years, taxing everyone's
energy and goodwill. Activists are asking if there's a better way.
By James Bradley and Winton Pitcoff
PROFILE
One Step Forward
A black youth leadership network recalls the civil rights movement as it trains
a new generation of organizers. By Andrea Manueli((J Payne
PIPELINE
Lesson Plans
Rudy Giuliani and Sheldon Silver both want to change the way New York City
runs its schools. They may get their wish. Here's the scoop.
By Chris Mitchell
VERBATIM
Father of the People
Sometimes City Hall needs a jolt. Father John Powis knows how to deliver it.
MOTORIOUS
Rita, Educating
An art teacher's art of teaching.
Cityview
Ballot Boxing
Review
The Pay We Were
Spare Change
Public Enemy
Briefs
Gramercy's Bitter End
Omnibus Housing Bill
Oversight Unseen
COMMENTARY
DEPARTMENTS
6,7 Editorial
Letters
Professional
Directory
Job Ads
By Andrew White
By Glenn Thrush
138
By Gene Russianoff
139
By S((Jnley Aronowitz
By Nick Chiles
2
4
40
41
Arch I.'. Pal
Because of the positioning of the para-
graphs in James Bradley's article ('The
Landlord's Representative," February
1996) it appears that I am in some way dis-
satisfied with Councilman Archie
Spigner's actions. This is both inaccurate
and misleading.
the past. Since he has come through
before, I'm sure he'll come to our aid
in the future.
Veronique Le MeLLe
Executive Director
Jamaica Arts Center, Queens
BolI.r Bla.?
.. - . - ~ - - , .. , ... -
Prior to my conversation with
Bradley, I met with Councilman
Spigner to discuss my concerns
about the building next door to
the Jamaica Arts Center. As
reported in the article, the build-
Your reporting on 408-412
West 129th Street (Briefs,
February 1996) was inaccurate
and distorted.
~ .
LETTERS
ing, owned by Rita Stark, is a
health and safety hazard. When I
told Councilman Spigner about
my concerns and showed him the damage
the other building was causing to our
building, he promised to look into the
problem. He has already called the city
buildings department on our behalf. And
he immediately made a personal inspec-
tion of the Stark property.
Councilman Spigner promised to take
swift action as he has done many times in
Your article refers to heat and hot
water complaints but does not refer to the
complete overhaul of the boiler which I
ordered, got completed and paid for. And
since that work has been completed, there
have been no complaints or violations for
lack of heat and hot water at all.
Furthermore, you neglected to mention
that the delay in installing a new boiler
was due to bureaucratic red tape and a
budget dispute, that the overhaul was com-
pleted in spite of the pending new boiler,
and that the new window installation is
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required as the landlord's contribution to the
renovation.
On a personal, human level I would be
ashamed of myself if I doctored the truth.
The building was so economically
unfeasible, the city of New York itself
withdrew its attempt to take it over. When
I took it over, even basic management
would have been an improvement. Beyond
that, I have embarked on a total program of
rehabilitation. And to say that I "milk" my
properties is simply a lie. If I milked my
properties, how come they all have new
windows, new boilers, new entrance doors,
full-time superintendents, new mailboxes,
new lighting, new roofs and so on?
Steven Green
Green Realty Management Corporation
Manhattan
Kim Nauer replies: When I visited
Green's properties in the second week of
January, residents in both of the buildings,
many of whom are elderly, were so cold in
their apartments they could see their
breath. Phone calls to residents at press
time indicated that, while workmen were
indeed in the building, the boiler was still
working only sporadically. While it may
be true that Green has finally fixed the
boiler, it is also true that he has owned the
building since last fall. The boiler should
have been fIXed then, preventing months
of frigid misery for tenants who ill-deserve
this fate and have suffered long enough
from the neglect of previous slumlords.
Greens behavior is nothing new. When
City Limits included him in its run-down
of the city's worst landlords in 1990, he
was cruising around town in his Rolls
Royce while tenant's ceilings were col-
lapsing .
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BRIEFS i
Short Shots
GRAMERCY'S BITTER END
"I had always thought I'd
live the rest of my life here,"
says Jim Davis, a 51-year-old
part-time construction worker .
He is one of 19 tenants left in
two tired, old hotels, the
Gramercy and the Amsterdam,
at Lexington Avenue near East
25th Street Both buildings are
slated to be torn down to
accommodate a massive $250
million, 16-story student center
for Baruch College.
The plan has been on the
boards since the late 1980s
and most of the hotels' tenants
have long since taken various
buyout offers and housing
placements offered by the
New York State Dormitory
OVERSIGHT UNSEEN
Last October, the city
passed a new law creating a
brand new mega-construction
agency. But deep in the ser-
pentine recesses of the legisla-
tion lay a little-noticed provi-
sion that will severely limit the
power of communities to
review projects that require
city funds or zoning changes.
In the past, local community
boards were given 60 days to
hold committee meetings and
issue advisory opinions on city-
funded construction projects.
Thei r opinions-while not
always respected-were sel-
dom entirely ignored. But the
new law effectively cuts that
oversight period down to 30
days.
In fact, the new law stipu-
lates that boards must move
city projects within 30 days-
BRONX DA ROBERT
JOHNSON STOOD ON
principle against the death
penalty late last month-
and Governor George Pataki
booted him from a high-
profile cop-killing case.
Johnson retained his digni-
ty, and he never played the
race card, though the fol-
lowing trump comes instant-
ly to mind: Would Peekskill
George have attacked
Johnson if he were a white,
liberal, anti-death penalty
OA like Robert Morgenthau?
RUDY GIULIANI, THAT
self-styled Moses dragging
Gotham to the fiscally
responsible holy land, seems
doomed to languish in one-
shot hell. Two recent
reports-from Comptroller
Alan Hevesi, and from the
state's Financial Control
Board-show that the mayor
Authority. But in 1991, when it
became apparent that a hard-
core of tenants couldn't be
bought out, authority officials
promised the local community
board that holdouts would be
given SRO housing in the
neighborhood in their same
$200-a-month price range.
But NYSDA officials now
maintain that their commitment
was not legally binding. The
authority and its contractor, the
Bronx-based Relocation
Management Associates, have
offered to give the remaining
tenants a $7,500 one-time pay-
ment to leave. They also
offered to find the tenants effi-
ciency apartments, mostly in
uptown and outer-borough
SRO's with semi-private rooms.
"These places where they
wantto send us are small, bar-
racks-type places," says 67-
year-old Gosse Eppinga, a
retired waiter who has lived in
the Gramercy for a decade.
"You have to sign in and out.
It's like a nursing home. It's not
a real place like this."
"We have done everything
we can possibly do to relocate
these people," replies authori-
ty spokesman Paul Burgdorf.
"There are people in there
who believed there would be
large cash settlements if they
held out to the end."
which technically means the
city could rush plans through in
even quicker time. Like in 20
days. Or 10. Or two.
"It just shows that the
administration doesn't take
community consultation seri-
ously," says Manhattan
Borough President Ruth
Messinger, who was informed
of the fast-track provision by
the mayor's Community
Assistance Unit in late January.
At Messinger's request,
Washington Heights Council-
is plugging the deficit with
questionable, one-time sell-
offs of valuable city assets:
WNYC; tax liens; Mitchell-
Lama mortgages; the
ground underneath the air-
ports. What's next? Hocking
the brass bathroom fixtures
at Gracie Mansion?
To get Davis, Eppinga and
their friends out, the authority
and its relocation company
have resorted to private-land-
lord tactics. In the Amsterdam,
workers tore out toilets on
occupied floors, leaving behind
pools of stagnant, fetid water.
They even nailed the doors on
the shower rooms shut.
RMA employees also told a
judge in the eviction proceeding
that Davis, Eppinga and a 76-
year-old Amsterdam resident
had committed crimes, ranging
from pulling knives on fellow
tenants to bringing prostitutes
into the building to smoking
crack. "Absolute, utter non-
sense," Eppinga says. The judge
is expected to rule on the evic-
tion order sometime in April.
But the tenants know the
law is not on their side. All the
buildings on the Baruch site
have already been con-
demned. The authority is sim-
ply waiting for the judge's final
order to begin demolition, a
process that could commence
as early as May.
"We're going to fight this as
hard as we can," says Davis,
who is trying to enlist the sup-
port of campus groups, fair-
housing organizations and an
environmental lawyer. "If Ilose,
I just don't know what I'll do:
Glenn Thrush
man Guillermo Linares intro-
duced a bill that would restore
the community boards' two-
month review period.
The Giuliani administration
is unrepentant. "Nobody should
be questioning our commitment
to community involvement,"
responds deputy mayor Fran
Reiter. Reiter says the law is a
logical extension of the mayor's
efficiency crusade. "Things just
don't move fast enough in this
city," she grumbles.
A postscript: The law faces
almost certain amendment
since it happens to kill commu-
nity board members' cherished
summer vacations. The council
will soon consider a now mea-
sure, introduced by Bronx
Democrat June Eisland, restor-
ing the July-August hiatus. Her
measure, however, will do
nothing to restore the old
review period- and no one is
banking on the passage of
Linares' bill.
Glenn Thrush
CITY LIMITS
OMNIBUS HOUSING BILL
Even as the clock ticked
away the final hours before
Commissioner Deborah Wright's
April Fools' Day departure from
the Department of Housing
Preservation and Development
efforts intensified in the City
Council to pass an omnibus
housing bill. Advocates and cen-
tral City Council staff held crash
sessions to put the bill together
before a late-March hearing of
the council's Housing and
Buildings Committee. The bill
has the support of
Commissioner Wright who
barely disguises her concern
that the future of housing under
the Giuliani administration may
not be rosy.
''I'm trying as hard as I can
to get the bill passed before I
leave: Wright told City Limits.
"It's absolutely critical to do
this before I go. Completely
critical. ... I've had my issues
with the housing advocates,
but I'm the devil they know.
Given that it's unclear what will
follow next, it makes sense for
everybody to complete this
work before I leave.
"There's one thing that I
know: she added. " It will be
the most significant tax collec-
tion and abandonment preven-
tion legislation in literally three
decades."
Measures being consid-
ered in the bill include:
codifying HPD programs
designed to help some owners
of distressed properties regain
financial footing by using low
interest loans for building
repairs and allowing rent
increases;
establishing a system for
directly transferring ownership
of other tax-delinquent proper-
ties to new for-profit and non-
profit landlords, and in some
cases tenant associations;
directing the administration to
continue developing a computer-
ized "early waming system" that
would help officials identify dis-
tressed buildings;
defining a "distressed" proper-
ty so that buildings teetering on
the edge of abandonment
would not be inc/uded in lien
sales;
assuring that the Tenant
Interim Lease (TIL) program-
the much-l auded system for
helping tenant associations
take over their distressed build-
ings-will continue to exist by
transferring the titles of some
buildings temporarily to a non-
profit intermediary.
Resources
a big-time lobbying generating 1,200 pro- ical resources on the
THE DAYS OF POLm
ClANS weighing heaps
of telegrams to gauge
the vox populi are
gone. "Electronic peti-
tioning," sending salvos
of e-mail messages to
politicians, has become
APRIL 1996
tool for small-budget
advocates. According to
the Washington-based
newsletter InfoActive,
Illinois death-row
inmate 6irvies Oavis
placed his statement of
innocence on the Web,
clemency e-mails. Ralph Internet, or to subscribe
Nader's Taxpayers Assets to InfoActive, call the
Project sent thousands nonprofit (enter for
of messages to fight Media Education at
loopholes in the federal (202) 628-2620. Or e-
Paperwork Reduction mail them at infoac-
Act. To find out more tive@cme.org.
about progressive po lit-
After years of planning,
the Women's Housing and
Economic Development
Corporation has begun a
massive gut-rehabilitation
operation at the former
Morissania Hospital on
East 167th Street i n the
Bronx. At a ceremonial
groundbreaking last
month, Borough President
Fernando Ferrer (left) and
state housing commission-
er Joe Holland joined
WHEDCO director Nancy
Biberman in bashing
through the concrete that
had plugged the aban-
doned property's doorway
for two decades. The pro-
ject, due to be completed
next year, will include 132
apartments and an innova-
tive mix of job training,
health care and family
support programs.
Those drafting the bill hope
its passage will squelch the
administration's back-burner
plan to dismantle HPD (see
" Cashing In," page 14). They
are also hopeful that once in
place, the new anti-abandon-
ment programs would prevent
the mayor's planned sale of
liens on tax-delinquent proper-
ties from devolving into a
wholesale auction program.
But at press time, it was
unclear if these efforts had the
support of the mayor or Council
Speaker Peter Vallone.
Glell/! Thrush alld
Alldrew White
AND NOW YOU CAN (heck them out. Of
READ our weekly bul- course, you can also get
letin, City Limits Weekly, the bulletin by fax. Just
on the Web. We are call us at (212) 925-
hooked in thanks to two 9820; or bye-mail:
excellent sites: send a note to
www.pratt.edu/picced GtLim@aol.com.
and www.columbia.
edu/cu/ssw/acsj/.
s
PROFILE ~
,
Dorothy
Chavannes (left),
Marie Marthol and
Celena Green
strategize during a
voter registration
drive at Bedford
Stuyvesant's Boys
and Girls High
School
-
One Step Forward
Slow work but true: Planting the seed of black consciousness
in New Yorks young people. By Andrea Manuelita Payne
P
0rty-five minutes late and counting.
It's cold and dark on Myrtle Avenue
in Fort Greene, Brooklyn, more
than an hour after dusk. A lone vol-
unteer waits in front of the Whitman hous-
ing project for others to arrive. She had
planned to hand out bags of donated food to
needy residents, in recognition of Black
Solidarity Day. Maybe not tonight.
Then a cab screeches up, followed by
another. Marie Marthol, head of the Black
Student Leadership Network (BSLN)
People's Communi.ty Feeding Program
climbs out of the car, wmch is packed
above the rear-view window with grocery
bags and boxes. She smiles apologetically
while others get out and start unloading. It
was your basic logistical nightmare, she
explains. They had J 50 bags of gro-
ceries-and no car. "Our driver didn't
show up. We had to call a cab."
Such is the story of the four-year-old
New York Metro Chapter of the BSLN.
These unpaid organizers are forced to
manage an ambitious program on a tight
budget and the even tighter schedules of
two dozen young African-Americans who
regularly volunteer their time. Some two
hundred young adults are New York BSLN
members, participating on and off in the
group's various family advocacy and
youth outreach programs.
"I'm very surprised to find young peo-
ple like them, putting their minds together
to help the community," says Pastor
Michael Jackson of the Antioch Church of
Our Lord Jesus Christ in Bedford-
Stuyvesant. Jackson responded to
Marthol's request for a church home to
permanently house BSLN's feeding pro-
gram, wmch began in August 1994. Until
then, volunteers simply distributed food
outdoors on Fulton Street. Now BSLN and
the church serve about J 00 people hot
meals twice monthly. "They've been a
blessing," Pastor Jackson says.
The feeding program is BSLN's
biggest project, says Marthol, a 26-year-
old public health researcher. Volunteers
raise funding themselves, and prepare and
serve the meals. They also pass out pam-
phlets with the local hunger hotline num-
ber, updates on federal food programs and
lists of area food banks. The leaflets also
carry a political message, informing resi-
dents that government policy could be
more humane.
In the distant future, Marthol envisions
putting together community gardens
where residents grow their own produce
and establishing buying clubs that allow
communi.ty members to purchase food col-
lectively. But the church feeding program
is where it all starts, she says. "We must
address people's immediate needs first.
How can we talk about organizing for the
long term when people are hungry?"
Breakfast Meeting
The BSLN is the creation of Marian
Wright Edelman, president of the
Children's Defense Fund, and Lisa
Sullivan, a 34-year-old organizer whose
work galvanizing black youth in
Connecticut for the NAACP caught
Edelman's eye. Sullivan's work in New
Haven contributed to the election of that
city's first black mayor in 1989. Shortly
after the victory party, Sullivan was sur-
prised by a call from Edelman's office
requesting a breakfast meeting.
At the meeting, Sullivan told Edelman
she believed young African Americans
genuinely want to complete the unfInished
business of the civil rights movement, but
they have no one to bridge the generation
gap between old and young, the way Ella
Baker had done during the creation of the
Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee in the 1960s. Edelman
revealed that she had been a protege of
Baker's, and that cemented their relation-
smp, Sullivan recalls.
After Edelman convened a retreat to
discuss the crisis facing black children,
Sullivan committed to mobilizing her
peers to do communi.ty organizing. Out of
the retreat came the Black Community
Crusade For Children (BCCC). Later, at a
conference Sullivan organized in 1991 at
Howard University, the BSLN was born as
a youth organizing arm of the BCCC. Both
organizations are affiliates of the
Cmldren's Defense Fund and receive some
money from the organi.zation. However,
BSLN locals are expected to set their own
agendas and do most of their own
fundraising.
In New York City, Mark Winston
CITY LIMITS
Griffith, the 32-year-old executive director
of the Central Brooklyn Partnership, was
one of the first activists Sullivan contact-
ed. With another young organizer, Dorothy
Chavannes, Griffith cofounded the New
York affiliate and galvanized a small
nucleus of young people largely from
Brooklyn and Queens. BSLN member
Andrew Gaudlin is now organizing a sec-
ond BSLN affiliate in Harlem.
It's the beginning of something impor-
tant, Sullivan maintains, arguing that BSLN
is, in its own way, analogous to the student-
led movements of the 196Os.
Organizing black youth is "a radical
notion in the 1990s." Sullivan says.
"Young black people have been demo-
nized, marginalized and ostracized by
everybody, including, unfortunately, black
adults," she adds. "But in the midst of this
isolation, fear and hopelessness, young
people are saying 'I want to serve my com-
munity and I want to be an advocate for
children and families. '"
On. Thousand Vot.rs
Outside, it's a frigid March night in
Bedford-Stuyvesant, but indoors at the
New York Metro Chapter's headquarters
the atmosphere is heated as 20 BSLN
members hold a strategy session. With the
presidential elections dominating the head-
lines, the national BSLN has begun orga-
nizing voter education and registration dri-
ves to teach people about their rights and
responsibilities as citizens, discuss the
issues and, ultimately, register voters.
The national goal is to sign up one mil-
lion new voters in time for the November
election; the question on this night is how
to do it.
The voter registration committee,
headed by 21-year-old Celena Green, sets
a goal to register 1,000 men and women.
They had already registered 26 people at a
fashion show sponsored by the
Organization of Black Women at New
York University, and they agreed to con-
tinue their effort the following week at a
step show at Bed-Stuy's Boys and Girls
High School.
While these activities are important,
BSLN leaders say it's the network's
training, supported by the national office
and CDF, that is most significant, as it
gives members skills for organizing their
own programs.
1Wenty-four-year-old Chavannes, for
example, helped create the Nia Youth
APRI L 1996
Collective following a summer spent volun-
teering in 1993 at a Freedom School in
Harlem run by BSLN and the Rheedlen
Centers For Children and Families.
After securing a grant from the
Corporation for National Service,
Chavannes recruited student volunteers
from the Black Student Union at Hunter
College to create an organization to refocus
the energies of young people on communi-
ty development. Youths in the collective
completed a 30-minute documentary enti-
tled "Step Forward-The Reconstruction
of a Community," interviewing communi-
ty people and recording their opinions on
issues such as poverty, crime, violence,
drugs and lack of unity. Collective volun-
teers also painted a mural on the comer of
Cumberland and DeKaib Avenues in Fort
Greene and tutored 60 children at the Fort
Greene Beacon School.
Unfortunately, Chavannes' story has an
epilogue common to many organizing
efforts: the Nia Collective has been shut
down, at least temporarily. Working with
an all volunteer staff "is very difficult since
we are trying to do community service and
advocacy," Chavannes notes. "It's hard to
get a group of folks dedicated enough to do
it consistently without getting paid. And
consistency is key." Staffmg tutorials four
days a week proved taxing, even for her.
Making matters worse, the collective lost
its home last year after the Fort Greene
Beacon, operated by the Youth Service
Coalition, lost its city contract.
Despite the difficulties, there is new
hope with each young organizer that
BSLN trains. Lisa Beggs, 18, was director
of lighting for the Nia Collective's docu-
mentary and attended the BSLN's national
conference in February. "I have not seen
black people come together to talk with
each other the way they did in Charlotte,"
she says, slightly awed. "Over the years
I've seen black people come together
mostly to argue. In Charlotte I saw every-
body respecting each other. It had a big
influence on me. It made me more black
conscious." And that, BSLN leaders say, is
why the network exists .
Andrea Manuelita Payne is a Brooklyn-
based freelance writer.
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,
Lesson Plans
Giuliani and Silver want to revolutionize the city s school
system: A primer. By Chris Mitchell
W
ith less than two months to
go before the May 7 commu-
nity school board elections,
Schools Chancellor Rudy
Crew made a politically outlandish request.
He wanted the state legislature, which has
authority over questions of school gover-
nance, to postpone the voting in all 32 city
school districts for a year so he could super-
sede community control wherever he saw
corruption or academic failure.
Funny thing is, he got pretty much what
he wanted. Leaders in both the
Democratic-controlled assembly and the
Republican-controlled senate balked at the
idea of punishing good districts, but agreed
to let Crew delay the seating of winners in
districts the chancellor deems a failure.
"Both sides reached the same deci-
invite a single Republican.
"When you're talking about school
governance, the safest bet is that nothing
is going to happen," says Stanley Litow, a
deputy chancellor under Chancellor Joe
Fernandez.
Yet Albany's recent compromise on
school board elections may have changed
everything. The two main reform plans
currently on the table-one introduced by
the mayor's Republican friends in the sen-
ate, the other backed by the Democratic
assembly leadership-may not be impos-
sible to reconcile. Even the mayor's lob-
byist, Robert Harding, seems to have
embraced the prevailing spirit of coopera-
tion by refusing to publicly criticize the
assembly proposal. "There has never been
discussion like this time," he says.
The Clullanl Plan
Supporters: Rudy Giuliani. Most of
New York City'S GOP senators. Governor
George Pataki (in public anyway).
Mayor's Role: All power would flow
from the mayor, who appoints the chan-
cellor with the City Council's advice and
consent. The mayor also gets to name two
of five appointees on newly created bor-
ough boards.
Board of Education: The seven-mem-
ber central board would be replaced by
five borough-level boards (each with two
mayoral appointees, two members
appointed by the City Council, and one
appointed by the borough president).
Chancellor: Assumes almost all power
formerly held by the central board. Would
be able to remove any local superinten-
dent or principal almost at will. Would
also appoint all members of new local
school councils.
Community School Districts: All 32
district boards would survive. But each
district superintendent would have to hire
Gone are the Itommunity empowerment"
reforms of the 1960s. The focus this time is
on efficient}' and corruption-fighting.
sion," says Crew's Albany lobbyist,
Stephen Allinger. "This is a good sign.
It's confidence-building."
The city's educational cognoscenti
have heard this optimistic talk before,
however. Five years ago, a state commis-
sion headed by Staten Island GOP
Senator John Marchi sketched out the
general themes of today's major reform
recommendations: more school-based
decision-making; a radical shake-up of
the local school districts; a far leaner cen-
tral administration.
Despite earning widespread acco-
lades, the Marchi bill died in the assem-
bly in 1993, as the senate was killing an
assembly-approved alternative. Last year,
prospects for bipartisan reform seemed
just as bad. Assembly Speaker Sheldon
Silver even called a "summit" of the
city's educational leaders-neglecting to
Both legislative plans have basic ele-
ments in common. They each propose an
end to the community school board-based
city system in place since the "communi-
ty empowerment" reforms of the 1 96Os.
And although each offers greater power
to favored constituencies, the focus of
reform is essentially on management,
efficiency and corruption-fighting.
"The driving force [in the 1960s] was
community control of hiring," says David
Bloomfield, author of a 1993 school gov-
ernance proposal put forward by borough
presidents Ruth Messinger and Claire
Shulman. Now, reformers are almost all
focused on the quality of teaching and
administration.
Following is a summary on the two
ascendant plans in Albany. Some form of
either may be the future of education in
New York.
a financial watchdog approved by the
chancellor to guard against corruption.
School Councils: New seven-member
councils in every school would have an
advisory function, much like city commu-
nity boards. They would be composed of
the principal, five parents and one
teacher.
Advantages: This model's uncontested
mayoral control allows voters to hold one
person responsible for the condition of
the schools. No more Byzantine board
politics at 110 Livingston Street. And the
chancellor would have the power to cut
down district-level corruption.
Drawbacks: The schools budget would
be entirely at the mercy of the mayor. The
borough boards may add an unnecessary
layer of bureaucracy and intrigue. More
than 6,600 school council members
would be appointed by the chancellor,
CITY LIMITS
making loyalty to the mayor a prime force (although the
school councils have little real power anyway).
Outlook: This is the bill that will shape the GOP's main
effort, but Marchi 's bill has resurfaced and could provoke
a GOP brawl. Giuliani might try to cut a compromise with
assembly Democrats before his bill hits the senate floor.
Th. Ass.mbly Plan:
Supporters: Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver.
Education committee chair Steven Sanders. The United
Federation of Teachers.
Mayor's Role: The mayor would appoint five members
of a new 19-member central board, and would lose the
power to shift money from the schools budget to other
city agencies.
Chancellor: Would gain more power to intervene in
troubled schools and mismanaged districts.
Board of Education: Would be replaced by a 19-mem-
ber board. Five members would be appointed by the
mayof, the rest picked in borough-wide elections.
Community School Boards: All 32 boards would be
eliminated. District superintendents would sUfvive, main-
taining their authority over kindergarten through eighth
grade education.
School Councils: Each school would have an ll-mem-
ber advisory panel composed of four parents, fOUf teach-
ers, one administrator, one school services employee and
one community representative, the last picked by the bor-
ough president and the local city council member.
Advantages: The plan protects the school system from
the mayor's whims and eliminates easily manipulated,
often corrupt community school boards.
Disadvantages: Imagine a Board of Education with 19
members. The plan might as well have been written by the
teacher's union: teachers are overrepresented on the
school councils and strongly protected in central hiring
policy. It also effectively ends the 25-year experiment in
community-district based school governance.
Outlook: The bill should pass the full assembly by mid-
April, unless the leadership brings the Republicans into
talks first.
Alt.rnatlv. Plans
There are other school governance plans out there. The
most significant are: the new Marchi bill, under which
appointed borough boards would assume most of the cen-
tral board's power; a plan introduced last fall by City
Council Speaker Peter Vallone that endorses the idea of a
mayor-appointed chancellor, but calls for greater school-
level control over budgeting and hiring; and the 1993 pro-
posal from Messinger and Shulman that first raised the
notion of abolishing the central board.
The one common loser in most proposals? Principals,
who must perform or face the music. But hey, not every-
one can love school reform .
Chris Mitchell is a Brooklyn-based writer who reports
frequently on education.
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Father of the People
John Powis knows what it means to win the good fight. An unrepentant
advocate for the poor takes on City Hall. By Andrew White
Father John Powis
and the congrega-
t ion of St.
Barbara's Roman
Catholic Church
launched a suc-
cessful campai gn
to save the city's
fi reboxes.
fW
P
ar Mayor Giuliani, it was a matter
of money: false fire alarms had
cost the city an "extra" $5 million
a year. But for the people of
Bushwick, Brooklyn, it was a matter of life
and death.
In October 1994, Giuliani and his fire
commissioner, Howard Saflf, announced a
cost-saving plan to disconnect more than
16,000 street comer flfeboxes across the
city. Within a matter of hours, a small
number of community and labor activists
began to mobilize. They ftled a lawsuit,
worked their local politicians, and stopped
the proposal in its tracks.
But Giuliani was stubborn. With the
help of Council Speaker Peter Vallone,
he quickly put together a compromise
pilot program to dismantle fire boxes in
just a few neighborhoods. The plan
called for shutting down about one-tenth
of the boxes. Yet within a year, the fire
department had shut down one-quarter
of them.
Enter Father John Powis and his con-
gregation at St. Barbara's Roman Catholic
Church in Bushwick. Nearly 20 years ago,
Powis was among the founders of East
Brooklyn Congregations, a church-based
community organization in East New York
and Brownsville that was the first New
York City affiliate of the Industrial Areas
Foundation (IAF). Three years ago he
moved from a church in Brownsville to
Bushwick. As the battle over the fife boxes
reveals, he and his allies know how to
fight City Hall.
While the pilot program progressed,
Powis and his congregation joined with
East Brooklyn Congregations and mem-
bers of the dispatchers' and electrical
workers' unions. The group began picking
off City Council members one by one,
beginning with a leafleting campaign that
generated thousands of telephone calls to
local legislators. By early this year, they
had won over the council's black and
Latino caucus. And in March, Vallone
announced his support for a bill to pre-
serve the fire boxes.
Andrew White: Why is it so important
to your neighborhood that the fife boxes
not be dismantled?
,._-_ .. .... --" ........ -
-
VERBATIM
John Powis: I remember on a Saturday
morning I heard Giuliani on New York
One announce that, starting Monday, they
were removing all the fife boxes in the
whole city. I had just checked with the
telephone company and the fife depart-
ment out here, and I knew this is the high-
est district in the city for people without
phones. Thirty-one percent of the people
here have no phones. In a lot of other poor
areas the rate is in the mid-twenties. I also
know that the phones here in the street are
abominable. In some cases you can't even
call 911 for free-and these are the ones
that are working.
Bushwick has a lot of wood frame
homes, three family houses, four family, six
family, which are all attached. Take a beau-
tiful little block like Harman Street over
here. Every house is leaning against anoth-
er house and they're all wood. When there
is a fife here on a windy night, you don't
lose one building, you lose three or four.
AW: When you frrst heard about it did
you go straight to your councilman, Victor
Robles?
JP: No. First thing we did was we got
a group of people together, and we brought
a lawsuit. That has created a problem for
me with Giuliani because it's called
"Powis vs. Giuliani."
Victor Robles was, at first, a staunch
advocate of preserving the fireboxes. And
then he went along with the pilot program
to remove them. to remove them. When
they had the [council] vote at City Hall,
they told us they had forty votes in support
of the pilot, and we only had nine against.
We were there in the balcony, and so many
of the council members changed their votes
that it came down to Vallone having to cast
the fmal, deciding vote. He was so angry. I
saw him go up to [Bedford Stuyvesant
Councilman] Enoch Williams screaming
and yelling. And Robles was running
around getting the votes because he's the
whip. They won with only 26 votes.
After they put the pilot in place, the
people in East New York and Brownsville
were furious because it came down heavy
on them. Two thirds of [Martin Malave-]
Dillin's district lost their fife boxes. The
people there got furious with Dilan,
because Robles had convinced him to vote
for the pilot.
AW: Where's Dilan stand now?
CITY LIMITS
JP: Oh, he wants them back. He has
really gotten blasted. He may lose his seat
because of it.
AW: How was he blasted? What kind
of organizing went on in his district?
JP: Like we' ve done around the whole
city. We had fliers made up, and people
went from door to door, project by project.
Actually, in his area the people who did
most of the work were with East Brooklyn
Congregations. They ran some just awful,
awful actions on the guy. I think they are
going to look for somebody that's willing
to run against him, because he only won
by a small amount.
AW: Why did Robles support the pilot?
JP: Robles does what Vallone tells
him. That's the way most of the council is.
AW: How was this organized?
JP: I think everybody in the city is try-
ing to figure out how it got done. And I
don't think most of them have figured it
out yet. I think they think it's an IAF thing,
which it is not. It really ' started in
Bushwick. And with the dispatchers union.
And the people who have really been into
it have been a group called the
Sportsman's Club that is part of Local 3 of
the electrical workers union-Local 3 has
really been the people who have pulled
this thing off citywide. I had
Williamsburg, Bushwick, East New York
and Brownsville. That was my turf.
Basically the Sportsman's Club and Local
3 did the rest of the city.
AW: At what point did you start getting
the people in East New York involved?
JP: After the pilot went forward we sat
down, had these meetings, started talking
about what we could realistically do. We
ended up doing about 37 entire council
districts. That's a lot of time. These men
spent hours and hours of their own time.
These Sportsman's Club people are just
absolutely the best. I know from talking
with them its not just the jobs of dispatch-
ers and electricians that concern them.
This particular group really believes it's a
safety issue, particularly in the poor neigh-
borhoods. They are pretty decent, sincere
people. The vast majority of them are
APRIL 1996
white, middle class people. They know
how to go into a section, at what time of
night. They are not afraid to go anyplace.
And nobody knows how they've done
this. It's a group of about 65 men. They did
it after work, they did it all through this
winter. They don't do it every night but
when they decide to, they may do a coun-
cil member's entire district in four days.
Then they disappear for a few days. And
that's what has everybody confused.
That's when another council person comes
into City Hall and says "I just got bombed.
All my constituents are calling me. What' s
going on here?"
I know that the last time we were down
at City Hall, [Councilman] Sal Albanese
was asking me about how this thing was
done. I told him it was done by legwork.
Door to door, council section by council
section. We had a map of each council dis-
trict and they'd color it in as they finished,
block by block. And these guys and these
women got called and called until they
were sick of hearing about it.
The people here from Saint Barbara's
went little building by little building. The
young people here were involved. We now
have the EBC High School for Public
Service in Bushwick. They' ve been
involved, giving out flyers.
AW: When did you know the tide had
begun to tum?
JP: I think what happened was the
black and Latino caucus met about two
months ago and made it very clear that
there entire body was going to vote against
removing the boxes. They went to Vallone
and I think he understood that this was
something he should not back. He's a
political animal. He saw what happened.
Archie Spigner and some others Vallone
always depends on-Antonio Pagan, Lucy
Cruz-they had all voted for the pilot. I
don't think they will again. Some of these
guys only won election by a couple hun-
dred votes. I don't think they want to take
a chance. It's really to the credit of the
black and Latino caucus.
Plus we got Congress people and state
Assemblypeople invol ved. I met with
Major Owens, Al Vann, Frank Boyland,
Nydia Velazquez. They all weighed in.
I think the fire box victory is a sign. Its
a victory for the people, a sign of some
hope at a time when government has just
forgotten neighborhoods like this.
III would hope that there's
enough decent people in New
York City who will see the
difference in Giuliani from
when he was first elected
and the way he has become,
which is like a little Caesar."
AW: Do you think Giuliani 's attitude
toward poor people reflects something in
the larger white population of New York
City?
JP: There are people in my own fami-
ly who think he's the new Messiah, that he
has the whole city in better shape, that he's
coming down hard on crime. Which means
he's coming down hard on black people
and Hispanics.
I don't know. I had great hope for the
guy. Before he was elected he had come to
a number of EBC rallies. He had spoken
very progressively, very openly and hon-
estly about how he would work with
groups like this. Now he won' t even meet
with us anymore. He doesn' t want to hear
us. That's a shame. In the beginning he
said "I want to hear the kind of things you
talk about." And now nothing. Nothing.
AW: Do you see a way people's opin-
ions may shift?
JP: I would hope that there's enough
decent people in New York City who will
see the difference in this man from when
he was first elected and the way he has
become, which is like a little Caesar. A
guy who, whatever decision he makes,
will never be changed. And he will do
anything to wipe out someone who has a
different opinion.
The other big question is, who is going
to run against him? Mark Green is proba-
bly a person who could, but in Catholic
circles I don't think Green will go over
well. Sal Albanese-if he runs for mayor,
believe me, I think the whole IAF network
will rally behind him. Imagine what a
thing it would be for the city if a guy like
him became mayor .
-e
[By Glenn Thru sh]
00
erb Berman, the silver-maned chairman of the City
Council's powerful Finance Committee, likes his meet-
ings to go his way. And on February 26 he was pressing
hard to fast-track Mayor Rudolph Giuliani 's new plan
for selling off city liens on tax-delinquent property to private
investors. The bill would generate a quick windfall to cover part
of the city's $2 billion budget deficit. And, as far as Berman was
concerned, the faster it passed, the better.
In his way stood a gauntlet of good-government types who
insisted on testifying before him in wholesome, mostly nay-say-
ing tones. It drove Berman crazy. All he really wanted was to run
through his roll call, collect his dozen pre-arranged "ayes" and
take the drive back to Brooklyn. Instead, he was forced to listen
for two hours, a burden he did not take sitting down-literally.
Berman prowled behind the curved dais of the council's commit-
tee room, hurling hostile questions at the witnesses, punctuated
with gritted-teeth "sir"s and "madam"s.
The mayor needed the bill, desperately, if he
was to have any chance of closing the gaping
hole in his budget before the fiscal year ends
in June. Wlth this property tax one-shot,
finance officials figure they can get a quick
$147 million, a big assist on the road to
budget balance. Without it-and without a half dozen other similar
deals-the state's Financial Control Board could step in and take
control of the city's finances as early as next summer. And that
would be a devastating blow for the mayor's reelection chances.
Berman very much wanted to help the mayor. Time will ulti-
mately tell why, but what councilman wouldn't want the mayor to
owe him a $147 million favor?
Lost in the politics was the fact that this vote about selling
property tax liens on Wall Street was, in fact, a major decision on
the future of New York's commitment to the preservation of low
income housing. Importantly, those unpaid taxes are often owed
on buildings where people have their homes.
Berman eventually got his bill. But in the rush to raise cash, it
appeared as though financial concerns had thrown housing poli-
cy into total eclipse. At one point during the council hearing,
Adam Barsky of the administration's finance department
announced that the city intended to set aside a multimillion dollar
reserve fund to pay for emergency repairs in some buildings
whose tax debt was sold to investors. Officials from the
Department of Housing Preservation and Development (HPD}-
ostensibly the city's housing agency-were sitting nearby, but
they didn't know what Barsky was talking about. When a
bystander asked HPD Deputy Commissioner Harold
Shultz for more details, he threw his arms up and admit-
ted, "I didn't know anything about it."
In other words, there's a gaping hole in the
Giuliani administration where a housing
policy should be.
o
~
t didn't start out that way. Last October, the mayor, along
with HPD Commissioner Deborah Wright, announced a
comprehensive plan to reform the city's system for dealing
with buildings whose owners have fallen behind on their
property taxes. No longer would the city foreclose on tax delin-
quent properties and take title, wholesale, to hundreds of buildings
each year. The program was called "Breaking the Cycle," a refer-
ence to the costly cycle of building deterioration, landlord aban-
donment and city seizure that plagued New York starting in the
1970s, and cost the city an estimated $220 million a year to oper-
ate and maintain the foreclosed buildings.
But six months later, Commissioner Wright was preparing to
leave office for the top job at the Harlem Empowerment Zone.
And, as City Limits went to press, the only housing-related initia-
tive the administration had pushed through in that time was the
plan to sell off property tax liens.
The law, broadly worded and passed by the City Council under
Berman's gavel after only a cursory debate, has opened many
potential loopholes for crafty investors. While the Giuliani admin-
istration is promising a careful process that will involve selling the
liens in bulk to only top-flight Wall Street securities brokers, the
law itself makes no distinction between Morgan Stanley and the
sleaziest of slum speculators. By the administration's own admis-
sion, the law would allow for a straight auction of city tax liens-
and the right to foreclose on thousands of apartment buildings-
to any speculator at all.
And the uncertainty doesn' t end there. City Limits has learned
that in recent weeks, City Hall has circulated an internal memo
outlining a plan to dismantle HPD altogether. While internal sup-
port for killing HPD has reportedly ebbed since early March, the
proposal is still alive, according to administration sources. It
reportedly calls for shifting housing code enforcement to the
buildings department and dividing other HPD functions among
the finance department, the mayor's new contracting agency and
the Economic Development Corporation.
"You've got a commissioner leaving and a number of people
in the mayor's office asking the question, 'Should there be an
HPD?'" says a former high-ranking Giuliani administration offi-
cial who retains close ties to City Hall. "The truth is, their main
concern is getting the budget balanced and keeping the Financial
Control Board from stepping in before the election .... The fiscal
concerns, not the issues that are important to advocates, are total-
ly paramount" as far as the administration is concerned.
"I think you've got to ask a fundamental question," he adds. "Does
the administration even care enough to have a housing policy?"
W
he drive to reform the city's property tax foreclosure sys-
tem began in 1993, when Mayor David Dinkins put a
freeze on the city's policy of taking distressed buildings
from tax-delinquent landlords. Shortly after his election,
Giuliani extended the moratorium, putting an official end to near-
ly two-decades of foreclosure that, over time, had put more than
7,500 occupied apartment buildings into HPD's hands.
Many of those properties have since left city ownership and
now, under the control of community groups, tenant associations
and private landlords, form the backbone of affordable housing in
APRIL 1996
low income neighborhoods. Others have sat under the control of the
city's own management office for years, often in very poor condi-
tion, and are maintained with hundreds of millions of federal block
grant dollars that advocates and officials alike say could be better
spent on housing rehabilitation and affordability programs.
The moratorium itself was never intended as a long-term solu-
tion, however. As a result of the freeze, the city has, in effect,
stopped the aggressi ve collection of overdue property taxes.
"When you withdraw the threat of foreclosure, you get rid of your
best collection tool," says Barsky.
The city, therefore, needs a new threat to make tax-delinquent
landlords pay up. The tax lien bill approved by the City Council
in early March not only plugs a big gap in the mayor's budget, it
also serves as the necessary guillotine. If you haven't paid your
property taxes for more than a year, you may suddenly find a col-
lection agent at your door, sent not by the city, but by a profit-hun-
gry company.
Giuliani signed the decree authorizing the tax lien sales on March
18. Here's how it will work:
On May 20, the city plans to sell large, pre-packaged "bun-
dles" of tax liens on thousands of properties to a trust established
by four securities firms: Smith Barney, Morgan Stanley, Lehman
The twin tene-
ments of 79 ad 83
St. Nicholas Place
wear the term
"distressed" on
their facades.
Under the city's
new law, such
buildings may be
included in tax
lien sales to Wall
Street.
-
HPD Commissioner
Deborah Wright
leaves a founder-
ing agency; Deputy
Commissioner
Harold Shultz (left)
inherits a host of
headaches.
-
Brothers and Bear Stearns. The bundles will be composed of two-
thirds commercial property and one-third residential. The trustees
will pay the city for the full value of the tax liens, up-front, net-
ting the administration its huge windfall. The trustees will be paid
an underwriting fee by the city, though the exact amount has yet
to be worked out, according to Barsky.
The trust will then solicit investors on Wall Street, ranging
from huge pension funds to individual market-players. These
investors will not buy liens on individual properties; rather, they
will purchase shares in the entire trust in the form of a securitized
bond, each representing a small percentage of the trust's value.
The value of the trust increases as landlords' penalties accrue
on the unpaid taxes. Penalty rates are high: about 18 percent a year.
The dirtier work of collecting money from landlords falls to
yet another company, a "servicer." This company, not yet select-
ed, will be a sort of corporate repossession man, pressuring dead-
beats to pay. The fIrm will get a percentage of the tax penalties,
and it will also have the power to start foreclosure proceedings
against individual landlords.
"For an investor, the bulk lien is kind of like a grab bag at a
party: you get some good stuff and you get some bad stuff," says
Joel Markowitz, the author of "The 16 Percent Solution," an
investor's guide on tax liens. "The owners of valuable properties,
they'll payoff their taxes because they don't want to lose their
building over some stupid tax bill. The slum buildings, well, no
private investor is ever going to foreclose on them for nonpay-
ment of taxes, because nobody wants to be saddled with a mil-
lion-dollar repair bill and a bunch of complaining tenants."
Markowitz says distressed buildings are "dead weight" in the
lien bundle-and smart investors will never even seriously con-
sider collecting on them for fear of starting a protracted, costly
foreclosure process. Those buildings, he said, will sit in "a sort of
limbo. The decision of what happens to them is up to the munic-
ipality."
To assuage fears that the lien sales will force marginal land-
lords into abandonment, HPD and the fInance department are
giving assurances that distressed housing won't be included in
the lien sales. Barsky says no building will be included in the sale
if the value of the tax lien equals more than 30 percent of the
assessed value of the property, the benchmark the fInance depart-
ment has set to determine whether a building is fIscally sound
enough to payoff its tax bill.
ri
et even this apparent safeguard has a fIscal motive: If a
building doesn't qualify under the 30 percent rule, it
wouldn't be attractive to the brokerage houses, Barsky
says. "In any event, very few of these buildings will ever
get to foreclosure," he adds.
Even so, the lien process has created far more questions than
it's answered for advocates of low income housing.
HPD's Harold Shultz insists that the fInance department will
run every property by his staff-and, in some cases, people in the
communities-to ensure that buildings with high numbers of code
violations and other problems won't be included in the lien bun-
dles sold on Wall Street. ''We have access to more than enough
information to be able to tell the general condition of a building,"
he says. "I am very confIdent we can keep inappropriate buildings
out of the pool."
Yet the city's pledge-however sincere-isn't bound by law.
'There's no provision in the tax-lien law to stop the inclusion of
distressed rental property," says Victor Bach, housing policy direc-
tor of the Community Service Society. 'That's just a plain fact."
Bach is concerned about the "limbo" period that Joel
Markowitz describes. What will happen to deteriorating buildings
that become the so-called "dead weight" in the lien bundles
owned by the Wall Street securities fIrms? 'The city says those
buildings will be subject to HPD's Emergency Repair Program,"
Bach says. "But who knows what will happen."
Another concern is that, under the letter of the law, the city can
legally sell any property tax lien to just about anyone. The fInance
department, Barsky says, can sell the liens individually, as well as
in the bulk sale.
One doomsday scenario goes like this: The city sells off the
valuable liens and uses the cash to fIll the defIcit. The fInance
department, eager to make a little more money and rid the city of
its responsibility for thousands of decrepit apartment buildings,
decides to sell off the tax liens on distressed, poorly maintained
apartment houses. When pressed for tax collection, the landlords
either can't or won't pay their tax debt. The furn that bought the
liens from the city then forecloses on the properties and quickly
sells them to speculators or fIrst-time, naive landlords. The ten-
ants, already living in substandard conditions, are thrown right
back into the "cycle" of abandonment.
Will that happen? Maybe not, but there are already early indi-
cations that HPD's filter may have a hole or two. City Limits found
that several buildings on a preliminary lien list were in low income
neighborhoods and had poor repair and maintenance histories.
Two of the buildings-twin apartment houses at 79 and 83 St.
Nicholas Place in Harlem-wear the term "distressed" on their
fractured facades. At No. 79, the front door locks are shattered and
useless; tenants had to nail up the makeshift numbers over the
CITY LIMITS
J
j
"You've got a commissioner leaving and people in
the mayor's office asking, 'Should there be an HPD?' ....
You have to ask yourself, does the administration even
care enough to have a housing policy?"
vestibule--a gray "7" and "9"-because the landlord refused to
even provide identifying markers. The lobby is a shambles, stair-
well windows have been punched out and the stairs themselves
are pocked, loose and broken.
"Remember that big snowstorm, the 'Storm of '961'" says
Anne, a middle-aged tenant who didn't want her full name used for
fear her landlord would delay needed repairs on her apartment. "For
four days we didn't have heat or hot water. I was okay because my
bedroom is close to the kitchen and I was able to put on the oven,
place a pan of water in there and let it warm the place up."
Her father, who is in his 80s, adds: "My room isn't so close to
the kitchen. I wasn't sleeping so good those days. I was spending
a lot of time in my daughter's room."
Despite its obvious problems, the building was included on a
March 19th list of 12,000 lien-sale properties, which means it
could be in the May sales.
''That's not the final list," Barsky responds. "HPD will still
have the right to screen buildings out."