Sustainable Development in Post Conflict Regions: A Review: Postscript Vol VIII, No.6, November-December 2011

Postscript Vol VIII, No.
6, November-December 2011
SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN POST CONFLICT REGIONS: A REVIEW
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Editors Note: A New Hope? Hopefully. Sustainable Development in Post Conflict Regions: a Review Indonesian Chairmanship of ASEAN and the Bali Concord III
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Security Dilemma in South East Asia: Between the Two Major Powers Workshop Peace Education: Breaking the Stereotypes, Building Trust in Jakarta and Jayapura The Existance of Traditional Market in Indonesia: a Reflection of Capitalistc Bureaucracy in the New Order Era
EditorsNote
ANewHope? Hopefully.
It is still a question mark. In any way, people are still in doubt about the expected possible performance of the new team of the KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission). The surprised choice of Dr. Abraham Samad (people expected earlier that BambangWijayanto will be selected as the KPK new leader at the voting) had let people down. A question is inevitably raised: behind the noisy voices of the Commission III members of the House of Representatives, are they seriously endeavoring the eradication of corruption? People are doubtful. And, who was behind the rapid surge of the vote for Abraham Samad. Some people were frightened by the possible victory of BambangWijoyanto since he is well known for his determination, especially those who are possibly entangled in the act of corruption. But at last Abraham Samad with BusyroMuqoddas (the former KPK chairman), BambangWijoyanto and others as deputies, were installed by President SusiloBambangYudhoyono, with immediate home works, among others, the Century Bank and the Travelers Check cases. The society as a whole is in a new hope: corruption will be eradicated, at least
EditorsNote
part of it, bit by bit. People are actually realistic, that corruption could not be erased in a short time, especially when such a practice has been undergoing for decades, even centuries perhaps (considering the habit of tributes and bribes which have been going on since the time of kingdoms in Indonesia), while the common people are submissive. Only lately, after the fall of the New Order, that people have the courage to launch demonstration from peaceful to wild and even violent protests, taking lives on them and the officers. And, corruption has also been practiced from the top level of governance, down to the villages. Anybody who is going to make an ID card (KTP) usually give a small denomination of rupiah (Rp5,000 or Rp10,000) although the law says that making an ID is free of charge. Rp5,000 is nothing for a man like GayusTambunan, the medium level official of the Directorate of Taxation who is now still in the process of trial for his tens of billion corruption charge. On the other hand, for the village head who receives the donation, given voluntarily by ID seekers, small change cash money of Rp5,000 or Rp10,000 means a lot. In a day the village head may receive more then one person. For this, the head must share the money with his subordinates in the village office, or else he would be charged of corruption too. This is the picture of poverty that strangles tens of millions of Indonesian citizens. People will be contend enough if the KPK truly operates, capturing corruptors and put them to trial. But the stake is high for the KPK officials, since 237 million people of Indonesia expect them to put to jail not just corruptors of small change cash money but the big and very big fish (indeed the Century Bank case involves Rp6.7 trillion of the governments bailout, a sum of taxpayers money, that raises big question marks: what is going on actually up there? Where has the money gone?)
EditorsNote
The forensic audit done by the BPK (the governments financial audit body) has failed to find out who the people involved are, even the head of BPK has frankly said that it did not succeed in revealing any clue of the possible corruption in the Century case. If it is so, what the KPK can do to break the case and put the culpritswho are they?to trial? *** National elections will be held in 2014, but the political situation has started to be smoldering. Political parties have started to be prepared, there has been dispute over the Parliamentary Threshold (5, 4 or 3 percent). But the law on the election has not been ready yet and this has threatened to make a delay on the deliberation on the process establishment of the Election Commission, with further implication on the election in regions. One or two brave men from small partieshave declared their readiness to field themselves as presidential candidates. The big parties, however, still restrain themselves from mentioning any candidates for the next president. President Yudhoyono has been in office for two terms and is forbidden to run for the third, so that other candidatespeople expect young candidates will run for the next presidential elections. But nobody has yet appeared, people are expecting, some have even alleged that the days of old people have gone away. The tasks of the government, meanwhile, are not less lighter. Natural disasters as well as man made ones have escalated into much higher frequencies. The global warming has started to take its toll. Se the rob, the flood that comes from the sea has overflowed the northern Jakarta (in Semarang such a flood has been inundating the northern part of the city for decades). The threat from the climate change has more and more apparent: from the last two years the dry season has lasted very short (less
EditorsNote
than the normal season) followed by the come back of the wet season, with high frequencies of downpours completed with wind nearly the level of typhoon. Even Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam has again been hit by an earthquake of 7.6 of the Richter Scale. The [prolonged wet season has an impact in the form of the slowing down of daily need transportation that makes prices soar. Indonesia has a good enough economic development, yet there is an apprehension that the financial crisis in Europe and the United States will come and give its impact. So, there are all kinds of problems that have ambushed Indonesia. The government is expected after the last reshuffleto be more serious in dealing with the ambush. People in general hope that with the two years of time that President SBY still has, and his new team will show its wisdom and adroitness in proofing promises to decrease the poverty level. The situation now is improving, seen by the increasing percentage of middle class people. It should be followed by the decrease of the number of poor people. For this people are waiting the fact. ***
PoliticsandHumanRights
SustainableDevelopment InPostConflictRegions:A Review

InggridGaluhMustikawati,Researcher,TheHabibieCenter
The process of democratization has enlightened the aspect of pluralism in Indonesia. The variety of ethnic groups, cultures, religions and societies perceptions can contribute positively to the development of democracy. Yet, on the other hand, this differentiation can create conflict that may quickly escalate into violent conflict of the type that has occurred from time to time in Indonesia. According to its type, conflicts can be classified into two types, horizontal and vertical. Horizontal conflicts concern inter-communal grievance within a society that are driven by such things as ethnicity, race and problems in religions. Two prime examples in the past were the ethnic conflicts in Kalimantan between the indigenous Dayaks and the settlers from the island of Madura and the inter-religious conflict in the Maluku region. Horizontal conflicts can easily arise in segregated communities based on religions and ethnic groups. In Maluku for example, residences are segregated based on religion. In Kalimantan, most residences are segregated based on ethnicity and so too are the jobs that are alsosegregated based on ethnicity. These kinds of segregation tend to strengthen the sentiment of primordialism that can create friction within society.
On the other hand, vertical conflict is a conflict that refers to political aspirations, where the dominant source of conflict is ideology or separatism. Vertical conflict deals with the friction between religious or political groups and the central government (that is, between the center and the periphery) as happened in the past in Aceh such as with the Darul Islammovement/Indonesian Islamic Army (Tentara Islam Indonesia), recognized as the DI/TII rebellion, and by its successor, the Free Aceh Movement/GAM. To their credit, a peace deal and an end to the insurgencies was finally struck in 2004 in the aftermath of the Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami. However, the atmosphere of rebellion still occurs in two most easterly Indonesian provinces of Papua and West Papua organized by OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka/Free Papua Movement). Vertical conflict also exists in Maluku done by supporters of the so-called Republic of South Maluku (Republik Maluku Selatan), a Dutch colonial creation, which until now has relatively small number of active members in exile n the Netherlands. In the view of some scholars, conflict in Indonesia can not be separated from demographic matters. As the comparison, in one million of population, there are 15 major ethnic groups that regularly migrate from their place to others and build their own community in their new region (LIPI, 2011). Internal migration of this type is not only a matter of physical movement but also of bringing their cultural values to the new region, which will have consequences in the political and economic aspects. This variability of thedemographic population, which is interrelated with primordial identity, has created a potential for conflict that makes violent conflict in some regions a considered possibility. By referring to the nature of conflict in Indonesia, there are several underlying backgrounds to conflict in this country, namely injustice,
inequality due to imbalance in the distribution of development and anextreme socio-economic gap (marginalization) between the haves and the have-nots. Therefore, awelfare approach is the appropriate measure to overcome the conflict rather than the security-focused approach alone although in certain situation a conservative security approach is still needed. Yet, the issue of coordination between institutions always comes to the fore because conflicts can not be resolved regionally. It needs the involvement of all parties and all related ministries, such as the Ministry of Social Affairs, Ministry of Home Affairs, etc. In fact, different ministries have different projects that will be carried out in the regions of the vulnerable people, although not surprisinglythe researchers found some overlapping of projects managed by these different ministries. Of course these overlapping projects will only waste scarce funds and limit the overall effectiveness of government efforts. The several inter-communal conflicts and internal threats to security that have occurred in Indonesia, have contributed to the emergence of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) which lately are recognized as the New People. Central Sulawesi, East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) and Maluku are conflict prone areas and therefore create a momentum for the existence of the New People. To be more specific, from 183 districts in several areas that potential to conflict, 143 of them are conflict prone areas. There are also a large number of people,possibly a few hundred thousand that remain displaced as a result of former separatist conflicts across Indonesia, including East Timorese who reside in East Nusa Tenggara after their homeland was let go by Indonesia at the pressure of the United Nations to become Timor Lesteat the end of the Cold War and the change of the global political constellation. The presence of the East Timorese in the NTT region has complicated matters, politically, socially and
economically. Who, for example, has the responsibility to take care of themthe local government, the provincial government or the central government? The victims of conflicts generally belong to some of the most vulnerable groups in the country. The problems they face are often linked to a lack of basic resources such as land, housing, water, sanitation, infrastructure, education, health facilities and opportunities for economic development. In reality, these New People live in shelters for years and receive little or attention from related governments. If no facilities are provided for them, how can they survive? Therefore, sustainable development to empower these New People is needed. For years, the government has tried to shift the paradigm of dealing with the New People. At the beginning of the conflict, giving social assistance directly was a common response to help them. Yet, that kind of paradigm needs to be reviewed by proposing the idea of sustainable development, making them independent economically. In addition, sustainable development is a long term issue and can only be achieved with the involvement andcooperation of local, provincial and national authorities. As mentioned above, the problem that many of these institutions face is the matter of coordination, where different institutions perform different projects to the same vulnerable people. The situation has to be fixed because to maximize the benefit of the projects, policy makers need to establish a time frame for the projects so that their actions can be measured against the identified needs and the goals that they want to achieve. Of course, the legal and regulatory framework to support these policies needs also to be carefully considered. Therefore, integration and coordination is the key for these different institutions so that what they have already planned can be achieved comprehensively.
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In fact, the settlement of the relocation issue of the New People is not often run comprehensively. Basically, the New People should not be forced into staying in shelters for many more than three years because their mental condition will break down and they will tend to come to rely on assistance and become dependent. In the case of the New People in East Nusa Tenggara, the relocation has actually already been done by providing new residences for them. However, due to a lack of substantial access such as to water, schools and markets, these New People have returned to their former shelters near the Regional Planning Agency (Bapeda)s office which provides reasonable access to such facilities. Therefore, the government needs a grand strategy to handle residential problems that provide not only for the New People but also locals in East Nusa Tenggara. The government needs to consider the locals because East Nusa Tenggara is one of the most underdeveloped provinces in the archipelago. As we know, following the separation of East Timor from Indonesia, a number of New People decided to live in Indonesias territory. Unfortunately, the standard of living in most population areas in East Nusa Tenggara is at the very lowest level, therefore the settlement of New People has also to include those locals who live in low-income communities. To overcome the problems faced by the New People, the local governments will have to contend with and arrive at solution to several obstacles, which consist of (1) the matter of adatabase of the New People where there are no reliable estimates of the number of people because they are so widely spread over many regions, (2) the matter of bad basic facilities for water, sanitation, health and education, (3) the matter of gender inequality, (4) the matter of weak socio-economic conditions, (5) the matter of overlapping projects proposed by different ministries, and (6)
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the matter of the bureaucracy which deals with the allocation of all financial flows for solving community problems. In the future, the people who handle the database in the local institutions need to increase their skills to update the existing database to make sure that the all New People are detected and therefore, they will get their basic rights. With the involvement of local and international donors, it is important to build the network between local government and the people (including the New people), especially when they face common problems, for example, the availability of clean water in East Nusa Tenggara. Furthermore, it is important that related institutions of the government make sure that budgeting in the project planning process is based equally on the needs of the people without any unnecessary excision. Lastly, the sustainable development model that is proposed here for the government cannot just stand alone with a welfare approach it needs tom be complemented by a moderate security approach as necessary, and having regard to the existing situation and conditions. Furthermore, improving the capacity of the local government is very important when considering sustainable development for the New People. The most important aspect that has to be dealt with by the decision makers is to get involved in conflict assessment forums so that they get the real data and information from the field. In this way, there will be no misunderstandings or gaps in the policy that they make. ***
References: Paper in Workshop on Institutional Mechanism of Conflict Prevention in Indonesia, LIPI, 2011.
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Papers in Seminar Sustainable Development in Conflict Prone Areas, Organized by The Ministry for the Development of Disadvantaged Regions Republic of Indonesia, and the European Union, Jakarta, 26 October 2011.
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IndonesianChairmanshipof ASEAN AndtheBaliConcordIII

IbrahimAlmuttaqi,AsiaEuropeInstitute,Universityof Malaya
1. Introduction When Indonesia assumed the rotating chair of ASEAN for 2011, a great deal of hope and expectation could be found amongst commentators over the direction and fate the regional organisation would take.1 Their optimism, it could be argued, was not misplaced as it was fuelled by two key factors. Firstly they were encouraged by Indonesia's growing international stature. Over the past few years Indonesia has developed into a peaceful and stable democracy matched by an economy boasting strong sustained growth.23 So much so, the country, now regarded as a rising power, is seen as both influential and increasingly able to make her weight felt abroad.45 Such credentials boded well for ASEAN. Secondly, they
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Kompas (2011, January 7). Indonesia Ketua ASEAN 2011. Retrieved from http://nasional.kompas.com/read/2011/01/07/04253734/indonesia.ketua.asean.2011 Barton, G. (2008). Indonesia's Year of Living Normally Taking the Long View on Indonesia's Progress. Southeast Asian Affairs, Vol. 2008. Ramage, D.E. (2007). Indonesia Democracy First, Good Governance Later. Southeast Asian Affairs, Vol. 2007. Pringle, R. (2011). Indonesia's Moment. Wilson Quarterly, Winter 2011, Vol. 35, Issue 1. Aguswandi (2010). An Indonesian Future Overcoming the Challenges of an Islamic Democracy. Harvard International Review.
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were encouraged by past history. On each occasion that Indonesia held the ASEAN Chair in 1976 and 2003, their turn at ASEAN's helm had produced two landmark documents in the form of the Bali Concord I and Bali Concord II. The former laid out ASEAN's fundamental principles, established the ASEAN Secretariat and dictated how member-states should engaged with each other.67 In particular, the Bali Concord I emphasized the non-use of violence in settling disputes between memberstates. The latter constituted the goal of an ASEAN Community to be achieved by 2020 (later speeded up to 2015) along the lines of three pillars. They were the Political-Security Community, the Economic Community and the Socio-Cultural Community.8 As Indonesia's third turn at the helm of ASEAN comes to an end, it has generally been agreed that those early hopes and expectations have been successfully lived up to. With two ASEAN Summits (hosted in Jakarta and Bali) completed, the Thai-Cambodian border conflict calmed, and Myanmar's 2014 chairmanship issue resolved, Singapore's Foreign Minister, K Shanmugam, believes that ASEAN has progressed well under the strong and able leadership of current Chair, Indonesia.9 Jusuf Wanandi of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies added by praising the country for injecting new thinking, new ideas and new
Xinhua (2011, November 17). ASEAN to Act in Unison in Global Matters: IndonesianFM. Retrieved from http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/world/201111/17/c_131253581.htm ASEAN Declaration of ASEAN Concord, 1976. Retrieved from http://www.asean.org/5049.htm Tempo (2011, November 17). SBY Berharap Kerja Sama ASEAN Kian Kokoh. Retrieved from http://www.tempo.co/read/news/2011/11/17/118366995/SBYBerharap--Kerja-Sama-ASEAN-Kian-Kokoh Channel News Asia (2011, November 13). ASEAN has progressed well under Indonesia chairmanship: Shanmugam. Retrieved from http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/singaporelocalnews/view/1165154/1/.html
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programs into the region.10 This was best evidenced by the adoption of Indonesia's Bali Declaration on ASEAN Community in a Global Community of Nations otherwise known as the Bali Concord III. In order to analyse Indonesia's Chairmanship of ASEAN and the Bali Concord III, this article will first examine Indonesia's role in calming the ThaiCambodian border conflict and in resolving Myanmar's 2014 chairmanship issue before moving onto a critical examination of the Bali Concord III. The article will then conclude by summarising the major findings highlighted by the article. Let us now turn to address each step in turn. 2. Indonesia's role in the Cambodian-Thai Border Conflict On the 4th February 2011, a border conflict between two ASEAN memberstates, Cambodia and Thailand broke out and for over three months claimed the lives of seventeen soldiers from both sides and one Thai civilian as well as causing the displacement of tens of thousands of villagers.11 During the 18th ASEAN Summit held in Jakarta in May 2011 and with the conflict still fresh in the memory of its belligerents, the event was overshadowed by a bitter exchange of barbs as both Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen and then-Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Veijajiva traded insults during their opening remarks at the plenary session.12 The
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Jakarta Post (2011, December 8). Insight: The 2011 ASEAN Summit and its Significance. Retrieved from http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2011/11/17/insight-the-2011-asean-summit-andits-significance.html BBC (2011, May 4). Thailand-Cambodia Border Crossing Reopens. Retrieved from http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-13279228 Bangkok Post (2011, November 18). All Smiles as Yingluck makes her Debut. Retrieved from http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/asia/266766/all-smiles-asyingluck-makes-her-debut
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evident hostility between the leaders of Thailand and Cambodia made a mockery of the ASEAN Vision 2020 of: a concert of Southeast Asian nations, outward looking, living in peace, stability and societies. To Indonesia's credit and to use its Foreign Minister, Marty Natalegawa's terminology, the ASEAN Chair made extensive efforts at waging peace.13 On the sidelines of the 18th ASEAN Summit, Indonesian President, Susilio Bambang Yudhoyono, chaired talks between the two warring parties whilst Foreign Minister Natalegawa embarked on an exhaustive shuttle diplomacy mission that involved travelling to Bangkok, Phnom Penh and even as far as New York in front of the United Nations Security Council. Such efforts should not be easily dismissed given the resistance and obstacles Indonesia faced from both sides. Cambodia made it clear it felt no qualms at bypassing bilateral and (Indonesian-led) regional peace talks by pleading directly to the UN Security Council and the International Court of Justice for help, arguing 'only the clarification of the ICJ's verdict can solve this issue, while ASEAN...can not.'14 This was despite Article 17 of the ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation which states: [P]arties to a dispute should be encouraged to take initiatives to solve it by friendly
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prosperity, bonded together in partnership in caring
dynamic development and in a community of
negotiations before resorting to the other
Statement by H.E. Dr. R.M. Marty M. Natalegawa Minister for Foreign Affairs Republic of Indonesia at the General Debate of the 66th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, New York, 26 September 2011. Retrieved from http://gadebate.un.org/sites/default/files/gastatements/66/ID_en.pdf Agence Kampuchea Presse (2011, February 23). Cambodia Sends Documents to the ICJ. Retrieved from http://www.akp.gov.kh/?p=2767
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procedures provided for in the Charter of the Nations.15
United
Thailand insisted peace talks should be strictly bilateral and opposed Indonesia's efforts.16 This was made clear when Thailand did not attend the General Border Committee meeting to be held in Bogor, Indonesia and when its delegation at the Join Commission on Demarcation of Land Boundary was led by only an ambassador as opposed to Cambodia's Senior Minister-led delegation.1718 Considering the abovementioned cases of resistance and obstacles, it is no mean achievement that during the 19th ASEAN Summit held in Bali, Indonesia, there was no mention of the Cambodian-Thai border conflict and the summit was characterised by smiles all around.19 Moreover, Indonesia's leadership in resolving the issue was supported and praised by the United Nations Security Council, the United States, France and China among others.20212223 For example
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ASEAN Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, 1976. Retrieved from http://www.asean.org/1217.htm Agence Kampuchea Presse (2011, February 17). Thailand Should not Fear or Avoid Multi-lateral Mediation to Resolve Preah Vihear Conflict. Retrieved from http://www.akp.gov.kh/?p=2507 Agence Kampuchea Presse (2011, April 11). Indonesia Urges Thailand to Consider Soon the Sending of Indonesian Observers. Retrieved fromhttp://www.akp.gov.kh/?p=4843 Thailand's Government Public Relations Department (2011, April 11). ThaiCambodian JBC Meeting Ends Satisfactorily. Retrieved from http://thailand.prd.go.th/view_inside.php?id=5615 Bangkok Post (2011, November 18). All Smiles as Yingluck makes her Debut. Retrieved from http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/asia/266766/all-smiles-asyingluck-makes-her-debut Agence Kampuchea Presse (2011, May 4). France Supports Indonesia's Role in Cambodia-Thailand Border Dispute. Retrieved from http://www.akp.gov.kh/?p=5839 ABC News (2011, April 26). US Backs Effort to Resolve Thai-Cambodian Violence. Retrieved from http://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory?id=13454629#.TuO6AmNkb80 Reuters (2011, February 15). UN Council leaves Thai-Cambodian conflict to
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China's Foreign Ministry spokesman, Ma Zhaoxu, stated, China appreciates and supports Indonesia's active mediation efforts to tackle the Cambodian-Thailand border conflict under the ASEAN framework.24 3. Indonesia's role in the Myanmar Issue The announcement by Myanmar's nominally civilian President, Thein Sein, that his country was seeking to assume the ASEAN Chair in 2014 had placed ASEAN and the wider world in a delicate conundrum. The conundrum is best represented by the dividing views of Tan See Seng from the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore and Eva Sundari Kusuma from the ASEAN Inter-parliamentary Burma Caucus. On the one hand, Tan See Seng argued that giving Burma the chair would be a way of patting them on the back and encouraging them to continue what they have been recently doing domestically.25 On the other hand, Eva Sundari Kusuma argued that Our call is very clear. Let us postpone...This is to ensure that Burma will not just fool Asean into getting the chairmanship, and that they will continue with the democratic process."26 Thus ASEAN under Indonesia was faced with a dual problem. Firstly, given Myanmar's poor democratic and human rights records, approving Myanmar's chairmanship desire without ensuring the country's genuine

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ASEAN. Retrieved from http://in.reuters.com/article/2011/02/14/idINIndia54894420110214 Xinhua (2011, February 23). China Backs Indonesia's Efforts to Tackle CambodiaThailand Conflict. Retrieved from http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/china/2011-02/22/c_13744168.htm Ibid. Bangkok Post (2011, November 16). ASEAN Ministers 'to approve' Burma as 2014 Chair. Retrieved from http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/asia/266498/aseanministers-to-approve-burma-as-2014-chair Ibid.
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commitments to reform ran the risk of embarrassing ASEAN on the international scene and alienating key ASEAN Dialogue Partners such as the United States and the EU. Secondly, given that progress, however small or slow, is being made in the country, denying Myanmar's chairmanship desire may disincentive any further efforts and endanger the progress made so far. Whereas Myanmar's attempt to chair ASEAN in 2006 was easily denied (or foregone) following intense international scrutiny and criticism, the same reasoning is difficult to apply now given Myanmar's progress. As such, the dual problem faced by ASEAN under Indonesia, threatened to divide the ten member-states over which approach they should take. It was crucial that any approach taken should (a) reassure key ASEAN Dialogue Partners and concerned Non-Governmental Organisations that the principles of democracy and human rights would be upheld and (b) treat Myanmar's nominally civilian government as an equal member-state of ASEAN with the right to chair the regional organisation in accordance with the ASEAN Charter. To Indonesia's credit, the approach taken was one that served both requirements. In late October, an Indonesian delegation led by Foreign Minister Natalegawa visited Myanmar to assess the situation and state of progress made in the country. During the three day visit, meetings were held with President Thein Sein and his government ministers; the Speaker of its Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (legislative assembly); the President of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission; and crucially with pro-democracy icon, Aung San Suu Kyi and other representatives from civil societies.27 As a result of the
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Eleven Media Group (No Date). Indonesian FM Visits Myanmar. Retrieved from http://eversion.newseleven.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=204:indonesian-fmvisits-myanmar&catid=42:weekly-eleven-news&Itemid=109
delegation's findings, it was agreed at the 19th ASEAN Summit in Bali, Indonesia that Myanmar would take the ASEAN Chair in 2014. Significantly it was announced by Myanmar's Foreign Minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, that All the ministers support Burma's chairmanship in 2014.28 Moreover, it appeared the United States was also warming to ASEAN's approach of engaging with Myanmar and giving the Seven-step Roadmap a chance. This was recently demonstrated when U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton became the highest US official in a generation to visit Myanmar. 4. Bali Concord III 4.1. Background Having passed the tests of history...[and] become a mature association capable of creating regional stability and security, and able to increase its economic strength29, Indonesian intended to drive ASEAN forward by raising ASEAN's regional organisation's international profile and by transforming it into a regional organisation that was able to respond and contribute solutions to key global issues. Before tabling the Bali Concord III, President Yudhoyono declared, I believe ASEAN is able to respond to global dynamics...ASEAN wants to play a bigger role...to reach out to the world.30
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Bangkok Post (2011, November 16). ASEAN Ministers 'to approve' Burma as 2014 Chair. Retrieved fromhttp://www.bangkokpost.com/news/asia/266498/aseanministers-to-approve-burma-as-2014-chair Antara News (2011, November 18). ASEAN showing increasing problem-solving capability. Retrieved from http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/77700/aseanshowing-increasing-problem-solving-capability Ibid.
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This global dynamics included but were not limited to the Arab Spring, Eurozone economic crisis, scarcities in food energy and water, climate change, natural disasters and so forth.31 The reasoning behind Indonesia's intentions for ASEAN was not only limited to their belief in the regional organisation's abilities; or the current rosy outlook the Asia-Pacific region as a whole finds itself in; but also by a fear of the past. Possibly with the painful memories of the Asian Financial Crisis which took place in the late 1990s in mind, President Yudhoyono warned that ASEAN must never become a passive actor victimised by global problems from external sources.32 It was in this framework that Indonesia's proposed Bali Concord III pledged ASEAN to a number of commitments to be achieved by 2022. Namely, they were to: increasingly speak in a common voice on international matters of mutual concern at related international forums; to enhance ASEAN's capacity to respond and contribute solutions to those global matters; and to empower the ASEAN Secretariat so that it is able to support the vision and development of the ASEAN Community in a global community of nations.33 4.2. Areas of concerns
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Yudhoyono, Susilo Bambang. (2011, November 17). Pidato Pembukaan KTT ke-19 ASEAN. Retrieved from http://www.presidenri.go.id/index.php/pidato/2011/11/17/1749.html Antara News (2011, November 17). 'That is ASEAN's Contribution to the world': President. Retrieved from http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/77655/that-isaseans-contribution-to-thesworld-president Nhan Dan Online (2011, November 18). ASEAN leaders sign third Bali Concord. Retrieved from http://www.nhandan.com.vn/cmlink/nhandan-online/homepage/world/asean-leaderssign-third-bali-concord-1.321756#pQqdAEyvJxzA
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Whilst it is too early to tell whether or not the commitments stated in the Bali Concord III will be able to meet Indonesia's intentions for ASEAN, a closer inspection reveals a number of areas of concern. Four are of particular note. 4.2.1 How will ASEAN adopt a single ASEAN position? Firstly the pledge for ASEAN to increasingly speak in a common voice by adopting a more coordinated, cohesive and coherent position on global issues of common interest and concern34 is fraught with uncertainties. How exactly will ASEAN reach a common position? A media release accompanying copies of the Bali Concord III vaguely explained ASEAN 's intention to build on current practice to identify those key global issues of common interest and concern. Once identified, they would then enhance ASEAN coordination and cooperation on these issues at related international forums.35 Unfortunately, the explanation does little to dispel our uncertainties. This is especially true when compared to the EU's institutionalised mechanisms found in the shape of the EU High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (in other words an EU Foreign Ministry). 4.2.2. Can ASEAN adopt a single ASEAN position? A more critical uncertainty refers to whether ASEAN can even reach a single ASEAN position on global issues of common interest and concern which would benefit all ASEAN Member States and its peoples
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Bali Concord Declaration on ASEAN Community in a Global Community of Nations, 2011. Retrieved from http://www.aseansec.org/documents/19th%20summit/Bali%20Concord%20III.pdf The Brunei Times (2011, November 18). ASEAN leaders ink Bali Concord III. Retrieved from http://www.bt.com.bn/news-national/2011/11/18/asean-leaders-inkbali-concord-iii
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[emphasis added]. Would the global economic crisis interest the smaller markets of Cambodia and Laos as much as Singapore and Malaysia? Would the War on Terror interest Myanmar and Vietnam as much as countries hit by terrorists acts such as Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines? And would one-party state Vietnam be as interested in the Middle East's Arab Spring as democratic and Muslim-majority Indonesia? The wording employed in the Bali Concord III is rather indicative. The use of the terms a more coordinated, cohesive and coherent ASEAN position is significantly different and less certain when compared to the EU's more definitive Common Foreign and Security Policy [emphases added]. On the one hand this should not be surprising as the two regional organisations adopt different systems for decision-making: intergovernmental for ASEAN and supranational for EU. Thus, the pledge for a more coordinated, cohesive and coherent ASEAN position may merely reflect the state-centric nature that runs deep in the ASEAN mindset. However it also reflects an acknowledgement, on ASEAN's part, of the inherent difficulties of getting ten different countries with ten different national interests and foreign policies to agree. This was clearly in evidence when the US President, Barack Obama's recent announcement that 2,500 U.S. troops would be permanently based in Darwin, Australia caused a split within ASEAN. Seen as a move to counter the growing threat posed by China in the Asia-Paicific region, countries such as the Philippines strongly supported the move, Malaysia and Singapore took a neutral stance, whilst Indonesia objected.3637
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Inquirer (2011, November 17). ASEAN Summit spotlights Myanmar, maritime dispute. Retrieved from http://globalnation.inquirer.net/18633/asean-summitspotlights-myanmar-maritime-dispute-2 Tempo (2011, November 18). Obama-SBY Bahas 2500 Marinir di Darwin. Retrieved from http://www.tempo.co/read/news/2011/11/18/118367345/Obama---
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4.2.3. Is ASEAN well-prepared to contribute to solving key global issues? The pledge for an enhanced ASEAN capacity that is able contribute and respond to key global matters brings up a number of questions. The Bali Concord III states ASEAN's contribution shall take the form of promoting mediation initiatives and to actively participate in post-conflict peacekeeping and building activities based on the readiness of respective ASEAN member-states. Arguably, we should pay particular attention to the caveat referring to readiness, as it opens the possibility for some countries not to participate at all whilst others to carry out the lion-share of peacekeeping and building efforts. As before, the caveat perhaps reflect the differences found among the capabilities of the ten member-states. Indonesia for example with a much larger military or Singapore and Malaysia with the better-equipped ones are likely to contribute more then Laos to such endeavors. We should also wonder how an ASEAN peacekeeping effort would operate. Will it be individual member states operating on behalf of ASEAN or would it be a combined effort perhaps involving all ten member-states? It should be remembered that an Indonesian proposal for an ASEAN Peacekeeping Force in 2003 faltered due to outright opposition by other member-states. Thus, it remains to be seen how ASEAN plans to carry out peacekeeping missions without its own peacekeeping force. 4.2.4. Will the ASEAN Secretariat be properly empowered? Lastly, the pledge to empower the ASEAN Secretariat is ambitious given some of its shortcomings. The Bali Concord III calls for a strengthened ASEAN Secretariat with the capacity to support the vision and

SBY-Bahas-2500-Marinir-di-Darwin
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development of the ASEAN Community in a global community of nations. In other words, the ASEAN Secretariat has the responsibility of ensuring the implementation of ASEAN's positions on key global issues. Alarmingly, the ASEAN Secretariat is only staffed by approximately 200 officials to cover a region with a combined population of over 600 million. A report by the Asian Development Bank in 2007 noted that, Due to budgetary constraints...in the immediate and medium-term future, there is no plan to of ASEAN meetings. The aforementioned budgetary constraint lies in the fact that ASEAN member-states contribute just US$1 million each to fund its operations. Nevertheless, even if the ASEAN Secretariat were to be adequately funded and staffed, due to the intergovernmental nature of ASEAN, it is unlikely the ASEAN Secretariat will have the kinds of power the EU has over its member-states. More likely, the ASEAN Secretariat will be given the monitory role of preparing progress reports for the ASEAN Summit to act upon. This though is rather unsatisfactory as it is usually the case that individual member-states report on their own activities with the ASEAN Secretariat merely gathering those reports and combining them into one final report. This makes a thorough and objective report that highlights weaknesses and failings unlikely. From the above, it is clear that although visionary and lofty in intention, the Bali Concord III requires further work and perhaps time to address the uncertainties surrounding it. substantially increase the level of staff of ASEC [ASEAN Secretariat]...despite the growing number
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5. Conclusion This article has shown that prior to Indonesia's assumption of the ASEAN Chair for 2011, commentators had held great hope and expectation over the direction and fate the regional organisation would take. The article explained that the two key factors of Indonesia's rising profile and past history had fuelled optimism. It was then pointed out that Indonesia had generally been seen as a successful chair after hosting two ASEAN Summits, calming the Thai-Cambodian border conflict and resolving the issue of Myanmar's 2014 chairmanship ambitions. Briefly, Indonesia's role in the latter two cases were described before the article turned its attention to the Bali Concord III. Seen as an example of the new thinking, ideas and programs that Indonesia has injected into ASEAN, the article first described how through the Bali Concord III, Indonesia intended to transform ASEAN into one that could respond and contribute to key global issues. This was explained on the belief that ASEAN had passed the test of history, that the Asia-Pacific region was viewed from a positive outlook, and that ASEAN was driven by the fear of being a passive actor and victim to external global problems. Three key commitments the Bali Concord III pledged ASEAN to were then outlined. They were for an increasingly common ASEAN position on key global issues, for an enhanced ASEAN capacity so that the regional organisation could respond and contribute to global key issues, and to empower the ASEAN Secretariat so that it could support and develop the ASEAN Community in a global community of nations. However the article identified a number of areas of concerns found within the Bali Concord III. Question marks were raised over how ASEAN intends to reach a single ASEAN position on key global issues and whether it is even possible to reach a single ASEAN position given the difficulties of
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working with ten different countries with ten different national interests and foreign policies; the level of readiness and willingness. Further question marks were raised over the level of preparation among the ten member-states to contribute to the solutions to key global issues and whether the ASEAN Secretariat can be properly empowered given its limited staff numbers and the budgetary constraints it operates under. Overall, while Indonesia's chairmanship of ASEAN has been generally successful and the Bali Concord III not only promises much but also continues the country's proud reputation of introducing new ideas, thoughts and programs into ASEAN, it is clear that more work is needed. It is hoped that with time and once these issues are addressed, Indonesia alongside its fellow member-states can proudly and truly stand as an ASEAN Community in a global community of nations. ***

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SecurityDilemmainSouthEast Asia: BetweentheTwoMajorPowers

EndahBayuPurnawati,AlumnioftheUniversityof IndonesiaandtheAustralianNationalUniversity(ANU)
Prior to the East Asia Summit in November 2011 in Bali, Indonesia, President Barack Obama and Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard announced a plan to deepen military cooperation of the two countries by establishing a United States (US) base equipped with 2,500 US marines in Darwin, Australias Northern Territory. The issue created debates and speculations within the region. Even though both President Obama and Prime Minister Gillard have assured President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and the rest of the ASEAN members that the plan posed no threat to any nation in the region, many have said that the US move to station its troops in Darwin, only 820 kilometres from Indonesian territory, should be closely monitored. It is inevitable that this matter will perpetuate threat perceptions among countries in the region. Containing China? Many have said that the growing US military presence in the region is aimed at containing the rising influence of China. China has obviously grown into a great economic as well as military power. With the recent tensions of the claimant states over territorial disputes in the South China
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Sea, many see China as increasingly aggressive towards the region. Recent clashes over territorial disputes between China and the Philippines and Vietnam have demonstrated Chinas aggressive policy. As can be seen in the map below, China also has territorial disputes with Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia and also Indonesia in South China Sea. This aggressiveness is in line with Chinas increasing military budget, which has trebled since the 1990s. Even though there is no exact figure for Chinas military budget, it is estimated that it reached US$91.5 billion in 2011, making this countrys military budget second only to the US (Tempo, 2011).
Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-15273007
China definitely opposed the US plan of stationing additional marines in the northern part of Australia, saying this action would increase tension in the region. Spokesperson of the Chinese Foreign Ministry, Liu Weimin, said that When developing cooperation, a state should also consider other states interest, peace and stability in the region. (Tempo, 2011). Chinas
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news agency Xinhua criticized such a move by saying that every state in the region has a good reason to question the US ambition, and views that it was no surprise that the US tried to seek hegemony status in the region, in line with their aspiration as a global power (Republika, 2011). As a response, President Hu Jintao has instructed Chinas navy to speed up the development of its military armed forces and prepare for warfare to protect its national security (Republika, 2011). In addition, China will conduct regular military exercises in the South Pacific. This is an annual, planned, routine drill. It is not directed at any specific country or target and is in keeping with relevant international laws and practices. Chinas freedom of navigation and other legal rights should not be obstructed, Reuters said, quoting Chinas Defence Ministrys website (Reuters, 2011). President Obama denied that the plan was aimed at China. In his speech before the Australian parliament, he reiterated that Asia will largely define whether the century ahead will be marked by conflict or cooperation. .. I have, therefore, made a deliberate and strategic decision that, as a Pacific nation, the US will play a larger and long-term role in shaping this region and its future..In the Asia-Pacific in the 21st century, the US is all in. (The Straits Times, 2011). His statement strongly demonstrates the intention of the US to strengthen its long-established presence in the region. As a matter of fact, the US is currently deploying more than 100,000 troops outside the US. In the Asia-Pacific region, the US has a military presence in Singapore, Thailand, South Korea, Japan, the Philippines, Guam, Indonesia and Australia (and small deployment in half a dozen others). The Southeast Asia region is encircled by the US. For the US, adding more troops in Darwin is just another signal that the US is still a dominant global power, able to enlarge its military projection worldwide and demonstrates how Asia-Pacific is pivotal for the US.
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Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-15715446
When President Obama assured the neighbouring countries that the US military presence in Darwin is intended, among other things, to deal with emergency situations, including possible natural disasters, many analysts and international observers did not believe his argument. This was accentuated by the fact that just a few months before the East Asia Summit in November 2011, Timor Leste signed an agreement to buy two Chinese warships equipped with 30 millimetre cannon. In addition,
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according to Hikmahanto Juwanaan international law expert from the University of IndonesiaChina has reportedly proposed the establishment of a military base in Timor Leste, Indonesias neighbour (Gatra, 30 November 2011). While Timor Leste has yet to approve the proposal, China has continued to assist Timor Leste by supporting the development of its state offices and public facilities (Bataviacase, 2011). US re-engagement policy with the region was not a sudden decision. The plan to station 2,500 marines in Darwin is part of efforts to make strategic alliances with the countries in the region. On a few occasions, the US has reiterated its commitment to be involved in the region. In November 2009, President Barack Obama declared that As an Asia-Pacific nation, the US expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future in this region. (The Straits Times, 2011). At the ASEAN Regional Forum in Hanoi, July 2010, Secretary of the State Hillary Clinton announced a major shift in US policy on the South China Sea. Describing the sea as pivotal, she announced that Washington was prepared to play a more proactive role in helping to resolve territorial disputes in the South China Sea. A series of events have also demonstrated how the US continues to foster relationships with countries in the region, but it is hard to accept that they were not aimed containing China. In July 2010, the US and South Korea conducted a military exercise involving the aircraft carrier USS George Washington, which gave the opportunity to display US military power. Also in July, the US lifted a ban of more than a decade on military contact with an elite Indonesian special forces unit (Kopassus)(The New York Times, 2010).In August 2010, Vietnam and the US held their first joint naval exercise, a move seen as a reminder to China that it was not the only
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big player in the region (The Straits Times, 2011). Two months before the ASEAN Summit in November 2011, China officially launched its first aircraft carrier. This carrier is seen as part of Chinas broader naval modernisation programme, showing to the whole world that Chinas maritime mobility is expanding drastically and that China is in the process of acquiring capability to control the South China Sea as well as the East China Sea (Guardian, 10 August 2011). In response, a week later, USS George Washington paid a second visit to Vietnam for the commemoration of the normalization of the US-Vietnam relationship (Gatra, 2011). In June 2011, the US helped the Philippines strengthen its navy by providing a destroyer and in November 2011, both signed a declaration calling for multilateral talks to resolve maritime disputes, in sharp contrast to Chinas policy of bilateral negotiations in settling the issue of the South China Sea (The Straits Times, 2011). Also in November 2011, in a joint statement with President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President Obama announced a US plan to supply 24 refurbished F-16C/D fighter aircraft to Indonesia, which will boost Indonesias capabilities, including keeping an eye on the situation in the South China Sea (Media Indonesia, 2011). The above confirms that the US has been consolidating its presence and position in the Asia-Pacific region, showing that the Asia-Pacific is crucial for the US and that the US will not let the region be dominated by a single major power. Though it is said that it was not specifically aimed at China, it is evident that the series of engagement policies were directed against China. Both the Philippines and Vietnam have disputes with China, as well as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia and Indonesia, in the South China Sea and therefore the US presence in those countries can be seen as a soft
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warning to China, reasserting that the US is ready to jump in to the disputes should China act aggressively in the region. Between the Two Major Powers With Southeast Asian countries encircled by the US in the region and facing China in the north, ASEAN countries seem to be stuck in between the two major powers. It is important to note that though it may not be openly expressed, some ASEAN countries have felt relieved with the US intention to re-engage with the region, especially those countries with competing claims against China in the South China Sea. As stated by the Philippines presidential secretary Ricky Carandang, If you are asking me in general how I view the increased engagement of the US in Australia and the region, we view the presence of the Americans here, ....as ultimately a stabilising force. (The Sunday Times, 2011). Vietnam has also signed its first defence cooperation agreement with the US and held joint exercises this year. A US vessel visited Vietnam for the first time in more than 30 years and USS George Washington came back just a week after China launched its first aircraft carrier. This recent reengagement policy of the US with the region matches with the reception of some Southeast Asian countries for US presence, in which many have argue that this was in a framework to balance Chinas rising presence. Indonesia, as the chair of ASEAN 2011, seems to be neutral and tries to remind the others to avoid open conflict. As Marty Natalegawa has said, ASEAN will not let the region become a competition arena for countries who consider themselves as big powers. (Antaranews, 2011). He further added that Indonesia will not be trapped in that kind of situation. We now have a clear scenario, referring to ASEANs resolution in solving South China Sea disputes.
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However, many domestic analysts may not be as optimistic as the Foreign Minister that the US troops in Darwin are only for military exercises and cooperation for disaster mitigation response. It is hard not to relate this series of events as a response to Chinas rising power in the South China Sea. International relations analyst from the University of Indonesia, Hariyadi Wiryawan, argued that Indonesia should carefully look at the US plan to station its troops in Darwin because their mobilization will have a direct impact on Indonesia. Taking as an example, he said that those US troops will need a way to go back and forth from Darwin to the US military bases in the Philippines and elsewhere and would have to go through Indonesia. This makes it difficult for us. If we agree to [the US request to go through via Indonesia], China will consider us as pro [US] and vice versa, he said (Media Indonesia, 2011). US-China rivalry in the region has hemmed ASEAN members between the two major powers. ASEAN members security threat perceptions coming from China may have driven them to invite the US to the region. Participation by the US (and Russia) in the recent East Asia Summit (EAS) was on the endorsement of ASEAN members. Pavin Chachavalpongpun views that It is generally believed USs participation will minimize Chinas increasing domination of the EAS. ...This situation coincided with the rise of China, both economically and militarily. (Pavin Chachavalpongpun, 2010). With Indonesia positioned between the US and China rivalry in the region, analysts have argued that Indonesia should remain neutral and maintain its foreign policy principles of free and active in handling this matter. In the broader perspective, it is also important for ASEAN countries,
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including those claimant states involved in the South China Sea dispute with China, to remain neutral in the competition between US and China in the region and adhere to the already agreed Code of Conduct in solving the South China Sea disputes. Conclusion The dynamics within the region in responding to the US plan to station 2,500 marines in northern Australia represents a dominant realist paradigm in international relations thinking. Hans Morgenthau argues that international politics, like all politics, is a struggle for power. As the state is the main actor and sovereignty is its distinguishing trait, the interaction between states in the region is characterised by a constant security dilemma, in which a military preparation of one state can create an uncertainty in the mind of another as to whether the preparation is for defensive or offensive purposes (Baylis and Smith, 2005). With the rise of Chinas economic and military power, recent clashes in the South China Sea with some Southeast Asian countries have created a security dilemma among ASEAN members, seeing China as increasingly offensive toward the region. The US, which considers the region as crucial, felt it necessary to be present in the region to contain the rising of Chinas influence. This balance of power should be managed well to avoid an open conflict in the region. ASEAN should be neutral in face of the rivalry between these two global powers in the region. With some ASEAN members involved in the South China Sea dispute with China, it is important for all claimant states to resist making any movements that could create tension. They should strictly obey the agreed code of conduct in managing the disputes. The
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effort to engage China and the US in a multilateral framework through a dialogue within ASEAN should be continued to keep peace and stability of the region. US presence in the region is pivotal for US foreign policy in the AsiaPacific. US presence in the region is an effort to balance Chinas increasing power. Nevertheless, this kind of Cold War type of security dilemma should not escalate into an open conflict. Both sides must have been calculating that the cost of having an open war would only bring great loss to them and the rest of the region. It is much more logical that, despite some competitive presence, cooperation on issues like trade, financial stability, energy security, and climate change will benefit all stakeholders in the region.*** References
Antaranews, Tentara Amerika di ASEAN, sesuatu yang tak mengganggu, 17 November 2011, http://www.antaranews.com/berita/285220/tentara-amerika-di-aseansuatu-yang-tak-mengganggu Bataviacase, Diam-diam Cina kuasai Timor Leste, 23 November 2011, http://bataviase.co.id/node/883143 Chua Chin Hon, Reality check over US pivot to the East, The Straits Times, 26 November 2011. Elisabeth Bumiller and Norimitsu Onishi US lifts ban on Indonesia special forces unit, The New York Times, 22 July 2010 from http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/23/world/asia/23military.html Erdy Nasrul and Mansyur Faqih, Pasukan AS di Darwin lemahkan posisi Indonesia, Republika, 22 November 2011.
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Gatra, Terjepit di antara dua kepentingan, 30 November 2011. Guardian, China's first aircraft carrier launches with pride amid regional tensions, 10 August 2011, taken from http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/aug/10/china-aircraft-carrierlaunch John Baylis and Steve Smith (eds.). The Globalization of World Politics.New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.
Media Indonesia, Indonesia Perlu Soroti Manuver AS, 18 November 2011.
Media Indonesia, AS Siapkan Hibah 24 Unit F-16 untuk Indonesia, 8 December 2011, http://www.mediaindonesia.com/read/2011/12/12/282431/284/1/_AS_ Siap_Hibahkan_24_Unit_F-16_untuk_Indonesia Republika, Asia Pasifik jadi prioritas AS, 18 November 2011. Republika, Hu minta AL Cina Siaga, 8 December 2011. Reuters, China announces naval drills amid regional fears of its growing reach, 23 November 2011, http://af.reuters.com/article/energyOilNews/idAFL4E7MN1KS201111 23 Pavin Chachavalpongpun, How the US plays into the East Asia Summit for ASEAN, East Asia Forum, 17 August 2010, from http://www.eastasiaforum.org Tempo, Penyeimbang di Laut Cina Selatan, 4 December 2011. Zakir Hussain, ASEAN nations welcome US pivot, The Sunday Times, 27 November 2011.
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WorkshopPeaceEducation: BreakingtheStereotypes, BuildingTrustinJakartaand Jayapura

TatatSukarsa,Researcher,TheHabibieCenter
The workshop Peace Education: Breaking the Stereotype, Building Trust in Jakarta and Jayapura was a series of activities held as part of a Peace Education Program by The Habibie Center in cooperation with USAID and the SERASI (Engaging Citizens in Peace) project. The aim of the program of workshops and run initially through schools in order to focus on the young generation was to change the perception and distrust that have characterized the relationship between Papua and Jakarta over a long period of time. Papua, with its abundance of problems, from poverty and malnutrition, lack of health and educational facilities, the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, separatism, to the high frequency of conflicts there, while Jakarta (the central government) is perceived as implementing policies that the Papuans feel are inadequate and/or had not yet improved the quality of the peoples lives. A total of eight workshops were held, at four high schools in Jakarta and four high schools in Jayapura, between October 13 and November 11, 2011. Specially selected university students in Jakarta and Jayapuraparticipated in a training of the trainers program, at which they
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conveyed the substance of the impending discussions. In the training of the trainers sessions theytrainers studied both the contents of the substances of the materialsthey wished to would convey and the bestway of disseminatingconveying the information.materials. The four workshops in Jayapura workshop wereas held on November 811, 2011, at four high schools, the State High School 4, Entrop,Jayapura; the State High School 2, Serui,Jayapura; the PGRI High School in the village of Yabansai, Heram District, Jayapura, and the Yapis Waena High School, Waena, Jayapura. Workshop at the State High School 2 Jayapura The workshop at the State High School 2 Jayapura was held on November 8-9, 2011, was led by four trainers. The students who participated in the workshop were those who had previously been selected from and the best students in their school, and werewith a mixture of boththe migrant and indigenous students. The mixture was something uneasily composed since the indigenous students were in the minority compared to the majority of migrant students. The first material on at the day one was The Nations Plurality and Understanding the Papuan Society. At first the students were quietinactive and looked self consciousbashful. But the trainers kept on trying to evokeinvite the students response and to maintain their attention. activeness. The trainers involved the students in a game of Saving the Ship and this game had succeeded in melting the awkwardness and the timidity of the students. They returned to become the merry and plain high school students, putting forth a ray of stereotypes connected to the figures in ofthe game.
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On the second day, the trainers conveyed the substance of Breaking the Stereotype, Building the Trust and To Have a Stance on the Role of the Mass Media Role in Times of Conflict. From the outset, tThe students, at the time had started with high level of werehighlyenthusiasticm, in participating in the lectures of their trainers. At the end of the workshop some students said that they were very content to receivein receiving the peace education since it was closely connected towith their daily life. Workshop at the State High School 4 Jayapura It was carried out on the same two days, November 8-9, 2011. The High School 4 was one of the distinguished schools in Jayapura. Students who were educated there were those who had above average intelligence and scores. For this program, the school sent 40 students organizesrs of byOSIS (the schools student association)Organization of Internal School Students) who were in fact the more active and intelligent in their school. The composition of those atendingin the workshop was well enoughbalanced between indigenous and migrant students. The first day workshop ran smoothly and timely. The students talked again about The Nations Plurality and Understanding the Papuan Society and the trainers lectures were well conveyed their lecture well, which the students responded positively enough. The High School 4 students were in fact very active in responding toon their trainers lectures. In fact,tThey actively put forward questions when they felt they needed more explanation. Their attentivenessct was verymore apparent when they participated in the Save the Ship game. They were very expressive and enjoyed the game very much, although there were two students who thatat the beginning they did not really take partmingle in the game. As the time went on, however, they,too,became fully active two students became fully
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active in the game. They could also understand the values contained in of playing thise game. The second day of the workshop also ran smoothly too. The substance of Breaking the Stereotype, Building Trust received a positive response. Some students contendedalleged that the material was quite relevant given their withthe very plural character student ofcondition intheir school. The substance of the lectureopened their minds to better appreciate more other people who happened to be weredifferent from with them. The material To Have a Stance on the Role of the Mass Media Role in Times of Conflict was felt as quite in line with Papuas condition, since, so far, Papua was always reported in the mass media as a scaryfrightening conflict-prone area. The students conveyed that Papuas condition was really not as bad as reported by the mass media. The workshop was concluded with a discourse on the students the deliverance ofimpressions of the programand the lessons learned.message of the students on the program. One of them commentedalleged that because of the remotenessfar demographical location of the population of Papua from Jakarta, that they were rarely got important additional information such as what this program gave.like such a program. They hoped that in the future there would be many more similar programs for the schools in Papua. Workshop in Yapis Waena High School, Jayapura The wWorkshop at the inYapis High School was held on November 9, 2011, from 09:00 to 15:00. When the The Habibie Center team arrived, the Yapis High School students who were to wouldparticipate in the workshop were had allready been readyto start. Although Yapis is a school managed by an Islamic foundation, but its students wereare varied, almost
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balanced between the indigenous Papuans who were mostly Christians, and migrants. The participants of the workshop were the eleventh graders. The workshop materials were conveyed well by the trainers. Although there was a little bit ofconcern that the Yapis students would not be responsive, the facts showed otherwise.the others. The substances of the Indonesian Nations Plurality and the Understanding the Papuan Society were listened to attentively by the students. They were also adroitly answering questions and asking for more information whenever they felt there was something unclear. Entering the Save the Ship game, the students enthusiasm rose even more; they concentrated fully on following the game. At the end of the workshop, the students conveyed their impressions and messages. From their opinion, they looked very glad in receiving the additional materials that would be useful to them in their daily life. The Workshop at the PGRI High School Jayapura As had been previously explained, this was the final at last the workshop of the four-day program, the attendance at the PGRIO High School, was held a day on November 10and 11 2011, from 09:00 to 11:00, was quite good and very enthusiastic. Forty students were all ready in the class roomfor the commencement of the lectures. However, unlike the situation A bit different from the students at the other schools, the number of the indigenous students of the PGRI High School exceededwas more than the number of migrants. The He delivertance of the two materials on atthe first day of the workshop, the Indonesian Nations Plurality and Understanding the Papuan Society receivedgot a very good response. At first the students looked bashful to fire opinion or questions, but the trainers kept enticing
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the students to be active. At last they succeeded in making the students more active. When the Save the Ship game started, the students were glad and enjoyed the game. So too with the when materials on of Breaking the Stereotype and Taking a Stand on the Role of the Mass Media in Times of Conflict, when the students said that the materials were very new and that they had never heardthey got them before; that the materials were very useful and enriched their understanding. They hoped in the future there would be many more such activities atin their school. A teacher who was assigned to supervise the activity explained that the PGRI High School students were indigenous Papuans whose families prosperity was lacking but they were very enthusiastic in being educated. It is clear from the holding of the workshops at the four schools in Jayapura that the Papuans main necessity is for good qualitythe qualified and free education, because it isonly through the education that they will be areable to overcome their struggle top make for theimprovements in of their lives. ***

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TheExistanceoftheTraditional MarketinIndonesia:aReflection ofCapitalisticBureaucracyinthe NewOrderEra

AnaSabhanaAzmy,GraduateStudentofMasterProgramof PoliticalScienceoftheUniversityofIndonesia, MemberofPoliticalLiteracyInstitute, TeacheratPoorUrbanSocietyatRawajatiCiliwung,Jakarta
Introduction Being well known as a system in governance, bureaucracy has been quite familiar in our daily life. Contemplating a bit deeper about bureaucracy, we are suddenly struck to a difficult system, high cost and a needlessly long process. Although many Ministries of Indonesia in the reformation era have been spreading out the word Reformation of the Bureaucracy (even a ministry has changed its name by adding Bureaucratic Reform), but it doesnt alter the situation very much. It has not been able to change the fundamental of the reform: tochange the mindset of the civil servants into what the reform is about. Even now, it has only been redirected by giving new meaning to the Reform of the Bureaucracy: numeracy, meaning, an increase in the salary.
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By its strong authority in the New Order, bureaucracy was not just a rule application, but a rule making, whereby a bureaucrat that sat in the government system could hold onto a full power by establishing rules that were made in the name of his interest. In the New Order era, the bureaucracy followed the capitalistic system. The government had applied a full market system, carried out very flexible rules toward foreign investors where only the red plate banks were still owned by the government. The rest, the private banks, almost all had been absorb by foreign banks. In a way, such a policy had produced a better result in terms of economic achievements than before, even after the New Order collapse. Besides, there were also benefits from the capitalistic system, whereas employment opportunities were opened up and the economy ran faster. On the other hand, the manpower absorption did not empower or make the workers self reliant, but used them only for the sake of partial interests, such as investors and bureaucrats. The existence of modern market networks led by foreign investors, could not be separated from the capitalistic bureaucracy in the New Order. At the time, the foreign investors got better attention from the New Order government because the modern market raised profits from tax for the State. Besides, the market could also absorb many workers at lower cost. This was ironic with the poor condition of the traditional markets that declined gradually both in quantity and quality. Beren Gintings in his book entitled Ekonomi Kerakyatan, Plus Minus Kebijakan Pemerintahan Orde Baru (Peoples Economy, Pluses-Minuses of the New Order Governments Policy) explained that not fixing up the traditional market condition would only lead to the disappearance of customers. The traditional markets tended to be smelly, dirty, crowded and muddy also full of rubbish. In New Order Era, PD Pasar Jaya Jakarta for example used
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to have 156 markets that consisted of 97 non-Inpres (non-Presidential Instruction) markets with 57,702 kiosks and 59 Inpres markets with 26,702 kiosks. With the decline in customers at the traditional markets, the number of active kiosks at the non- Inpres markets was just 44,665 and at the active Inpres there were only 20,554 kiosks. Meanwhile, for the modern (super) market in the 1980s, Jakarta had 30 supermarkets but now they have become 81 markets (Gintings, 2005). The unsatisfactory condition of the traditional markets was actually a reflection of the societys weakness in making a bargaining power vis a vis the New Order policy. The centralized bureaucracy and its favoring of foreign investors became a factor to explain why ordinary people could not play a part in such economic competition. In fact, the society economy had the potential to help the economy in Indonesia withstand economic downturns especially the financial-led-economic crises of 1997-1998. It needed the equal regulation between the existence of traditional and modern market. There was no clear regulation implemented during the New Order that attempted to remedy the unclear limitation concerning the existence of modern (super) markets. Traditional Market VS the Modern Market The domination of the modern (super) market over traditional ones in the New Order era, was the logical outcome of the countrys development plan at the time. By the coming of New Order after 1965, it began the big disclosure of the political economy from the leader. The task of the key US-trained economic actors in the New Order, was to rebuild the economy based on the important role of the private sector and foreign financial capital (Robison, 1978). By this policy, foreigners dominated all sectors in Indonesia, such as mining, forestry and others. Priyo Budi Santoso said
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that the protection toward the foreign interest in the New Order was related to the choice of the economic development strategy that was outward looking (Santoso, 1993). The economic society, however, should be like what Frans Seda explained, that whatever the position of the society, as the object or the subject in the economy, the orientation must always belong to the society. In the New Order era, a shift to the right occurred. This was indicated by the declaration of the Law on Foreign Investment (UU Penanaman Modal AsingUU PMA) No 1/1967 and the Law on Cooperative (UU Koperasi) No 12/1967. At that time, the winner was the liberal economy. The liberal technocrats, with the full support of the IMF, the World Bank and donor countries that joined in asthe Inter-Governmental Group on Indonesia (IGGI), led the economic policy formulation of Indonesia. The goal was economic development that foreign investors had more easy access to (Gemari, 2011). In the 1980s, the privatization of development happened. This was forced by the increasing needs for financial capital, efficiency and technology to keep the economic development on track. That process was marked by a liberalization process and its mechanism was deregulation of the economy. Seda said that the government was hesitant at that time, whether or not the economic society would become the prime mover of the development circle. Finally, the choice was that the traditional market that was a part of the economic society did not get special attention compared to the modern (super) market. The bureaucracy in the New Order was absolutely patrimonial and that it was the elites that just shared the legality, causing policy discrimination. While the patrimonial bureaucracy dominated38, the
38
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The characteristics of patrimonial bureaucratic domination a la Weber: 1.Officials were filtered based on personal and political criteria; 2. Position was regarded as the source of wealth or profit; 3. Officials control, either the political or administrative function, since there was no separation of the production and administrative means; 4.
relations between foreign investors and bureaucrats were marked by a proper relation meaning the existence of a mutually beneficial relationship. In the name of reciprocity, the New Order bureaucracy forgot the existence of the traditional market. Then, what was the implication of the New Orders policy toward the trader in the traditional market and what steps were taken in terms of empowering the traditional market? New Orders Capitalistic Bureaucracy and the Economic Society Peter M Blau (Blau and Meyer, 1987) wrote that the main characteristics of the structure of bureaucracy (ideal type) according to Weber are: 1. In the organization, there is a clear working classification that makes it possible to give work to the experts and make them responsible and that this is an unconsciousness of bureaucratic innovation. 2. The office organization follows the hierarchys characteristics that the lower the unit in the office the higher its supervising and empowering rights. By that, there is an authority and that has to be limited. 3. The working implementation is managed by the abstract roles of system. 4. The elites ideally have to do their work by formal spirit and not by becoming private. This is in order that the rational program is run solidly and so on. 5. Working in a bureaucratic organization is based on a technical qualification and is protected from the possibility of hiring by one side. 6. That the pure administrative organization that has a bureaucratic criteria can achieve the highest efficiency level.

Every action was directed by the relationship of personal and political (in Priyo Budi Santoso, Birokrasi Pemerintah Orde Baru (the Bureaucracy of the New Order Government), Perspektif Struktural dan Kultural, Jakarta: PT Raja Grafindo Persada, 1993, p.22-23)
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Santoso (Santoso, 1993) said that from the standpoint of various understandings that arise in terms of the bureaucracy, it can be classified into three categories: First, bureaucracy in the good understanding or rational one, as the understanding of Hegelian bureaucracy and Weberian bureaucracy; second, bureaucracy, in the understanding as a sickness, as the understanding of Karl Marx, Fred Luthan and so on. Third, bureaucracy in the neutral understanding, meaning that it does not relate to the good or bad understanding. In this writing, we will focus on the Weber bureaucracy also the bureaucracy as a sickness as Marx stated. The bureaucracy of Marx stated that the State is only a tool from the ruling class, that consists of the elite in the feudal state and the capitalist class in the capitalist country. For him, bureaucracy is the parasite, that its existence hangs on the ruling class and is used to absorb the proletarian class.(Santoso, 1993). Frans Seda in his explanation about the economic society said that an economic society has two integral aspects: The orientation aspect toward the peoples interest and the society aspect as the subject in the countrys economy. In terms of the economic society, it is clear that the orientation is toward the economic interest of many people, but the society does not have to be the subject of the economy forever; in terms of economic society itis whether the orientation is toward the interest in the economy, or the subject in the economy is society (Seda, 2002). In the New Order, the existence of the bureaucratic climate was the profit for the owner of the market, whether national or international. Jeffry A. Winters in his book Dosa-dosa Politik Orde Baru (The Political Sins of the New Order) said that economic development had brought incredible wealth for just special persons (mainly the president and his cronies) in the midst of the spreading of poverty. Yes, it seems that the economic
51
development ran substantially faster, but in fact, the robbery and oppression that was done by the circle of governance had caused the imbalanced distribution of Indonesias wealth (Winters, 1999). Yes, at that time, the wealth of Indonesia could only be enjoyed by a small part of the society. But, the saddest thing was that the policy did not side with the traditional market. In fact, this market was the first activator of the nations economic circle that could survive from crisis, if managed well by the government. The decision and action of Soeharto to focus on Indonesias economic development was marked by the returning of Sumitro Djojohadikusumo (his in-law) and the club of his former students, including Widjojo Nitisastro, Mohammad Sadli, Ali Wardhana and Emil Salim that made a group of economic planners of Soehartos. Their existence in fact could convince the world, especially the western countries (Alfian, 1986). Budiman Soedjatmiko said that the New Order had distracted the national strategic direction at that time. The programs of economic society that by Soekarno was called Indonesian Socialism, was uprooted to become the development direction that had a right wing conservative side. Pancasila as the ideological basis and culture had been recycled and given the New Orders own interpretation. The economic autonomy that had become the nations character was hit by the economic liberalization (Visi Ideologi, 2011). If the government still believed in economic autonomy, then the action that should be taken in the economic development was to empower the economic society as the traditional market. But, the course of economic development was based on the national development. By the coming of foreign investors, the construction of supermalls and hypermarkets (super market) spread uncontrollably. This problem was added to by the
52
discriminatory policy that wasunreceptive to efforts for the survival of the traditional market. In the past, the hypermarket/supermarket had only been for the middle and upper society, so that the existence of the traditional market was still relatively safe. When the focus switched to national development and economic competition, then most of the modern (super) markets spread their marketing to places where people of all levels could shop. This was the demise of the traditional market. The economic development program was fruitful. During the 1980s and 1990s, the growth of the real economy was always between 6 and 7 percent a year. In the 1990s, Indonesia succeeded in becoming the biggest exporter in the world of natural gas, plywood and shrimp, besides the textile products and furniture. These various success stories, pushed the World Bank to make Indonesia the example of the success model of development. This adoration and praise went on until 1994 and being frozen in the report of one section of the World Bank (Winters, 1999). But in fact, this sweet moment was just the appearance of Indonesia on the surface (of the national and international map). The Indonesian society in general never went above the poverty line, because the debt of the New Order in reality was huge, and nobody could predict when Indonesia would be able to extricate itself from the debt entanglement. The centralized bureaucracy and priority given to foreign investors had strengthened capitalism in Indonesia. In addition, thanks to the power that belonged to the bureaucrats in the New Order, investors and entrepreneurs appear to have maintained a very close relationship with one another, making it easy for investors to plant their capital without any difficulties from rules, even evade the rules if need be. The entrepreneurship that came from the New Order generally came from the people who had a close relationship with the regime, where success in business needed
53
political patronage, and it could be in the form of a person or a group of persons to whom it had a connection (even if the patron was or were only in the ring 4, still it had a power that could be manipulated to its advantage.) Meanwhile, the financial capital that made an entrepreneur survive or not forced the entrepreneur to have a close relationship with the bureaucracy and the military as the financial holder. In the parliamentary democracy period, there was a program named Program Benteng (Fortress Program) to protect the indigenous entrepreneurs and enable them to compete with foreign and Chinese business people. But this program failed and the indigenous entrepreneurs could not compete. This condition went on during the New Order, where, on the other hand, it was the government that protected the interests of the non-indigenous investors. Finally, the military in the bureaucracy monopolized the trading and economy, so what was left behind were only marginal roles for the indigenous entrepreneurs (Santoso, 1993). It can be seen how the bureaucracy in the New Order era did not leave any space for the economic society and the traditional market formed one of its component parts. Then, how could the traditional market compete with malls, hypermalls and the like? According to Lucian Pye in the Aspects of the Political Development, the first aspect was political development as a prerequisite for economic development (Pye, 1966). The controller of the political development was the military (all ministers and officials who had the power to make decisions were military) and this was to the effect that while the New Order had made significant achievements in the economic development, the economic society with the traditional market was forgotten. . The bureaucratic policy of the New Order that did not pay attention to the traditional markets had quite damaging implications. First implication,
54
the traditional market consumers decreased by 60% since the emergence of hypermarkets, the result of the modernization of markets by the private sector. It was because the old traders could not pay the price of new kiosks in a renovated market place.Second implication, the hypermarkets just neglected to implement the district rules that called for training or empowering the traders of the traditional markets.Third implication, the imbalanced competition between traditional markets that only grew about 5% and the hypermarkets that grew by up to 16% (AC Nielsen, 2004) and Fourth implication, that the contribution of the local levies (Pendapatan Asli DaerahPAD) to the local government was still small. For example, the contribution from PAD for the whole of the traditional markets of Jakarta was roughlyRp300,000,000 a year (kbrikualalumpur, 2011). It was clear that the cause of such an implication was the New Orders bad system of bureaucracy. Webers Patrimonial bureaucracy is relevant. The centralization of power, inefficiency, the close relationship of foreign investors and bureaucrats and the action that focused on the private relations and politics presented corruption in the state budget to build the facilities, and a working credit that should be provided for the traditional market traders. Inaddition, there was no special training for the traders for developing their income from the existing financial capital. The traditional market traders were also not trained to face the consumers. From the cost perspective, the traditional traders had to compete without any financial help from government. Automatically, by the unbalanced policy, the traditional market would always find it difficult to exist. Using Webers ideal bureaucracy there is a point in the organization scenario that there has to be a job classification based on expertise. The bureaucracy and politics of the New Order that raised the military role, did not place the people in a clear job classification. A power hierarchy also
55
happened because of the centralization; there was no discussion in formulating the policy. The formal spirit and not private that was stated by Weber was impossible to be implemented in the New Order. This is similar to what was stated by Priyo Budi Santoso, that in the New Order, the military held the power of the state bureaucracy. The bureaucratic elite dominated the resources, investment opportunities, entrance to the market and so on. The income from this trading was seldom used for capital formation, but was more often used for consumption by the bureaucratic people, both civil and military (Santoso, 1993). Last, there wass no allocation for the economic society that was perceived as just a minor part of the economy of the country. The high efficiency level in a bureaucracy could also be achieved. This could be seen from the presence of patrimonial bureaucracy in the era of pre-colonial Java, where the king distributed the sources of income to his supporters. This also happened in the New Order era in another style. The power in the shape of political position was given to the supporters of Soeharto and the power was finally used for the sake of their interests and not for the whole society or the common people. The capitalistic bureaucracy that happened in Soehartos era, where foreign investors dominated, then the interest of society was run as the bureaucracy as stated by Marx. The state was just the tool of the ruling class, allowing the partial interest, and the society became workers who were mostly underpaid. But, the bureaucratic concept as stated by the Marxists was partially right. Actually Indonesia had the administrative structure of a bureaucracy, but that bureaucracy had been dominated by the ruling class. Meanwhile, David Beetham in his book entitled Birokrasi said that Marx saw the problems of administrative structure as secondary compared to class relations (Beetham, 1990). The New Order
56
era only focused itself toward the national economy and not the societys economy. The state which has a right to make a market regulation, did not use that right to limit the number of modern (self service/super) markets. For example, the existing of Carrefour in Indonesia as the second biggest retail group after Wal-Mart, brought the concept of hypermarket for the first time, it is a big supermarket that combined the department stores. They opened their first hypermarket in 1962 at Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois near Paris, France. (wikipedia, 2011). The close position of Carrefour to a traditional market now (in the reformation era) at ITC Cempaka Mas, Cempaka Putih, indicated the weakness of the government regulation. The existing local market that was located at the ITC Cempaka Mas could be replaced by the consumers of Carrefour. According to Frans Seda, the government did not take the side of the society as the subject of the economy vis a vis the big corporation, while the traditional markets needed protection /legal guaranty and access to financial capital. The traditional markets that became a part of economic society, where traders involved individually, did not have protection and access to those capital sources. This was because the government policy did not facilitate these things. The government had no rules or law; those laws were at a standstill because of the political lobbies in the bureaucracy. Gintings said that the effort that was made by the local government of Jakarta was good, insofar as trying to protect the traditional markets by declaring the Decision Letter (Surat KeputusanSK) No 241/85 about the activities of modern markets. The decree said that the market must be located in such a place that will not disturb the development of traditional markets, about 1 kilometer from an area that has been developed, and about 2 kilometers from an area that is being developed (Gintings, 2005).
57
Moreover, the decree also classified the commodities that could be traded in traditional markets only such as vegetables, eggs, fruits, fish and meat. The letter also made mention of the working hours of modern markets, that is, from 10:00 a.m. to 23:00 p.m, so that transactions in the traditional markets could be done before 10:00. But the letter is just as it is, it has never been implemented. In fact, everybody can see for themselves that the location of one hypermarket to another is quite close and that the working hours are also prolonged. Meanwhile, the hypermarkets also sell various fresh vegetables, fruits and other beverages besides more discounting and interesting packaging are available at hypermarkets. Gintings also stated that those violations happen because of bad supervising of the implementation of the rules. It isalso unclear who must bear the responsibility for supervising those rules. Another shortcoming is the implementation of penalties that is not carried out as written (Gintings, 2005). This makes investors wary of Indonesia. The Steps in Traditional Market Empowerment There are several things that have to be done to empower the traditional markets in the midst of competition from modern markets. First, the government has to render the soft loan for traders so that the traders can continue to trade without being haunted by the high taxation that has to be paid. This also has a positive impact for the consumer, since the traders will not escalate the prices of their commodities at will. Second, there is a need for a rejuvenation ofmarket facilities and the shape of the traditional markets. By the rejuvenation, the consumers and traders will enjoy shopping at the traditional markets. The market need not necessarily be a place that is identical with smell, mud, dirt and full of rubbish. People can the weak legal processes in
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find examples of traditional market that are clean and integrate a modern concept at Tangerang now and managed by the private sector, as perhaps the best one. That place is far from the image of a traditional market. But of course people will appreciate itif the government can show that it can realize the best example and with good market management, something which so far not common. Third, the location between the traditional market and the modern one needs to be rearranged. If the Jakarta government wants to see that the rules really exist, then there is a need for a re-practicing and re-regulating. Legal certainty and good implementation of the law are qualities of a nations development that foreigners considers as very important. Fourth, there is a need for continuous training for traders operating in traditional markets. By the training, the traders will know how to serve consumers, package their wares to make them interesting, be honest in trading and knowing the quality of the commodities they sell. The availability of ongoing training for traders will be good for the nation as a whole and in building and strengthening of the circle of the national economy. The consumers will prefer to shop at the market. Besides the process of bargaining occurring in such a process, the communication between the traders and the consumers will strengthen, and consumers will also get much useful information from the traders. If those steps are done, then the traditional markets have an opportunity to build a superiority over the modern markets. The quality of vegetables or fruits and fish that are served at modern markets is sometimes not as good as what is served at the traditional markets. Lastly, the bureaucracy as the government organization, absolutely has a crucial role. The bureaucracy and policy of the New Order era that only took the side of the foreign investors and entrepreneurs or who had
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significant financial capital, have influenced the existence of the traditional markets until today. Through the good reformation of the bureaucracy, the economic society that was articulated by Frans Seda, can be implemented. Conclusion Through the capitalistic bureaucracy policy of the New Order era, the national economic development increased drastically and was proven by the World Bank. But, aside from that confession, the foreign debt was huge. Indonesia once was trapped in the monetary crisis and needed years to recover. At that time, actually the one area that could have saved Indonesia was the economic society that operated through the traditional markets. The bureaucracy and policy of the New Order had a significant implication to the existence of traditional markets, because at that time, with no clear policy and limitation from the government, the modern market could spread out and defy the existing rules at will with the help of bureaucrats that could be compromised. The consumers of traditional markets ran away and moved into the modern markets. The imbalanced competition that resulted between the traditional market and the modern one, caused many traders to go broke and increased the poverty. The jobless rate also increased, automatically. Several strategies could be usefully implemented to protect the existence of traditional markets, such as rejuvenating the market facilities, finding better locations, providing soft credit and providing training for the traders to help them better understand the operations of modern commodity marketing. The ideal bureaucracy as stated by Weber in fact can not be implemented totally in Indonesia, because of the strong existing culture. In the New Order era, the concept of bureaucracy from Marx more
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dominated, although certainly not all of it was implemented. The Marxists implemented the administrative structure as a secondary problem compared to the notion that the State was a tool of the ruling class. The centralization of power, the inefficiency of institutions, also the loyalty toward the king when even he was wrong, dominated the bureaucracy of the New Order. Supervising is needed to revise the bureaucracy and politics of Indonesia. By that supervising, the economic society that was stated by Frans Seda could be implemented, and that society needs the protection of financial capital and in the climate of entrepreneurship. But only a handful of measures were carried out by the New Order. At the end of the New Order, there was still 11 percent, meaning 22 million people, who were trapped in core poverty, that needed special programs to elevate them.
Reference Alfian, Pembangunan Politik Indonesia, kumpulan karangan, Jakarta: PT Gramedia, 1986. Beetham, David, Birokrasi, Jakarta: Bumi Aksara, 1990. Blau, Peter M, and Meyer, Marshall W, Birokrasi dalam Masyarakat Modern, edisi kedua, Jakarta: UI Press, 1987. Gintings, Beren, Ekonomi Kerakyatan, Plus Minus Kebijakan
Pemerintahan Orde Baru, Jakarta: Forum Mitra Daerah, 2005. Pye, Lucian, Aspects of the Political Development, 1966, the given concept in the lesson of Pembangunan Politik, Masters Program of the University of Indonesia, 2010.
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Robison, Richard Buku Hitam Rezim Soeharto, Tangerang: Totalitas, 2000, translated from his original book; Richard Robison, Capitalism and the Military Bureaucratic State in Indonesia, 19651975, 1978. Santoso, Priyo Budi Birokrasi Pemerintah Orde Baru, Perspektif Struktural dan Kultural, Jakarta: PT Raja Grafindo Persada, 1993. Seda, Frans, Krisis Moneter Indonesia, Jurnal Ekonomi Rakyat, in the article Th-1 No 3-Mei-2002. Winters, Jeffry A, Dosa-dosa Politik Orde Baru, Jakarta: Djambatan, 1999.
Internet http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carrefour, accessed on march, 11th, 2011, 12.00 AM. http://www.gemari.or.id/file/buku/diskusinusantara5revrisondbaswir.pdf, accessed on March, 11th, 2011, 10.05 AM. http://trashold.multiply.com/journal/item/1/Tradisi_Oposisi_Tanggung_Ja wab_Kaum_Muda_dalam_Menyongsong_Perubahan_Nasional_dalam _Visi_Ideologi_Nasional, accessed on March, 10th , 2011, 09.00 AM. www.kbrikualalumpur.org, accessed on March, 11th, 2011, 10.30 AM.
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Sustainable Development in Post Conflict Regions: A Review: Postscript Vol VIII, No.6, November-December 2011

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Sustainable Development in Post Conflict Regions: A Review: Postscript Vol VIII, No.6, November-December 2011

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Postscript Vol VIII, No.

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN POST CONFLICT REGIONS: A REVIEW

SustainableDevelopment InPostConflictRegions:A Review

IndonesianChairmanshipof ASEAN AndtheBaliConcordIII

prosperity, bonded together in partnership in caring

dynamic development and in a community of

negotiations before resorting to the other

procedures provided for in the Charter of the Nations.15

SecurityDilemmainSouthEast Asia: BetweentheTwoMajorPowers

WorkshopPeaceEducation: BreakingtheStereotypes, BuildingTrustinJakartaand Jayapura

TheExistanceoftheTraditional MarketinIndonesia:aReflection ofCapitalisticBureaucracyinthe NewOrderEra

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