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I. Introduction
One of the peculiar trends in the nineties in the international political arena is
doubtlessly the NGOs. With the 1989/90 collapse of the so-called real existent socialism
was boastfully proclaimed the New World Order. The World-Capitalism has
successfully proved its viability once again. As a result, the 'Age of Extremes' (E.J.
Hobsbawm) seems to expire now and forever without knowing its successor. After ten
years of anxious hope are many people now conscious that the "Age of Extremes" is
ended irreversibly but the next century also has nothing to do with the "brave new
world". On the contrary the U.S. as a sole empire on the globe is continuing the
"imperial overstretch" (P. Kennedy). Only the "neo-feudal" international system has
substituted its antecedent. One imperial state assisted by the "knight" states such as G7
dominates the most countries. One used to say that after "September 11" everything has
changed utterly. However, the hard core of the age, in my view, has not changed at all.
Amidst fin de siecle pessimism had J. Habermas 1984 diagnosed our times as
follows :
The future is negatively cathected ; we see outlined on the threshold of the twenty-
first century the horrifying panorama of a worldwide threat to universal life
interests: the spiral of the arms race, the uncontrolled spread of nuclear weapons,
the structural impoverishment of developing countries, problems of environmental
overload, and the nearly catastrophic operations of high technology are the
catchwords that have penetrated public consciousness by way of the mass media.
... The situation may be objectively obscure. Obscurity is nonetheless also a
function of a society's assessment of its own readiness to take action. What is at
Gwanju Human Rights Folk School 2004
On the one hand, the aftermath of "September 11" has reactivated the pessimism of
"new obscurity." On the other hand it may imply no other than a warning signal which
urges us to take measures. The "optimism of will" (A. Gramsci) could be justified above
all by the fact that in the nineties the NGOs have increased their capacities at the
international as well as at the national level so dramatically that the national
governments can hardly hold the countervailing power of NGOs under control. The
international institutions such as WB, IMF, WTO must react to them by any means.
Moreover, they are often considered as a recognized actor of world politics and people
demand them to hold even more accountability and morals than the politicians. In the
national politics many assign them to take the role of the "fifth pillar" next to
legislature, executive, jurisdiction and media. One often says, "taking NGOs seriously."
The NGO-activists' catchphrase may be: "Together, we are superpower."
Despite success stories of NGOs in the nineties, there may be still many
unanswered questions for closer examination. For some critics, "NGOs are the most
overestimated actor of the nineties." 22 However, others forecast the "shift of power"
from states to NGOs.33 There are good reasons for the critical review of previous global
activity of NGOs: as many contradictions and divergences as harmonies and
convergences exist between
- NGOs from the North and South
- "Moderate" and "radical" NGOs
- Lobbying-oriented and movement-oriented NGOs
- Rich and poor NGOs
- Large and small NGOs
- National and international NGOs
- "Occidental" and "oriental" NGOs
etc.
The list could last endlessly. Nevertheless, central in my paper is the next
problem: Could NGOs be a political alternative in the future? In other words, are they
1
) J. Habermas (1989), The New Conservatism, MIT Press; Cambridge, pp.50-51.
2
P. Wahl (1998), “NGO Transnationals, McGreenpeace and the Network Guerrilla”,
(www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/issues/wahl.htm)
3
) Jessica Mathews, the head of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, wrote that "the steady
concentration of power in the hands of states that began in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia, is over, at least for
a while." See Economist, December 11-17, 1999.
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Although NGOs have existed for a long time in history (in the early 1800s, the
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society played an important role in abolishing the
slavery system), they have not established themselves as an independent international
factor until the 1990s. The NGOs in the new age are one of unintended consequences of
neo-liberal globalization.
The list of achievements by the NGOs over the past decade is quiet
encouraging:
"- With the issues of neo-liberalism and globalization, NGOs have picked out a
fundamental social problem as a central campaign issue and have overcome their
traditional single-issue projects.
- Refusing the MAI instead of "improving" it did not harm the image of the
campaign in the media.
- NGOs are politically successful when their issues move and mobilize the public.
- Loose networks turned out to be efficient; centralized and hierarchical structures
were not necessary, and would have possibly been counterproductive.
- Small and flexible NGOs played an important role." 77
With the anti-MAI campaign begins the trends to change. The "hard" issues
5
) See Wahl (1998), op.cit
6
) For the detailed description and critique, see M. Barlow/ T. Clarke (1998), MAI: The Threat to
American Freedom, New York: Stoddart.
7
) See Wahl (1998), op. cit.
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were imported into the international NGO community. The NGOs turn to the "high
politics" and the core international institutions. As results, there took place a process of
differentiation from inside. The anti-globalization movement has become an
indispensable component of international NGOs.
Especially, P. Bond has devoted his attention to this problem in recent years. He
categorizes five reactions to the globalization since the international financial crisis
around mid-1997 99(See the Table 1). Amongst the above five tendencies, this essay is of
course interested mainly in - following Bond's terminology - the "Global Justice
Movements", that is, international NGO movements. However, except the so-called
"Co-opted NGOs (CoNGOs)", which receive fund from the neo-liberal agency and seek
usually the "dialogue and compromise", there are also each other conflicting and
competing subcurrents within the NGO camp. With regard to the NGOs' global strategy
can there be logically two main axes: Pro-Globalist or Anti-Globalist. But the empirical
reality must not be so simplistic. There also can be minute sub-categories. For example,
one could be against the globalization of capital, but in favor of the "democratic"
globalization of people or "from below". To which camp, then, does this tendency
belong? While someone criticizes the present form of globalization, can he or she
imagine or accept at the same time alternative ways to globalization? Therefore, all
strategic models of NGOs must take into consideration such a case.
9
) Patrick Bond (2001), “Strategy and Self-Activity in the Global Justice Movements”, FPIF Discussion
Paper #5, August 2001.
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John Clark, a former leading Bank critic at Oxfam, issued an email memo now
as chief NGO liaison officer at the World Bank:
"[H]ow to respond to the demo organizers' request to all NGOs to boycott all
meetings with the Bank and Fund ... For some the compromise was to take part in
meetings with Bank staff off the premises (some said this was because they didn't
want to be seen and identified by demonstrators and be accused of cooption); but
others - notably Jubilee 2000 [U.S.] - were quite open that they intended to ignore
the request."1010
10
) Cited from Bond (2001). op. cit.
11
) Cited from P. Bond (1999), “Global and National Financial Reforms”, Proceeding at International
Conference on Neo-liberalism, Global Capitalism and Civil Alternatives, October 5, 1999,
Sungkonghoe University, Seoul Korea.
12
) See World Bank's homepage http://wbln0018.worldbank.org.
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"For companies, the desire to work with NGOs stemmed from a recognition that
environmental and social issues can provide business benefits, ranging from
differentiating products to cutting costs. "In the world of business, environmental
performance is increasingly seen as a competitive and strategic issue for
companies," says SustainAbility. In several instances NGOs have been willing to
endorse products. In 1992 Greenpeace helped launch a hydrocarbon called
"Greenfreeze" that could replace an ozone-damaging coolant in refrigerators. Its
efforts resulted in 70,000 orders."1313
The "symbiosis" between business and NGOs follows, as such, the business
logic: an equivalent exchange between profitability of business and fund-raising of
NGOs:
"The problem with partnerships lies not so much in the nature of the relationship as
in objectives. Despite the grand rhetoric, when it comes to negotiating the terms of
the partnerships, there is a tendency to revert to fundamental organizational aims:
reputation enhancement at the local and international level for the business and
access to financial resources for the NGO. Hence, most NGOs give the
responsibility for corporate partnerships to the fund-raising department, rather than
to their advocacy department."1414
But even such a partnership is inaccessible to the NGOs of the South, due mainly to the
"power differentials":
the social and environmental impacts of their products and production processes."
1515
"By their action and their line of work, NGOs have a strong tendency to take in
charge some tasks or services that are normally of the State' s responsibility. This
attitude often leads peasants to consider the NGOs as being the State or its
legitimate substitute. It also represents a form of justification of the State's
passivity concerning rural development, or even a means of taking away from it its
responsibilities. The extension and generalization of such an attitude can also open
the way for the existence of two parallel States or of a State in the State..."
W. Bello, Director of Focus on the Global South, represents one of the typical
positions with regards to the anti-globalization campaign in the NGO community.
According to him, "a classic crisis of legitimacy has struck the multilateral institutions
that serve as key elements of the system of global economic governance: The WTO,
IMF and the World Bank." Therefore, "the focus of our efforts these days is not to try to
reform the multilateral agencies but to deepen the crisis of legitimacy of the whole
system. ... We are talking about disabling not just the WTO, the IMF and the World
Bank but the transnational corporations itself. And we are not talking about a process of
"re-regulation" of the TNCs but of eventually disabling or dismantling them as
fundamental hazards to people, society, the environment, to everything we hold dear."
So, the strategic orientation focused not on the "re-regulation" but on the
disempowerment of TNCs. Bello seeks the alternative to globalization in the "de-
15
David F. Murphy (1998), “Business and NGOs in the Global Partnership Process”,
(http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/unctad16.htm)
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globalization":
"We are not talking about withdrawing from the international economy.
We are speaking about reorienting our economies from production for export to
production for the local market;
...
We are talking, essentially, about an approach that consciously subordinates the
logic of the market, the pursuit of cost efficiency to the values of security, equity
and social solidarity. Following Karl Polanyi, we are speaking, about reembedding
the economy in society, rather than having society driven by the economy."1616
16
) See Bello (2001), op. cit.
17
) See Michael Albert (2001), “What Are We For?”, ZNet, September 6, 2001.
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nations, on which they rest. And these more grass-roots structures, alliances, and
bodies defining debate and setting agendas should, like the three earlier described
one, also be transparent, participatory and democratic, and guided by a mandate
that prioritizes equity, solidarity, diversity, self-management, and ecological
sustainability and balance."1818
3) "Delinking" approach:
radical reform proposals against the "Bretton Woods institutions", which are very
similar to the M. Albert's ideas sketched above: 1) the transformation of the IMF into a
genuine world central bank; 2) the transformation of the World Bank into a fund that
would collect surpluses and lend them to the Third World; 3) the creation of a genuine
international trade organization, etc. Although these are as such a very fine project for
the reform of world economic and political system, they have the blind spots, too. For
instance, too much "value judgments" are included in the analyses; the transformation
of the IMF or World Bank into new ones ought not to be the objective for the immediate
future in the long transition to world socialism. Consequently, he is afraid that "by
setting the bar too high we are condemning ourselves to failure"; because "the status of
globalization has not always been clearly defined (is it a determining objective force, or
one tendency among others?) certain elements of the reform project ... strike me as
doubtful.2323
For him, capitalist globalization is not in itself a way of resolving the crisis. A
simple "rejection" of globalization could not constitute an adequate solution, for it
become, at last, integrated into this globalization and are made use of it. The "delinking
is not to be found in these illusory and negative rejections but on the contrary by an
active insertion capable of modifying the conditions of globalization."2424 It means no
other than the "substituting the unilateral adjustment of the weak to the strong with a
structural adjustment that is truly bilateral" by means of "another type of globalization".
Most important is the problem for the "national and popular democratic alliance". It is
so impossible to bypass the "stage of popular national construction, of regionalization,
of delinking and the building of a polycentric world".2525
parties, they put pressure upon the government at the national level and contributed
immensely to the further democratization of society. In the public sphere they were
approved as a quasi-political party and gained a considerable "power of influence",
namely the "indirect" power compared to that of the administration. With regard to the
environmental and social issues, their positions nowadays are respected and adopted on
a case-by-case basis. If one takes all these processes seriously, she/he may conclude that
NGOs become global political actors. However, still one thing lacks in the NGOs
exactly as the TNCs do. That is democratic legitimacy. They were never elected but
only selected by the people on the basis of beliefs that they are morally superior to the
politicians by profession. If so, they have at best the virtual or ad hoc legitimacy, which
would be fulfilled only through their post-factum activity. In essence, people’s
acknowledgement of the NGOs is a kind of social contract that could be broken
anytime. As far as NGOs have never constituted themselves in the "body politic", the
legitimacy problem of NGOs remains unresolved.
probing in detail the concrete conditions of it. Unacceptable is moreover that the idea of
"Global Parliament" is de-linked with any abolition or at least radical reform of neo-
liberal institutions.
28
) Barbara Epstein (2001), “Anarchism and the Anti-Globalization Movement”, Monthly Review,
September 2001.