Journal of the International Association of

Buddhist Studies
Volume 21. Number 1 1998
JOHANNES BRONKHORST
Did the Buddha Believe in Karma and Rebirth?
JINHUACHEN
The Construction of Early Tendai Esoteric Buddhism:
The Japanese Provenance of SaichO's Transmission
Documents and Three Esoteric Buddhist Apocrypha
1
Attributed to Subhakarasirilha 21
MIRIAM LEVERING
Dogen's Raihaitokuzui and
Women Teaching in Sung Ch'an
TOM TILLEMANS
A Note onPramii1'}aviirttika, Pramii1'}asamuccaya and
77
Nyiiyamukha. What is the svadharmin in Buddhist Logic? 111
CHIKAFUMI WATANABE
A Translation of the Madhyamakahrdayakiirikii
with the Tarkajviilii III. 137-146
YANGJIDONG
Replacing hu with/an:
A Change in the Chinese Perception
of Buddhism during the Medieval Period
125
157
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EDITORIAL BOARD
Cristina A Scherrer-Schaub
Tom J.F. Tillemans
Editors-in-Chief
Robert Buswell
Steven Collins
Collett Cox
Luis O. Gomez
Paul Harrison
Oskar von Hinuber
Roger Jackson
Padmanabh S. Jaini
Shoryu Katsura
Donald S. Lopez, Jr.
Alexander Macdonald
D. Seyfort Ruegg
Robert Sharf
Ernst Steinkellner
Erik Zurcher
Editorial Assistant:
Yves Ramseier
Contributors to this issue:
Johannes BRONKHORST has been teaching Sanskrit and Indian studies
at the University of Lausanne since 1987. His present interests include
the interaction of ideas between the different currents of thought in
ancient and classical India. '
Jinhua CHEN received his Ph.D from McMaster University in 1997 with
a dissertation on the formation of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism in Japan;
he is now doing a two-year post-doctoral research at Kyoto University as
a fellow of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science. His interests
cover Japanese Tendai Buddhism, Chinese Tiantai and Chan Buddhism.
Miriam LEVERING has written about Sung Dynasty Ch'an Buddhism,
particularly about stories of women in Sung Ch'an and about Ta-hui
Tsung-kao, one of the shapers of Lin-chilRinzai Ch'an. She is inter-
ested also in contemporary Buddhism in Taiwan, China, Japan and the
United States. She has edited a book called *Rethinking Scripture*
(SUNY Press) which addresses the topic of the nature of sacred text in a
comparative perspective, to which she contributed an essay on the uses
of sacred texts in contemporary Buddhist convent practice in Taiwan.
She is at work on a book now called The Zen a/Women.
Tom TILLEMANS is Professor of Buddhist Studies at the Univeristy of
Lausanne in Switzerland. His research centers on Indian and Tibetan
Buddhism, in particular the Madhyamaka, logic and epistemology.
WATANABE is a Ph.D. Candidate in the Department of
Religious Studies at the University of Calgary (Canada), and is a
Research Fellow at Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (1997-98),
Pune (India). His fields of interest are Mahayana Buddhism, especially
Abhidharma litterature. His dissertation is a study and translation of the
Mahiiyiinasal'!'lgraha and its commentaries ..
Jidong YANG is a PhD candicate at the University of Pennsylvania. His
main field of interest is the Buddhism and social history of medieval
China.
JOHANNESBRONKHORST
Did the Buddha Believe in Karma and Rebirth?*
The title of this lecture may raise some questions. Before we can even
try to answer the question whether the Buddha believed in karma and
rebirth, we have to address a few other ones. One is whether karma and
rebirth necessarily form a couple. We will see that not_all scholars have
looked upon these elements in this way, and that some have suggested
that the Buddha may have believed in only one of these two.
An equally important question concerns the issue whether philological
research can ever hope to find out anything about the historical Buddha.!
Isn't it safer to say that the early Buddhist texts inform us about the
views and beliefs of the, or a, Buddhist community during some period?
And if philological analysis allows us to reach further back into the past
(supposing it can actually do so), does this not merely lead us back to an
earlier phase of the views and beliefs of the, or a, Buddhist community?
Is it not, therefore, wiser to speak about early - or even: earliest -
Buddhism, and leave the Buddha out of the picture?
In earlier publications I was not quite certain about this issue, -and had
a tendency to speak about early or earliest Buddhism, rather than about
the historical Buddha.
2
But closer reflection suggests that this attempt to
express oneself carefully may really have the opposite effect. The texts
on which we base our conclusions - primarily the Siitras - claim to pre-
* Slightly modified text of a lecture delivered at Ryukoku University (Kyoto) in
November 1997. I thank Esho MIKOGAMI and Fumio ENOMOTO, as well as
other members of the audience, for a challenging and fruitful discussion.
1. Some scholars may feel that the very wish to do so betrays "positivist concerns
for origins" (see, e.g., HALLISEY, 1995: 36). They should perhaps be reminded
that within Buddhist studies the study of the Buddha and his views holds a
legitimate position, as legitimate as the study of the views of DharmakIrti or,
indeed, ofT.W. RHYSDAVIDS.
2. Other scholars did and do the same; see, e.g., such titles as The Ideas and
Meditative Practices of Early Buddhism (VETTER, 1988), "On the annihilation of
karman in early Buddhism" (ENOMOTO, 1989), etc.
JIABS 21.1 2
sent the teachings of the BUddha.
3
They may be right or wrong in this,
and probably they are partly right and partly wrong, but they do not
even pretend to inform us, except perhaps in passing, abou! the beliefs
and practices of the early Buddhists. Some modem scholars try to reach
conclusions about early Buddhism - i.e. about the beliefs and practices
of the early Buddhists, not 'including the Buddha himself - on the basis
of other materials, such as early Mahayana sources. One example is the
public lecture delivered here in Kyoto a few years ago by Paul
HARRISON, which was subsequently published in the journal of Otani
University.4 HARRISON criticizes the view according to which Gautama
the Buddha became progressively deified with time, and prefers to think
that he may have become a virtual god even during his own lifetime,
and ascribed with miraculous powers and superhuman status by his
adoring devotees. HARRISON may very well be correct in this, but it
seems evident that the early texts we possess say relatively little about
these early Buddhists, and a great deal more about the person they
adored, Gautama the Buddha, and his teaching. If, therefore, philo-
logical analysis of the early Buddhist texts can teach us something about
the earliest phases of Buddhism, then most probably they can teach us
more about the historical Buddha and his views than about the beliefs
and practices of the earliest Buddhists.5 False modesty seems therefore
out of place, and I will speak of the Buddha in cases where I think that
the texts allow us to reach back to the times they claim to describe.
This bold decision should not, however, make us reckless. The claim
that the early Buddhist texts may tell us something about the historical
Buddha and his views does not imply that they will provide us with
many reliable details about the beginnings of his career. Whether we
fully agree with HARRISON or not, it seems more than likely that the
Buddha was held in extremely high esteem by his followers at the time
of his death. It is hard to doubt that they did what they could to
remember his words and ideas, i.e., the words and ideas of the years not
too long before his disappearance. But I find it hard to imagine that
3. This appears also to be Richard GOMBRICH's opinion (1993: 146), who
"assumes that the oldest texts do reflect what the Buddha said; all I shall say
about that here is that it is a defensible assumption and in any case a necessary
one if we are to ascribe any views to the Buddha at all."
4, HARRISON 1995.
5. I am aware that some scholars will consider this "sociologically naIve" (cp.
PYYSlAINEN, 1996: 108).
BRONKHORST 3
these same devotees knew and the words and views of their
teacher some forty years earlier (supposing that the traditional infor-
mation about the life of the Buddha is more or less correct), when he
was still unknown. There are admittedly contradictions in the old Sutras,
but there are other ways to account for them rather than seeing in them
earlier views of the Buddha himself, and these ways. seem to me
infinitely more plausible.
Yet certain scholars claim to have information about earlier views of
the Buddha, which he then supposedly modified later. FRAUWALLNER's
attempts to distinguish phases in the life and teachings of the Buddha are
particularly well known.
6
Some other scholars, too, think that it is
possible to reach conclusions about the Buddha's early views, even about
karma and rebirth. Tilmann VETTER, in his article "Das Erwachen des
Buddha", argues that the Buddha at flrst sought, and realized, the 'death-
less' (amata/ amrta), which is concerned with the here and now. Only
after this realization, when he had already started preaching this discov-
ery, did he supposedly become intimately acquainted with the doctrine
of rebirth held in certain ascetic circles.? This position contrasts strongly
with the one VETTER expressed in an earlier publication. There we
read:
8
"The Buddhist doctrine of salvation ... seems firmly bound to the
concept that one must continuously be reborn and die. If there is no re-
birth, then one needs no path to salvation, because an end to suffering
comes at death." Why did VETTER change his mind?
VETTER has come to attach particular importance to the text which is
traditionally considered to contain the first sermon of the Buddha. In
this first sermon initially the eightfold path is taught, and only subse-
quently - and in some versions of the text not at all - the Four Noble
Truths. In an earlier publication I drew from this the following conclu-
sion:
9
"This seems to indicate that initially those Four Noble Truths
were not part of the sermon in Benares, and consequently probably not
6. FRAUWALLNER 1953: esp. pp. 178, 186, 197,213.
7. VETTER (1996: 54) supposes, "dass der Buddha erst nach der Realisierung und
Verktindigung des schon hier und jetzt '" zu erreichenden 'Todlosen' (amata /
amrta) mit der in bestimmten Asketenkreisen lebenden Wiedergeburtslehre
bekannt wurde oder sich mit ihr erst dann wirklich auseinandersetzte, nachdem er
sie frtiher, wann immer er von ihr harte, nie ernst genommen hatte"; so VETTER
1996a: 7; 1997: 42.
8. VETTER 1988: XVI.
9. BRONKHORST 1993: 107 ([101]).
JIABS 21.1 4
as central to Buddhism as theycame to be. We may surmise that the
concise formulation of the teaching of the Buddha in the shape" of the
Four Noble Truths had not yet come into being, not necessarily. that the
contents of this teaching deviated from what they were meant to
express." In other words, the particularities of the text can be explained
with the help of some sirilpleassumptions about the constitution. and
preservation of the tradition, most probably after the death of the
Buddha. VETTER, as we have seen, prefers to explain these same particu-
larities with the help of some altogether different assumptions pertaining
to developments in the life of the historical Buddha.
Let me, to conclude this section, recall that VETTER does not stand
alone in thinking that karma and rebirth, though accepted by the Buddha
at some point of his life, are not essential to his doctrine. Another
scholar who does not believe that rebirth was a necessary tenet of the
teaching of the Buddha is Akira HIRAKAWA. He adds, however, that
SaIcyamuni did not reject rebirth, "because the belief in rebirth is one of
the most important tenets of Indian religion". He then goes on:
"SaIcyamuni was primarily concerned with liberation from the suffering
of existence. If existence consisted of cycles of birth and death, then
deliverance from those cycles was his goal. Thus Early Buddhists did
not need to dismiss rebirth."lO
Not all scholars are ready to follow FRAUWALLNER and VETTER in
their attempts to distinguish between succeeding views held by the
Buddha in the course of his life. Many rather try to distinguish between
views held by the Buddha and those introduced by his followers. I sym-
pathize with this approach, and consider its chances of success greater
than the attempt to trace the development of thought of the Buddha
during higcIifetime. This is not to say that it is easy to identify the views
of the Buddha in the early texts. The many different opinions that have
been expressed during the last century or so on the original teaching of
the Buddha should make us extremely cautious, also in this endeavor.
Here we must concentrate on some efforts that have been made to iden-
tify the views of the Buddha on karma and rebirth.
There is a tendency among some scholars to expect that the views of
the Buddha on karma and rebirth should be close to the archaic views
known from other early Indian sources. Such other sources we possess in
10. HIRAKAWA 1990: 6.
BRONKHORST 5
the texts of the Veda, and in the Jaina canon. Passages in the early
Buddhist texts that are more or less similar to what we find in these
other texts inform us, according to this line of reasoning, about the
. earliest form of the doctrine of karma and rebirth in Buddhism.
In this coimection we must first deal with Tilmann VETTER's The
Ideas and Meditative Practices of Early Buddhism, published in 1988.
11
The author tries to reconstruct the Buddha's views on rebiith in the light
of beliefs found in Vedic texts. Referring to a paper by Michael
WITZEL,12 VETTER points out: "The most ancient places found in the
Vedas where rebirth is mentioned show only a belief in the other world
... After a stay in heaven a person is reborn as a human being, preferably
in his own family" (p. 78). By contrasting ancient Buddhism with these
Vedic sources, VETTER believes that he can establish "that according to
ancient Buddhism good deeds lead to heaven and bad deeds to the
underworld" (p. 77). How does he establish this?
On p. 79 VETTER refers to SN 3.21, which he calls "the sutta on light
and darkness". It still reflects, according to VETTER, "the old structure
that good or bad conduct in the world of mankind leads either to heaven
or to the underworld". A brief summary of the contents of the sutta is
meant to show this. It reads:
13
There are four kinds of persons (puggaZa); one who from the darkness goes to
the darkness, one who from the darkness goes to the light, one who from the
light goes to the darkness, and one who from the light goes to the light. The
person who from the darkness goes to the darkness is reborn (pacciijiito) in a
lower class family of basket makers, hunters, etc., in a poor family
with little food and clothing; moreover the person is ugly and a cripple. And this
person leads an evil life with his body, his speech and his thoughts and after
death he goes to the underworld. The person who from the darkness goes to the
light is also reborn in a lower class family of etc., is ugly and a cripple,
but leads a good life with his body, his speech, and his thoughts and after death
goes to the heavenly world. The person who from the light goes to the darkness
is reborn in an upper class family of wealthy warriors, Brahmans, or citizens
where there are all the luxuries of life; moreover the person is beautiful. This
person leads an evil life with his body, his speech and his thoughts, and after
death he goes to the underworld. Finally, the person who from the light goes to
11. VETTER does not withdraw his earlier views in his most recent publications, so
we must assume that he takes it for granted that the Buddha, when at last he
became acquainted with the doctrine of rebirth, accepted it in the form presented
in this book.
12. WITZEL 1984.
13. VETTER 1988: 79-80.
JIABS 21.1 6
the light is reborn in iu, upper class family of wealthy warriors, Brahmans or
citizens where there are all th,e luxuries of life; moreover the person is beautiful.
This person leads a good life with his body, his speech, and his thought and after
death he goes to the heavenly world.
How is this passage supposed to establish VETTER's thesis to the extent
that "according to ancient Budd,hism good deeds lead to heaven and bad
deeds to the underworld"? Sure, they can lead there, too, but personally
I would be extremely hesitant to conclude from some such passage tP,at
they can only lead there. I fmd it very plausible that in such discussions
particular forms of rebirth may be highlighted, occasionally even to the
exclusion of other forms of rebirth, depending of the particular point
this or that sermon is intended to make.l
4
Is there any other evidence in
support of the thesis that heaven and the underworld are the only desti-
nations at death?
VETTER continues on the same page 80 with the words: "Passages in
the canon which mention the 'divine eye' are also grounds for assuming
that in the earliest period the idea of karma was only connected with
heaven and the underworld and not with a future human existence" (my
emphasis, JB). Unfortunately for VETTER, the 'divine eye' passages do
not prove much, and VETTER is honest enough to show into what
quandary they get him. Consider the following passage from his book: 15
The divine eye is identical to the second of the two types of knowledge which in
the detailed description of the dhyana path have been inserted between the attain-
ment of the fourth stage of dhyana and the realization of the four noble truths.
This second type of knowledge is described (cf. e.g.l\1N 27, I p. 183) as follows
(abridged):
"With (his) divine eye he sees creatures disappearing and reappearing, the
lowly and the exalted, beautiful and ugly, with a blessed existence or a
miserable existence. He understands that they return in accordance with
}heir deeds. Some creatures do evil with their body, their speech and their
thoughts. They condemn the noble (ariya), they have wrong views and
conduct themselves [conformable to these] wrong views; after death they
reappear in the underworld. But other creatures do good with their body,
their speech and their thoughts. They do not condemn the noble, they have
the right views and conduct themselves [conformable to these] right views;
after death they reappear in the heavenly world"
14. One is here reminded of the statement attributed to Siityiiyani in Jaiminlya
U p a n i ~ a d BriihmaJ).a 3.5.9.5 (ed. B.R. SHARMA): "This world is much afflicted
with disease. But they talk and exert themselves out of love for that [other world]
(i.e., heaven). Who would do away with that [other world] and come back here?"
15. VETTER 1988: 82-83.
BRONKHORST 7
The theoreticians of the dhyana path thought that also a remembrance of one's
former existences belonged to the enlightenment and release of the Buddha and
his better disciples. But the formula of the remembrance of former existences,
which is perhaps also very old but comes from a different source, does not
mention a heaven and an underworld, nor karmic retribution, it is only concerned
with reblrth in the world of man. It states (e.g. in MN I p. 22, abridged):
"I remember one former existence, two, three, .,. ten, twenty, thirty, ... a
hundred, a thousand, a hundred thousand, numerous aeons in which the
world approaches destruction, numerous aeons in which the world expands
... There I had this name, belonged to this family, this caste, had this liveli-
hood, experienced this happiness and sorrow, lived so long; having disap-
peared from there I reappeared here, had this name ... "
What conclusions should one draw from this situation? Of two suppos-
edly very old passages one only mentions the underworld and the
heavenly world, the other one "is only concerned with rebirth in the
world of man". VETTER's own comment is (p. 83): "The juxtaposition
of the two formulas allowed persons to mentally combine them and read
in them what they expected to find there, namely that the quality of
human existence is also the effect of karma." But this avoids the issue. If
we assume, with VETTER, that the two passages are in contradiction, the
preference for one of the two as representing the position of ancient
Buddhism, or even of the Buddha, is purely subjective. But there is no
reason to see a contradiction between the two. The fact that one concen-
trates on heaven and the underworld, and the other on human existences,
may indicate that the doctrine of rebirth was given interpretations that
fitted the situation, or the mood of the speaker. But both passages fit in
with a general concept of ka.rm.a and rebirth which concerns existences
both among human beings and in heaven and the underworld.
16
The supposition that the doctrine of rebirth was given interpretations
that fitted the situation, or the mood of the speaker, seems to find con-
firniation in the circumstance, emphasized by Lambert SCHMITHAUSEN
(1992: 138), that "in the Asokan inscriptions, there is no mention of re-
birth as an animal or preta nor even of a return to the world of men, nor
is there any instance of rebirth or transmigration terminology. The only
thing we find is that ... Asoka contrasts, with this world, the yonder
16. Interestingly, Vetter ascribes this position to the later years of the Buddha (1988:
83): " ... some developments may be expected within the long lifetime of the
Buddha, especially that differences in human existence are explained by karma ...
and that after death one does not always go to heaven or the underworld, but that
one becomes directly a human being if one has no extremely good or bad karma."
JIABS 21.1 8
world ... , and that he seems to equate the yonder world more or less
with heaven ... which will be attained by those who zealously practise
his dharrzma, i.e. moral behaviour." SCHMITHAUSEN comments: "Pro-
vided that the information the inscriptions yield on Asoka's view on
man's destiny after death is tolerably complete, this view doubtless looks
fairly archaic. In so far as it does not mention an underworld or hell as a
place where evil-doers go after death, nor return from heaven to the
human world, it clearly looks even more archaic than what appears to be
the oldest rebirth theory in the Buddhist canon." This last remark -
about "what appears to be the oldest rebirth theory in the Buddhist
canon" - refers to VETTER's views which we have been discussing. But
SCHMITHAUSEN's suggestion about Asoka can be dealt with in the same
way as VETTER's views about early Buddhism. SCHMITHAUSEN himself
observes (p. 139): "[Asoka's] silence may be understandable if these
ideas were, in his time, not, or not yet, current or prominent in certain
circles (e.g., Brahmanism, or among or common people) and
hence ignored by him in favour of a kind of common denominator, or if
he himself, and perhaps even (some or most?) lay Buddhists at his time,
still stuck to a view closer to the V or one than to those
documented by the Buddhist canon." One would like to add that Asoka's
silence may be equally understandable if he, or some or most Buddhists
at his time, preferred to concentrate their efforts on rebirth in heaven,
rather than occupying themselves with. all the other possible forms of
rebirth, without, for that matter, rejecting the belief in those other forms
of rebirth.
Let us now return to VETTER's views about earliest Buddhism.
Beyond the arguments just discussed, no further ones are given, as far as
I can see, in support of the view "that good deeds lead to heaven and bad
deeds tome underworld". And if I evaluate the situation correctly, by
far the most important argument in support of this view is precisely the
one according to which "[t]he most ancient places found in the Vedas
where rebirth is mentioned show only a belief in the other world". The
situation of the Buddha is evidently looked upon as a development of the
one found in the earliest relevant Vedic texts. Since the early Vedic
passages show only a belief in the other world, passages in the Buddhist
canon that remotely suggest the same must somehow, so VETTER,
belong to earliest Buddhism.
This is of course a dangerous procedure to follow. The tendency to
look for the origin of the theory of karma and rebirth in the Veda, once
BRONKHORST 9
popular, is being severely criticized these days.l7 Moreover, one should
not confuse Vedic passages that show a belief in the return of a person in
his own family, with those other Ones that show acquaintance with the
. theory of karma and rebirth. The former belief is very wide-spread
indeed. It is attested in ethnographic literature pertaining to all the con-
tinents, and its presence in Vedic literature is hardly remarkable.
Whether there is a historical connection between this belief and the
theory of karma and rebirth is far from obvious, and has not so far been
shown.
We can, and must, conclude that the evidence in support of the theory
that in early Buddhism "good deeds lead to heaven and bad deeds to the
underworld" and nowhere else is extremely precarious. Let us now
consider the views of another scholar who has applied a similar method.
This scholar is Fumio ENOMOTO. His article called "On the annihilation
of karman in early Buddhism" (1989) begins with the following reflec-
tions:
18
As is well known, early Buddhism and early Jainism have common aspects.
Comparing the practice of the former with that of the latter, however, we find a
radical difference between them. The main point of Jaina practice is to annihilate
karman (action and latent substance left behind by it, which produces effect),
while that of [the] Buddhist one is to annihilate kleia (mental defilement). The
idea of karman and transmigration appeared already in the early
which are thought to have been composed before the formation of Buddhism and
Jainism. We see many descriptions of how one transmigrates according to his
own karman in the literatures of early Buddhism as well as of early Jainism.
Jaina practice to emancipate from this transmigration fundamentally consists of
making no new karman and eliminating hitherto accumulated karman accord-
ingly. However, Buddhist practice would be the annihilation of klea, but not of
karman. This seems to reflect the view whose explicit expression is found in ...
later Buddhist literature ... Then did early Buddhism have no idea of the
elimination or annihilation of karman?
This question determines the subsequent development of the paper and, I
dare say, its outcome. The first and main conclusion is (p. 55): "karman
is to be shaken off in Buddhism as well as in the early and
Jainism." The justification of this conclusion is one rather short section,
the main statements of which are (p. 44-45):
17. BODEWITZ 1992; 1993; 1996; 1996a; BRONKHORST 1993a. See further
SCHMITHAUSEN 1995: 49 f.
18. ENOMOTO 1989: 43-44.
JIABS 21.1 10
Making an exhaustive investigation on the occur[r]ence of the word karman
(kamma) in early Buddhist literature, we find some descriptions which,show the
elimination of karman, One of them is found in the Udiina ... 3.1, where a
mendicant who eliminates hitherto made karman is described in
The idea of shaking off karman or the like is expressed in the literatures of the
early and Jaipjsm ... , Thus this verse of the Udana includes the ideas
which are common with the early and Jainism.
I do not know whether ENOMOTO has any further evidence than only
this verse from the U dana; he certainly does not refer to it in this
section. He only adds a footnote which shows that the reading of the
crucial word kamma in the verse is not guaranteed: other versions
evidently had klima. This, of course, weakens his position even further.
One has the strong impression that ENOMOTO is not really bothered
by this lack of evidence. His main argument is evidently that this idea
occurs in the and Jaina literature, and that it therefore must
have been part of early Buddhism.
Strengthened by this conclusion, ENOMOTO draws some other ones,
on equally slender textual evidence. His fifth conclusion, in particular,
deserves our attention. Here ENOMOTO cites the following passage from
the Ailguttara Nikaya (p. 52):
so navaii ca kammaf!l na karoti, ca kammaf!l phussa phussa vyanti-
karoti, sandi!!hikii nijjarii akiilikii ehipassikii opanayikii paccattaf!l veditabbii
viiiiiahi (AN I, p. 221)
He translates:
He makes no new karman and annihilates former karman, experiencing (its retri-
bution) successively. Such is (the way of) wearing out (karman) which is visible
in this life, takes no time, is what one is to come and see, leads onwards (to the
Goal) and is to be known by the intelligent each for himself.
ENOMOTo'then comments:
The word nijjarii (nirjarii) is a technical term of Jaina practice and indicates the
annihilation of karman, which also appears in the preceding passage of the intro-
duction of Jaina practice. This word appearing here in Buddhist practice would
also indicate the same. The practice "He makes no new karman and annihilates
former karman" also is almost the same as the Jaina practice ... introduced in the
preceding passage. However, the way of the annihilation is different. This is
enabled by shaking of karman itself in early Jaina practice, but by the successive
experience of the retribution of karman with the three fundamental stages (i.e.,
Sfla, samiidhi and prajiiii, JB) in this Buddhist practice as the expression
"experiencing (its retribution) successively" shows.
BRONKHORST 11
The conclusion is easy to anticipate (p. 55): "karman may be annihilated
by the successive experience of its retribution with the three fundamental
stages of Buddhist practice." Once again, one isolated passage from the
early Sutra-Pitaka is deemed to be sufficient to justify a conclusion
about early Buddhism; the fact that there is a close similarity with early
Jainism is apparently considered a supporting factor.
19
The opinions which we have considered so far share one common
feature. The scholars concerned apparently believe that traces of the
teachings of the Buddha, or of earliest Buddhism if you like, can only be
found in passages that do not fit in well with the generally recognized
canonical points of view. Many earlier scholars, too, have started from
this assumption, and they have produced an impressive collection of
mutually differing views about earliest Buddhism.
20
Can we really
expect to make any progress in this direction? I would think not.
Equally useless seems to me the postulate that earliest Buddhism - i.e.,
the teaching of the Buddha - must have been more or less identical with
what we find in the relevant Vedic and Jaina texts. Much of what we
find in the early Buddhist texts evidently deviates quite considerably
from those ancient sources. This must then represent later developments
within Buddhism. How are these developments to be explained? Do we
have to conclude that the Buddha - who claimed to have a new message
- had really nothing new to say, whereas his early followers - who
claimed to preserve the teachings of their master - could not restrain
their originality? Is this not putting things on their head? Of course new
developments may have taken place after the death of the Buddha, and I
think it is undeniable that they have. But admitting this is not the same
as practically denying that the Buddha had anything new to say by
reducing his teachings, as far as the texts possibly allow, to something
more or less identical with what we find in certain Vedic and Jaina texts.
19. The idea of annihilation of karman through the experience of its painful results is
elsewhere in the Buddhist canon attributed to the Jainas; see BRONKHORST 1993:
26 f.
20. It is somewhat surprising that Chr. LINDTNER (1997: 113) considers it
"unfortunate that the debate about precanonical Buddhism ... has ... largely been
discontinued". LINDTNER himself makes some suggestions about "precanonical
Buddhism" in which similarity with Vedic views is treated as supporting
evidence (e.g. pp. 117, 135 f.).
JIABS 21.1 12
This is not to deny that there are passages in the Buddhist canon that
are very similar to ideas current among non-Buddhists of the time. But
rather than concluding that they, and only they, represent earliest
Buddhism, while all the rest was made by monks, it is precisely these
passages whose presence in the Buddhist canon can be most easily
explained on the assumption that they are not part of earliest Buddhism.
They may have been borrowed from the other currents which scholars
like ENOMOTO have so carefully identified.
More generally, I would like to propose two simple methodological
rules. In the first place, in order to find the teachings of the Buddha, we
should look for ideas that are most clearly distinct from the other
currents of that time that we know of, rather than different from
generally recognized Buddhist canonical views. Secondly, rather than
rejecting beforehand the whole canon with the only exception of one's
few favorite passages, I propose to reject more parsimoniously: in prin-
ciple the canon preserves the teachings of the Buddha, but in practice
certain ideas and practices presented in it have to be discarded for speci-
fiable reasons.
These rules have of course to be handled with great care. I will not
enter into a discussion of the theoretical and practical difficulties
involved, but rather tum directly to the question that concerns us here:
What was the Buddha's attitude with regard to karma and rebirth?
Our first methodological rule leaves no doubt as to the answer.
ENOMOTO started his article with the observation concerning the radical
difference between early Buddhism and early Jainism. His method-
ological approach looked upon this situation as problematic. Our first
methodological rule, on the other hand, sees in it supporting evidence
that possibly the Buddhist textual tradition has here preserved an original
element Qfthe Buddha's teaching. Contrary to other movements of that
time, . the Buddha did not consider physical activity to be the cause of
rebirth, but rather the intention behind it. Numerous passages about the
importance of 'thirst' are in agreement with this view. Thirst is
close to intention, in that it can express itself in physical activity, but is
clearly distinct from it.
2
!
21. Such a point of view is not entirely unknown to early non-Buddhist literature; cpo
Brh-Vp 4.4.6 f. (with kama), where VETTER (1996: 54 n. 20) suspects Buddhist
influence. The Jaina Siiyaga<;la (2.6.27 f.) expresses its disgust at the Buddhist
position, which might even justify cannibalism: "If a savage puts a man on a spit
and roasts him, mistaking him for a fragment of the granary ... he will not be
BRONKHORST 13
Lambert SCHMITHAUSEN (1986: 205 ff.) has once raised the question
whether karma already played a role in the theory of rebirth of early
Buddhism. SCHMITHAUSEN recognizes the acceptance of rebirth at this
. early period, but wonders whether karma played a decisive role in it. In
support of this reflection he points at the frequent mention of thirst in
the early texts. I have already explained that SCHMITHAUSEN's question
seems justified to me. But instead of speculating about' a completely
different view of rebirth which supposedly characterized the teachings of
the Buddha, it seems to me more than sufficient to conclude the obvious:
that the Buddha interpreted karma differently; not as just physical activ-
ity, but rather as the mental attitudes (intention, desire, etc.) behind it.
I have so far presented two positions, two different approaches, with
regard to karma and rebirth in early Buddhism. I shall now present what
seems to me crucial further evidence supporting the position I have been
defending. This position does not only do more justice to the main body
of the texts - this we have seen. In addition it enables us to explain the
presence of a great number of deviating passages in the texts, including
the ones which ENOMOTO used as evidence for his theory. Since I have
dealt with these issues already in some recent publications, I cannot enter
into details.
22
But nor do I need to, for my central argument is very
simple.
Many of the contemporaries of the Buddha looked upon karma as
physical and mental activity.23 This karma was believed to determine
one's future life. Many of those contemporaries did not want a future
life. How could they avoid it? Two types of solution are known from
the literature, both of which depend crucially on the concept of karma as
physical and mental activity. Rebirth could be avoided by not acting,
physically as well as mentally. This aim was accomplished - or at least
efforts were made in that direction - in two ways. Some, most notably
the Jainas (but not only they) practised asceticism which focused on
bodily and mental immobility. The discomfort these practices entailed
were looked upon as the results of earlier actions which disappeared by
giving rise in this way to retributive experience. Once freed from these
guilty of murder according to our views ... that will be a meal fit for Buddhas to
feast on" (BOLLEE 1974: 28).
22. BRONKHORST 1993; 1995.
23. JOHNSON (1995: 11 ff.) and following him DUNDAS (1997: 504) emphasise
Jainism's original denial of the validity of intention in defining an action.
JIABS 21.1 14
earlier actions, physical and mental motionlessness until death could
guarantee final liberation. .
Besides these ascetics, there were those who believed that the real self
does not participate in the actions of body or mind. Identification with
those actions is therefore essentially based upon a mistake, a misunder-
standing concerning one's true nature. Insight into the true, inactive,
nature of the self is the remedy for these thinkers, and I do not need to
remind you that this conviction is widely represented indeed in Indian
thought.
Note again that both these solutions depend vitally on a certain concept
of karma. Karma has to be physical and mental activity, and not (or not
primarily) the intentions behind it. This is particularly clear in the case
of the ascetic practices tending towards immobility. They are attempts to
stop physical and mental activity. The belief in a by nature inactive self,
too, is clearly related to the view that activity brings about the results
one wishes to avoid. The Buddha, however, had a different concept of
karma. Not physical and mental activities as such, but intentions and
desires were for him responsible for rebirth. This means that neither of
the two solutions discussed could possibly be acceptable to him. Both of
them are indeed criticized in the early Buddhist texts. The Jaina way of
immobilization is ridiculed, and the idea that insight into the true nature
of the self could lead to liberation is rejected. His problem, contrary to
that of his contemporaries, was psychological, so his solution had to be
psychological as well. And indeed, the early Buddhist texts contain de-
scriptions of the path to liberation which are not attempts to immobilize
the body and the mind, but which concern psychological processes, the
exact nature of which it is difficult to evaluate. I think here in the first
place of the long description centering on mindfulness and culminating
in the so-chlled Four Dhyanas and liberation through a liberating insight.
My main point so far is that the Buddha's path to liberation was
essentially different from that of his contemporaries, because his concept
of karma was different from theirs. I do not know whether he was the
only one in his time to think of karma in this way. It seems however
certain that his followers kept having difficulties accepting this different
concept of karma. This I conclude from the fact that practices and ideas
related to the other concept of karma keep on popping up within the
Buddhist tradition. Interestingly, such practices and ideas are often
presented as correct at one place in the early texts, and criticized and
BRONKHORST 15
rejected at another. Examples have been discussed in the earlier publica-
tions referred to, and only some illustrations will be taken from them.
"A Sutra of the Majjhima Nikaya (the Culadukkhakkhandha Sutta) and
its parallels in Chinese translation describe and criticise the Jainas as
practising 'annihilation of former actions by asceticism' and 'non-
performing of new actions'. This can be accepted as. an accurate
description of the practices of the Jainas. But several other Sutras of the
Buddhist canon put almost the same words in the mouth of the Buddha,
who here approves of these practices."24 This practice - a form of which
ENOMOTO considered to belong to earliest Buddhism, as we have seen -
clearly is of the kind that we may call "inactivity asceticism". It cannot
be excluded that the form adopted by at least some Buddhists distin-
guished itself in some details from the form accepted by the Jainas (as
ENOMOTO maintains), but even in this adapted form it corresponds to a
concept of karma which was not that of the Buddha.
For certain non-Buddhists, insight into the true nature of the real self
served the purpose of ending the mistaken identification with one's
actions, as we have seen. The allegedly first sermon of the Buddha
accomplishes the same aim, using an amazing device. It supposedly
ended the first monks' mistaken identification with their actions, not
with the help of a doctrine of the self, but with a doctrine of the not-
self: since none of the constituents of a person are his self, he turns away
from them; "turning away he is dispassionate; through dispassion he is
freed; in the freed one the knowledge comes to be: 'I am freed', and he
knows: Birth has been destroyed, the pure life has been lived, what was
to be done has been done, so that there is no more return here". 25
In the most recent of the earlier publications mentioned above I also
pointed out that practices and ideas corresponding to the non-Buddhist
concept of karma continued to exert an attraction on the Buddhists, even
long after the days of "early Buddhism".26 I there drew attention to the
practice of physical inactivity advocated by the Chinese master called
Mahayana in the 8th century in Tibet, and to the tathagatagarbha doc-
trine in Mahayana Buddhism, which is so close to the non-Buddist idea
of an inactive self that even some Buddhist texts draw attention to it.
24. BRONKHORST, 1995: 334-35.
25. BRONKHORST 1995: 344.
26. BRONKHORST 1995: 346-47.
JIABS 21.1 16
I consider all these cases supplementary evidence (if evidence was
needed) supporting the position that Buddhism - and this means in this
case no doubt: the Buddha - introduced a concept of karma that differed
considerably from the commonly held views of his time. Let me specify,
in order to avoid misunderstanding, that I do not wish to state categori-
cally that no contemporaiy of the Buddha shared his concept of karma
(how could I know?), and nor do I wish to claim that in later periods
only the Buddhists accepted it.
Let us return to the subject-matter of this lecture: Did the Buddha
believe in karma and rebirth? The answer, in so far as the texts allow us
to reach an answer, seems to me an unambiguous 'yes'. The Buddha did
believe in rebirth, and he did believe that one's future destiny is deter-
mined by what we may call karma, but which is in some essential
respects different from what his contemporaries meant by it. For the
Buddha, one's future destiny is determined by what passes in one's
mind, i.e., by desires and intentions.27 And there is no reason to think
that this future destiny consisted for him exclusively of heaven and
underworld.
One last question: How do we explain that the Buddha's concept of
karma, i.e. of the factors that determine the details of one's future life,
differed in such an essential manner from commonly held views in his
time? Here, I would think, one can only speculate. It is possible that he
inherited this conviction from others, perhaps from his parents. Or, and
this is a possibility that cannot be discarded offhand, he modified his
views in this respect in the light of the experiences that led to, or consti-
tuted, his liberation. All this, I repeat, is speculation. But the second
possibility shows that it is not guaranteed that the Buddha continued here
an earlilir tradition. Historians of ideas have a tendency to look for
antecedents, and they are right in doing so. But this tendency should not
lead to a historiography of ideas which does no longer allow for new
ideas to come into being. The Buddha's concept of karma may have
been such a new idea, and the solution he offered to the problem of
rebirth was almost certainly something new in his time.
27. To be distinguished from mere mental activity, which - being one form of activity
- also other religious movements, such as Jainism, tried to suppress.
BRONKHORST 17
References:
BODEWITZ, HoW. 1992: "Oorsprong en achtergrond van de Indische wedergeboorte-
. leer", MKNAWL, N.S., 55.6: 225-239.
1993: "Non-ritual karman in the Veda." Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series
Office Centenary Commemoration Volume (1892-1992). Ed.
Sudhakar Malaviya. Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office
(ChSS, 105), pp. 221-230.
1996: "The paiicagnividya and the piq-yiina/devayana." Studies on
Indology. Professor Mukunda Madhava Sharma Felicitation Volume.
Ed. Ashok Kumar Goswami and Dharmeswar Chutia. Delhi: Sri
Satguru (Sri Garib Das Oriental Series, 201), pp. 51-57.
1996a: "Redeath and its relation to rebirth and release." StII 20
(Festschrift Paul Thieme), 1996: 27-46.
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Svetambara Jains", Buddhist Studies in Honour of I.E. Horner,
Dordrecht - Boston: D. Reidel, pp. 27-39.
BRONKHORST, Johannes 1.993: The Two Traditions of Meditation in Ancient India,
2nd revised edition. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
1993a: The Two Sources of Indian Asceticism. Bern: Peter Lang
(Schweizer Asiatische Studien/Etudes Asiatiques, Monographie 13).
1995: ''The Buddha and the Jainas reconsidered." AS 49.2, 1995: 333-
350.
DUNDAS, Paul 1997: ''The laicisation of the bondless doctrine: a new study of the
development of early Jainism", JIP 25: 495-516.
ENOMOTO, Fumio 1989: "On the annihilation of karman in early Buddhism",
Transactions of the International Conference of Orienta lists in Japan
(ToM Gakkai, Institute of Eastern Culture) 34, pp. 43-55.
FRAUWALLNER, Erich 1953: Geschichte der indischen Philo$ophie, I. Band. Salzburg:
Otto Miiller.
GOMBRICH, Richard 1993: "Buddhist prediction: how open is the future?" Predicting
the Future. Ed. Leo Howe and Alan Wain. Cambridge University
Press, pp. 144-168.
HALLISEY, Charles 1995: "Roads taken and not taken in the study of Theravada
Buddhism", Curators of the Buddha: The study of Buddhism under
colonialism, Ed. Donald S. Lopez. University of Chicago Press, pp.
31-61.
HARRISON, Paul 1995: "Some reflections on the personality of the Buddha" Otani
Gakuho (Journal of Buddhist Studies and Humanities; Otani
. University) 74.4: 1-29.
JIABS 21.1 18
HIRAKAWA, Akira 1990: A History' of Indian Buddhism, from Sakyamuni to early
,Mahayana. Translated and edited by Paul Groner. University of
Hawaii Press.
JOHNSON, W.J. 1995: Harmless Souls. Karmic bondage and religious-change in early
lainism with special reference to Umasvati and Kundakunda. Delhi:
Matilal (Lala Sundar Lal Jain Research Series 9).
LINDTNER, Christian 1997: "The problem of precanonical Buddhism", BSR 14.2:
109-139.
PYYSlAINEN, llkka 1996: Belief and Beyond. Abo: Abo Akademi. (Religionsvetenkap-
liga skrifter or 33).
SCHMITHAUSEN, Lambert 1986: "Critical response", Karma and Rebirth: Post-
classicaJ developments, ed. Ronald W. Neufeldt. State University of
New York Press, pp. 203-230.
1992: "An attempt to estimate the distance in time between Asoka and
the Buddha in terms of doctrinal history", The Dating of the Historical
Buddha / Die Datierung des historischen Buddha, Part 2, ed. Heinz
Bechert, G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, pp. 110-147.
1995: "Mensch, Tier und Pflanze und der Tod in den iilteren
1m Tod gewinnt der Mensch sein Selbst: Das
Phiinomen des Todes in asiatischer und abendliindischer
Religionstradition, ed. Gerhard Oberhammer. Wien: Verlag der
Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (OA W, phil.-hist. Kl.,
Sb, 624. Bd.), pp. 43-74.
VETTER, Tilmann 1988: The Ideas and Meditative Practices of Early Buddhism,
Leiden etc.: E.J. Brill.
_-'7
1995: "Bei Lebzeiten das Todlose erreichen: Zum Begriff amata im
alten Buddhismus." 1m Tod gewinnt der Mensch sein Selbst: Das
Phiinomen des Todes in asiatischer und abendliindischer
Religionstradition, ed. Gerhard Oberhammer. Wien: Verlag der OA W
(SA WW 624), pp. 211-230.
1996: "Das Erwachen des Buddha", WZKS 40: 45-85.
1996a: "Tod im Buddhismus." Der Tad in den Weltkulturen und
Weltreligionen, Ed. Constantin von Barloewen. Mtinchen: Diederichs,
pp. 296-328 (The version used by me is the original unpublished text,
which has been distributed by the author because it is in various
respects better than the published version; page numbering 1-26).
1997: "Der Buddhismus und die Frage nach einer weltbild-
indifferenten Erfahrung." Das Evangelium und die Weltreligionen.
Theologische und philosophische Herausforderungen, Hrsg. Hans-
Peter Mtiller. Stuttgart - Berlin - K61n: W. Kohlhammer, pp. 37-46.
WITZEL, Michael 1984: "The earliest form of the idea of rebirth in India", Proceedings
of the 31st Intern. Congr. of Human Sciences in Asia and North
Africa, ed. Yamamoto Tatsuo. Tokyo: The ToM Gakkai. Vol 1., pp.
145-46
Abbreviations:
AN
AS
Brh-Up
BSR
ChSS
HP
MKNAWL
MN
N.S.
(jAW
PTS
SAWW
SN
Sill
WZKS
BRONKHORST 19
Anguttara-Nikaya, ed. R. Morris, E. Hardy, 5 vols., London
1885-1900 (PTS)
Asiatische Studien, Etudes Asiatiques, Bern

Buddhist Studies Review, London
Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, Varanasi
Journal of Indian Philosophy, Dordrecht
Mededelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van
Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde, Amsterdam
Majjhima-Nikaya, ed. V. Trenckner, R. Chalmers, 3 vols.,
London 1888-1899 (PTS)
New Series
(jsterreichische Akadernie der Wissenschaften, Wien
Pali Text Society, London
Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien,
Phil.-hist. Kl., Wien
Srup.yutta-Nilctiya, ed. L. Feer, 5 vols., London 1884-1898 (PTS)
Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik
Wiener Zeitschrift fUr die Kunde Stidasiens, Wien
JINHUACHEN
The of Early Tendai Esoteric Buddhism:
The Japanese Provenance of Saich6's Transmission
Documents and Three Esoteric Buddhist Apocrypha
Attributed to SUbhakarasiIilha*
The principal founder of the Japanese Tendai school, SaichO (767-
822), is remembered not only for having brought Chinese Tiantai =x.t:s
Buddhism to Japan but also for his alleged role in importing an Esoteric
Buddhist tradition from China. This esoteric aspect of Tendai =x.t:s Bud-
dhism, known as Taimitsu assumed such importance that some
Tendai followers held that the esoteric aspect of their school embodied a
higher form of Buddhism than the exoteric, i.e. the traditional Tiantai
doctrines that had been brought by their patriarch from China.
The legitimacy of SaichO's esoteric tradition has been maintained by
two "dharma-transmission certificates" (juhiJmon 11$)() reputedly con-
fered on SaichO by his chief Chinese esoteric mentor - Shunxiao
(n.d.). Two manuscripts, one preserved at the Bishamondo
temple in Kyoto! (the "Bishamondo MS") and the other at the Shitennoji
* This article is based on research done for my Ph.D dissertation. For a full discus-
sion of the issues raised, see my dissertation (Jinhua CHEN, "The Foimation of
Early Tendai Esoteric Buddhism in Japan: A Study of Three Japanese Esoteric
Apocrypha", unpublished Ph.D dissertation, McMaster University 1997; referred
to as "CHEN's dissertation" in this article). I am very grateful to my McMaster
teachers, Profs. Koichi SmNOHARA, Robert SHARF and Phyllis GRANOFF, as
well as my Japanese supervisor Prof. Noritoshi ARAMAKI at Kyoto University,
for their guidance as I wrote my dissertation and this article in particular. Dr.
John KIEsCHNICK of Academia Sinica in Taiwan and Elizabeth MORRISON from
Stanford University read the draft at different stages. I want to thank them for
useful suggestions about the arguments of this article and its style as well.
Finally, I am grateful to Kazuma SUZUKI at the Italian School of Eastern Studies
in Kyoto for the technical assistance he kindly provided.
L The Bishamondo MS is reprinted on one front page of the 1912 edition of the
Dengyo Daishi zensha (Hereafter DZ; A complete collection of
the works by Master Dengyo [SaichO]); ed. Tendai shiiden kankokai, five vols.
In this article the 1927-28 DZ version is used (ed. Hieizan senshuin-nai Eizan
gakuin, five vols. [Hieizan: ToshO kankokai, 1927-28; reprinted Tokyo: Nihon
bussho kankokai, 1975]).
nABS 21.1 22
temple in Osaka
2
(the "Shitennoji MS"), are widely regarded
as the originals of these two juhomons. For their general historical and
cultural value and in particular, for their unusual importance to the
Japanese Buddhist tradition, these two manuscripts have been designated
by the government of Japan as a "National Treasure" (kokuhO and
an "Important Cultural Property" (juyo bunkazai 1tM) respec-
tively.
The Shitenn6ji MS, dated the eighteenth day of the fourth month,
Zhenyuan ffiijC 21 (805) in the Tang Dynasty, centres on the esoteric
teachings SaichO is said to have received from Shunxiao. According to
this juhOmon, Shunxiao had initiated SaichO into some peculiar forms of
esoteric teachings, the core of which consisted in correlating three
groups of five-syllable dhiira1Jfs (A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham, A-Vi-Ra-
Hum-Kham, A-Ra-Ba-Ca-Na) with three ranks of siddhi ("attainment"):
higher, intermediate and lower. The Bishamondo MS was supposedly
written by Shunxiao one day after he wrote the fJIstjuhOmon. It depicts
an esoteric lineage in which SaichO is counted as the fourth successor.
Further, it traces the esoteric lineage through Shunxiao (the third
dharma-successor in the lineage) and his Korea-born but Chinese-edu-
cated master Yilin (n.d., the second successor), back to the presti-
gious SubhakarasiIilha (637-735) (the fJIst patriarch in this lineage).
The core of the Shitennoji MS is the unusual practice of correlating
the three ranks of siddhi (attainment) with the three groups of five-
syllable dhiira1Jfs. The threefold classification of the category siddhi is
2. On December 6, 1965, a major national newspaper in Japan, Asahi Shimbun
J313 trfilitl, reported the discovery of a manuscript at the Shitennoji temple in
Osaka. This manuscript claims to be afuhomon written for SaichO by his Esoteric
telJ(:'her in China, Shunxiao. The experts who investigated the Shitennoji MS
agreed on the authenticity of this fuhomon. Regarded as important written
evidence for the cultural communication between ancient China and Japan, this
manuscript was designated as an "Important Cultural Property" shortly after it
was made known to the public. Japanese calligraphy scholars are generally of the
opinion that this manuscript was written in the typical Tang calligraphical style
and must be regarded as Chinese in provenance (KruCHI Gyoo, Tendai mikkyo
no keisei [The formation of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism], Tokyo: Keisuisha 1984:
43-50; OYAMA Ninkai, "SaichO denju Jungyo Ajari fuhoinshin [The dharma-
transmission certificate fromAcarya Jungyo (Ch. Shunxiao), as transmitted
by Master Dengyo"]", Bukkyo geijutsu 96 [1974]: 80-95). To my knowledge, no
one has ever expressed doubt about the authenticity of this manuscript and all
Tendai scholars use it as a primary source for studying the appearance of Tendai
Esoteric Buddhism in Japan and its relationship to Chinese Esoteric Buddhism.
CHEN 23
The Bishamondo MS
The Shitennoji MS
JIABS 21.1 24
by no means a new notion. It can be found in numerous esoteric texts
translated into Chinese, for example, the Susiddhikara-sutra (Ch. Suxidi
jieluo jing In addition, the three five-syllable dhiiraf}lS
canbe traced back to the Mahiivairocana-sutra (Ch. Darijing *- B
and Vajrasekhara-sutra (Ch. Jin'gangding jing Nonethe-
less, the three groups of five-syllable dhara1}lS were rarely listed to-
gether side by side; their correlation with the three ranks of attainment is
even more unusual. As a matter of fact, the threefold dhara1}l-attainment
correlation gets no scriptural support except in the three siddhi texts
which, currently preserved in the Taisho Tripitaka under the numbers
905, 906 and 907, are attributed to SubhakarasiIilha.
5
Therefore, these
three siddhi texts are generally taken to be the funda)11ental texts on the
basis of which Shunxiao initiated SaichO into his esoteric lineage.
To recapitulate, the following account has been given of Saicho's
effort to transmit an esoteric tradition to Japan: during his seven-month
stay in China, SaichO was initiated into an illustrious lineage starting
with SUbhakarasiIilha and culminating in SaichO's celebrated mentor
Shunxiao, who, on the basis of three siddhi texts translated by SUbha-
karasiIilha, transmitted to Saicho some esoteric teachings, the core of
which is preserved in one of the two fuhomons written by Shunxiao
himself. This conventional view regarding the formation of Tendai
Esoteric Buddhism in Japan is still accepted uncritically by almost all
Tendai scholars.
In this article, I will argue that the two juhOmons, the Shitennoji MS
and Bishamondo MS, were both forged in Japan by SaichO's followers
in order to reinterpret and legitimize the esoteric transmissions SaichO
allegedly received in China. The three siddhi texts were, moreover,
written by Tendai monks to authenticate these two juhomons.
3. See my discussion in section I.C.
4. Ibid.
5. These three texts are (i) the Sanshushicchi hajigoku tengossho shutsusangai
himitsudarani hO (T.905.18.
909b-912b, hereafter T.905); (ii) the BucchO sonshoshin hajigoku tengosshO
shutsusangai himitsu sanjim bukka sanshushicchi shingon giki
(T.906.18.912b-914c; here-
after T.906); (iii) the Buccho sonshoshin hajigoku tengosshO shutsusangai
himitsu darani (T.907.18.914c-
915c;hereafter T.907). Since all of these three texts focus on the Esoteric notion
of siddhi (Ch. xidi; Jp. shicchi; "perfection" or "attainment"), I refer to them as
the "three siddhi texts" in the following discussion.
CHEN 25
Part I. Saicha's Esoteric Transmission Documents (Fuhamons):
Their Origin and Evolution
I will use three sorts of sources in the discussion of the two fuhamons
attributed to Saicho. First, I will consult two works left by SaichO him-
self, the Esshuroku and the Kenkairon There is no evi-
dence that later editors significantly tampered with these works. The
Esshuroku (The bibliography [of the Buddhist texts collected in] the pre-
fecture of Esshii [Ch. Yuezhou is one of two bibliographies
attributed to SaichO.
6
It contains a record of the Esoteric Buddhist texts
and assorted paraphernalia that SaichO obtained during his brief sojourn
in Yuezhou. The Esshuroku is dated the thirteenth day of the flfth month
of 805.
The Kenkairon (On promoting the [Mahayana] precepts) was written
by Saicho in his later years, when he came under attack from conserva-
tive Nara monks who charged that Saicho's Buddhist transmissions were
of dubious value since they were obtained in the provinces of China,
instead of in the capital.7 Nara monks advanced these vehement criti-
cisms in order to frustrate Saicho's effort to establish a Mahayana
precept platform on Mount Hiei Ittzll.!, which, they feared, would
enable him to ordain his followers more easily. In the second month of
Konin 5.M= 11 (820), SaichO submitted the Kenkairon to the court in
order to counter the criticisms that his dharma transmissions from China
were inauthentic.
Second, I will draw on two other works, the NaishO buppa soja kechi-
myakufu and Kenkairon engi which,
though originally composed by SaichO, were seriously altered and
6. The other bibliography attributed to Saicho is the Taisharoku (The
bibliography [of the Buddhist texts collected in] the Prefecture of Taishu [eh.
Taizhou]). Both bibliographies can be found in the TaishO shinshu daizakya
(The Buddhist Tripi!aka newly edited in the period of TaishO
:kIE; hereafter abbreviated as T.; eds. TAKAKUSU Junjiro, et al. 85 vols., Tokyo:
TaishO Issaikyo Kankokai, 1924-32; see T#2159, T#2160) and the Dengya
Daishi zenshu (vol. 5).
7. These criticisms were reflected in SaichO's own works; cf. the Kenkairon (DZl:
106; T.74.2376. 590c) and the Ja Kenkairon hya (A memorial on
submitting the Kenkairon; DZ5: 36-38). See also Paul GRONER, SaichO: The
Establishment of the Japanese Tendai School, Berkeley: Berkeley Buddhist
Studies Series 7, 1984; herefter "GRONER's SaichO"), p. 154 (particularly note
<163.
JIABS 21.1 26
extensively expanded by SaichO's immediate disciples and!or later
Tendai editors. The NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakuJu (A diagrammatic
description of the secretly certified blood-lineages the Buddha-
dharma; in one fascicle; DZ1: 199-248) is generally regarded as the text
SaichO refers to in his 819Jo Kenkairon hyo as Buppo kechi-
myaku (The blood.:.lineage of the Buddha-dharma), which he
submitted to the court with the Kenkairon in 820. In the extant version,
the Naisho buppo sojo kechimyakuju is primarily concerned with
proving the orthodoxy of the various transmissions Saicho received in
China. It has, therefore, been highly prized within the Tendai tradition.
However, the NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakuJu, particularly the sections
concerning SaichO's Northern Chan and esoteric lineages, has been
subjected to serious criticism by modem scholars. Increasingly, scholars
are concluding that the NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakuJu cannot simply
be equated with the Buppo kechimyaku originally written by SaichO.
Rather, it is either a different work entirely or, more likely, an emended,
expanded, and altered version of the Buppo kechimyaku.
8
The Kenkairon engi (Materials concerning the Kenkair(Jn; in two
fascicles; DZl: 263-98) is a collection edited by SaichO into a single
work in the third month of 821. Probably as a result of the criticism of
the monks in Nara who questioned the orthodoxy of Saicho's teachings,
much of the Kenkairon engi is devoted to proving that Saicho had
studied under qualified teachers in China. Although it is almost certain
that Saicho did compile a work called the Kenkairon engi, the Kenkairon
engi that has come down to us cannot be regarded as a compilation by
SaichO himself. Rather, I am of the opinion that the currently available
version of the Kenkairon engi is the result of repeated alteration and
expansism by later Tendai editors of an original text left by SaichO him-
self. Documents forged after SaichO's death were added to Saicho's
Kenkairon engi in order to support claims for the legitimacy of SaichO's
dharma-transmissions, the esoteric transmissions in particular.
9
Further-
more, in comparison to primary Tendai sources like -the Denjutsu isshin-
kaimon Eizan Daishiden fRll.!::kBiP1$, and Na ish 0 buppo
8. See SASAKI Kentoku, Sange gakushoshiki shinshaku (A new study of the Sange
gakushoshiki) (Yamazaki: Hobundo 1938); FuKUI Kojun, "Naisho buppo sojo
kechimyakufu shingi, [A new understanding of the NaishO buppo sojo kechi-
myakufu]", Tendai gakuhO 29 (1986): 1-9; 30 (1987): 1-6.
9. CHEN's dissertation: 92-94.
CHEN 27
sojo kechimyakufu, the Kenkairon engi acrieved its present form at a
relatively late date.l
o
Finally, a biography of SaichO (theEizan Daishiden) and a collection
of documents related to Saich6 and the early Hieizan order (the Denjutsu
isshinkaimon) constitute the third group of primary sources for the
following discussion. Both of these works were written and/or compiled
by SaichO's immediate students. The Denjutsu isshinkaimon
Jr.. (Articles related to the transmission of the "one-mind precepts", in
three fascicles; DZ1: 523-648; T.2379.74.634b-659a) was compiled by
K6j6 %5E (779-851) around 833-34. The majority of this collection is
composed of documents related to the Hieizan community before or
10. Suffice it here to quote one piece of evidence for the relative lateness of the
Kenkairon engi in the present form. As I will show in section 1. A, a so-called
"court certificate" proving SaichQ's religious expertise is found in the Denjutsu
isshinkaimon and the Eizan Daishiden. As quoted in both works, the "court
certificate" represents Shunxiao as the third generation disciple of
Subhiikarasirilha ([Zen]mui sanzo dais an deshi Yet,
when quoted in the Kenkairon engi, the same "court certificate" describes
Shunxiao as Fuka sanzo daisandeshi (cf. KIUCHI Gyoo,
"Kenkairon engi ni okeru ichi mondai [A problem related to the Kenkairon
engzT', Tendai gakuhiJ 14 (1972): 157-64), which can mean (i) the "third disciple
of Tripitaka Bukong" or the "third-generation disciple of Tripitaka Bukong".
Apparently, the Kenkairon engi editor did not understand this phrase as the
"third-generation disciple of Tripitaka Bukong", since this would imply that
SaichQ's teacher Shunxiao was one generation junior to Kilkai's (774-835)
teacher Huiguo, who was one of Bukong's disciples. Therefore, the editor
understood the phrase to mean the "third disciple of Tripitaka Bukong", which
makes Shunxiao a fellow student of and therefore comparable to Huiguo.
However, the editor forgot that the phrase "daisandeshi" m.=.5F1r in this
context could only be understood as the "third generation disciple", since in the
same document Saicho's Tiantai teacher Daosui was referred to as the
Chishadaishi daishichi deshi which can only be understood
as the "seventh generation (rather than the 'seventh') disciple of Zhiyi (538-
597)". Daosui lived almost two centuries after Zhiyi and his discipleship under
Zhiyi is out of the question. Therefore, in this context, the phrase "daisandeshi"
or "daishichideshi" must be understood as the "third/seventh generation
disciple", rather than the "third / seventh disciple". In other words, the Kenkairon
engi editor, in including the "court certificate" in the Kenkairon engi, substituted
"Fukil" (Ch. Bukong [706-774]) for "[Zen]mui" (Subhiikarasirilha) and
was unaware of or oblivious to the problem caused by this change. This change
was obviously made for the purpose of associating Saicho with Bukong and
redefining SaichQ's esoteric tradition as of the kongokai as well as taizokai
lineages.
nABS 21.1 2S
shortly after SaichO's death. As such, it is an invaluable source for
understanding the formation of the early Tendai order on Mount Hiei.
The Eizan Daishiden t u.r::*:effl{$ (A biography of the great teacher of
Mount Hiei [SaichO], one fascicle; DZ5: 1-4S) has traditionally been at-
tributed to Ichij6 CM who has generally been thought to be
Saich6's prized disciple Ninchu eJi!;', (?-S24). However, compelling evi-
dence has emerged to disprove this conventional identification onchij6
Chu. Most likely, the actual biographer was ShincM (n.d.), another
disciple of SaichO.
Il
I.A. A "Court-certificate" in the Denjutsu isshinkaimon: The Glorifi-
cation of SaichO's Chinese Esoteric Mentor Shunxiao
The Denjutsu isshinkaimon does not include any document that can be
identified as either of the two fuhOmons attributed to Shunxiao. How-
ever, it does contain an official certificate (kancho 'gIll) which is of
great relevance to this analysis since it represents SaichO's chief Chinese
Esoteric mentor Shunxiao as a distinguished Buddhist priest. This refer-
ence to Shunxiao is reminiscent of the two fuhomons attributed to Shun-
xiao, in which Shunxiao is also described as an extraordinarily eminent
monle This certificate claims to have been issued by the Kammu
(737-S09, r.781-S06) court to certify Saich6's religious achievements.
The content of the certificate implies that it was issued in S06,12 shortly
11. FUKUI Kojun, "Eizan Daishiden no 'seikaku [The character of the Eizan
Daishiden]", /ndogaku bukkyogaku kenkya 36 (1970): 13-22; "Eizan Daishiden
wo meguru ni san no mondai [Two and three problems related to the Eizan
Daishiden]", Tendai gakuM 15 (1973): 1-10; "Eizan Daishiden ni tsuite no kento
of the Eizan Daishiden]", Tendai gakuM 31 (1988): 1-6. For
the most recent study of this biography, see SABKI Arikiyo, Dengyo Daishiden
no kenkya [A study of the Eizan Daishiden], Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan
1992).
12. Kojo failed to date this "court certificate". It is noted in his collection that this
certificate was issued to SaichO on the insistence of Emperor Kammu
(T.2379.74.643c12). Furthermore, this certificate indicates that SaichO was then
forty years old. According to the Denjutsu isshinkaimon, SaichO died in 822 at
the age of 56, which implies that he was born in 767 (cf. GRONER's SaieM: 19).
Therefore, SaichO reached the age of forty in 806. In other words, this certificate,
if authentic, must have been issued in 806 (Enryaku 25). Furthermore,
Emperor Kammu died in early 806. This also implies that this "court certificate",
if indeed granted to SaichO with Kammu's consent as the Denjutsu isshinkaimon
claims, must have been written no later than 806.
CHEN 29
after SaichO returned from China.!3 The main body of this "court-
certificate" reads as follows:
Dwelling on Mount Hiei, the Eastern Mountain in the city of Heian
[Saich6] has been assiduously practising for fifteen years. He has searched for
the mysterious methods of recitation, and admired the exalted traces of Mount
Tiantai.
14
In the fourth month of Enryaku 23 (804), commissioned by
imperial order, he crossed the sea to seek the Way. Arriving at the abode of
Master Daosui mJi, who is the seventh generation disciple after Master Zhizhe
(i.e. Zhiyi [538-597]) (Chisha Daishi daishichideshi
at the Guoqingsi temple in Taizhou il1'1'1, he secured [from there] over
two hundred fascicles of texts regarding the Tiantai teachings. Moreover, at the
Longxingsi temple in Yuezhou Prefecture he encountered Master
Shunxiao who, as the third-generation disciple after Tripi!aka SubhilkarasilJ1ha
from India, was the "Great Virtuous One" (daitoku Skt. bhadanta) of a
"State-protecting Temple" (chinkoku doj6 a "monk serving at the
court chapel:' (naigubu Entering into the altar, he received the
"Procedures of Attainment (siddhi) for the 'Three Divisions' (sanbu
In addition, he obtained more than thirty fascicles of texts about the teachings [for
reciting the] dhiiralJ-"iS, over ten pictures and samples of some imple-
ments for recitations, and so forth. Having obtained official certificates from the
Administrative Assistant of Taizhou Prefecture Lu Chun and the Prefect of
the Mingzhou 1'i'1 Prefecture, in the sixth month of Enryaku 24 (805), he
returned [to Japan] to report on his mission (DZ1: 573; T.2379.74.643c15-25,
emphasis mine).
First and foremost, this "court certificate" is noteworthy for representing
Saich6's chief Chinese Esoteric mentor Shunxiao as an extremely pres-
tigious master. According to the certificate, Shunxiao is (i) the third
generation disciple of SubhakarasiIhha, generally regarded as the first
patriarch of the Matrix-realm (taizokai tradition of Esoteric
Buddhism; (ii) a "Great Virtuous One" at a government-sponsored
13. Saich6 returned to Japan in 805, very likely at the end of the sixth month of the
year (cf. GRONER's SaichO: 65).
14. Here, the "court certificate" describes SaichO's practices in Esoteric Buddhism
before his training in the Tendai doctrines. By doing that, the "court-certificate"
seems to have given priority to Saich6's esoteric study rather than to his training
in Tendai teachings. This is remarkable because both before and after his study in
China Saich6 was primarily respected as a Tendai master.
15. Here, the "court certificate" certifies that Saich6 received from Shunxiao the
"Procedure for the Attainment of Three Divisions" (sanbushicchi hO
which calls to mind the sanshushicchi hO (the "procedure for the three kinds
of attainment"). As we will see below, the sanshushicchi h6 is a key notion in a
later version of Saich6'sftthOmon (ftthOmon2; i.e. the Shitenn6ji MS ), which
was also forged in Japan in the name of Shunxiao (see section I. C).
JIABS 21.1 30
temple which was established for the protection of the country (the so-
called chinkoku dojo and (iii) a "monk serving at the court
chapel" (naigubu or a "court chaplain", a status reserved for
only a few monks who were highly respected for both virtue and
learning.
By representing Shunxiao as a prestigious monk, this "court certifi-
cate" differs strikingly from SaichO's own Esshuroku bibliography. The
Esshuroku describes Saich6's encounter with Shunxiao and the esoteric
initiation he received from him as follows:
[Then we] headed for the Longxingsi temple in Yuezhou, and visited the abode
of Master Shunxiao [there]. Gishin and I followed the master to the
Fengshan .W temple east of Lake Jing.1
6
The Master [Shunxiao] guided us to
repair the temple and then led us into the "malJr;lala altar of the five divisions
(gobu kanjo mandara danjo On the spot, he
transmitted to us the methods of dhiiralJfs and sprinkled our heads with the water
of dhiiralJf. Then, we copied the [texts about] the dharma-gates of recitation and
the pictures regarding offering [ceremonies] as listed above. [Finally,] we had the
texts collated (DZ4: 381).
In this Esshuroku passage SaichO represented his Chinese guru Shunxiao
as an ordinary monk; that is, as a monk dwelling at the Longxingsi
temple in Yuezhou. Except for this simple comment concerning Shun-
xiao of the Longxingsi, SaichO says nothing about the monk, making no
mention of his titles, background or even the religious lineage to which
he belonged.
17
How should we understand the different ways in which
the Esshuroku passage and the "court certificate" describe Shunxiao?
We know that SaichO presented his Taishuroku and EsshUroku
bibliographies to the court in order to convince the emperor of the reli-
gious value of his study in China. Therefore, it was important that he
establi9 the stature and eminence of his teachers. The more respectable
his teachers in China were, the more easily he would succeed in impress-
ing the emperor. Had SaichO really had a teacher as eminent as the
16. The original text reads as kokyo (ko = lake, kyo = mirror). Here the correct
reading may have been kyoko (the Lake of Jing), as testified by the Kenkai-
ron passage in which SaichO related, for the second time as far as we know, his
encounter with and initiation by Shunxiao (cf. T.74.2376.590c12).
17. Another point must be noted in this EsshUroku passage. The five division
malJr;lala mentioned in this passage seems to refer to the five divisions of a
kongokai malJr;lala, i.e. the divisions of Buddha, Lotus, Vajra, Jewel, and
Dharma. Therefore, as originally depicted in SaichO's own Esshuroku, the
initiation by Shunxiao was likely of kongokai origin.
. CHEN 31
Shunxiao represented in the "court certificate", surely the Esshiiroku
would have described Shunxiao as such. In fact, Saicho merely refers to
Shunxiao in the Esshiiroku as an ordinary monk. This suggests that at
the time Saieh6 compiled the Esshiiroku, he did not regard Shunxiao as
the eminent master described in the "court certificate".1
8
Hence, the "court certificate", at least the part glorifying Shunxiao,
can be regarded as authentic only if the following two assumptions can
be shown to be true: not only must it be supposed that during the several
months between the submission of his bibliographies and the alleged
issuance of this "court certificate" SaichO had decided to glorify
Shunxiao to the degree described in the "court certificate"; it must also
be supposed that this glorification was accepted by the court. However,
evidence shows that at least as late as 820, when Saicho wrote the
Kenkairon (fourteen years after this "court certificate" is said to have
been issued), his understanding of Shunxiao's status was essentially the
same as it was when he composed the Esshiiroku. In the Kenkairon,
Saicho described his esoteric initiation from Shunxiao as follows:
18. The simple terms in which SaichO describes his guru Shunxiao in the Essharoku
also present an interesting and telling contrast to the way Kilkai described his
master Huiguo. In his bibliography sent to the court, Kilkai describes the
background of his guru Huiguo with great pride:
By chance, I fortunately encountered the master at the Dongtayuan
monastery in the Qinglongsi temple, whose name is
Acarya Huiguo. The bhadarita ("Great Virtue") is the dharma-
transmission disciple (denbOdeshz) of [Master] Daguangzhi (the "Master
who possesses great and broad wisdom", i.e. Bukong) of the
Daxingshansi temple. In virtue, he was respected by his con-
temporaries; by his way, he was esteemed as the "Teacher of the
Emperor" (teishi fiflW). The three successive Tang emperors respected
him and received from him; four kinds of Buddhist devotees
relied on him and learnt from him the Esoteric Treasures (T.55.2161.
1065a17-21).
Here, both SaichO and Kilkai were in the same situation: touting their spiritual
lineages to the court. SaichO's silence on the identity and background of
Shunxiao is remarkable in comparison to the enthusiasm with which Kilkai talks
about his Esoteric mentor in China. It is difficult to explain this striking
. distinction as merely a difference in their personalities. Instead, the difference
strongly suggests that SaichO, until the compilation of his Essharoku in the fifth
month of 805, did not yet consider Shunxiao to be an extraordinarily eminent
monk associated with a celebrated lineage and highly respected within the
Buddhist order in his time.
JIABS 21.1 32
Moreover, the governor of Miugzhou Prefecture, Zheng Shenze 1Jl!j: flU (n.d.),
had us escorted to Yuezhou to receive the Fortunately, we met Master
Shunxiaojrom the Lingyansi Temple on Mount Taiyue *$ (Le. Tai-
shan *(1n. At a temple on Mount Fengshan which is a mountain east of Lake
Jing, Master [Shunxiao] conferred [upon us] the of a dual transmis-
sion. Various instruments were also given in the initiation. After receiving the
initiation, we immediately retUrned to the place where the ships for [our] return
[to Japan] waited (T.74.2376.590c7-15; my emphasis).
While the Esshuroku passage merely observes that Shunxiao was a
Longxingsi monk, the Kenkairon passage gives some further information
about Shunxiao's background by indicating that he originally came from
a temple called Lingyansi on Mount Taishan (in present-
day Taian City, Shandong r..LL* Province). Beyond that, Saicho says
nothing more about his primary esoteric mentor in China.
19
As mentioned earlier, the Kenkairon was written to prove that Saicho
had studied in China with qualified teachers and that the transmissions
he received were orthodox. Consequently, if Shunxiao had been recog-
nized - whether by Saicho himself or by others - as the prestigious
monk portrayed in the "court certificate", SaichO would not have failed
to describe Shunxiao as such in a polemic work like the Kenkairon.
SaichO's failure to do so indicates that, up to that point, he did not
believe that Shunxiao had such a prestigious background. Without assur-
ances by Saicho that his Chinese teacher was an eminent monk, the court
would not have issued a certificate to the effect. Given SaichO's descrip-
tions of Shunxiao in the Esshiiroku and Kenkairon, it is unlikely that he
would have made such assurances. Thus, the representation of Shunxiao
in the "court certificate" in the Denjutsu isshinkaimon would seem to be
inauthentic.
In adq,ition to representing Shunxiao, Saicho's main Esoteric teacher
in China, as an extremely respectable Buddhist priest, the "court certifi-
cate" describesDaosui as Zhiyi's seventh-generation disciple, suggesting
that Daosui was the seventh Tendai patriarch after Zhiyi. This is con-
trary to the usual way SaichO refers to Daosui in, for example, the Tai-
19. It should also be noted here that the Kenkairon passage defmes the initiation from
Shunxiao differently. The Esshiiroku passage describes this initiation as an
conducted on a five-division mal}ala, suggesting to the reader that the
initiation may have been of kongokai origin. By contrast, the Kenkairon passage
refrains from associating the Shunxiao initiation exclusively with a sort of
kongokai Rather, SaichO claims in the Kenkairon that the initiation he
received from Shunxiao belongs to a dual esoteric transmission (ryobu).
CHEN 33
shuroku bibliography or in the Kenkairon. In the Taishiiroku, Saich6
merely refers to Daosui as "Master Daosui of the Western Capital [i.e.
Chang'an], the Proctor of the Perfect Teachings on Mount Tiantai in the
Great (Daito Tendaisan enshu zasu seikyo Osha Dozui W
r.16mJi; T.55.2159. 1058a3-4). In the Kenkairon, Dao'-
sui is simply called "Master Daosui on Mount Tiantai" (Tendai D6zui
Osh6 T.74.2376.590c8). Needless to say; having had
the Tendai seventh patriarch as a teacher would have greatly strength-
enedthe legitimacy of Saich6's dharma transmissions from China.
Therefore, Saich6 would surely have called Daosui the Tendai seventh
patriarch in his 805 Taishuroku and 820 Kenkairon had he reatly
regarded Daosui as such.
Moreover, evidence suggests that Saich6 may have regarded a Tiantai
monk other than Daosui as the seventh Tendai patriarch. Saich6's
Taishiiroku includes a biography of the "Tendai seventh patriarch Master
Zhidu (the Tiantai diqizhu Zhidu heshang luezhuan
r.16 [A brief biography of Master Zhidu, the seventh Tiantai
patriarch]; T.55.2160.1059a5). Thus, at least in some sources, a monk
called Zhidu (n.d.), rather than Daosui, is honoured as the seventh
Tiantai patriarch. Had Saich6 objected to accepting Zhidu as the seventh
Tiantai patriarch, he would likely have excluded this biography from his
bibliography. Consequently, it is hard to imagine that Saich6, shortly
after submitting his bibliographies to the court, could recognize Daosui
as the seventh Tiantai patriarch, for such a claim directly contradicts
information given in one of his own bibliographies.
On the basis of these points, I conclude that the "court certificate" in
the Denjutsu isshinkaimon should not be accepted as authentic. At the
very least, sections of the "court certificate" glorifying Saich6's teach-
ers, Shunxiao and Daosui, were forged in Japan (probably by K6j6, the
compiler of the Denjutsu isshinkaimon).
As evidenced by this fabricated "court certificate", Saich6's followers
made every effort to glorify Saich6's Chinese Esoteric guru Shunxiao,
who appears to be a rather obscure monk in SaichO's own descriptions in
the Esshuroku and Kenkairon. Glorified in this way, Shunxiao became
comparable to Kfikai's principal guru Huiguo JI* (746-805), who had
been Bukong's prized disciple and was respected, according to Kfikai, by
three successive Tang emperors.
20
Tendai Esoteric Buddhism was thus
20. T.55.2161.l065aI7-21 (cf. note <18.
JIABS 21.1 34
represented as a credible rival of the Shingon school, at least in the
sense that it had a Chinese patriarch as respectable as that of Shlngon.
I.B. Saicho's FuhOmon in the Eizan Daishiden and the Naisho Buppo
Sojo Kechimyakufu: on the Authenticity of the Bishamondo MS
Both the Eizan Daishiden and the NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakufu
contain afuhOmon allegedly written by Shunxiao for Saicho after Shun-
xiao initiated him into Esoteric Buddhism. Comparing two versions of
the fuhomon in the NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakufu and the Eizan Dai-
shiden, we find that they are identical except for some slight differ-
ences)! Therefore, either one of them was based on the other, or they
were both derived from the same source. In either case, the two versions
of the fuhomon can be regarded as a single source for the purpose of this
investigation. In the following discussion, I will refer to this document
as "fuhomon 1". The following is a full translation of this important
document:
During the Kaiyuan period of the Great Tang, there was a great Tripi!aka who
wasa prince of an Indian Kingdom. His dharma-name was Zenmui (Ch.
Shanwuwei; Skt. SubhakarasiIhha). He turned the great "dharma-wheel" from the
Great Nlliandll Temple to the Great Tang. He transmitted the dharma to his
"dharma-transmitting disciple" (denbO deshi 1li!5f1-T) Yilin, who was also "Na-
tional Teacher" (kokushi and a great iiciirya. One hundred and three years
old, [Yilin] is now in the Kingdom of Silla, transmitting the dharma and turning
the great dharma-wheel. He transmitted the dharma to his disciple the monk
Shunxiao of the Great Tang, who was a "Great Virtue" and iiciirya in a "State-
protecting Temple". [Shunxiao] transmitted the dharma to his disciple the monk
Saicho from Japan, a "Great Virtue" who "serves at the court chapel", and asked
[SaichO] to turn the great dharma-wheel [in Japan]. The monk Saicho is the
fourth [generation disciple] entrusted with the dharma and its transmission. [This
certificate has been] written and recorded on the nineteenth day of the fourth
of Zhenyuan ffi[5G 21 (805). [Efforts must be made] to keep the Buddha-
dhihma from dying. [I, the] Aciirya and Srama1}a Shunxiao write this [certificate]
and entrust it to SaichO (DZ5: 19).
21. These slight differences between the two versions of SaichO' s juhomon include
the following: first, in the Eizan Daishiden the certificate is referred to as the
Jungyo ajari juhiJsho while it is indicated in the NaishO
buppo soja kechimyakuju as the Jungyo ajarijuhiJmon
second, whereas in the Eizan Daishiden version SaichO is addressed as "[My]
disciple Monk SaichO, who is the 'monk serving at the court chapel' and a 'Great
Virtue' from Japan" (Nihonkoku gubu daitoku deshi so SaichiJ B
was simply called "[My] disciple Monk SaichO from Japan"
Nihonkoku deshi so SaichiJ B in the NaishO buppo soja kechi-
myakuju version.
CHEN 35
FuhonlOn 1 represents Saicho's esoteric li!leage as orthodox and re-
spectable in origin. In particular, it depicts SaichO's esoteric transmis-
sion as coming from an extremely prestigious monk Shunxiao, a "Great
Virtuous One" and iiciirya at a "State-protecting Temple". If this docu-
ment is authentic, the orthodoxy of Saicho's esoteric dharma transmis-
sions would be firmly established. The question is, can it be accepted as
authentic?
Before discussing fuhOmon 1 proper, let us discuss the Bishamondo
MS mentioned at the beginning of this article. This manuscript is
regarded by Tendai scholars as the original of fuhomon 1. The Bisha-
mondo MS differs from the Eizan Daishiden version of fuhOmon 1 on
one important point. In the Eizan Daishiden version, Shunxiao calls
SaichO "[My] disciple the monk SaichO, who is a 'Great Virtue,' a
'monk serving at the court chapel' in Japan (nihonkoku B
(nihonkoku [nai]gubu daitoku deshi so SaichO B
emphasis added). In the Bishamondo MS, SaichO is addressed as "[my]
disciple the monk SaichO of this country (honkoku i.e. China)"
(honkoku deshi so SaichO emphasis added). Thus, this
sentence in the Bishamondo MS implies that Shunxiao regarded Saicho
as a Chinese monk. Is this possible? This turns out to be very unlikely,
since it conflicts with other passages of this manuscript.
First of all, in the Bishamondo MS, Shunxiao refers to China three
times.
22
Each time he uses the word Daito:*J{!!; (the Great Tang) or Dai-
tokoku (Country of the Great Tang). He never uses the term hon-
koku.
Secondly, in the Bishamondo MS, Silla (a part of Korea) is called the
"Kingdom of Silla", rather than (a part of) "this country" (i.e., China).
This indicates that at least in this document Shunxiao, its alleged author,
considered Silla an independent country rather than a part of China.
However, for geographical and cultural reasons, Korea was much more
likely than Japan to be regarded as a part of China in Tang and Song
China. It is reasonable to expect that, had Shunxiao indeed regarded
Japan as belonging to "this country (China)", he would also have seen
Silla as a part of China and therefore would not have referred to it as the
22. The Bishamondo MS refers twice to China as Daitokoku (the Great Tang): (i) in
the Kaiyuan fif.l:5'G period of the "country of the Great Tang"; (ii) [Subhakara-
siIDha] transmitted the dharma-wheel to the "country of the Great Tang", it refers
once to China as Daito (the Great Tang): "Disciple the monk Shunxiao of the
'Great Tang.'"
JIABS 21.1 36
"Kingdom of Silla". Thus, the reference in the Bishamondo MS to
Saicho as a Chinese monk appears to conflict with the author"s under-
standing that neither Japan nor Silla was a part of China.
Finally, the Bishamondo MS seems to relate the story of a country-to-
country dharma transmission: having turned the dharma-wheel in (i) the
country of the Buddha (bukkoku ~ ~ , i.e. India), SubhakarasiIilha
brought the dharma to (ii) Tang China, where he transmitted it to Yilin
who took it to (iii) his homeland Sillaafter transmitting it to the Tang
monk Shunxiao, who, in tum, transmitted the dharma to Saich6 of (iv)
China or Japan (depending on whether the text here gives honkoku ["this
country" i.e. China] as in the Bishamondo MS, or nihonkoku [Japan] as
in the Eizan Daishiden version of fuhOmon 1). In accordance with the
logic implied in the Bishamondo MS, here Shunxiao, were he the author
of this document, should have used the word nihonkoku (Japan) rather
than honkoku (China) to indicate Saich6's place of origin. Only with the
word nihonkoku does the document present a complete country-to-
country dharma-transmission.
So, the Bishamondo MS can be taken as having been written by
Shunxiao himself only on the assumption that he mistakenly wrote the
term nihonkoku as honkoku in the text; that is, on the assumption that
Shunxiao left the character ni out of the original manuscript. This pos-
sibility cannot .be categorically denied, but is extremely unlikely. In the
eyes of Shunxiao and Saicho, the mistake would have been rather
obvious, and given the document's importance, would likely have been
noted and corrected.
23
A more likely interpretation is that the true author of the Bishamondo
MS was not Shunxiao but a Japanese monk, from whose perspective
Saich6 was, of course, a monk of "this country" (Japan). Thus, the
BishamOpdo MS was either forged as a fuhomon in the name of Shun-
xiao or copied from an original text (identical with the Eizan Daishiden
23. We must bear in mind that Saicho is credited with the invention of the "national
title" (kokugo ~ M t ) of Japan, Dainihon "* El;$: (The Great Nippon) (cf. SAKA-
MOTO Tairo, "Dengyo Daishi to Dainihon no kokugo [Master Dengyo and the
national title "Dainihon"]", in Dengyo Daishi kenkyu [A Study of Dengyo
Daishi], ed. Tendai Gakkai; Tokyo: Waseda Daigaku Shuppansha 1975, pp.485-
500). He must have felt strongly that Japan was an independent country. The
phrase honkoku so Saicho, which means the "monk Saicho of this country
(China)", would have been too objectionable to Saicho to have been ignored or
overlooked.
CHEN 37
version of fuhomon 1 which addresses Saicho as "my disciple from
Japan") by a Japanese scribe who had inadvertently mis-copied the term
nihonkoku as honkoku. To a Japanese, the mistake would not have been
. as obvious as it would have been to Shunxiao. Given that the author of
the Bishamondo MS deliberately attempted to create the impression that
it was an original document left by Shunxiao,24 I am inclined to believe
that it was forged as, rather than copied from, one of SaichO's fuhO-
mons.
Even if there did exist afuhOmon as presented in the Eizan Daishiden
and the NaishO buppo soja kechimyakufu, in which SaichO is addressed
appropriately as a monk from Japan, it would still be hard to accept such
a document as authentic; that is, as written by Shunxiao.
First, as argued in Section LA, at least as late as 820 it is unlikely that
Saicho regarded Shunxiao as a prestigious monk or identified him as the
third-generation disciple of Subhakarasirilha, a "Great virtue" at a "state-
protecting Temple", and a "court chaplain", etc. Thus, the appearance of
these terms in fuhOmon 1 casts a shadow on the authenticity of this
document, which claims itself to be written by Shunxiao in 805, fifteen
years earlier than the year 820.
Second, it warrants our attention that the Denjutsu isshinkaimon does
not include any document that can be identified as fuhomon 1. Given the
value fuhomon 1 would have had for authenticating SaichO' s esoteric
transmission, it is reasonable to expect that Kojo would not have ex-
cluded it from his collection had he known of it. Therefore, the absence
of fuhOmon 1 in his collection suggests that Kojo knew nothing of this
document when he was compiling the Denjutsu isshinkaimon between
833-34. Either the document did not exist at that time and was written at
a later time, or Kojo overlooked one of the key manuscripts in his
tradition. Since Kojo is unlikely to have overlooked something so
significant, it would appear that SaichO never received fuhOmon 1 from
Shunxiao. Had Saicho possessed such a document, he would not have
hidden it from Kojo, whom SaichO trusted implicitly.25
24. The efforts the author of the Bishamond5 MS made to make the manuscript
appear to be an original can be seen in the following facts. The text was stamped
at the top, middle and bottom; no acknowledgement was made to the effect that
the document was copied from an original text, etc.
25. K5j5 was highly trusted by Saich5, as evidenced by the fact that he acted as
Saich5's liaison to the court when Saich5, in his later years, negotiated with the
JIABS 21.1 38
Third, the strongest evidence against the authenticity of fuhol1}on 1 is
the simple fact that fuhomon 1 does not appear in Saicho's two bibli-
ographies. This is particularly striking in the case of the the
bibliography of Buddhist texts and Esoteric implements Saicho secured
in Yuezhou where the Shunxiao initiation is said to have taken place. As
we know, SaichO submitted the two bibliographies to the court preGisely
to show the significance of his travels in China. The inclusion of fuho-
mon 1 in his bibliographies would, without doubt, have enormously
strengthened his implicit claim that his study in China was of great
value. Thus, it is remarkable thatfuhomon 1 is not so much as mentioned
in his bibliographies. Instead, Saicho's bibliographies contain two cer-
tificates signed by the governors of Taizhou and Mingzhou Prefecture,
which certify that SaichO had sought Buddhist teachings there.
26
SaichO
also mentions in the Esshuroku an esoteric instrument (a trifurcate vajra)
which was given to him by his Esoteric master (presumably Shunxiao)
as a "proof of dharma transmission" (shingon osho fuhoinjin sanko baza-
ra ichiko T.55.2160.1059c8).
Thus, in SaichO's two bibliographies, the inclusion of two official docu-
court to establish a Mahayana precept platform on Hieizan (GRONER's Saichi5:
292). This plan was so crucial to the development of Saich5's school that he
would have allowed only his most trusted student to represent him in these
negotiations.
26. The two governors who signed the certificates for Saich5 were Lu Chun and
Zheng Shenze, who governed Taizhou and Mingzhou when SaichO visited the
two prefectures. The two certificates are included in the Taishuroku and
EsshUroku respectively (T.55.2159.1058a5-11; T.55.2160.1060a2-12).
27. This phrase literally reads: "one trifurcate vajra [given by] the Shingon master as
a proM of dharma-transmission." It is worth stressing that the juhiJinjin
f'tr!fPm mentioned here does not refer to any written certificate but only to an
Esoteric instrument: a trifurcate vajra. The term injin fPm does not necessarily
mean a written certificate. In some cases, it means a certification article instead.
Another example is found in a passage from Kiikai's bibliography, in which
Kiikai, after listing eight kinds of Buddhist articles and esoteric instruments, like
five-treasure, samayavajra, etc., makes the following remarks:
The eight articles as listed on the right were originally brought from
Southern India by Aciirya Vajrabodhi. He transmitted them to Aciirya
Daguangzhi (i.e. Bukong), who, in tum, transmitted them to
Aciirya Qinglong (i.e. Huiguo). Master Qinglong transmitted them
to me Kii[kai]. These are the "certification articles jor dharma transmis-
sion" (denbiJinjin), and are what the myriad sentient beings rely on and
take refuge in (T.55.2161.l064c20-1065a4).
CHEN 39
ments' issued by secular authorities contrasts strikingly with the absence
of any mention of a certificate from any religious authority.
Furthermore, fuhomon 1 claims to. have been written by Shunxiao on
the nineteenth day of the fourth month of 805; that is, almost one month
before the compilation of the Esshiiroku, which was dated the thirteenth
day of the fifth month of 805. Therefore, if fuhOmon 1 were authentic,
Saicho would have certainly been in possession of this document when
he compiled the Esshiiroku and he would have included it in the bibliog-
raphy. For the purpose of supporting the orthodoxy of his esoteric
transmission, this fuhomon would have been as important as, if not more
important than, the certificate issued by secular authorities in Mingzhou
and the vajra given by his Esoteric master. Thus, the absence of fuho-
mon 1 in the Esshiiroku strongly suggests that SaichO did not secure such
a document in China. In other words, fuhOmon 1, like the "court certifi-
cate", was forged in Japan either by Saicho himself or by some later
Tendai monlc It appears much more likely that fuhOmon 1 was not
forged by the Tendai founder himself, but by one of his students.
28
As we have seen, the "court certificate" attributed to Saicho connects
him with SUbhakarasiIilha by stating that his teacher Shunxiao was a
third-generation disciple of the great Esoteric master. Yet the same
"court certificate" says nothing about the details of this relationship.
FuhOmon 1 goes one step further by connecting Shunxiao to SUbhakara-
siIilha through a Silla monk called Yilin, whom fuhOmon 1 represents as
Shunxiao's teacher. By incorporating Saicho into such a distinguished
Esoteric tradition initiated by SubhakarasiIilha, fuhOmon 1 seeks on the
one hand to prove the orthodoxy of SaichO's Esoteric tradition, and on
the other, to affirm that SaichO's esoteric tradition is of taizokai origin.
28. This view is supported by the following two points. As noted above,fuhi5mon 1
is not included in the Denjutsu isshinkaimon, which was collected approximately
one decade after SaichO's death. On the other hand, if SaichO were the author of
fuhomon 1, he would have composed it after the submission of the Kenkairon in
820 and before his death in 822 (since the Kenkairon demonstrates no trace of an
attempt to glorify Shunxiao or to connect SaichO himself with Subhakarasirilha).
During this period, the most likely occasion for him to forge a document like
fuhomon 1 would have been when he collected the documents for the Kenkairon
engi, which was completed in the third month of 821. However, the tremendous
risk accompanying the presentation of a false document like fuhOmon 1 to the
court may have been sufficient to deter Saicho from doing so.
JIABS 21.1 40
I. C. Another Version of SaichO's Fuhomon in the Kenkairon Engi: on
the Authenticity of the Bishamondo MS
In the Kenkairon engi, we find another version of the fuhoYrJon attributed
to Shunxiao (DZl: 279-280). After comparing the Kenkairon engi
version of the fuhOmon with fuhOmon l, we find that the former is com-
posed of two parts, one identical with fuhOmon 1, the other reading as
follows:
In a room of a mal)ala comprised of "Thirty-seven Deities" (sanjushichison
- +{:;#) headed by Vairocana-Tathagata,
A-V am-Ram-Hum-Khum - the higher rank of attainment;
A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham - the intermediate rank of attainment;
A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na - the lower rank of attainment.
Through the a b h i ~ e k a (kanjo 1-1m), the samayas for the "three divisions"
(sanbu) were conferred [by] Acarya Sramal)a Shunxiao. The methods for
drawing pictures, samples and mudras [were also transmitted]. On the eighteenth
day of the fourth month of Zhenyuan 21 (805), [I, the] Sramal)a Shunxiao of the
Lingyansi temple on Mount Taishan, who am the "Great Virtue" at a "State-
protecting Temple" and a "monk serving at the court chapel", transmitted the
samayas for the "three divisions" and [issued] this certificate to my disciple
SaichO (DZl: 279).
This part is entirely identical with the Shitenn6ji MS, which also claims
to be a fuhomon transmitted from Shunxiao. However, for the same
reasons that led me to reject the authenticity of fuhOmon 1, I find it
difficult to accept the fuhOmon stored in the Shitenn6ji temple (hereafter
fuhomon 2) as authentic. These reasons include (i) the absence of this
document in Saich6' s two bibliographies and (ii) the appearance in the
manuscript of the terms glorifying Shunxiao (chinkokudojo daitoku [a
"'Great Virtue' at a 'State-protecting' Temple"], naigubu [a "court
chaplain::,]). As I argued in section I.A, as late as 820, SaichO did not, as
far as ~ e know, associate these terms with Shunxiao. In addition, one
remarkable point in bothfuhomon 1 andfuhomon2 also casts doubt on
the authenticity of both documents. In these two fuhomons, Shunxiao
refers to himself as a daitoku at a chinkoku dojo, ACQrya SramaJ}a,
naigubu, and so on. It is highly unusual for a monk to be so presumptu-
ous as to list all of his titles in a document written for a student.
Futhermore, I find it unlikely that SaichO, during his several-day stay
with Shunxiao,29 would receive two separate fuhomons from the same
29. On the twenty-fifth day of the third month of 805, Saicho arrived at the port of
Mingzhou to await the ship that would carry him back to Japan. However, upon
CHEN 41
teacher. As a rule, a fuhomon is meant, on the one hand, to establish
officially the discipleship of its holder under the master who signed and
issued it; and, on the other, to confirm that such and such an esoteric
transmission did indeed occurred between the master and disciple as
specified therein. Given the enormous value the esoteric tradition
attached to face-to-face oral transmission (menju i i i ~ ) from master to
disciple, esoteric masters must have written and issued fuhomons with
great care. In Saich6's case, if the two fuhomons are authentic, then he
would have received a second fuhomon from Shunxiao only day after
obtaining the first. This would lead us to conclude that Shunxiao casu-
ally issued fuhOmons and! or that he wrote fuhomons so carelessly (if not
recklessly) that barely one day after the issuance of a fuhomon to a
newly initiated student, it suddenly occurred to him that he had to write
a new fuhomon for the same foreign student. Either conclusion directly
contradicts the fact that, in Esoteric Buddhism, the composition and
issuance of fuhomons was a matter of great importance. It is, therefore,
extremely unlikely that SaichO received two fuhOmons from Shunxiao in
the space of two days. Ironically, the co-existence in Japan of two fuhO-
mons attributed to Shunxiao does not reinforce the authenticity of each
of them, but, on the contrary, betrays the dubious source of, at least, one
of them, presumably the one which appeared later (i.e. fuhOmon 2).30
his arrival at the port he was told that their previously scheduled return trip would
be delayed for about one and a half months. Saich6 thus decided to visit
Longxingsi and Fahuasi $ . ~ , two local temples in Yuezhou, where Saich6
had heard that a large quantity of Buddhist texts were stored (Stanley
WEINS1EIN, "The Beginnings of Esoteric Buddhism in Japan", Journal of Asian
Studies 34.1 (1974): 184). Saich6 succeeded in securing a permit from the
Mingzhou Prefect to continue his travels, which was issued on the sixth day of
the fourth month (this permit is now preserved in the Kenkairon engi; DZ 1: 277-
78). On the basis of this date, we assume that Saich6 did not leave Mingzhou for
Yuezhou before the sixth day of the fourth month. Furthermore, taking into
account the time Saich6 spent on the trip from Mingzhou to Yuezhou, it would
appear that, prior to the eighteenth or ninteenth day of the fourth month of 805, to
whichfuhOmon 1 andfuhOmon 2 are dated respectively, Saich6 had stayed with
Shunxiao for no more than several days.
30. The argument thatfuhOmon2 appeared later than fuhOmon 1 is based on the
following considerations. Fuhomon 1 was included in the Eizan Daishiden and
the NaishO buppo soja kechimyakufu, neither of which contains fuhOmon 2.
Fuhomon 2 is only found in the Kenkairon engi. The absence offuhOmon 2 in the
Eizan Daishiden and the NaishO buppo soja kechimyakufu implies that
fuhOmon 2 may have appeared later thanfuhOmon 1. In other words, fuhOmon 2
appeared at such a late date that the author or editor of the Eizan Daishiden and
JIABS 21.1 42
In addition to these four pieces of evidence arguing against the
authenticity of Juhomon 2, one peculiar aspect of its content also suggests
that it was written at a late date. Fuhomon 2 seems to try to depict the
Shunxiao initiation in terms of "three divisions" (sanbu), the three eso-
teric traditions represented by the three fundamental Esoteric Buddhist
scriptures (the Darijing, lin' ganding jing and Suxidi Uieluo] jing).
Fuhomon 2 represents the core of the Shunxiao initiation as a threefold
correlation between the three five-syllable dharalJ-lS and the three ranks
of attainment (higher, intermediate and lower). The first two dhiiraJ!-ls,
which are correlated with the higher and intermediate ranks of attain-
ment respectively, are found in the Darijing (T.848.18.20a19; 52b12-
28), while the third, correlated with the lower rank of attainment, is
traceable to a text closely related to the lin'gangding jing (T.1173.20.
710b).3
1
Therefore the author of Juhomon 2 seems to have used the three
five-syllable dhiiralJ-lS to represent the Darijing and the lin' gangding
jing, two basic texts for the dual esoteric transmission. Furthermore,
fuhOmon 2 correlates the three dharalJ-ls to the three ranks of attainment.
The locus classicus of this threefold classification of the Indian notion
siddhi (attainment) is found in the Suxidi jing,32 the text representing the
the editor of Saich6' s Buppo kechimyaku (Le. the author of the Naisho buppo
soja kechimyakufu) had no chance to seefuhomon 2 and were therefore unable to
include it in the works under their redaction (it is assumed here that, given the
valuefuhomon2 would have had for certifying Saich6's esoteric tradition, the
authors/editors of the Eizan Daishiden and the NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakufu
would have included it in their works had they known of it). Moreover, the
relative lateness of fuhomon 2 is also corroborated by the fact that the Kenkairon
engi, in whichfuhOmon 2 is included, achieved its final form later than both the
Daishiden and the NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakufu (see note <10.
31. This identification of the sources for the three groups of five-syllable dhara1}fis
made by the celebrated third-generation Tendai leader Enchin (814-891) in
his Ketsuji sanshushicchi hO #e;if;='fl1l<ttPJ* (Hereafter KSSH; A decisive ex-
planation of the procedure related to the "three kinds of attainments") (Dainihon
bukkyo zensho *- B [A complete collection of the Buddhist texts of
the Great Japan; hereafter BZ.], eds. TAKAKUSU Junijir6 et al, 100 vols. Tokyo:
Yuseid6, 1913-22; reprinted Tokyo: Kodansha, 1970-73; ed. Suzuki gakujutsu
zaidan 27: 985a13-18).
32. Though the notion of "the three ranks of attainment" (sanhon shicchi =. b1l<t-lH)
is also mentioned in other esoteric texts (e.g. the Darijing), the most extensive
and authoritative discussion of this notion is found in the Suxidi jing, which
devotes a whole chapter (Chapter Sixteen) to the notion (T.18.891.614a21-c13;
see also the relevant passages in 603c3-7).
CHEN 43
third Esoteric tradition in the sanbu system, the Soshicchi-bu
Thus,fuhOmon2 appears to advocate, albeit implicitly, a form of the
sanbu goju idea (the notion that the three Esoteric traditions
are complementary and inter-penetrating).
According'to MATSUNAGA, in Esoteric Buddhism, the Suxidi
jing was placed on a par with the Darijing and the Jin'gangding jing
sometime during the 830s.3
3
The Suxidi jing was not inCluded in the
Hieizan shanago curriculum until Enninllilt: (794-864)
returned from China in 847. Ennin may have learned of the importance
of the Suxidi jing during his study in Chang'an between 840 and
847, which was exactly the time when the Suxidi jing was steadily
gaining popularity within Chinese Esoteric Buddhist circles. Given the
timing, the sanbu goju implication in fuhOmon2 makes it difficult to
regard it as having been written by Shunxiao since in 805 the Suxidi jing
had not yet been accepted as one of the three fundamental texts in
Chinese Esoteric Buddhism.
On the other hand, the fact that the author of fuhOmon 2 seems to have
had knowledge of the sanbu goju idea makes it possible to approximate
the period in which fuhOmon 2 was written. Since Ennin is the person
responsible for introducing the Japanese Tendai sect to the sanbu idea, it
seems safe to date the appearance of fuhOmon 2 to sometime after 847,
the year Ennin returned to Japan. Moreover, Enchin mentions fuhomon 2
in his KSSH (EZ.27.985al-8), which was completed circa 873.3
4
There-
fore the appearance ofJuhOmon2 can be tentatively dated between 847
and 873.
The late date of Juhomon2 presents a new problem. Why, after the
appearance of fuhOmon 1, was the forgery of fuhomon 2 necessary?
Indeed, the agenda underlying the forgery of the fuhOmon 2 appears to
have been very complicated. Here I can only make some brief com-
33. MATSUNAGA Yfikei, Mikkya no rekishi [A history of Esoterism], Sara sosho,
no.19, Kyoto: Heirakuji Shoten 1969, pp. 147-48. The date is based on a passage
in a famous record of the two esoteric transmissions (taizakai and kongakai)
(T.2081.51.786clO-14). Though the full name is Liangbu dafaxiangcheng shizi
fufaji (Jp. ryabu daihO saja shishifuhO ki; The
record of master-to-disciple transmissions of the two-division great dharma;
T#2087), this record is better known as "Haiyun xuemai" (Jp. "Kaiun
kechimyaku") in East Asian Esoteric Buddhism. It was completed in 834 by a
Chinese inonk called Haiyun (n.d.).
34. For the dating of this essay by Enchin, see CHEN's dissertation: 161-62.
JIABS21.1 44
ments. First, I have shown that the Bishamondo MS was flawed by a
serious mistake (SaichO was wrongly addressed as a monk comIng from
"this" [i.e. Chinese] country), a mistake that may have been noticed by
later Tendai editors, who corrected it by changing "this country" to
"Japan". In view of this, we might assume that the author of fuhomon2
may have forged the document because he was not satisfied with fuho-
mon 1 and wanted to provide a better version of SaichO'sfuhomon.
I would also suggest that fuhOmon 2 may have been forged as a part of
a complicated polemical agenda. As we know, fuhOmon 2 is significantly
different from fuhomon 1 insofar as it equates the core of the Shunxiao
initiation with the threefold correlation. This new
description of the Shunxiao initiation seems to have been aimed at re-
depicting the Shunxiao initiation as one in the "three traditions" (sanbu).
As shown in his 820 Kenkairon, SaichO, in his later years, tended to
reinterpret the Shunxiao initiation as a dual transmission (see note
<19. It is very likely that this new interpretation of SaichO's initiation
was stimulated by his assqciation with and study under Kiikai, who may
have made Saicho aware of the importance of the Diamond-realm tradi-
tion and the ryobu goju idea.
35
Since Shingon followers
prized Kiikai' s tradition as the sole orthodox esoteric lineage incorpo-
rating the dual transmission, Tendai monks after SaichO tried to outshine
Shingon by redefining SaichO's esoteric initiation as belonging to the
three traditions (the two plus a third represented by the Suxidi
jing I Soshicchi kyo
If, as I have argued, fuhomon 2 was not written by Shunxiao, then is it
possible to identify its actual Japanese author? The most obvious suspect
is Enchin whose KSSH represents, as far as I can tell, the earliest
known source referring to fuhOmon 2. Furthermore, this treatise
by Enchfn was exclusively dedicated to the scriptural source of the
"procedure of three ranks of attainment", the core of fuhomon2.
Enchin's close connection withfuhOmon2 suggests the possibility that he
was the real author of this document. However, one fact renders the
possibility of Enchin's authorship unlikely. In 882, Enchin prepared
some questions for his former teachers in Chang' an. Among these
35. See Krucm Gyoo, "Dengyo Daishi no taikon ryobu ill tsuite (Concerning Master
Dengyo's [notion ot] the two divisions of taizokai and kongokai)", Indogaku
bukkyogaku kenkyu 26 (1965): 164-65; ABE Ryuichi, "Saich5 and Kiikai: A
Conflict of Interpretations", Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 22/1-2 (1995):
103-37; CHEN's dissertation: 35-42.
CHEN 45
questions is one regarding the threefold correlation
that is found in fuhOmon2.3
6
This suggests that fuhOmon2 was, very
likely, not written by Enchin himself. The author of fuhOmon2 would
have had a greater knowledge of the threefold corre-
lation than that indicated in Enchin's questions to his Chinese teachers.
With Enchin excluded as the likely author of fuhOmon2, Ennin (or
possibly a Tendai monk in his line) immediately emerges as the most
likely person to have composedfuhOmon2 in the name of Shunxiao. We
know thatfuhOmon2 implicitly advocated the sanbu goju idea and that it
was Ennin who first introduced this idea into the early Tendai school.
The two decades between 847 and 873, to which I have dated the
formation of fuhOmon 2, were exactly when Ennin, as the chief Tendai
representative, was actively struggling with the Shingon school over the
orthodoxy of their respective Esoteric traditions. Without a doubt, the
Tendai sect would have benefited greatly from a "dharma-transmission
certificate", like fuhOmon 2, that not only supports the orthodoxy of the
Esoteric tradition SaichO was said to have secured from China but also
suggests that Saicho's Esoteric tradition was inherently superior to
Kukai's, since Saicho's tradition was of "three divisions" (sanbu) while
Kukai's was merely of two.
In the preceding discussion, I analysed several documents included in
four major Tendai works, the (i) Denjutsu isshinkaimon, (ii) Eizan
Daishiden, (iii) NaishO buppo sojo kechimyakufu and (iv) Kenkairon
engi. These documents are either identified as, or appear closely con-
nected to, Saicho's fuhomons; yet, as I have shown, these documents
represent the effort of Saich6's followers to reinterpret and legitimate
the Esoteric transmissions ascribed to Saicho.
The Denjutsu isshinkaimon contains a so-called "court certificate"
which claims to be an official document issued by the Kammu court to
certify Saich6's religious attainment. However, on close inspection, this
"certificate" turns out to be of dubious provenance and is noteworthy for
its attempt to elevate Saicho's main Esoteric mentor Shunxiao, by
claiming that he was an extremely prestigious monk who was a third
generation disciple of the great Indian Esoteric master Subhakarasirilha.
36. This question is found in BZ.27.1033a5-8. For a full discussion of the implica-
tions of this question, see CHEN's dissertation: 162-64.
JIABS 21.1 46
We find in the Eizan Daishiden and the Naisho buppo soja kechi-
myakufu afuhomon allegedly written by Shunxiao for Saicho. This
fuhomon was also forged in Japan in order to incorporate Saich6 into a
celebrated lineage supposedly initiated by SUbhakarasinlha and con-
tinued by (i) Yilin, a Korean monk who, this fuhomon says, had trans-
mitted esoteric teachings to Shunxiao, (ii) Shunxiao himself and (iii)
SaichO. The appearance of this fuhOmon marked the formal formulation
of the Tendai idea of its Esoteric lineage, which, according to this fuho-
mon, could be traced back to China and eventually India.
Finally, we find a second version of Shunxiao's fuhomon in the Ken-
kairon engi. This version of the fuhomon proved to be essential for the
formation of some central ideologies supporting early Tendai Buddhism.
It reinterprets the esoteric transmission SaichO received from Shunxiao
as a threefold correlation, implying the sanbu goju
idea. The esoteric tradition Saich6 received from Shunxiao was thus
characterized as an integration of three esoteric transmissions (the kon-
gokai :iillUlllJ)!., taizokai and soshicchi This claim was .
advanced for the purpose of outshining the Shingon tradition, which
represented itself as the combination of two esoteric transmissions
known as kongokai and taizokai.
As a result of the sustained efforts made by SaichO's immediate
students (particularly K6j6 and Shinchii) and his second generation
disciples (with Ennin as their brilliant representative), SaichO's esoteric
tradition was firmly established by the middle of the ninth century.
However, despite the enormous help the Tendai monks could have
drawn from such fabricated documents as fuhomon 2 when they com-
peted with the Shingon school for domination of the Japanese esoteric
tradition, they may have been always embarrassed that the threefold
correlation stipulated therein had no scriptural
support. The Tendai school felt the urgent need to provide some scrip-
tural support for the threefold correlation. It is precisely this sectarian
agenda that prompted yet another forgery, this time of three siddhi
scriptures (Taisho nos. 905, 906, and 907), composed in Japan by
Tendai monks to resemble Chinese transItions from Sanskrit. It is to
these three texts that we turn in the next part.
CHEN 47
Part IT. Legitimation and Scriptures: The Japanese Provenance of Three
Esoteric Buddhist Texts Attributed to Subhakarasimha
The three si4dhi texts bear similar titles and appear to be closely related
in content. In fact, T.907, which is the shortest of the three texts, is
wholly reproduced in both T.905 and T.906. T.907 begins with a
detailed description of the various worldly benefits that the author
believes the five Sanskrit syllables (A,vam, Ram, Hum, Kham) will
produce if properly recited; Next, the five syllables are correlated with
"five viscera", five kinds of natural and social phenomena, five direc-
tional buddhas, and five divisions of a ma7J.ala associated with five
elements (earth, water, fire, wind, and space). This is followed by the
division of the Esoteric category siddhi into three ranks (lower, inter-
mediate and higher) and the correlation of three five-syllable dhara7J.fs
(A-Ra-Ba-Ca-Na; A-Vi-Ra-Ha-Kha; A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham) with
three kinds of attainment ("emerging", "entering", and "mystery").
Finally, T.907 ends with a twenty-two line verse or gatha. A major part
of T.905 consists of correlating more Buddhist and Esoteric fivefold
categories with a number of indigenous Chinese fivefold categories
grouped together through the wuxing liff ("five-phases") pattern in
traditional Chinese thought. T.906, except for the parts which can also
be found in T.907, takes the idea of hajigoku 1 i B l t i M ~ ("destroying hell")
as its key theme.
As a result of their importance to the entire Tendai tradition, the three
siddhi texts have attracted sustained and intense scholarly attention, and
have been subjected to extensive critical examinations. A number of
Japanese scholars who have made important contributions to our under-
standing of these three basic Tendai texts,37 have rejected the conven-
37. OMURA Seigai, Mikkyo hattatsushi [A history of the development of Esoterism] ,
5 vols. pp. 432-36, Tokyo 1918; MATSUNAGA Yuken, "Sanshushicchi hajigoku
gik:i no kenkyii [A study of the Sanshushicchi hajigoku giki]" , in Mikkyo kenkya
35 (1929): 1-18; KANBAYASHI Ryiij5, "Hajigoku sanshushicchi hO hyakutei [A
brief explanation of the Hajigoku sanshushicchi ha]", in Kokuyaku issaikyo
(Mikkyo bu, vol.3; Tokyo: Dait5 1931: 80-94; NASU Zenryii, "Sanshushicchi
hajigoku goo no kenkyii (A study of the Sanshushicchi hajigoku giki)", in
Miyamoto kyoju kinen Indogaku bukkyogaku ronsha (1954): 431-44; YOSHIOKA
Y oshitoyo, "Korin kuji hishaku to d5ky5 goz5kan [The Korin kuji hishaku and
Taoist gozokan (the contemplation of 'five viscera')]", in Mikkyo bunka 69-70
(1964): 77-97; OSABEKazuo, TOdai mikkyoshi zatsukO [A study of the Esoteric
history in the Tang], Kobe: Kobe shoka daigaku gakujutsu kenkyiikai 1971: 209-
52; MATSUNAGA Yiikei, "Sanshushicchi to hajigoku [The sanshushicchi ("three
JIABS 21.1 48 .
tional view that the three siddht texts were translated from Sanskrit into
Chinese by Subhakarasirilha. This consensus is based on the following
three considerations. First, the three siddhi texts are absent from two
major Tang Buddhist bibliographies in which most; if not an, of SUbha-
karasirilha's translations have been included.
38
Second, the three siddhi
texts appear too Chinese in style to have had corresponding Sanskrit
originals. What is particularly remarkable is the appearance in the three
siddhi texts of such peculiarly indigenous Chinese ideas as wuzang lim
(Jp. goza; "five viscera"). Third, the three siddhi texts are too syncretic
in content and therefore too late in time to have been translated by
Subhakarasirilha, who apparently had no knowledge of the syncretic
ideas contained in them.3
9
In their examination of the three siddhi. texts, Japanese scholars have
made important observations. However, when they assumed, from the
kinds of attainment") and hajigoku ("destroying hell")]", in Mikkyo bunka 121
(1976): 1-13; KruCHI Gyoo, Tendai mikkyo no keisei [The formation of Tendai
Esoteric Buddhism], Tokyo: Keisuisha 1984; MISAKI Ryoshii, Taimitsu no
kenkyii [A study of Taimitsu Esoteric Buddhism], Tokyo: Sobunsha 1988: 499-
508; and MIZUKAMI Fumiyoshi, "sanshushicchi hO to sanshin shingon [The
sanshushicchi hiJ (procedure of the threefold attainment) and the dhiira7Jf for the
three [buddha-]bodies]", Indogaku bukkyogaku kenkyii 73 (1988): 253-57.
38. These two major Buddhist bibliographies are (i) the Kaiyuan shijiaolu
(The Buddhist bibliography [compiled] in the Kaiyuan period) completed in
730 by Zhisheng tw if. and (ii ) the Zhenyuan shijiao lu (The Bud-
dhist bibliography [compiled] in the Zhenyuan period) compiled in 799 by
Yuanzhao IIJJlm. Upon his arrival in China in 716, SubhilkarasiIilha immediately
attracted patronage from Emperor Xuanzong of the Tang Dynasty. There-
fore, his translations must have been officially sponsored and should have been
included in the two officially sanctioned Buddhist bibliographies.
39. The'three siddhi texts, for instance, define the gobu E$ (the "five-divisions of a
Diamond-realm ma7Jr;Jala") as divisions of (i) vajra, (ii) lotus, (iii) karma, (iv)
treasure, and (v) emptiness. This kind of classification is akin to the notion of the
five divisions that became prevalent with the further development of some new-
style esoteric teachings which have been generally called the Diamond-realm (Ch.
jin'gangjie Jp. kongokai; Skt. vajradhiitu) line of Esoteric Buddhism.
Some initial forms of this Esoteric Buddhist tradition had already been introduced
to Tang China by Vajrabodhi. However, it was not until the time of Bukong that
it b-egan to appear in its full-fledged form; and Bukong did not become involved
in religious activities until several decades after the death of SubhiikarasiIilha.
Consequently, it seems anachronistic to connect SubhakarasiIilha with any
complete and mature version of the five-division idea. Thus it is difficult to credit
SUbhak:arasiIilha with the translation of the three siddhi texts in which the five-
division idea is so prominent.
CHEN 49
apocryphal status of the three siddhi texts, that they must have been
composed in China, these scholars may have been misled by two tacit
but unfounded assumptions: (i) that all apocryphal texts in Chinese were
composed in China, and (ii) that a text strongly coloured by some ideas
undoubtedly originating in China was necessarily written in China. It is
well known that classical written Chinese was the lingua franca of much
of East-Asia. A text written in Chinese was not necessarily written in
China. In the same vein, the incorporation of some indigenous Chinese
ideas (with wuxing as the example par excellence) into a text does not
necessarily mean that it was composed in China, since some indigenous
Chinese ideas, like wuxing, were also accepted and practised in other
East Asian countries, including Korea and Japan. Thus, it is necessary to
consider the possibility that the three siddhi texts were composed outside
of China, but within the Chinese cultural sphere. Much of the textual
evidence suggests that these texts are in fact of Japanese origin.
IT.A. The Primacy of T.907 over T.905 and T.906
Before examining the hypothesis of the Japanese origin of the three
siddhi texts, it is necessary to establish that of the three siddhi texts,
T.907 is the oldest, and was wholly reproduced in T.905 and T.906.
Below I compare the five gathas, or verses, in the three siddhi texts in
order to ascertain whether the four gathas in T.905 and T.906 originated
from the single gatha in T.907. If it can be shown that these four gathas
were composed using the single gatha in T.907 as a source, it is also
likely that the other parts of T.905 and T.906 which parallel T.907 are
also derived from T.907.
The single gatha in T.907 (hereafter referred to as G.907), which
comes at its conclusion, reads like a standard gatha used to end a siltra:
(1) I prostrate myself before Vairocana-buddha
(2) whose pure eyes open like lotus flowers.
(3) Controlling the "three realms", he is the teacher of humans and celestial
beings as well.
(4) With a great enlightened mind he is the saviour of this world.
(5) The profound and wonderful dhiiralJfs [constituting] the empowering
methods
(6) flow into the "gate of syllable A" [representing] non-production.
(7) The white curl which is formless possesses true and universal wisdom,
(8) perfect and permanent like the sun and the moon.
(9) Alq;obhya and Ratnasambhava, as the saviour of the world,
(10) Amitabha, Amoghasiddhiraja,
(11) all residing in the propitious wheel of attainment,
JIABS 21.1 SO
(12) transmit this wonderful 'dharma and proselytise to all sentient beings.
(13) The compassionate !U1d self-existent Trailokya-vijaya-raja
(14) and the Vajrasattva AIyacalanatha,40
(15) never breaking their vows, always come [to rescue sentient beings] on
time.
(16) After accomplishing the vajra-like feats, they return to the vajra-fields.
(17) I, relying on V
(18) open the "wisdom-mudra" of the mind and set up the goal.
(19) Universally embellished by countless merits,
(20) [let us] enter together into the dhiirG.1J.fS [leading to] all the sugatas.
(21) May those who have the opportunity to study and cultivate together [these
Esoteric teachings]
(22) dwell peacefully in the supreme, pure sea! (T.907.18.915c1-11)
The first part of G.907 (lines 1-12, T.907.1S.91Sc1-6) is devoted to the
merits of the five buddhas (i.e. V airocana, Ratnasambhava,
Amitabha and Amoghasiddhi) (with the first eight lines devoted to Vai-
rocana-buddha and the last four to the other four buddhas); then, in the
second part (lines 13-16, T.907.1S.91Sc7-S), the two rajas (Trailokya-
vijaya-raja and Aryacalanatha) are praised. Finally, in the third part
(lines 17-22, T.90S.1S.91Sc9-U), the author vows that he will follow
Mahavairocana-buddha until he succeeds in obtaining enlightenment and
is thereby reborn in the pure-land. The final wish is that all practitioners
will reside peacefully in the paramount "Sea of Purity".
In T.90S, the first gatha (hereafter G.90S/1) is found near the begin-
ning of the text (T.90S.1S.909b26-c6). Except for four lines,41 the lines
of G.90S/1 are identical with lines 1-16 of G.907 (T.907.1S.91Sc1-S).
The second gatha in T.90S (T.90S.1S.912a2S-b1, hereafter G.90S/2) is
composed of six lines, which are precisely identical with lines of
G.907 (T.907.1S.915c9-11). Thus, the lines of the two gathas in T.90S,
with of four lines in G.905/1, are identical with the 22
lines 0(0.907.
40. Trailokya-vijaya-raja (the "Deity-descending-from-the-three-worlds") and Arya-
calanatha (the "Immovable Deity") are the two renowned rajas that accompany
and serve Mahavairocana-buddha.
41. These four lines are: "The body, mouth, and mind the three mysteries I
which form the transformation-body; I Five wheels and five kinds of wisdom are
of five parts I which completely cover the wheel of the dharma-field" (T.905.18.
909c2-4). They were taken from agatha at'the beginning of an esoteric tract
attributed to SubhakarasiIhha, the Cishi Pusa luexiu yujia niansongfa
(The contemplation and recitation methods for a simplified
form ofyoga-pracuce, as preached by Bodhisattva Maitreya; T.1l4) (see T.1141.
20.590a16-18).
CHEN 51
While the high level of correspondence between G.907 and G.905/1, 2
suggests that these gathas are closely related, the nature of that relation
is to be dtermined. Did G.905/l originally existed as an independent,
coherent gatha? The first eight lines of G.905/l focus on
Mahavairocana-buddha (the head of the "five buddhas"), and the last
eight lines are devoted to the other four of the "five buddhas" and two
rajas.
42
As such, these two groups of lines appear to form a set. Between
these two groups of lines lie four lines taken from an Esoteric tract
attributed to SUbhaIcarasirilha (T.1141). These lines comprise a discus-
sion of the "three mysteries" and "five wheels", thus disrupting the rela-
tionship defined by the other two groups of lines in G.905/1. Thus, in
G.905/l, two thematically related parts are separated by a third which is
unrelated to either of the other two. It is very unlikely that an author
would write on one topic, shift to another unrelated subject with no
transition, and then return, again without transition, to the fitst topic.
Thus, it is very unlikely that G.905/1 was written by a single author.
Rather, this gatha seems to have been constructed from two groups of
eight lines removed from a second source, with the insertion between
them of four additional lines. G.905/1 does not appear to be an indepen-
dent, coherent gatha. G.907, on the other hand, is quite consistent. It is
logical to conclude that T.907 is earlier than T.905.
By comparing G.907 to the two gathas in T.906, it is possible to show
that T.907 also has primacy over T.906. One of the two gathas in T.906
appears in the middle of the text (T.906.18.913c4-6, hereafter G.906/l),
while the other is attached to the text (T.906.18.914bI2-19, hereafter
G.906/2). The six lines of G.906/1 parallel the first six lines of G.907
(T.907.18. 915c1-3), while the 16 lines of G.906/2 are identical with
lines 7-22 of G.907 (T.907.18.915c4-11).
In G.907, lines 1-8 form an inseparable whole, which is devoted to
Vairocana-buddha. Turning to the two gathas in T.906, we find that the
same eight lines have become separated: the first six lines form an inde-
pendent gatha (G.906/1), whereas the last two were used to begin
G.906/2. These two lines, in praise of one of the remarkable features
attributed to Vairocana-buddha (i.e. his "white curl"), should have origi-
nally followed the six lines in G.906/l, all of which are dedicated to
42. Mahavairocana-buddha plus the other four buddhas form the famous "five
buddhas", while the two rajas are usually represented as two companions of the
five buddhas, especially of Vairocana-buddha.
JIABS 21.1 52
Vairocana-buddha. Therefore, the two giithas in T.906 seem not to have
been origimilly written as separate parts of T.906, but were instead
formed by breaking one internally consistent giitha G.907) into
two. This suggests that the two giithas in T.906, like other parts of the
same text paralleling T.907, were borrowed from T.907.
II.B. The Provenance and Date of T.907
It would appear that of the three siddhi texts, T.907 is the earliest. It is
included in its entirety in both T.905 and T.906. Given that the
borrowed verses are most likely to have been borrowed from T.907 into
T.905 and T.906, I think it is safe to conclude that T.907 was similarly
taken into T.905 and T.906, rather than grafted out of these texts to
form an individual text. For this reason, the status of T.905 and T.906
will be better understood if the provenance and date of T.907 are estab-
lished.
No evidence has emerged to show that any of the three siddhi texts is
mentioned in any Chinese Buddhist bibliography or in any other
Buddhist source circulating in China. Furthermore, it seems very un-
likely that Saicho or Kiikai had any knowledge of the three siddhi
texts.
43
In which source, then, was T.907 mentioned for the first time?
Enchin's KSSH, which we discussed toward the end of part (I), appears
to be the fIrst textual source to refer to T.907 since it mentions the ideas
of the "threefold attainment".
Is it possible that T.907 was known to Enchin and that he used this
text when writing his KSSH? In fact, the existence of a text such as
KSSH seems to suggest the opposite, that Enchin was unaware of T.907
when he wrote KSSH. Both the title and content of KSSH demonstrate
that En.hin wrote this work in order to clarify scriptural support for the
sanshdshicchi ho procedure. At the time, there was
mounting doubt both inside and outside Tendai circles as to whether the
sanshushicchi ho procedure had a scriptural source.
44
Had a text such as
T.907 been available in Japan at the time, there would have been no
43. This is deduced from the absence of the three siddhi texts in the bibliographies of
Kilkai and SaichO (cf. MISAKI Ryoshil, "Taimitsu no soshicchi wo meguru
shOmondai [various problems involved in the Soshicchi issue ilL Taimitsu]", in
Mikkyo bunka 149 (1985): 79-95).
44. As is to be shown below, even the eminent Tendai leader Henjo (817-890), after
receiving the sanshushicchi ho procedure from Enchin, continued to question the
existence of canonical support for the procedure.
CHEN 53
doubt as to the existence of a scriptural source for the sanshushicchi ho
procedure, and writing KSSH would have been unnecessary. T.907,
containing as it does the three kinds of attainment correlated to the three
five-syllable dhiira1Jfs and traditionally regarded as a translation of an
Indian text, wbuld surely have provided scripturallegitimacy.45
In addition, a close reading of KSSH reveals no evidence that Enchin
ever quoted from or even referred to T.907 in KSSH. On the contrary, a
careful examination of KSSH corroborates the argument that Enchin
knew nothing of T.907 while writing KSSH. As Enchin's only work
devoted exclusively to the sanshushicchi hi5 procedure, KSSH, despite
its brevity (it is composed of no more than 1,000 characters), not only
contains a number of sentences and ideas that have parallels in T.907,
but also seems to have referred (at least three times) to a text that must
have looked like T.907. First, in reporting the instructions he received
from Faquan r : t : ~ , Enchin emphasizes six points, five of which echo
sentences in T.907:
(i) two sentences describing Prabhutaratna's role in selecting from the
Darijing and Jin'gangding jing five Sanskrit syllables (A,Vam,
Ram, Hum, Kham), which are said to bring about immeasurable,
indescribable merits (BZ.27.985b2-5; T.907.18.915a17-20);
(ii) a sentences to the effect that reciting the five syllables once equals
reciting the whole Tripi!aka one million times (BZ.27.985b6-7;
T.907.18.915b24);
(iii) a correlation between the five syllables and the five buddhas in
five directions (BZ.27.985b7; T.907.915a12-15);
(iv) a correlation between the five syllables and five kinds of social or
natural phenomena (BZ.27.985b7-1O; T.907.18.915a8-12);
(v) the identification of the five syllables as the "dhiira1Jl for the
dharrnakiiya" (BZ.27.985bl1; T.907.18.915c29-bl).
45. For the way T.907 correlates the three dhara1}fs with three kinds of siddhis and
three buddha-bodies, see T.907.18.915b9-c29, "The following three dharal}-fs
[corresponding to] the three kinds of attainment ... A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na (this is the
dhiiral}-ffor the lower rank of attainment) is called the 'attainment of emerging' ...
A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham (this is the dhiiral}-ffor the middle rank of attainment) ...
called the 'attainment of entering' ... A-V am-Ram-Hum-Kham (this is the higher
rank of attainment) ... (is) also called the 'attainment of accomplishment' ...
Among these three kinds of attainment, the 'attainment of emerging' [corre-
sponds to] the attainment of 'transformation-body' (nirmiil}-akiiya); the 'attain-
ment of entering' [corresponds to] that of 'retribution-body' (sambhogakiiya);
the 'attainment of mystery' [corresponds to] that of dharmakiiya".
JIABS 21.1 54
The fact that five of Faquan's instructions to Enchin have parallels in
T.907 might at first seem to suggest that these points is based 'on T.907
itself or on some very similar textual source. However, if Faquan did
have such a text in mind when offering Enchin these 'five points of
instruction, we would expect him to refer Enchin to that text, just as he
did when he spoke of the "two buddhas" and referred Enchin to the
Esoteric texts belonging to the "two divisions" (ryobu mffB).46 Further-
more, Enchin attributes these points to Faquan, not to any textual
source. Had Enchin known that these points were derived from a text,
we may assume that he would have referred the readers directly to the
textual source, instead of merely observing that these points were
imparted to him by Faquan (see BZ.27.985bll-12).
Second, at first glance it may seem that Enchin refers to T.907 in
KSSH in his description of a yoskO ~ : t j > collection possessed by
Ninchu, one of SaichO's most trusted disciples (BZ.27.985b13-17). Ac-
cording to Enchin's description, this collection not only contains several
sentences that are virtually identical to those found in T.907, it also
defines the Indian notion of siddhi, as does T.907, in terms of "emerg-
ing", "entering" and "accomplishment". These parallels might suggest
that this yosho collection may have been T.907 or one of the two texts
derived from it. Nonetheless, the following three reasons make it diffi-
cult, if not impossible, to identify the yoskO with either T.907, T.905 or
T.906. Firstly, according to Enchin, NincbU's collection includes the
dhiira1}fs corresponding to the "three-bodies". This comment probably
refers to the threefold correlation between the "three buddha-bodies" and
the three five-syllable dhiira1}fs, a threefold correlation of the kind
Enchin found carved on a pillar at a temple in Luoyang (cf. BZ.27.985a
9-12). Yet T.907 and its two derivative texts do not include a correlation
between the "three buddha-bodies" and the triple five-syllable dhiira1}fs.
Secondly, in his brief description of that yoskO, Enchin mentions the
three kinds of siddhis and three dhiira1}fs for the three buddha-bodies
46. With regard to the "two buddhas", Faquan is said to have told Enchin:
As for the two buddhas, they are completely discussed in the various
siitras belonging to the "Two Divisions". For this reason, I say nothing
about them. You can understand them by yourself (BZ.27.985bll-12).
Here, Faquan did not speak specifically about the "two buddhas" on the
assumption that Enchin could consult the various siitras affiliated to the "Two
Divisions" (referring to the Esoteric texts affiliated with the Darijing and the
lin' gangding jing), in which the topic of "two buddhas" is treated in detail.
CHEN 55
but, remarkably, says nothing about the sanshushicchi h6 procedure of
correlating the three siddhis with the three dhiira1Jls. The most important
element of a text like T.907 for Enchin, as the author of the KSSH,
would have been the sanshushicchi ho procedure itself, which forms the
central theme of his treatise. Therefore, had this yosho been T.907,
Enchin, in referring to it, would not have left the sanshushicchi ho
unmentioned. Thirdly, if NichU, who died in 824, already knew T.907,
how could Enchin have been ignorant of this important text six decades
later (882) and been forced to ask his former teachers in China for the
textual support of the sanshushicchi h6 procedure (see below).
Finally, in KSSH Enchin refers to an one-fascicle tract, the Sanshu-
shicchi ho, which, he says, was translated anonymously. Since the three
siddhi texts (T.905 in particular) are sometimes known as Sanshu shicchi
ho, one might argue that Enchin was referring to one of them. However,
the translation of the three siddhi texts is attributed to SUbhakarasirhha.
If the Sanshushicchi h6 was T.907 or one of its derivatives, the trans-
lator of the Sanshushicchi ho would have been known. Moreover, as
Enchin himself states in KSSH, the teachings contained in the Sanshu-
shicchi h6 do not agree with the ideas Enchin expounded in KSSH.
Since a comparison of KSSH with T.905, T.906 and T.907 reveals a
general agreement, the tract Sanshu shicchi ho does not correspond to
any of the three siddhi texts. I would suggest that this text, the Sanshu-
shicchi h6 mentioned in KSSH, may be another text, the Qingjing fa-
shen Biluzhe'na xindifamen chengjiu yiqie tuoluoni sanzhongxidifrl'lftrt
!t (T.899).47
47. That the Sanshushieehi h6 mentioned in KSSH might have referred to T.899 is
based on the following considerations. As it is preserved in the Taish6 Tripitaka,
T.899 is in one fascicle and its translator is unidentified. Further, it is true that
except for its threefold classification of the notion xidi / sieehi, T.899 bears almost
nothing in common with the three siddhi texts or KSSH. All these are consistent
with Enchin's description of this text called "Sanshushicchi ha". More impor-
tantly, an postscript attached to T.899 (T.899.18.781b15) identifies T.899 with a
text, titled "Da Biluzhe'na sanzhongxidi fa" which is
included in the Buddhist bibliography compiled by J6gyo (7-866), one of
the eight nitto hakke Am J\* pilgrims (for the inclusion of the Da Biluzhe 'na
sanzhongxidiJa in J6gyo's bibliography, see T.2163.55.1070a3). If this identifi-
cation is justifiable (as I believe), T.899 was also known by a title very close to
"Sanzhongxidi fa" (Jp. "Sanshu sic chi ha"). Finally, Jogyo submitted his
bibliography to the court in Shawa 6 (839) (see T.2163.55.1069a13). This
means that T.899 had already found its way to Japan by 839, and therefore could
easily have been accessible to Enchin when he wrote KSSH, which was written
JIABS 21.1 56
In summary, KSSH does contain several elements that are found
in T.907. However, a close examination reveals that two of these ele-
ments were attributed by Enchin himself to (i) oral instru,ction imparted
to him by one of his Chinese teachers or (ii) a yaskO collection treasured
by Ninchii, which cannot be identified as T.907. The text which Enchin
mentions in KSSH by the title "Sanshu shicchi hO" also cannot be iden-
tified as T.907 or either of its two derivative texts. None of these three
apparent citations in fact refers to T.907 and therefore none of them can
establish Enchin's knowledge of T.907.
On the contrary, a close examination of KSSH reveals that Enchin was
not aware of T.907 when he wrote KSSH. In KSSH, Enchin tries to
identify the canonical sources for the triple five-syllable dhiirml.lS corre-
sponding to the three ranks of attainment (BZ.27.985a13-18). He traces
the first two sets of triple dhiiraT}fs (correlated with, respectively, higher
and intermediate ranks of attainment) to two chapters in the Darijing,
and traces the third set to a scroll in the lin'gangding jing, referred to as
the lin'ganddingjing Manshushili Pusa wuzi xintuoluoni pin
(T.1l73) (BZ.27.985a13-18). Yet, in
speaking of the canonical sources for the three dhiiraT}fs, Enchin remains
remarkably silent on T.907, which would have been a much better
canonical source for the three dhiiraT}fs than the two chapters in the
Darijing and the one chapter in the lin 'gangding jing (the Darijing and
lin' gang ding jing each contain only one or two of the three groups of
five-syllable dhiiraT}fs, while all three dhiiraT}fs, as well as their corre-
lations to the three kinds of attainment, are included in T.907). Thus, we
may assume that Enchin, who did refer to the Darijing and lin' gang ding
jing as the scriptural sources for the sanshushicchi ha procedure, would
have referred in KSSH to T.907 for the same purpose had he known of
this text.
I have argued that the very existence of KSSH and Enchin's failure to
refer to T.907 in this treatise establish Enchin's ignorance of T.907
during the period when KSSH was composed. This is confirmed not
only by an analysis of the text of KSSH itself but also by evidence out-
side the text. Most significantly, it is likely that KSSH was written
sometime around 873 and yet evidence suggests that at least as late as
882 Enchin had not yet read any of the three siddhi texts.
no earlier than 871 (we know this for KSSH referring to an official document
which was dated to 13 (871), see BZ.27.986a3).
CHEN 57
Since Enchin himself failed to date KSSH, the actual period of com-
position is open to speculation. However, evidence indicates that it was
probably written in, or slightly later than, the year 873. In that year, En-
chin submitted a petition to the court on the fourteenth day of the second
month, Jogan 15 (873), proposing that the title of ajari (Skt.
JcJrya) be awarded to Henjo (BZ.28.1326b4-1327a3). His petition
was soon approved. Moreover, according to Enchin's chronicle, the
ChishO daishi nenpu (compiled in 1467),48 at the cer-
emony of awarding the ajari title to Henjo, which was held on the ninth
day of the ninth month in Jogan 15 (873), Enchin also transmitted to
Henjo the sanshushicchi hOprocedure(BZ.28.1291a13-14; cf. BZ.28.
1327c). In addition, Annen reports that Henjo, after receiving the
transmission, continually inquired about the existence of any scriptural
source for the procedure.
49
Some Japanese scholars have suggested that
Henjo's request for a scriptural source may have prompted Enchin to
write KSSH (BKD 3: 136). Since Henjo received his ajari title and was
initiated into the sanshushicchi hO procedure in 873, it seems likely that
KSSH was written circa 873.
That Enchin did not know of T.907 until 882 is deduced from the fact
that as late as 882, Enchin was still searching for the scriptural source
for the three dhJra1}-fs and their correlation to the three ranks of attain-
ment or the three buddha-bodies. According to Enchin's Chronicle and a
letter entitled "Jo Chierin sanzo sho" J: (A letter to Tri-
pi!aka Chierin,50 BZ.28.1336-9), in the seventh month of Genkei 6
(882) Enchin wrote to Zhihuilun to ask for instruction on ques-
tions that he confessed had long perplexed him. With this letter, Enchin
sent to Zhihuilun a list of questions, referred to as "Kishfi" (A
collection of questions) in the letter. In this list, which is now preserved
as Kimon (Questions) in the ChishO Daishi zenshii
we fmd the following question:
48. Bussho kaisetsu daijiten (A complete dictionary of the Buddhist texts, hereafter
BKD; ed. ONO Gemmy6, 12 vols., Tokyo: Dait6 shuppansha 1932-36) 8: 8.
49. For Annen's report of Henj6's attitude toward the threefold attainment, see my
discussion in the next section.
50. Ch. Zhihuilun; Skt. Prajfiacakra, one of Enchin's previous Esoteric masters in
China, whose brief biography is found in the Song gaosengzhuan
(Biographies of eminent monks [compiled in] the Song Dynasty; T.2061.50.
723a4-12).
JIABS 21.1 58
A Vi Ra Hum Kham (the body of dharma)
A Vam Ram Hum Kham (the body of retribution)
A Ra Pa Ca Na (the body of transformation)
On the wall of the Tiangongsi :;R.'"i'j temple in theEastem Capital [of China]
(i.e. Luoyang was carved [a statement to the effect that these three groups
of five-syllable are the dhiira/}fs for the [buddha's] "three bodies"
(trika.ya). On which scripture is this saying based? It is also said that [these
three groups of] correspond to the three ranks of attainment. Does this
have any canonical support? If there is any unmistakable [scriptural] support,
please show its source in detail and take the trouble to teach me (BZ.27.1033a5-
8; emphasis added).
This question centres on the scriptural source for the threefold dhiiral}l-
body (or dhiiral}l-siddhi) correlation. The existence of this question
suggests that at least as late as 882 Enchin had not read T.907 or its
derivatives, since T.907, which correlates the three dhiiral}lS to the three
buddha:'bodies (cf. note <45, would have been just the sort of scrip-
tural source for which Enchin was looking. Had Enchin known of
T.907, it would not have been necessary to write to Zhihuilun on this
matter. Therefore, we must conclude that Enchin was unaware of T.907
and thus unable to quote from it when he wrote KSSH around 873 (nine
years prior to 882).
How, then, should the textual parallels between his KSSH and T.907
be interpreted? As a rule, textual parallels between two texts can be
explained by one of these two hypotheses: either (i) both texts borrow
from a third source, or (ii) one text borrows from the other. The first
hypothesis is not applicable to the textual parallels in T.907 and KSSH.
As noted above, a majority of the textual parallels in T.907 and KSSH
are credited by Enchin to the oral instruction he received from Faquan.
Since it is likely that Faquan himself did not consult scripture or any
other 8.purce for these instructions, the textual parallels in T.907 and
KSSH should properly be explained by the second hypothesis.
As argued above, Enchin was not aware of a text like T.907 when he
wrote KSSH; therefore, T.907 could not have been Enchin's source for
the sanshushicchi ho procedure. The sentences and ideas shared by
KSSH and T.907 must have been taken from KSSH by the author of
T.907. The ideas in T.907 that have parallels in KSSH must have been
based on knowledge of KSSH. Furthermore, there is no evidence to
suggest that Enchin's KSSH was ever transmitted to a country outside
Japan where Chinese was also used, such as China or Korea. If T .907
used KSSH as a textual source, then T.907 must have been manufac-
tured in Japan.
CHEN 59
The Japanese origin of T.907 is also suggested by its use of several
lines from the Nenchi shingon rikan keibyakumon
An explanation of the principle and contemplation of the dhiiralJ-l-
reciting) attributed to KUkai. This text contains the following eight lines:
All of the Tathagatas
[possess] wisdom-water like the sweet dew;
All the Buddhas of the "three times"
[possess] wonderful medicines like the finest cream.
With one syllable entering into the [five] viscera,
[the practitioners] become immune to every kind of illness.
[they are able to] attain immediately
the empty and tranquil buddha-body.Sl
A passage in T.907 closely resembles this eight-line section of Kukai's
work:
The dhiirar.zfs for the five-section as listed in the right are the pearl-liquid made of
the sweet dew of "non-production" (anutpiidatva) which comes from all the
Tathiigatas, the wonderful medicines of the finest cream of the buddha-nature.
With one syllable entering into the five viscera, [the practitioner] will become
immune to any kind of illness. Even more for those who practice the contempla-
tion of sun, that of moon. [They are able to] immediately attain the empty and
tranquil buddha-body (T.907.18.915a26-29; emphasis added).
As has been suggested by MISAKI, it is very unlikely that either Saicho
or Kukai ever knew anything of T.907 (cf. note <43. Therefore, the
appearance of these sentences, which are so similar to the lines in
Kukai's text, in T.907 strongly suggests that these sentences were
written on the basis of Kukai's text. As far as we know, as with En-
chin's KSSH, Kukai's Nenchi shingon rikan keibyakumon never found
its way to any East-Asian country other than Japan (e.g. China or
Korea) where Chinese was also used. This implies that T.907 was
composed in Japan, either by Enchin or by someone else who had not
only the incentive to create a text like T.907 but also the opportunity to
read Enchin's KSSH and Kukai's text.
Is it possible that T.907 was composed by Enchin himself? Enchin was
clearly in great need of a text like T.907 which could be used as a
decisive rebuttal to the challenge that the sanshushicchi hO procedure, as
depicted in one of SaichO's juhOmons, was not grounded in the canon.
However, the proposition that Enchin may have authored T.907 seems
51. Kobo Daishi zenshu (A complete collection of the works by
KobO Daishi [Kiikai]), 5 vols., HASE Hoshu et al. eds. (Kyoto: Yoshikawa
Kobunkan 1910) 5: 95.
nABS 21.1 60
irreconcilable with the existence of his KSSH. Had Enchin written
T.90? before KSSH, KSSH would no longer have been necessary.
T.90? would have already presented scriptural support for the threefold
dhaTW}f-siddhi correlation. Had he created T.90? after the composition
of KSSH, he would not have done so unless and until he had succeeded
in keeping KSSH from circulation (the best way, of course, would have
been to destroy it), since it would have been to his tremendous disadvan-
tage to have left behind a work so close to and therefore so strongly
reminiscent of a text which he had composed in the name of
Subhakarasirilhao Therefore, the similarities between T.90? and KSSH
strongly suggest that Enchin had no role in the forgery of T.907. This
further suggests that T.907 was written by a Tendai monk other than and
most likely after Encmn (obviously it would be safer and more conve-
nient to forge a scripture, based on a contemporary's work, after the
person's death). Consequently, we can conclude that T.907 was in part
based on Enchin's KSSH; but, that it was not written by Enchin but
appeared in Japan after Encmn's death in 89l.
If Enchin was not the author of To907, then who was? One natural
candidate is Annen (841-?), another great Tendai scholar-monk who was
born approximately 30 years after Enchin. It is thanks to Annen that a
text that can be identified as T.907 was "discovered" and made known to
the world for the first time. In the sixth fascicle of his seven-fascicle
work, the Taizokai daiho taijuki g.g..J1l (A record of face-
to-face transmissions of the great procedures belonging to the Matrix-
realm [line of Esoteric Buddhism]; T.2390; hereafter TDT), Annen
referred to a text called "Sonsh6 hajigoku hQ"
In addition, during the time Konpon Daishi ;J;N;zf>::*:lli of Mount Hiei (i.e. SaichO)
stayed in Tang China, Act:Yrya Shunxiao transmitted to him the sanshushicchi ho
pr<?.cedure, the seal and document of which are preserved in the Kenkairon engi.
[The document] says, Am-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham (the higher rank of attain-
ment), A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham (the intermediate rank of attainment), A-Ra-Pa-Sa-
Na (the lower rank of attainment). The mudrt:Y for the cultivation [of the proce-
dure] is not included [in the document]. Act:Yrya Chin (i.e. Enchin) said, "The
great Master transmitted [the procedure] to Kochi who transmitted [it] to
Tokuen 1!i!:!lm; Tokuen transmitted [it] to [me], Enchino" Enchin transmitted it to
the Great t:Yct:Yrya, i.e. the Gonsojo 1E,52 who often doubted the existence of
the methods [for securing the "three ranks of attainment"]' Recently, I discovered
52. The gonsoji5, a high-ranking monastic post second only to the sojo (the
highest monastic official supervising the Buddhist order), here refers to Henjo,
who was promoted to that position in 868.
CHEN 61
a copy of the text called Sonsha hajigoku ha containing the three groups of
dharrufi corresponding to the three kinds of attainment, which are close to those
taught by A.carya Shunxiao. The text reads, "A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na (which is called the
"attainment of Emerging"), A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham (which is called the "attainment
of Entering"), A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham (which is called the "attainment of
Mystery", ruso called "the attainment of accomplishment" and "wonderful attain-
ment" [Skt susiddhiD. A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham, which are illustrated as the
five sections, five buddhas, five wheels, the [five] contemplations {)f earth, lotus,
sun, moon and space, are also called the "dhara1)o1 for the dharma-body"
(T2390.75.98bl-12; emphasis added).
Annen suggests that, as far as he knows, he is the first to discover the
Sonsho hajigoku hO, which contains the peculiar form of estoteric
teaching that Shunxiao had allegedly transmitted to Saich6. Although all
three siddhi texts have been known as the Sonsho hajigoku hO, the spe-
cific use of this title by Annen and his quotations from this text establish
that he is referring neither to T.905 nor to T.906, but to T.907.
First, of the three siddhi texts, T.905 is the only one whose title does
not contain the term "Sonsha" one of the two core components of
the title by which Annen refers to the text. Also, T.906 and T.907 are
both known by the alternate title, "Buccha sonsha shin hajigoku ha"
(T.906.18.914b20, T.907.18.915c12), which is
close to Annen's "Sonsha hajigoku ha". In contrast, the alternate title
for T.905 is "Sanshushicchi himitsu shingon ha"
which is totally different from "Sonsha hajigoku ha". Therefore,
judging from the titles, the text Annen refers to as the SonshO hajigoku
hO in TDT could be T.906 or T.90?, but is probably not T.905.
An analysis of the quotation Annen took from the SonshO hajigoku hO
reveals its source. According to the quotation, in this Sonsho hajigoku
ho the five Sanskrit syllables are correlated with the "five, sections",
"five buddhas", "five wheels" and the five contemplations centring on
the earth, lotus, sun, moon and space. Annen also identifies the "five
syllables" as the "dhara1}fs for the dharma-body". In T.907 the "five
syllables" are first correlated to the "five buddhas" (915aI2-15), and
then to the "five sections/wheels" and "five contemplations" (cf. 912a
23-26). This corresponds with Annen's quotation precisely. In T.906,
the "five syllables" are correlated not only with the "five Buddhas"
(912b21-24), "five sections", "five wheels", and "five contemplations"
(912c17-21), but also with "five shapes" (square, full-moon-like [i.e.
round], triangular, half-moon-like [i.e. semi-circular], full-moon) and
"five colours" (yellow, white, red, black, and colour of all colours [i.e.
JIABS 21.1 62
green]) (912c17-21). T.90S gbes farther. One of its major sections is
devoted to the correlation of the "five syllables" to a series of fivefold
categories (both Buddhist Esoteric and Taoist), in addition to "five
Buddhas", "five sections", "five wheels", and "five contemplations" (see
T.90S.1S.909c7-91Ob2S). Furthermore, as reported by Annen, in the
Sonsho hajigoku ho the five' syllables were further identified as the
"dhiirar;f for the dharma-body" after they had been correlated with the
"five sections", "five wheels" and "five contemplations". This is COffi-
8V pletely consistent with T.907 but not T.906. In T.907, it is only after
those fivefold correlations are made that the five syllables are further
identified as the "dhiirar;f for dharma-body" (91Sa29-bl). In the case of
T.906, the identification of the "five syllables" as the "dhiirar;f for
dharma-body" is made, however, several lines before those correlations
are introduced (912c7-S). Therefore, the SonshO hajigoku ho as men-
tioned in Annen's work is not T.906, but T.907.
Since TDT not only refers to but also quotes from T.907, it would
seem to provide the terminus ante quem of T.907. Unfortunately, TDT
is undated. It is necessary to examine other sources in order to date
T.907. Another of Annen's works, a bibliography of Esoteric Buddhist
works called "Sho ajarishingonmikkyo buruisoroku"
(A complete bibliography of various dhiirar;f esoteric [works
brought back from China by] the [Japanese] Aciiryas; T.2176)53 proves
useful in this matter. The Hakke hiroku records a one-fascicle
text called "SonshO hajigoku darani giki" (The
procedure of the utmost wonderful dhiirar;fs for destroying hell). The
53. This biblography is better known as Hakke hiroku (A secret bibliogra-
phyi[based on the bibliographies by] the eight masters). It was initially compiled
in 885 and revised in 902. One edition of the Hakke hiroku dates the revision to
the seventh day of the fifth month, Engi 2 [902] (T.2176.55. 114aI6), while
the other dates it to the third day of the third month, Ninna 1 [885] (footnote [1],
T.2176. 55.1114), barely four months after the first version of the bibliography
was finished. In view of the volume and importance of the bibliography, it is very
unlikely that Annen had decided to redo the bibliography so soon after its initial
completion. The latter dating is therefore less tenable (cf. CHEN's dissertation:
172-73). The "eight esoteric bibliographies" that Annen used in compiling his
own bibliography refer to the eight Japanese Esoteric masters who, travelling to
study in Tang China, were known as the nitta hakke: (i) Saicho (767-822), (ii)
Kiikai (774-835), (iii) Jogyo (?-864), (iv) Engyo (799-852), (v) Ennin
(794-864), (vi) Eun (798-869), (vii) Enchin (814-891), and (viii) Shiiei
(809-884).
CHEN 63
interlinear note appended to this entry indkates that this text is also
alternately known as Sanshu shicchi hO (T.2176.55. lIl7al7). It is also
noteworthy that in the bibliography Annen follows this SonshO hajigoku
darani giki with another one-fascicle text entitled "Sanshushicchi fuhO"
(The dharma-transmission of the threefold attainment;
T.2176.55.11I7a18), which the interlinear note corresponding to this
entry identifies as Saich6's fuhomon included in the Kenkairon engi
attributed to SaichO (T.2176.55. l1I7a18).
Evidence shows that the SonshO hajigoku ho quoted in Annen's TDT
and the SonshO hajigoku darani hO recorded in his bibliography are one
and the same text, specifically, T.907.
54
This affirms that T.907 was
already recorded in the Bakke hiroku, either in its 885 edition or in the
revised version finished in 902. As argued above, T.907 was most likely
composed after 891. Therefore, T.907 was not recorded in the 885 draft
of the Bakke hiroku but was added to the revision in 902. This means
that T.907 appeared in Japan no later than 902. Consequently, I con-
clude that T.907 was written in Japan between 891 and 902.
Although it is not possible to establish the authorship of T.907
irrefutably, it seems likely that the author of T.907 was Annen. Annen is
the first to have reported the existence of T.907. As we know, Annen
was the most prominent Taimitsu representative after Enchin and Henj6.
Like Enchin, Annen may have been motivated to legitimize the san-
shushicchi ho procedure with authoritative textual sources. As a result,
he had a motive to forge a text such as T .907, thus providing scriptural
support for the practice of correlating the triple five-syllable dhiira1JlS to
the three kinds/ranks of attainment. Finally, Annen apparently had
access to Enchin's KSSH, which includes the oral instructions from
Faquan to Enchin. It would have been quite easy for Annen to write a
text containing the main points of Faquan's instructions and then to
make public the "discovery" of the text.
Here, one or two words about the polemical agenda underlying the
composition of T.907 seem appropriate. I think the above arguments
establish that T.907 was manufactured in Japan to authenticate the
Esoteric tradition attributed to SaichO in general and the sanshushicchi
54. First, the two titles are nearly identical. Second, both texts are closely connected
to Saich6'sjUhOmon. In TDT, Annen uses the SonshO hajigoku hO as a scriptural
source for the sanshushicchi hO procedure, exactly the core of SaichO'sjUhomon,
while the Hakke hiroku places the SonshO hajigoku darani hO side by side with
Saich6'sjUhOmon.
JIABS 21.1 64
hi5 procedure depicted in one of his fuhi5mons in particular. is clear
not only because T.907, along with its two affiliated texts (T.905 and
T.906), presents the only known textual support for the san,shushicchi ho
procedure, but also because its "discovery" was proclaimed at an occa-
sion when its "discoverer" (if not "inventor") Annen was pre-occupied
with locating the scriptural source for that peculiar esoteric
Finally, the strong polemical motives implied in KSSH,55 the most basic
55. Note, for example, the following statement in KSSH:
"This [procedure] is recorded in the "official certificate" (kanchiJ) [which
authorized the conferment of the title ot] iiciirya in the thirteenth year of
the Jogan period (872). Those who, out of their ignorance, slander my
master will be guilty of a crime punishable by death. Driven by a deep
pity for them, I hereby offer the irrefutable evidence [for the authenticity
of the sanshushicchi ha]. I hope my purpose [of writing this treatise] can
be understood by those who have a sense of shame" (BZ.27.986a3-5).
This statement suggests that at the time Enchin wrote KSSH Saicho was accused
of having transmitted to Japan some esoteric teachings lacking scriptural support.
As Enchin himself explains here, his motive in writing this treatise was precisely
to convince those who slandered Saich5 that Saich5's esoteric transmission has
canonical support.
In addition, another short treatise by Enchin which is closely connected with
KSSH, the Kyoji ryobu hiyogi (An explanation of the esoteric,
fundamental teachings related to the two divisions [of esoteric teachings];
hereafter KRHG; BZ.28.1087-8), also tries to justify the Taimitsu lineage as
depicted in Saich5' s fuhamon:
SubhakarasiriIha from India transmitted it, Master Yilin in China passed
it on, and Dharma-master Shunxiao taught it to [Master] Eizan (i.e.
Saich5). Thus, although the three countries (India, China and Japan) are
geographically separated, the essence of the "One-vehicle" is nonetheless
communicable. The siitras and teachings, transmitted from masters to
disciples, become illustrious. [The transmission of teachings] is clearly
recorded in the official certificates. But there are some persons who
insisted that these syllables, not found in the lin 'gangding jing, do not
have scriptural support They are exactly like those who, regarding
themselves as infallible while always blaming others, end up by
incurring losses to themselves. Why? The two siitras do contain some
passages which unambiguously [support the authenticity of these
Unable to reach the truth, one has no right to blame others
(BZ.28. 1087b3-8)
The lineage under discussion here is precisely identical with that described in
Saich5' s two fuhamons. It is clear that the legitimacy 'of this Taimitsu lineage,
along with the sanshushicchi ho procedure, had been severely attacked by some
Japanese Buddhists.
CHEN 65
source for T.907, make explicit the sectarian purpose of such texts.
T.907 was composed to pass as an esoteric scripture, which, since it
contains the sanshushicchi ho procedure, the Tendai monk hoped could
be used to counter the attack on this essential teaching transmitted within
the Tendai schooL
Thus, we arrive at the following conclusion with regard to the prove-
nance and date of T.907: T.907 was written in Japan, probably by
Annen, between 891 and 902 on the basis of several texts,56 including
Enchin's KSSH, for the purpose of legitimizing the sanshushicchi ho
procedure SaichO is said to have brought back to Japan from China.
ll. C. The Provenance and Dates of T.905 and T.906
In the previous section I argued for the Japanese origin of T.907. If I am
correct, T.905 and T.906, as two texts derived from T.907, must also
have been composed in Japan. In this section, I will show that, even
without resorting to my conclusion on the provenance of T.907, there is
sufficient evidence to establish the Japanese origin of at least T.905 (if
not of T.906 as well) independently.
As noted in section II. A, T.905 was enlarged on the basis of T.907. In
addition to those passages that were taken directly from T.907, T.905
contains two substantial sections not found in T.907.
57
The first section
S6. The author of T.907 made much use of Darijing and its sole Chinese
commentary by Yixing -1T (683-727) (Darijing shu *- B T.1796), which
was held to be an authorative text by almost every Esoteric Buddhist tradition in
East-Asia. One Darijing passage (T.848.18.20aI7-19) was quoted in T.907
(T.907.18.91SbI4-16). Two lines from a glltha in the Darijing (T.848.I8.4Sa8)
were used to begin the single glltha in T.907 (T.907.18.91SbI8). A whole
passage in T.907 (T.907.18. 91Sb7-8) is derived from Yixing's commentary
(T.1796.39.609c8-9). Further, the title of T.907 is closely connected with that of
the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing (T.967). Some ideas
propounded in this sutra were also incorporated in T.907 (CHEN's dissertation:
183). Finally, as noted above, several lines from the Nenchi shingon rikan
keibyakumon by Kukai were included in T.907, though in a prose form.
S7. Although mainly composed of these two major sections and T.907,- T.90S
contains a brief passage (T.90S.18.91la2-4) quoted from the Suxidi jieluo jing
(cf. T.893.18.603c6-8) and a long passage (T.90S.18.911aS-U), which was
written on the basis of several passages from two esoteric sutras, the lin 'gang-
ding chaosheng sanjiejing shuo Wenshu wuzi zhenyan shengxiang 9Z:IiHUmmMJ
(The excellent appearances of Mafijusrf's five-
syllable dhara1}f, as preached in the lin 'gangding chaosheng sanjie jing; T.II72;
cf. T.1172.20.709aI8, 709aI9-21, 709b27-28, 709b28-29, 709b29-cl) and the
lin 'gangdingjing Manshushili Pusa wuzi xintuoluonipin (The chapter about
llABS21.1 66
is found near the beginning of 1':905 (T.905.1S.909c7-91Ob25). Proba-
bly written largely by the author himself, this section includes five
sentences (T.905.1S.909c7-9, 909c24-27, lS.910aS-9, 910a19-21,
91Ob5-6) with parallels in KRHG (cf. BZ.2S.lOS7aS-9,' lOS7alO-ll,
1087a12, lOS7a13-14, lOS7a15-16).58The second section is found at the
end of T.905 (T.905.1S.911a27-912a27). This long section, with the
exception of one passage (in 911b4-6), can be divided into two groups:
(i) fourteen passages copied from Yixing's Darijing commentary59 and
MaiijusrI's five-syllable heart-dhara!/fpreached in the lin' gangding jing; T.II73;
cf. T.1173.20.71OaI7-19).
S8. fu addition, it is remarkable that several passages in the famous Chinese Buddhist
apocryphon, the Tiweipolijing (The book of and Bhallika),
were also used in this section of T.90S (cf. T.90S.I8.909clS-16,91OalS-
I6,910a29-b2; for their Tiweipoli jing parallels, see MAKIT A Tairyo, Gikyo no
kenkyu [A study of Buddhist apocrypha], Kyoto: Iimbun kagaku kenkyiisho
1977, p.I78).
S9. As was noted above, the three siddhi texts contain a number of esoteric ideas
which did not become popular for a long time after the death of SubhiikarasiIhha
and Yixing. Therefore, I assume that the three siddhi texts were written after
SubhakarasiIhha and Yixing and that the 14 passages in T.90S which have
parallels in Yixing's commentary must have been borrowed from Yixing's
commentary. In accordance with the ways they are related to Yixing's
commentary, these 14 passages can be divided into the following four groups:
(i) seven passages (found in [1] 911bI-4, [2] 911b6-10, [3] 911b14-18, [4]
911b20-22, [S] 911b22-23, [6] 91lcS-6, [7] 912a8-18), which were directly
taken from the following seven passages in Yixing's commentary: (1)
T.1796.39.656aI7-20, (2) 623a6-1O, (3) 6S3bI-4, (4) 70Sc27-29, (S) 706b13-
15, (6) 706a7-11, and (7) 647b2-14;
two passages (911b18-21, 911c24,26) which are almost directly quoted
from Yixing's commentary with only some slight adaptations (cf. 7S0alS-18;
788aI3-IS);
(iii) four passages which resulted from the combination of two or more
passages in Yixing's commentary: (1) the T.905 passage in 911blO-13 was
based on two passages in the commentary (cf. 746a4 and 666b16-I9); (2) the
T.90S passage in 91 Ib23-c5 was based on the following three passages in the
commentary: 666b19-25, 631b2-S and 789a27-b3; (3) the T.90S passage in
91lc10-24 was written on the basis of the following two long passages in
Yixing's commentary: 788a25-b14 and 788b14-23; (4) the T.90S passage in
9I2aS-7 was based on the following five sentences from the commentary:
S86b21, 586c23, S87b7, and 586blS-16.
(iv) one passage (91lc6-1O) which can be regarded as a summary of a long
passage in Yixing's commentary (cf. 787c2S-788a12).
CHEN 67
(ii) five passages
60
parallelled in three of Enchin's works, specifically,
KRHG, the Zashiki (The miscellaneous, personal notes; hereafter
ZSK; BZ.27.977-984), and the Daibirushanajodokyo shinmoku ::*.:mli:
EI (The heart and eyes of the Mahiivairocana-sutra; here-
hereafter DKSM; BZ.26.648-6SS). In addition, the author of T.90S also
inserted two sentences (T.90S.18.911a2, 911a2S-26), parallels to which
are found in KRHG (cf. BZ.28.1087a4, 1087b2-3), into sections taken
from T.907. Thus, T.90S shares a total of seven sentences and five
passages with three of Enchin's works. How should we understand these
textual parallels?
There are only two possible explanations for the textual parallels be-
tween T.90S and Enchin's works: either both Enchin and the T.90S
author owe these textual parallels to a third source, or one of them
copied from the other. The first explanation being very unlikely,61 the
textual parallels between T.90S and Enchin's works must be understood
by means of the assumption that one text borrowed from the other.
We can determine the identity of the textual borrower if we can rule
out the possibility that Enchin knew anything of T.90S when he wrote
these three works. Since we know that as late as 882 Enchin knew
nothing of the three siddhi texts (among which is T.90S), to try to date
60. These five passages are found in (i) T.905.1S.911a27-bl (KRHG parallel in
BZ.2S.lOS7a17-b2), (ii) 911c26-912a3 (ZSK parallel in BZ.27.9S0alO-13), (iii)
912a3-5 (its three component sentences have their parallels in DKSM [BZ.26.
652bS, 653a4, 653aS]), (iv) 912alS-22 (two sentences of which find their
parallels in DKSM [BZ.26.652a15, 650a5-6]), and (v) 912a21-27 (KRHG
parallel in BZ.2S.lOS7bS-l0SSa4).
61. The author ofT.905, in writing I compiling its concluding section, makes frequent
reference to Yixing's commentary. Consequently, had these passages been
quoted from a third source, it is likely that they would have quoted from Yixing's
commentary. Yet these passages are not included in Yixing's commentary and
cannot have been derived from this source. Furthermore, neither Enchin nor
T.905 acknowledges that these passages were taken from a third source. How-
ever, it is the following fact that makes the existence of a third source for these
passages extremely unlikely: T.905 and KRHG share two identical passages and
seven sentences. In view of the brevity of both T.905 and KRHG (T.905 is of no
more than 4,400 characters, while the KRHG contains barely SOO characters), it
is very unlikely that the two texts happened to agree in quoting so many virtually
identical passages from a third source. The only reasonable explanation must be
that one of them copied these passages from the other. Similarly, the remaining
three passages shared by T.905 and Enchin's works can also be explained by this
hypothesis.
JIABS 21.1 68
these three works seems to bea good strategy to determine whether or
not Enchin has quoted from T.90S. If the three works (or even one of
them) can be shown to have been composed before then we can
conclude that Enchin could not have used T.90S in writing these works.
The ZSK passage that is paralleled by one passage in T.90S is dated by
Enchin himself to the day of the twelfth month, J6gan 4
(872) (BZ.27.981a7). In other words, this ZSK passage was written
precisely one decade before 882. According to the postscript at the end
of DKSM, Enchin wrote DKSM while staying at the Monastery of
Shitenn6ji on Mt. in the Prefecture of Chinzai follow-
ing his visit to Mt. Tiantai (BZ.26.6S4b17-6SSa2). This implies that
DKSM was written shortly after Enchin returned from China in 8S8,
almost a quarter of a century before 882. We have no reliable evidence
with which to date KRHG, which Enchin himself failed to date. None-
theless, this treatise is closely related to KSSH and seems to have been
written around the same time, that is, around 873, almost one decade
before 882 (cf. BKD 3: 136).
Thus, at least two (i.e. ZSK and DKSM) of Enchin's three works,
which share textual parallels with T.90S, were composed before 882.
Therefore, we can say with confidence that the three passages in T.90S
whose parallels were found in these two works by Enchin were either
taken directly from, or re-written on the basis of, Enchin's works. As
for KRHG, though its dating as proposed here is far from certain, we
have evidence to show that Enchin's students ascribed one passage
shared by T.90S and KRHG to Enchin, rather than to SubhakarasiIhha,
the alleged translator of T.90S.
62
This suggests that at the time of editing
this posthumous work of Enchin, his disciples were still unfamiliar with
T.90S. Qtherwise, they would certainly have hesitated to collect into
their m,Gter's Zakki a passage which could also be found in a siitra puta-
tively translated by Subhakarasirhha. At the very least, they would have
noted that this passage is also found in T.90S. This also supports the
62. The T.905 passage in 912a21-27, paralleling one KRHG passage in BZ.28.
1087b8-1088a4, was included in Enchin's Zakki (The miscellany, BZ.28.
1116a7-15), which was probably edited by Enchin's disciples after his death.
Presumably, this Zakki includes Enchin's occasional remarks, lectures, and com-
ments which seemed important to his disciples. In this short collection, the pas-
sage is marked as Enchin's (who was called sanna ilI.:E, the "mountain-king"
[Enchin once served as the abbot of the Sann6in monastery on Mount
Hiei]).
CHEN 69
view that Enchin never read T.90S. Otherwise, given the importance of
this text, it is extremely unlikely that Enchin would have failed to refer
his students to it.
Weare thereby able to conclude that when Enchin wrote the three
works which share a number of textual parallels with T.90S, he knew
nothing of T.90S and therefore could not have quoted from T.90S. All
the passages in T.90S that appear in Enchin's works must have been
taken from Enchin's works, and not vice versa. In other words, T.90S,
like T.907, was also composed in Japan, where a borrowing from
Enchin's works could have occurred.
Now we turn to T.906. A close textual analysis of T.906 reveals that it
is composed on the basis of the following seven sources: the first is,
needless to say, T.907; the second is two passages in Yixing's commen-
tary;63 the third is several passages that can be found in an Esoteric text
translated by Bukong (T.IOS6) and a work by Annen as well (i.e. the
Kongokai daihO taUuki [A record of face-to-face
transmissions of the great procedures belonging to the Diamond-realm
[line of Esoteric Buddhism]; T.2391; hereafter KDT);64 the fourth is
one passage that is found exclusively in KDT;65 the fifth is a passage
that is probably taken from another kongokai text - T.878;66 the sixth is
several sentences from one of Zhiyi's commentaries on the Vimalakfrti-
sutra;67 and the seventh is several passages probably written by the
author of T.906 himself.68
A key to unravelling the provenance of T.906 is provided by the
textual parallels shared by T.906 and Annen's KDT. It is possible either
63. T.906.18.912c17-24, for the parallel in Yixing's commentary, see T.1796.39.
586bll-13; 727c8-23.
64. T.906.18.912c25-913a2, its T.1056 parallels in T.1056.20.75all-19; T.906. 913a
2-12, for its parallels in T.1056 and KDT, see T.1056.20.75a19-22, T.2391.75.
139c24-29.
65. T.906.18.913a12-18, its KDT parallel is found in T.2391.20.139c29-140a8.
66. T.906.18.913a18-b3, its parallel in T.878 is found in T.878.18.336a3-c12.
67. T.906.18.913c27-29, for the original text in Zhiyi's work, see T.1777.38.553a
20-21
68. These passages include (i) a large passage (T.906.18.912c23-913b25) describing
a picture, in which several syllables are transformed into a number
of images characterizing a buddha-field peopled by Mahavairocana-buddha and
his companions; (ii) T.906.18.913b4-8; (iii) T.906.18.914al-bll, in which the
tri-chiliocosm is classified into three ranks and some characteristic ideas of
hajigoku are propounded.
nABS 21.1 70
that (i) KDT borrowed the passage from T.906, or (ii) T.906 topk this
passage from "KDT. The second assumption is closer to the truth, be-
cause Annen, as I will show below, had not read T.905 by; the time he
wrote KDT.69 If this is true, T.906 was not only based on T.907 but also
drew from one of Annen's worlcs, which attests to the Tendai origin of
T.906.7
Having determined the Japanese origin of T.905 and T.906, let us
attempt to determine how closely we can approximate their dates. It is
remarkable that Annen mentioned neitherT.905 nor T.906 in his Bakke
hiroku and TDT, although he did mention in both of them a text that I
have identified as T.907. As noted above, in referring to or quoting
from T.907 in TDT or the Bakke hiroku, Annen was pre-occupied with
canonical support for the sanshushicchi hO procedure in Saich6' s fuho-
mono Without doubt, the existence of two esoteric texts like T.905 and
T.906 would have considerably strengthened his claim that the sanshu-
shicchi ho procedure was supported by scripture. In view of this, had
Annen known of T.905 or T.906, we may assume that he would have
referred the reader to the two texts in his TDT and Hakke hiroku, as he
did with T.907. Thus, Annen's failure to mention T.905 or T.906 in
TDT or Bakke hiroku suggests that he did not know the two texts when
he composed/ compiled TDT / Hakke hiroku.
Considering Annen's rare erudition and the likelihood that he would
have appreciated the significance of T.905 and T.906 had they come to
his attention, Annen's ignorance of T.905 and T.906 in 902, the year he
69. As is to be discussed below, Annen did not know T.905 and T.906 when he
wrote TDT. Given the similar form and nature of TDT and KDT, the two works
must I;tave been written at approximately the same time. Thus, there is little chance
that:Annen had read T.906 by the time of writing KDT, let alone used it in his
KDT. Here, I confess to the speculative nature of this dating of KDT and
"Annen's connection with T.906. Fortunately, we have more reliable evidence to
establish that T.905 and T.906 were composed by other people who lived after
Annen. As noted in section II. A, the author of T.905 or T.906, in dividing G.907
into two gathas, erroneously separated several lines of G.907 which are devoted
to the same theme and therefore cannot be read separately. This would mean that
the author of T.905 or T.906 is unlikely to have been the author of this gatha in
T.907, who probably was Annen. In other words, T.905 or T.906 was very
unlikely to have been written by Annen. Furthermore, T.905 or T.906 was
prepared on the basis of T.907. Therefore, T.905 and T.906 were prepared in
Japan after Annen.
70. Another piece of evidence for its Tendai origin is its use of one of Zhiyi's com-
mentaries on the Vimalakfrti-sutra.
CHEN 71
finished revising the Bakke hiroku, suggests that T.90S and T.906 did
not exist at that time. Thus, the year 902 can be tentatively set as the
terminus post quem for the composition of T.90S and T.906.
The terminus ante quem of T.90S and T.906 can be determined with
reference to the Shijuji5 ketsu (T.240S, Forty chapters of in-
structions), compiled by a Tendai monk called ChOen :R* 0016-
lOS1). According to the Shijuji5 ketsu, ChOen's teacher K6gei .!l
(977 -1049) remarked:
A different version of the Sonshi5 hajigoku says, "The 'dharmakaya-as-the-
wisdom' is also called the body of retribution" (and so forth). This passage is
consistent [with what I said here]. It calls the "dharmakaya-as-the-wisdom" the
"principal [retribution]" (sha[ha] .IE[$]), implying that the object and wisdom
correspond with each other in a mysterious way (T.240S.75.S71c29-S72a2).
This remark, which ChOen dates to the twenty-third day of the seventh
month of Eish6 71<* 2 (1047) (T.240S.7S.870c19), provides an impor-
tant clue for setting the terminus ante quem of T.90S. Of the three siddhi
texts, T.90S is the only text containing the phrase, "The 'dharmakaya-
as-the-wisdom' is also called the body of retribution", quoted by K6gei
in the Shijuji5 ketsu (T.90S.18.909c27-28). Therefore, T.90S was known
to K6gei in 1047. Hence, this year can be established as the terminus
ante quem of T.90S, and T.905 must have been composed in Japan some
time between 902 and 1047.
The same Shijuji5 ketsu also records a comment K6gei is alleged to
have made in the fourth month of ChOkyll 3 (i.e. 1042) on a text
called "SonshOhajigoku he" The comment reads:
The master [K6gei] says: "The five wheels are exactly the five wisdoms and five
buddhas, just as [it is discussed] in the Sonsha hajigoku ha" (and so forth). [This
comment was] made in the fourth month of Ch6kyil 3 (T.240S.75. S27alS-19).
Judging by the title alone, the SonshO hajigoku hO may be any of our
three siddhi texts. However, since of the three siddhi texts only T.906
correlates the five wheels with five wisdoms and five buddhas (T.906.
IS.912c17-21), this text called "Sonsh6 hajigoku h6" must have been
T.906. T.906 was, then, known to a Tendai monk by 1042. Thus, the
year 1042 can be given as the terminus ante quem for the composition of
T.906, and T.906 must have been composed in Japan some time between
902 and 1042.
This part has examined the origins of three Esoteric Buddhist texts that
are preserved in the TaishO Tripi!aka under the numbers 905, 906 and
907. With regard to the provenance of these three siddhi texts, Japanese
JIABS21.1 72
scholars, rejecting the traditional view of ascribing all of them to SUbha-
karasiIi1ha, have unanimously concluded that they were compbsed in
China. Compelling textual evidence, however, shows that the three
siddhi texts were all composed in Japan. I have in this pait established
the terminus post quem and terminus ante quem of the three siddhi texts
as follows: (1) T.907: 891-902; (2) T.90S: 902-1047; (3) T.906: 902-
1042. On the basis of the textual evidence currently at our disposal,
Annen is the most likely candidate for the authorship of T.907, the
earliest of the three siddhi texts.
In this part I have also discussed the textual sources of these three
siddhi texts. T.907 was based mainly on Enchin's KSSH, which was
written to legitimize the esoteric teachings and lineage as described in a
dharma-transmission certificate (fuhomon) attributed to SaichO. The
author of T.907 availed himself of the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing,
Darijing, Yixing's commentary on the sutra and most strikingly, a text
attributed to Kukai (Nenchi shingon rikan keibyakumon). The formation
of T.907 can be shown as follows:
Ketsu sanshushichi hi5 (Enchin) + Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing
(T.967) + Darijing (T.848) + Darijing shu (Yixing)(T.1796) +
Nenchi rikan Keibyakumon (Kilkai) ==> T.907
In contrast to T.907, the formation of T.90S and T.906 prove to be rela-
tively complicated. Apart from T.907, which was wholly reproduced in
T.90S, three treatises by Enchin, Yixing's Darijing commentary, several
esoteric sutras (including the prestigious Suxidi jieluo jing), and finally,
an early Chinese Buddhist apocryphon, the Tiweipoli jing, which
exerted a sustained influence on Chinese Buddhism, were used in the
composition of T.90S. The formation of T.90S can be outlined as
follows:"" .
T.907 + Enchin (Kyoji ryobu hiyogi, Dai Birushana jodokyo shin-
moku, Zashiki) + Yixing (Darijing shu) + T.1l41 (Cishi Pusa lue-
xiu yujia niansongfa + T.Il72 lin' gangding chaoshengsanjiejing
shuo Wenshu wuzi zhenyan shengxiang) + T.1l73 (lin'gangding
jing Wenshushili Pusa wuzi xintuoluoni pin) + T.893 (Suxidi
jieluo jing) + Tiweipoli jing ==> T.90S
T.906 is strongly influenced by kongokai works. The author of T.906
used at least two passages from a work by Annen concerning the
CHEN 73
kongokai-line teachings and practices transmitted in the Tendai esoteric
tradition. Incorporated into T.906 were also several passages from some
kcmgokai-related sfitras, such as T.878 and T.I056. Interestingly, the
author of T :906 also included passages from one of Zhiyi' s commen-
taries on the 'Vimalakfrti-siitra, the Weimojing xuanshu
Thus, the formation of T.906 can be summarized as follows:
T.907 + Annen (Kongokai daihO taijuki) + T.878 (lin' gangding
jing jin' gangjie dadaochang Biluzhe 'na Rulai zishouyongshen nei-
zhengzhi juanshu foshenyimingfo zuishangcheng mimi sanmodi
lizanwen
+ T.1056 (lin 'gang-
ding yujia qianshou qianyan Guanzizai Pusa xiuxing yigui jing
+ T.1777 (Weimo-
jing xuanshu) ==> T.906
It is important to recognize the polemical context within which the three
siddhi texts were composed. An "international" dharma-transmitting lin-
eage, first proposed in a fuhOmon attributed to SaichO (i.e. the Bisha-
mondo MS) and then maintained by the whole Tendai tradition, con-
nects SaichO and other Tendai patriarchs with the celebrated Indian Eso-
teric Buddhist master SUbhakarasiIilha. According to this fuhomon,
SaichO was linked to SubhiikarasiIilha through a monk called Yilin
(whom this fuhOmon describes as a leading disciple of SubhiikarasiIilha)
and his disciple - Shunxiao, SaichO's putative Esoteric mentor in China.
In the Post-SaichO Tendai school this "international" dharma-transmis-
sion was promoted so enthusiastically that the legitimacy of the whole
Tendai tradition became heavily dependent on it. This, however, pre-
sented the Tendai school with a problem: the threefold
ment correlation (better known as sanshushicchi hO), which occupied a
central place in the Esoteric teachings attributed to SaichO, had no
known scriptural support. Without scripturai support, the sanshushicchi
hO procedure, the "international" dharma-transmission, and thus, the
foundations of the Tendai esoteric tradition were open to question. The
existence of the canonical source for the sanshushicchi hO procedure was
even doubted by some eminent Tendai leaders themselves. Some non-
Tendai monks openly accused Tendai of lacking any scriptural support
for the fundamental Esoteric teachings attributed to Saicho. I have tried
to show in this part that T.907, as well as two affiliated texts (T.905 and
T.906), were written in Japan in order to rebut this allegation.
JIABS 21.1 74
Conclusions
This article consists ofa critical study of the formation 'of early Tendai
Esoteric Buddhism (also known as "Taimitsu") in early Heian Japan. It
focuses on one aspect of the sectarian and polemical environment in
which Taimitsu was created and developed into a significant presence in
Japanese religious life. The polemic environment under discussion in
this article was characterized by a fierce and protracted sectarian contro-
versy between Tendai and Shingon over the orthodoxy of the esoteric
tradition allegedly brought back to Japan from China by Saich6, the
founding patriarch of the Tendai school.
I began with an investigation of how Saich6 and his followers
responded to the challenge which was mainly posed by their rivals, the
Shingon monks. Shingon monks questioned the authenticity of the
Tendai esoteric tradition. We find that at the outset Saich6 suggested in
his Esshiiroku bibliography that the initiation he received from Shunxiao
was close to a kongokai transmission. However, in his late years when he
defended in the Kenkairon his Buddhist transmissions from China,
Saich6 reinterpreted his initiatioI1 from Shunxiao as composed of a dual
transmission (i.e. taizokaiand kongokai).
After Saicho died in 822, his immediate and/or second-generation
disciples, who were eager to create a full-fledged Tendai form of Eso-
teric Buddhism capable of competing with Shingon, attempted to legiti-
mate and develop the esoteric tradition in the name of their master.
Their effort in this regard is evidenced in a series of documents which
were either left by Saich6 himself and seriously altered by them, or pre-
pared by them independently within the two to four decades after their
master's demise.
A so-called "court edict" was first forged, or altered, in order to glo-
rify Shunxiao, Saich6's chief Esoteric mentor in China. Then, a
"dharma-transmission certificate" (fuhomon) was forged in order to
establish formally the historical reality of the esoteric initiation Saich6
received from Shunxiao on the one hand, and to incorporate Saicho into
a prestigious lineage starting from SubhakarasiIhha on the other. Subse-
quently, probably immediately after Ennin returned from China, a docu-
ment was deliberately prepared within the Tendai circle as a second
fuhOmon from Shunxiao. This new fuhOmon is of great significance not
merely for its reinterpretation of SaichO' s initiation from Shunxiao, but
also for its implicit claim that SaichO was initiated into an esoteric tradi-
tion which was composed of a triple esoteric transmission (the soshicchi
CHEN 75
in addition to taizokai, kongokai) and therefore superior to the dual eso-
teric transmission Kilkai received from China. Finally, as the scriptural
support for the peculiar Esoteric teachings in terms of which Saicho's
initiation was reinterpreted in this new fuhomon, three siddhi texts were
composed successively by Tendai monks. The great Tendai scholar-
monk Annen was very likely the author of T.907, which I have proved
to be the earliest of the three siddhi texts. .
The conclusions at which this article arrives undercut the historical
validity of the traditional view of the establishment of the Tendai form
of Esoteric Buddhism in Japan. However, it is my hope that these nega-
tive conclusions can be turned into a positive agenda for future research.
Now that we know that most of the documents regarding Saicho's
esoteric transmissions were composed sometime after Saicho's death and
in the course of the evolution of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism, we can
begin a more focused historical investigation of this process. Scholars
can turn from a fruitless search for the roots of Tendai Esoteric
Buddhism in China to a closer look at Japan.
In addition, I hope that this article might draw more scholarly atten-
tion to a host of Buddhist apocrypha which, with their Indian origin
denied, have long been regarded as Chinese but which might have been
produced in Japan or Korea.
As I show in part two, there exists ample evidence suggesting the
Japanese origin of the three siddhi texts. Unfortunately, some unfounded
assumptions have prevented scholars working on the three siddhi texts
from carefully assessing the relevant evidence. They have accepted
almost without hesitation that China is the sole possible source for any
allegedly Buddhist scriptures whose Indian origin became, in one way or
another, discredited. This practice has been recently challenged by
Robert BUSWELL, who argues for the Korean origin of a Buddhist
apocryphon, the lin'gang sanmei jing ~ I J i j J U ~ J I * ~ (Kof. Kumgang
sammae-kyong; Jp. Kongo sanmai kyo; Skt. Vajrasamadhisiitra), which,
he argues, was written in Korea but also circulated in China, and exerted
an enormous influence on Chinese Buddhism, particularly the formation
of Chan ideology.71
71. Robert BUSWELL, The Formation of Ch'an Ideology in China and Korea:
Vajrasamadhi Sutra, A Buddhist Apocryphon, Princeton: Princeton University
Press 1989).
JIABS 21.1 76
BUSWELL'S research underscores, on the one hand, the necessity of
reevaluating the "international" role the Chinese language had played for
a long period in the evolution of East Asian civilization. On the other,
by re-identifying as Korean a Buddhist apocryphon which lias been long
accepted as Chinese, BUSWELL's work calls for a re-appraisal of the
contributions non-Chinese East Asian people (who once used Chinese)
have made to East Asian civilization. It reminds us that not all textual
sources in Chinese were necessarily written by Chinese and in China. I
hope that this article will contribute to this important reevaluation.
MIRIAM LEVERING
Dagen's Raihaitokuzui and
Women Teaching in Sung Ch'an
As is well known, Dagen Kigen Zenji J!!5C$:trfliiBiJi (1200-1253), the
founder of Japan's Sata ltfnwJ Zen movement, spent five years visiting
and studying at a number of Ch' an monasteries in China. After he returned
from Sung * China in 1227 as an heir to Iu-ching Dharma, he
stayed for a few years at Kenninji the Tendai:R.# temple where
he had originally become a disciple of the Zen teacher Myazen
Around 1230 he moved to a small hermitage in Fukakusa and there
his circle of students began to form. At his hermitage in Fukakusa in
1235 and 1236 Dagen raised money to build a Monks' Hall (sodo
a characteristically Sung Ch'an style training hall, and subsequently
changed the name of his temple there to KashOji In 1243, for
reasons he never revealed in extant sources, Dagen left Kashaji and led
his disciples into the mountains of Echizen where with the help
and protection of warrior-class patrons he built a new monastery.
Although we do not know a lot about Dagen's early efforts to collect a
group of students during the thirteen years that he taught at what became
Kashaji, there is evidence that his community of disciples and donors
included nuns. In 1231 he wrote a Dharma instruction to a nun, Ryanen
whom he addressed and praised as a serious practitioner. In 1234 a
nun named Egi joined his community as one of a group of Daruma-shii
disciples. Both Ryanen and Egi reappear in records we have
from his Echizen period, which suggests that they remained in
Dagen's circle for a good long time. The Daruma-shii group to which the
nun Egi belonged also included the monk Eja who between 1235
and 1237 wrote down excerpts of Dagen's talks and responses to questions,
forming a text called the "Record of Things Heard" (J. Zuimonki /l.ialifj
One exchange in this text features an unnamed nun asking Dagen a
question, which suggests that at Dagen's teaching sessions nuns attended.!
1. Scholars have suggested caution in using the Zuimonki as a source for
Dogen's biography. Whether that doubt should extend to this particular piece of
evidence that Dogen had nuns in his sangha I am not able to judge.
JIABS 21.1 78
D6gen had women financial supporters as well: in 1237 the aristocratic
nun Sh6gaku IE1tn::. donated a lecture hall for K6sh6ji? .
In 1240, during this K6sh6ji period, D6gen also a sermon
later included in his Shob6genzo entitled Raihaitokuzui
till (Bowing [to the Teacher] and Obtaining the [Teacher's] Marrow). The
sermon begins with the theme of how to choose a teacher and how to
obtain the teacher's marrow, his or her most profound teaching, namely,
awakening. But it becomes in large part a sermon on how awakened nuns
and lay women, though lower in status in the sangha than awakened
monks, are worthy of being honored by monks and lay men and are
worthy of being their teachers.
Some scholars have suggested that for D6gen, as for the founders of
others of the new Kamakura .E- Buddhist groups such as Shinran
and Nichiren an interest in welcoming women as practitioners and
establishing a doctrinal position that assured them of eventual salvation
could have been a way of differentiating himself from the world of Shingon
fit , the Vinaya school and Tendai, with their policies of asserting male
superiority and excluding women from their practice realms (Mt. K6ya
iW6!H/J, Kl1kai ?E}fij's Shingon practice center, is a well-known exam-
ple).3 There is no question but that in this sermon D6gen was critical of
the attitudes and practices relating to women that he found current in
Japan in a way that radically took on established practices. Whatever his
motivation, the sermon must indeed have had a differentiating effect.4
2. On the subject of women in Dogen's sangha, see TAJIMA Hakudo, Dagen
Keizan rya Zenji no nisakan (Nagoya: Sot6-shu Kot6 Nigakurin Shuppanbu
1953); TAJIMA Hakudo, Sat6-shu nisoshi (Tokyo: Satashu Nisadan Honbu [Sanyo
Sha] J955); ISHIKAWA Rikizan, "ChUsei Bukkya ni okeru ni no isa ni tsuite:
toki'Iii shoki Sat6-shU kyadan no jirei 0 chushin to shite", Komazawa Daigaku
Zenkenkyiljo nenpa 3: 141-53 (March, 1992). In English see Paula Kane ROBINSON
ARAl, Zen Nuns: Living Treasures of Japanese Buddhism, unpublished Ph.D
dissertation Harvard University, 1993.
3. ISHIKAWA Rikizan, "Chusei no Bukkyo ni okeru ni no isa ni tsuite (jo),"
p. 141-42. ISHIKAWA cites HOSOKAWA Ryoichi, "Seirinji saji to ni" in Tsukui
to oshie, series Josei to Bukkya 2, April 1989 on this point, an essay I have not
had an opportunity to examine. On Dagen's own failure to transcend the traditional
"three followings and five hindrances" framework for viewing women, see
ISHIKAWA Rikizan, "Dagen no 'Nyoshin fujobutsu ron' ni tsuite - juni kanbon
Shabagenza no seikaku 0 meguru oboegaki", Komazawa Daigaku Zenkenkyiljo
nenpa 1: 88-123 (March 1990).
4. It is interesting, though, that the section of the sermon that includes Dagen's
LEVERING 79
Other scholars have suggested that Dagen's real purpose in giving this
sermon was to make the point that true students of the Way would be
willing to take him as a teacher: indeed, as the true teacher of Buddhism
in Japan.
s
After all, even though Dagen claimed aristocratic birth, he
himself at the time was also of low status in some ways. His social
origins, marred perhaps by illegitimacy, had been insufficient to enable
him to rise high in the Tendai school hierarchy. In moving from Kenninji
to the small retreat in Fukakusa he had abandoned the support and protection
of the Tendai establishment. Further, in 1240 he apparently had no powerful
patron among the Kyato aristocrats. The monks who joined Dagen at
KashOji similarly cut themselves off from the traditional route to monastic
fame and leadership. They may indeed have been low-status monks: As
William BODIFORD points out in his study of early Sat6 Zen, "many of
Dagen's early sayings seem addressed especially to the lower economic
class of monks who lacked the luxury of devoting all their time to scholastic
study.,,6
This line of interpretation may have some plausibility. Certainly Dagen's
own lack of unambiguously high status is one context we should not
forget as we listen to this sermon. Yet to suggest that Dagen was talking
about awakened women solely in order to talk indirectly about himself
would in my view be to take this line of interpretation too far. For one
thing, an important fact that we should also not forget is the presence of
women in his early sangha: it is possible, even likely, that the audience
listening to this sermon was not exclusively male. As mentioned above,
there is evidence that Dagen's community of disciples included women.
Even though in the Raihaitokuzui Dagen seems to be addressing male
students, as he talked he may have had in mind some woman or women
whom he could recommend as teachers, or some members of his audience
attack on the practice of forbidding women from entering certain temples seems
not to have been included in the version of the ShObOgenzo that
circulated before the eighteenth century; it was found at Eiheiji in the
Secret Shobogenzo. Perhaps Dagen's followers had reasons for not wanting to
distance their struggling movement so radically from the established sects.
5. This suggestion was made by Morten SCHLUTTER at a conference on Sung
Buddhism held at the University of illinois in April 1996.
6. William M. BODIFORD, SotO Zen in Medieval Japan (Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, Kuroda Institute Studies in East Asian Buddhism no. 8, 1993), p.
25. Much of my summary of Dagen's career in Japan after his return from
China, and my suggestion that Dagen was not a high-status monk, are indebted
to BODIFORD's account on p. 22-26.
JIABS 21.1 80
whom he knew to be personaily interested in the question of whether
women could become awakened and teach.
7
.
Yet another line of interpretation, one that puts religious insight and the
doctrines related to it at the center of the discussion of a sermon by this
man who has in modern times been widely thought to be a religious
genius, rests on the observation that both the logic of Ch'an and Zen
thought and the insight approved of in the school radically challenge any
kind of essentialist dualism.
8
This point is expressed well by Paula
ARAI. ARAI writes:
Just three years before he left for Echizen, [Dagen] wrote this impassioned
text in the spring of 1240 in order to extinguish the errors of those who harbor
incorrect thoughts about women and the Dharma. He writes with conviction,
yet there is a hint of incredulity that serious students of the Dharma have not
yet realized the meaning of the fundamental teaching that 'all existents are
Buddha-nature' .
9
ARAI points out that a radical non-dualism was Dagen's fundamental
understanding and teaching during this time. This radical non-dualism
led Dagen to reinterpret in 1241 in an essay entitled Bussho ~ I t ! the
famous statement of the Nirva;1Ja Si1tra that "all sentient beings have the
Buddha-nature" to read "all existents are Buddha-nature". Should we be
surprised that one whose mind dwelt on (or in) non-duality would discuss
the implications of this non-dualism for eradicating a highly dualistic and
unproductive way of constructing one's world that he could see everywhere
around him in the prevailing gender construction?
In this essay I would like to bring to the reader's attention an additional
historical point to consider in understanding why Dagen preached the
Raihaitokuzui,namely, the way in which women's ability to master and
teach the fundamental insights of Ch' an Buddhism had been represented
"':'''
7. In the texts of Sung China one can usually find a close correlation between a
master's mention of the possibility of a woman becoming awakened through
Ch'an study and the recorded presence of a woman either as intended audience
for a letter or poem in which the point is made or as sponsor of the sermon in
which the point is made.
8. See my "The Dragon Girl and the Abbess of Mo-shan: Gender and Status in
Ch'an Buddhist Tradition", JIABS 5.1 (1982): 19-35, and LEVERING, "Lin-chi
Ch' an and Gender: the Rhetoric of Equality and the Rhetoric of Heroism", in
Jose Ignacio Cabezon ed., Buddhism, Sexuality and Gender (Albany, N.Y.:
SUNY Press 1992), pp. 137-56.
9. ARAI, Zen Nuns, p. 83.
LEVERING 81
to him during his five years as a Ch' an student in Sung China. This
aspect of his experience and its implications have not received adequate
attention from scholars of women in Japanese Buddhism or from scholars
of Dagen. This is no doubt because the degree to which Sung Ch'an
practice, and Sung Ch'an representations of Ch'an practice, were in fact
welcoming to women students and teachers, and were in fact different
from Japanese Buddhist practice with respect to women, have heretofore
not been adequately explored in detail by historians of Chinese Ch'an
and Japanese Zen. IO
It is obvious to any reader of his written records that Dagen's sense of
his own authority rested in part on his experience abroad. In his sermons
and essays he often presented himself to his audience as one who knew
how Ch' anI Zen in particular and Buddhism in general was authentically
practiced because he had seen what was done in Sung China.
1l
What
Dagen represented in the Raihaitokuzui as Ch' an rhetoric and practice
with respect to women are similarly represented in the texts of Sung
Ch'an. A close reading of Ch'an texts from the Five Dynasties and the
Sung periods suggests that by the time of Dagen's visit to China, what
Dagen advocated with respect to women accorded in large part with what
was in fact being represented in China as Ch'an practice. 12 This suggests
that we need to give some weight to the fact that for five years Dagen
10. Although my approach here is historical, and my argument here will be an
historical argument, I see it as compatible with a view that there is awakening,
that what one is awakened to is a radically non-dualist way of seeing the world,
and that this would influence one's views on the significance of social
constructions of gender.
11. See BODIFORD, pp. 12-14. Scholars have sometimes doubted the accuracy of
Dagen's representations of matters in China, particularly when they are made in
a highly polemical context. I would like to suggest that in this sermon to the
extent that we can check them Dagen's depictions were faithful to Southern
Sung representations of Ch' an practices.
12. An influential school of thought in Japanese scholarship, particularly within the
Sa16 sect, has portrayed Dagen as faithfully transmitting some "pure Ch'an"
from China to Japan. This school has interpreted Dagen's thought as developing
ideas found in China and in Chinese texts, and has directed attention away from
Dagen's Japanese background. I do not wish to ally myself uncritically with
that kind of interpretation. It would be a mistake to overlook in our interpretations
Dagen's formative background in Japanese culture as well as in Tendai and
Japanese Zen, and to pay insufficient attention to the Japanese world that formed
the context for his teaching.
------------
JIABS 21.1 82
practiced Sung Ch'an, and learned much about how the Chinese Ch'an
tradition represented itself to itself, whom Ch' an communities included,
and how Ch'an practices were carried out. It is perfectly possible, given
what was being said and sometimes done in China, thai when Dagen
returned home, Japanese attitudes and practices in relation to women
students of Buddhism struck him as unlike those of the Ch'an he had
seen abroad. He had formed his own identity around the notion thai Sung
Buddhism was different from Japanese Buddhism, and that he was a
Buddhist as men in the Sung were Buddhists. His own growing sangha
was to include some women, as he probably knew that the sangha of
some Sung masters had done, and he wanted all his students to understand
that in the Sung Ch'an Buddhism that he had practiced, aw8.kening was
what mattered most to a student, not gender.
13
A Summary of the Raihaitokuzui
The title of the sermon probably refers to the story of Bodhidharma's
interviewing his four disciples as to their insight, and then saying to each,
on the basis of his or her answer, "you have attained my skin," or flesh,
or bones, or marrow. When asked to express his insight, his disciple
Hui-k'o .% merely bowed wordlessly, to which Bodhidharma replied,
"You have attained my marrow." So perhaps the title of Dagen's sermon
should be translated, "[He] bowed and attained [Bodhidharma's] marrow."
But the sermon also clearly refers to bowing not simply as an answer, but
also as the formal act in which a disciple takes a master as his/her teacher.
A large part of the sermon is about to whom it is appropriate to bow as
one's teacher. Perhaps as he reflected on the story of Bodhidharma and
his four disciples Dagen was struck by the fact that one of them was a
woman, the nun Tsung-ch'ih ~ ~ . Perhaps this unusual element of the
story was in part responsible for the striking tum that this sermon takes
from simply emphasizing that one who seeks the Dharma will seek it
from any awakened being, even one of low status, to emphasizing that
one who understands the Dharma will understand that women can awaken
to it, and will seek the teaching from an awakened woman.
13. As we shall see below, perhaps due to the enthusiasm of the convert, perhaps
because as a Japanese he did not l1eally understand how Chinese Ch'an teachers
placed certain limits on their rhetoric, Dagen was willing to go, in rhetoric if
not in practice, even farther on this matter than his Chinese co-religionists had
done in advocating that male students take awakened women as teachers.
LEVERING 83
Dagen begins his sermon with the topic of the difficulty of finding a
true teacher,14 and the importance of dropping everything to study with
such a teacher when found. The point he wishes to make is that true
teachers may take any form: even a youth, a lay person, or a woman may
be a true teacher. Thus in the second sentence of the sermon he says, "a
true teacher has nothing at all to do with such characteristics as male and
female and so on, but the teacher must be one who is a great man (*"J:
~ Ch. ta-chang-ju, J. daijobu), must be 'such a person'(i.e., one who is
intimately acquainted with satari j ~ : g ) ... "15 A little further on he says,
"Long ago [the great god] Indra honored a wild fox as his own master
and sought the Dharma from him, calling him "Great Bodhisattva." It
had nothing to do with whether the teacher was in a high or low [noble or
base] form because of past karma."
Deluded people of high social status, age, seniority, monastic rank or
accomplishment on the bodhisattva path, though, think that they cannot
bow to those of lower status or rank and take them as their teachers, even
if such lower ranking persons have acquired the Dharma. Dagen offers a
long list of telling examples. For instance, some think to themselves, "I
am the chief of the monk officials who govern monastic affairs, so I
14. The tenn Dagen uses might better be translated as a mentor or a guide: it is the
same tenn that is used in China of teachers who direct one's doctoral research.
Not only does this teacher instruct you in some subject, she also guides you in
your efforts to reach the goal. Hee-Jin KIM uses the tenn "guide" in his translation
in his Flowers of Emptiness: Selections from Dagen's ShObagenza, Lewiston
NY: Edwin Mellen Press 1985.
15. The first part of this sentence is taken from the statement of Mo-shan Liao-jan
to Chih-hsien that Dagen quotes below. Chih-hsien's question is, "What is the
person in the mountain [i.e., Mt. Mo] like?" Her answer: "It is not [a matter of]
male or female fonn and the like." The second part of the sentence says that the
teacher must be a daijabu *X:k (Ch. ta-chang-fu). The notes in the Nihon
Koten Bungaku Taikei edition of the ShObOgenza (vol. 81) cite the Nirvi'iIJa
Satra, chiian 9, the lu-Iai-hsing chapter, which says, "If one is able to know
that he has the Buddha nature, I say that he has the characteristics of a man
(chang-fu). If there is a woman [who knows], then she is a man (nan-tzu ~
-f-)." KIM's translation of ta-chang-fu is interesting: "What counts is that the
guide be a being of virtue." This translation has an advantage in that it reflects
the way in which Mencius reinterpreted the meaning of the tenn ta-chang-fu to
mean not a hero of great physical strength or political power but rather a moral
hero, a man of virtue. The third part of the sentence refers to the story discussed
by Dagen in his Immo ~ m fascicle, the statement that if you want to know
"such a thing", you must be "such a person".
JIABS 21.1 84
cannot bow to ordinary men and women, even if they have acquired the
Dharma." Others think, "I have a very high stage of the bodhisattva
path, and I cannot honor nuns and the like, even if they acquired the
Dharma." Dogen points out that this is entirely the wrong attitude in one
who truly seeks the ".when a nun (who as a nun ranks lower
than any monk) who has acquired the Way, who has acquired the Dharma
appears in the world (as an abbess), for the monk who seeks the Dharma
and studies Zen to enter her assembly, bow to her in homage (as his
teacher) and ask [her] about the Dharma is the mark of his excellence as
a student.- It [finding an awakened teacher] should be like finding drinking
water when you are thirsty."
Dogen then tells the story of the monk Kuan-ch'i Chih-hsien
's studying under the nun teacher Mo-shan Liao-jan *1lI7M as told in
the Ching-te ch 'uan-teng lu (hereafter CTCTL), which is
given in full below. He ends by saying, "Chih-hsien's bowing and seeking
the Dharma from Mo-shan *1lI showed the superiority of his detennination
[to attain the Way]." He then tells how a nun named Miao-hsin WP-Fa
became the provisions manager of the ninth century master Yang-shan
Hui-chi (807-883)'s monastery, because the monks at the
monastery agreed that she was the most qualified. Her duty was to attend
to donors, donations and provisions, particularly of grain and food. Her
cloister was apparently lower on the mountainside than the main compound
that contained the Dharma Hall and Abbot's Quarters. She became the
teacher of seventeen traveling monks from Szechwan who stopped for
the night at her cloister on their way up the mountain to study with
Hui-chi. This came about because in the evening as they were resting
they had a discussion about the Sixth Patriarch's comment as recorded in
the Platform Satra that "it is not the wind that moves, or the flag that
moves, it is your mind that moves," which she overheard. When her
disparaging remarks about their discussion were reported to them, they
did not brush them aside. Instead, "they were ashamed that they had not
been able to [Dharma, as those who understood Ch'an would do],"
and at once they put on their outer robes and performed the ceremonial
etiquette appropriate to seeking an interview with a teacher. In the formal
interview she said to them, 'It is not the wind which moves, it is not the
flag which moves, and it is not the mind which moves.' When they heard
this comment of hers, they had a realization, and made bows of thanks
and became her disciples. Then they returned to Szechwan, since they
LEVERING 85
had found enlightenment and a teacher, and did not need to climb the
mountain the next day to see Hui-chi.
16
The moral Dagen draws from these stories of Chinese monks who have
taken women as their teachers is that the Japanese monks in his audience
should do the same. Dagen says, "When the abbot of the monastery and
the senior monk with whom he shares his teaching seat are not around,
you should ask a nun who has acquired the Way to teach you." Don't
prefer a monk, even a senior monk, if he has not acquired the Way.
In support of his point that in China men Ch' an students take enlightened
women as their teachers, he makes a more general observation:
"At present nuns enroll in the monasteries of the Sung. When one
becomes famous for her attainment of the Dharma, and receives the
imperial edict from the government officials appointing her abbess of a
monastery for nuns, then at that monastery she "ascends the Hall." (That
is, she goes to the Dharma Hall in response to an invitation issued with
great ceremony and ascends the high seat to teach by giving a sermon
and answering questions, as the Ch'an teacher who is an abbot or who
represents the abbot does on the most formal of teaching occasions.) All
of the monastic community from the abbot down attend to hear her
teaching, listening to the Dharma while standing formally in their positions.
Among those who ask questions [of the woman master] about [old] sayings
(walo, Ch. hua-t'ou ~ r u f ) there are also monks. This is a long-established
practice. "
Dagen may have meant that the monastery at which the new abbess
"ascended the Hall" was the one in which she had been enrolled when
. she heard the news, which most likely was a largely male monastery with
a largely male assembly of students; or he may have meant that she
"ascended the Hall" at the monastery to which she was now appointed
abbess, which in the Sung as far as we know was always a convent of
nuns. Or, as happened with male abbots on the occasion of their inaugural
sermons, it may have been a third monastery, a large monastery in the
neighborhood of the monastery to which she had been appointed. Holding
the inaugural ceremony in a nearby larger monastery would be especially
necessary if one's new monastery were small, but in the case of males it
seems to have happened even when the monastery to which one was
appointed was quite large. But regardless of which of these Dagen meant,
he clearly means to tell his listeners that on this occasion of her first
16. I do not know of any occurrence of this story in an extant Chinese text.
nABS 21.1 86
sermon as abbess her assembled audience of students included all of the
monks from the abbot down, an:d the questioners included monks. His
point is clearly that in Sung China men students of Ch'an and members
of the Ch'an lineage were willing to enact ritually the role of student in
relation to a woman teacher. 17
An important feature of this scene that D6gen describes is that the
woman teacher ritually takes the role of Buddha in relation to the assembled
company as she takes her place on the high seat of the Dharma Hall, and
as she speaks the Dharma from the standpoint of enlightened Mind. As
we know, this contradicts the notion of the five hindrances that is found
in many Mahayana texts, namely that a woman cannot in the present
female body become a Buddha or any of four other important cosmic
figures.
D6gen solves this problem, as those in Sung China had done, by invoking
the idea that an awakened woman should no longer be seen as a woman,
for she is now something else, a daijobu *:t:k a teacher
of gods and humans.
18
When he tells the story of Miao-hsin summarized
above, his narrative has Yang-shan Hui-chi say to the other monks in
recommending Miao-hsin for the position, "Although [Miao]-hsin Huai-tzu
%Pm7ft=f
19
is a woman, she has the determined spirit (shiki iSm) of a
daijobu." And immediately following his description of enlightened Sung
nuns becoming abbesses, he says, "Because a person who has attained
the Dharma is an authentic ancient Buddha, we should not greet that
person in terms of what she once was. When s/he sees me, s/he receives
me from an entirely new standpoint; when I see himlher , my reception of
her/him is based entirely on today, [not on what she (or I) was in the
past]. For example, in the case of a nun who has received the treasury of
the true Dharma eye through transmission, if [the arhats of]the four fruitions,
the pratyeka-buddhas, and even the (advanced bodhisattvas) of the three
wise stages and of the ten holy states pay homage to her and seek the
Dharma from her, she should receive their obeisance.,,2o
17. I am indebted for help with this passage to Joan PIGGOTI of Cornell University
and William BODIFORD of U.C.L.A.
18. Dogen's usage parallels that of the Chinese original, ta-chang-fu, a "great hero"
or a "great fellow". .
19. "Huai-tzu" literally means "child, or son, of the Huai River" - perhaps a nickname
for Miao-hsin because she came from the Huai River region.
20. My translation here is largely based on that of Hee-Jin KIM in ibid., p. 290.
LEVERING 87
The reason of course is that she is not to be thought of primarily as a
woman any longer, and thus lower than any man and any monastic; she is
not to be thought of primarily a nun any longer, and thus lower in status
than any she is an awakened being, and thus from a Buddhist
point of view higher than even arhats, pratyeka-buddhas and advanced
bodhisattvas, and able to teach them.
Dagen concludes the sermon as found in the seventy-five volume version
of the Shi5bi5genzi5 by alluding to the seven-year-old dragon girl of the
"Devadatta" chapter of the Lotus Sutra. He says:
Even a seven-year old girl who practices the Buddha Dharma and is enlightene
in it is the leader and guide of the fourfold sangha, the compassionate father of
sentient beings. For instance, the niiga girl in the Lotus Satra achieved Buddha-
hood. Giving respect and homage to someone such as her is the same as giving
it to all the Buddhas."
Finally, in a long section often appended now to the Raihaitokuzui chapter
as it appears in the seventy-five volume Shi5bi5genzi5, a section that in
part continues the topic of how awakened women should be taken as
teachers by men, Dagen again points to the existence of awakened women
in China and adds another example of a woman teaching a man?l He
says:
When we look at the great country of the Sung (i.e., China) today, we see
monks who seem to have refined their practice for a long time who know
every grain of sand in the ocean [of teachings] but who still founder in the
ocean of life and death. But there are women who visit a teacher, question
him, make effort in their practice, and become the teachers of gods and humans.
For instance, there was the old woman who would not sell her refreshments
[to Te-shan but threw them away instead.
Women as Teachers in Chinese Ch'an
In this essay, Dagen is interested in persuading his listeners that men
seeking out enlightened women as teachers, and women teaching men,
are practices that reflect the deepest understanding of the Dharma, of the
Buddhist understanding of what is real (what are the true realities, powers,
and hierarchies in the universe), and what is important (the search for
personal realization of Dharma; attainments of higher stages of the Path;
21. This long section addresses additional ill-founded views of women and Japanese
practices that exclude women. It is not found in any of the texts of the seventy-five
volume Sh6bi5genz6, but was discovered in a 28-volume text called the Secret
ShObi5genz6.
nABS 21.1 88
awakening). But he conducts his argument in part by saying that in
countries where Buddhist truth is really understood, true Buddhists
understand that both men and women become enlightened. In those
countries the most sincere seekers of awakening take awakened women
as their teachers when they encounter them on their search. Thus he
makes a historical argument as well as an argument based on his profound
understanding of Buddhist doctrine and experience.
How convincing is Dogen's argument that in the Buddhist and Ch'an
tradition as a whole, and in the Ch' an of Sung China in particular, women
attain awakening and their awakening is recognized, women teach, and
men take them as their teachers?
Dogen in his sermon supports his arguments by alluding to women
attaining awakening and teaching in several distinguishable ways.
First, Dogen suggests that in the Indian Buddhist understanding, by
becoming a Buddha, one becomes a teacher of gods and men. This teaching
activity can be assumed to be occurring even without specifying any
concrete or institutionalized teaching relationships. Such is the case in
the story of the nliga princess in the "Devadatta" chapter of the Lotus
Sutra.
22
Second, by bringing up the woman who will not sell her refreshments
to Te-shan ~ I l i , Dogen touches on yet another type of teaching event
represented in stories involving women, namely, women who have not
mastered the tradition in great detail nonetheless teaching men by
challenging them in Dharma: combat, whether they want to be taught or
not. Here men learn from women, but the relationship is not formal and
never becomes so - the men do not take the women as their teachers.
Third, Dogenmentions that in Sung China women undertake formally
to teach as abbesses, and are commanded by the emperor to do so. When
they receive the imperial order, they teach men. We have seen above how
Dogen says that in China when an enlightened woman is appointed abbess
of a nun's monastery, she ascends the hall for a "Great Convocation" in a
monastery and all the monastics, from the abbot (or abbots) on down,
stand formally in their ranks to hear her teach the Dharma.23
22. Dogen refers to the niiga girl both in the 75 volume version and in the 28
volume Secret Shobogenzo version.
23. Cf. T. GRIFFITH FOULK, "Myth, Ritual and Monastic Practice in Sung Ch'an
Buddhism", in P. B. Ebrey and P. N. Gregory, eds., Religion and Society in
T'ang and Sung China, University of Hawaii Press 1993, p.177.
LEVERING 89
Fourth, women enter into formal teaching lineage relations with male
students who seek to attain the Dharma from them, or who attain the
Dharma from them. This continues the tradition from India of guruparam-
para, a student taking the master as his Iher teacher in a formal lineage
sense and vice versa. Dagen cites two examples from Chinese Ch'an, the
case of Chih-hsien taking the nun Mo-shan Liao-jan as his teacher, and
the case of the seventeen monks from Szechwan who take the nun Miao-hsin
as their teacher.
Dagen may be mounting an historical argument, but his evidence seems
to be primarily things that he himself could not have seen and heard with
his own eyes. Mo-shan Liao-jan, the nun Miao-hsin, and the woman who
would not sell her refreshments to Te-shan 1i@LiI - none of these were
contemporaries of Dagen, or even of persons he might have known in
China. Perhaps Dagen felt that cases of women who taught who were
associated with well-known male masters from the classical age of Ch'an
would carry more weight with his audience than recent or contemporary
cases. Knowledge of these representations of women teaching probably
came to him through sermons and other forms of story-telling in China
and through Chinese Ch'an texts. Through these forms Chinese Ch'an
represented itself to itself, and to him?4
Even more than Dagen, we are limited to the realm of representations.
We cannot know what women who self-identified as Ch'an students and
teachers were doing in China except through texts that come down to us.
There are four kinds of texts that might contain evidence on this point:
the records kept and the stories told within the texts of the Ch' an tradition
itself; any epigraphs of memorial inscriptions (i.e., funeral inscriptions)
that tell of a woman whom the writer identifies as a Ch'an practioner or
teacher; temple inscriptions for women's monasteries that one might find
in epigraphy collections; and any stories about women Ch' an practitioners
that may be written down by male literati in the pi-chi ~ ~ a literature
(anecdote compilations) of the period. These can tell us about women
who were identified by themselves or others as active in Ch' an practice.
Only the first of these seem to contain stories that show women teaching
Ch'an.
25
24. It is noteworthy that Dagen cites no evidence from Ju-ching's sangha or from
other monastic cOII1Ipunities he might have visited. The only statement that
seems to be contemporary and relatively fIrst-hand is the one about what women
do when they receive the imperial command to become abbesses.
25. Other scholars have pointed out that a monastery could have the word Ch'an in
JIABS 21.1
90
How do Sung Ch'an record; represent awakened women teaching?
These texts w'ere unquestionably androcentric, compiled by men' and for
men. Women might have been doing a great deal that they themselves
identified as Ch'an without having won attention or recogrution by the
male masters or the compilers. of lineage histories. Women. might well
have been demonstrating awakened mind in domestic and monastic settings
to which the men were paying no attention. But even these androcentric
texts represent women in ways that corroborate [are similar to] Dagen's
representations of women becoming awakened and teaching in T' ang,
Five Dynasties and Sung China.
What do the Sung Ch'an records show-with respect to these various
modes in which women are represented as teaching men (and each other)?
We will set aside the first category, which is in a sense doctrinal rather
than historical, except to say that in Sung Ch'an records as in Dagen's
sermon the success of the niiga princess in profoundly understanding
emptiness and becoming a Buddha is treated as an historical event, and a
warrant for the belief that women can succeed in the study and practice
of Ch'an and can teach Ch'an. We will return to this subject below.
its name without having an abbot or abbess who belonged to the lineage; so in
the absence of a story that makes a link in terms of activity or mode of awakening,
one cannot assume that a given nun or a given monastery is in fact teaching or
practicing what we mean by Ch'an. FOULK argues that what Ch'an is in the
Sung is a self-perpetuating group of men who put forth the myth of transmission
of enlightenment through their lineage as a way to claim authority to be abbots
of major monasteries, and the rhetorical style that they claimed that only those
who had received Dharma-transmission in their lineage could authentically
perform. A problem lies in the fact that mastery of Ch' an was ineffable, formless,
such that only mind to mind recognition by a recognized master was regarded
as authentic evidence that what one was practicing and teaching was in fact
Ch'an. A story in a pi-chi or a memorial inscription may identify a person as a
Ch'an nun, but unless recognition by a master acknowledged to be in the
lineage is mentioned, one cannot assume that that person would in fact have
been recognized as having belonged to the lineage. And unless the woman is
mentioned in the Ch'an lineage records themselves, one really cannot be sure
that the lineage would have recognized the awakening and teaching activity of
this person. Like it or not, we have to see that the recognized teachers in this
tradition had the power to identify the realization manifested by other persons
in words or actions as genuine, authentic realizations. Their approval defined
the lineage. And the authors and editors of the principal lineage texts, the
genealogical histories, ratified the lineage as masters they favored and texts
associated with these masters had constituted it.
LEVERING 91
In the case of the second category, there are a number of examples
from the earlier Five Dynasties and Sung texts that parallel the story of
Te-shan LlJ and the woman refreshment seller. The numbers of these
stories grow in the later Sung texts. We cannot survey all of these here,
but will offer a few examples.
There is another category (let us call it a fifth category) that is not
touched on by Dagen, but which does appear in the Sung genealogical
records. Some women who do not formally become abbesses, and do not
formally take on students, nonetheless enjoy a reputation for being
enlightened, and are sought out by students (including, presumably, men).
They are recognized in the later Sung genealogical "flame histories" as
lineage heirs. One might suggest that in the Sung the wonderful T'ang
stories of the "challenging women" of the second type preserved in the
Sung texts modulate into anew, more elaborated image, that of the
enlightened woman who lives on the margins of the Ch' an institutional
world but nonetheless shares her awakened mind with students.
In the third case, that of awakened women being appointed abbesses of
nuns temples and immediately being invited to ascend the hall and teach
the whole monastic assembly, including of course the monks, we have no
description of this practice outside of Dagen's sermon. But we do have
some possible corroboration in the nun teacher Ting-kuang Miao-taofE
:1t"WJ>J!t's record.
With respect to the fourth category, it is worth while carrying out an
historical inquiry into how and when the Ch' an texts known, compiled
or composed in the Sung come to represent women becoming formal
teachers of Ch'an as at least an imaginative possibility. As we shall see
below, the earliest extant texts belonging to the groups of Ch'an
practitioners that traced their lineages to Hui-neng the Sixth Patriarch,
do not represent women as teachers. We can date the moment in which
woman as teacher becomes an imaginative possibility in the Five Dynasties
and Sung Ch'an school texts by comparing the Mo-shan Liao-jan story in
the Chodang-chip with the same story in the Ching-te-ch 'uan-
teng-Iu (CTCTL). It is in the Southern Sung Ch'an texts that
we find signs that an imaginative possibility that has been resisted is
becoming an accepted imagined reality, a social role that is accepted as a
social fact. By the time of Dagen's visit to China, this transformation has
occurred.
26. Ch. Tsu-t' ang-chi.
JIABS21.1 92
Imagining Women as Formal Teachers of Ch 'an: An Historical Sz:rvey
What do the Chinese Ch'an texts read, written and compiled in the Sung
reveal about how the possibility and present reality of women teaching
Ch' an was imagined in the school?
T'ang Texts
To show the progression suggested above, let us begin with the earliest
texts, where we find a picture discouraging to women. T' ang texts that
might have been known and considered important in the Sung give little
basis for imagining women as teachers in lineages tracing their authority
to the Buddha through Bodhidharma.
27
The Li-tai-fa-pao-chi
of 774 C.B. tells a story of Bodhidharma transmitting his teaching to
three students, Hui-k'o lI:r:lJ, Tao-yti Ji1f, and the nun Tsung-ch'ih
:fi!f This text was not known in the Sung, though it was used by Kuei-feng
Tsung-mi in preparing his Chart of the Master-Disciple
Succession of the Ch' an School (Chung-hua ch 'uan-hsin-ti ch' an-men
shih-tzu ch' eng-hsi t'u written between
830-833, which in turn influenced Sung texts.
28
The Pao-lin-chuan _**
{f of 801, which was known in the Sung, tells a story of Bodhidharma
transmitting his teaching to four students, among them again the nun
Tsung-ch'ih, who is third in the order behind Hui-k'o.
This allows us to speculate that before 774 a community of women
were known to be practicing and teaching in a Bodhidharma tradition.
They had an important enough claim to membership in the lineage that it
was told that their ancestress had studied with Bodhidharma and received
his Dharma in the 6th century. But the story about Tsung-ch'ih and the
other disciples embedded in the Li-tai-fao-pao-chi and Pao-
lin-chuan _;f%1f texts does not actually give us a depiction of Tsung-ch'ih
teaching. And the way this traditional story is added to, changed and
glossed in subsequent texts known in the Sung beginning with Tsung-mi
27. I am leaving aside the textual and epigraphic evidence that women were active
in Northern School Ch'an that Bernard FAURE has called to our attention,
because it seems to make no impact on the Sung Ch'an lineage texts or on the
sermons and letters of Sung Ch'an masters addressed to women. Cf. Bernard
FAURE, The Rhetoric of Immediacy, Princeton N.J.: Princeton University Press
1991, p. 243.
28. On this text, cf. Peter N. GREGORY, Tsung-mi and the Sinification of Buddhism,
Princeton N.J.: Princeton University Press 1991, appendix II-6, p. 318.
LEVERING 93
Chart and continuing with the Ching-te ch'uan-teng lu
compiled in 1004 and subsequent flame histories tends to emphasize
the inferiority of the nun Tsung-ch'ih and the other two disciples' under-
standing as compared with Hui-k'o's, and to stress that the lineage was
authentically transmitted only by a single ancestor in each generation
between Bodhidharma and Hui-neng, the Sixth Chinese patriarch.29 In
the doctrinal statements and poems attributed to each of Bodhidharma' s
students in subsequent texts, Tsung-ch'ih's understanding is depicted as
not a full Ch'an understanding, and Hui-k'o is insistently depicted as the
only full heir to Bodhidharma's Dharma.
30
Likewise, the Sung biographical traditions about Hui-neng depict a
meeting with a nun, named Wu-chin-tsang This story appears in
a number of Sung texts, and probably in the Sung (and definitely in the
Yuan) is included in the Platform Satra of the Sixth Patriarch. In the
Sokei daishi betsuden from the early ninth century,3! the
earliest extant text in which this story appears, the meeting occurs while
he is on his way north before he meets his teacher Hung-jen, thus well
before he has become a monk.
32
In the story Hui-neng goes to hear
Wu-chin-tsang, the aunt of a new close male friend, recite the NirviilJa
Satra in the evenings. The fact that she is related to his close friend gives
the intimacy in the Dharma that develops between them a certain
plausibility. He begins to expound to her the meaning of what he hears.
She shows him the text and asks him about the meanings of words. He
says, "If you will read it to me, I will explain the meaning." She is
surprised and skeptical that he can understand the meaning without being
able to read the written words of the text. He teaches her that a deep
29. The T'ien-sheng kuang-teng lu one of the flame histories that
followed the CTCTL, demoted the nun Tsung-ch'ih to fourth place among
Bodhidharma's heirs. A form of tidying up to make sure that women are
represented as ranking below men? The CTCTL, though, remained the flame
history that subsequent writers treated as authoritative.
30. It is interesting that Dagen frequently brought this story up, and consistently
interpreted it not as portraying a hierarchical ranking of different degrees of
awakening or insight, but rather as the story of four awakened beings expressing
awakened Buddha-nature in four different ways.
3l. Despite the Japanese title, this is a Chinese text. The title was added when the
text was found in Japan, apparently.
32. Much later texts change the placement of this story within Hui-neng' s biography
to after his awakening with Hung-jen 51,,?',?,.
JIABS 21.1 94
understanding of the Buddha is not something that depends on
the knowledge of written words. She recognizes that he has a special
understanding of the Way. Thus the story shows Hui-neng t:h,e lay illiterate
teaching the literate nun about the meaning of the words in the text,
thereby making the point that the understanding accessed by Ch'an
awakening does not depend on literacy (which is, of course, one of the
hallmarks of the monk or nun), much less on mastery of the difficult
language of sfitras. Like a Buddha, Hui-neng as a result of his initial
awakening even without being taught the meanings of the characters
understands every word of the sfitras, as he claims in a comment often
transmitted separately from the story itself but that offers his experience
with the nun Wu-chin-tsang as evidence. The nun Wu-chin-tsang may
have been a real person, but in the story she is a useful narrative device.
It doubtless would have been more plausible to a T' ang audience to show
a literate nun asking a lay man who turns out to be illiterate about the
meanings of written words than it would have been to depict a monk in
that role.
The Five Dynasties Text Chodang-chip, "The Ancestor's Hall Collection"
Our first stories in extant texts of women teaching in the lineages that
Sung Ch'an recognizes as part of its ancestry, those that began with
Hui-neng's Dharma-heirs Nan-yiieh Huai-jang (677-744) and
Ch'ing-yiian Hsing-ssu wlffifT,W, (660-740), begin with the Chodang-chip
compiled by a Korean monk in 952.33 In this text stories appear that fall
under the second category described above, that is, stories in which women
challenge men and teach them, in most cases not by invitation, and without
a formal teacher-student relationship as a prerequisite or as a result.
Three stories that appear for the flrst time in extant texts in the Chodang-
chip are good examples of our second category, the genre that is continued
in the story of Te-shan and the woman who sells refreshments alluded to
by Dagen. The first is the story of the monk Kat! and the nun
Shih-chi Kot! is living in a small temple. The nun Shih-chi
appears wearing her monastic bamboo traveling hat. She does not take it
off when she reaches the main gate as Ch'an etiquette recorded in later
33. Chinese Tsu-t'ang-chi, Japanese Sodoshu.
34. Chodang-chip, chuan 19, in Fo-kuang ta-tsang-ching, Ch'an tsang, published
by Fo-kuang-shan, Kaohsiung (Taiwan) 1994, voL 16, p.958.
LEVERING 95
texts requires, or even in the temple in the presence of her host.
35
Rather,
she circumambulates him and says, "If you can say something I will take
off my hat." He cannot. She starts to leave. He says, "It is getting late.
Why don't you stay the night." She says, "If you can say something [that
reflects your understanding], I will." Again he cannot answer, so she
leaves. As the version of this story found in the makes
especially clear, his failure to acquit himself like a man and his being
laughed at, made a fool of, by a nun cause him to realize that he has to
seek a teacher. 36 He is about to leave his small temple when he learns in
a dream that a male teacher is coming to see him. The story is primarily
about the events that motivate him to seek awakening, but in this case
those events involve a nun who not only bests him but who acts as his
teacher by allowing him to encounter an awakened mind and by showing
him what he needs to learn.
Another story that appears for the first time in the Chodang-chip is the
story of three traveling monks who encounter a lay woman.
37
After some
exchanges, she invites them to drink tea, but with the statement, "Please
use your siddhis, your supernormal powers, to drink this tea." When the
three do not dare to drink, she says, "Watch me manifest my supernormal
powers," picks up the cups, and empties them.
The third story I want to mention that appears in the Chodang-chip is
found in the entry for Huang-po Hsi-ytin Dharma heir of
Pai-chang EfJt.
38
The story falls into the type in which a woman whom
he has not taken as a teacher challenges a man by presenting him with
her deeper awareness, and ends up teaching him, but the story is more
35. Cf. the Ch'an-yiian ch'ing-kuei tlii:9i1m':Ii5i. section on traveling gear, where
doffing one's traveling hat when one reaches the outer eaves of the main gate
(san-men of the temple is prescribed, as well as doffing it whenever one
meets someone on the road to whom one should bow. Cf. KAGAMISIllMA
Genryu, Yaku-chu Zen-en-shingi, pp. 24-25. It may be anachronistic to read
these details of etiquette back into the tenth century (the time of the text) or the
ninth century (the putative time of the story), but the story does seem to require
some similar etiquette to make sense.
36. In the Chodang-chip Kon says: "I am a monk (.ramalJera) and I was made fun
of (or: "laughed at") by a nun." Chodang-chip, chuan 19, vol. 16, p. 958.
3 7. Chodang-chip, chuan 17, Fo-kuang Ta-tsang-ching, Ch' an-tsang, shih-chuan-pu,
vol. 16, p. 829.
38. Chodang-chip, chuan 16, Fo-kuang ta-tsang-ching, Ch'an-tsang, shih-chuan-pu,
vol. 16, p. 818-19.
JIABS 21.1 96
revealing than the first two mentioned above. For Dagen's purpQses and
for our own interest in Ch'an representations of women teaching it has a
certain double-edged quality. In this story Huang-po is going door to
door begging for food. An old woman refuses him from behind a screen,
telling him that he is insatiable. He replies that since he has not had any
food yet, how can she scold him as insatiable. She says, "Only this -
surely you are insatiable." Seeing that he is not put off, and that his
response has something unusual about it, she invites him in after all, and
asks about his Ch'an studies. He is unable to dissemble, and reveals his
understanding to her. She instructs him, and he gains a realization. He
thanks her repeatedly and wants to acknowledge her formally as his
teacher, but she refuses, saying, "I am a five-hindrances body, therefore I
am not a vessel of the Dharma" - that is, I am a woman, and thus not
suitable to be a teacher. She recommends instead that he go to see Pai-chang.
The narrator comments: "Later people passed down the story that this
woman when she was young studied Ch'an with the National Teacher
Chung Huang-po takes her advice and goes to see Pai-chang,
whose Dharma he inherits.
In the Chodang-chip, which is a genealogical record of the lineage of
Dharma-transmission, no woman has a genealogical entry of her own.
And while women attain awakening and do the kind of teaching that the
refreshment seller does for Te-shan, and in the case of Huang-po's old
woman teacher a woman does even provide the karmic occasion for a
monk student's awakening, there is little evidence in this text that a
woman teaching Ch'an formally is an imagined possibility, much less a
recognized social role. And while we have a male student willing to
inherit the Dharma from a woman, it does not actually happen.
39. This "later tradition" looks like an instance of a recurring tendency to attribute
the awakening of any awakened or otherwise remarkable woman to having
been taught by some member of the male lineage. One might see this as a way
of giving her authority and status within the lineage--or as a way of denying her
any independent authority. National Teacher Chung's full name is Nan-yang
Hui-chung
LEVERING 97
The Early Sung "Flame History" called the Ching-te-ch'uan-teng-Iu
"Records of the Transmission of the Flame [compiled in] the
Ching-te Era"
In the next genealogical record of the lineage's "transmission of the
flame," the Ching-te ch 'uan-teng lu of 1004, many of the stories from the
Chodang-chip in which women figure also appear. But there is one change
between the two texts which is very significant in the development of the
tradition's imagining of women as teachers in the Ch' an lineage. It concerns
the story of the encounter between Chih-hsien and the nun teacher Mo-shan
Liao-jan, the story that Dagen narrates. In the Chodang-chip the story
appears in Chih-hsien's entry and is told as follows:
Chih-hsien arrived at the nun (shih-ku Mo-shan's place.
The nun asked, "Where did you come from?"
Chih-hsien replied: "From the entrance (mouth) of the road."
The nun asked, "Why did you not cover it?" (that is, your traces)
Chih-hsien asked, "What is Summit mountain (Mo-shan) like?"
The nun replied, "Its peak is not exposed."
Chih-hsien followed up his question: "What is the person in Summit
Mountain like?"
The nun said, "It is not male or female in appearance."
He followed up with, "Does it change (transform) or not?"
The nun answered, "It is not a ghost or a god. What should it change
into (why should it change)?"
Chih-hsien approved (her answers, her insight).
In the CTCTL Mo-shan Liao-jan has an entry of her own, as a Dharma-heir
of Kao-an Ta-yli The story of Chih-hsien's exchange with her
is told as follows:
When the monk Kuan-ch'i Chih-hsien was traveling from place to
place [visiting various teachers] he came to the foot of the mountain. He
said, "If this place is all right then I will stay; if not, then I will overturn
the Ch'an platform." Thus he entered the hall. Liao-jan sent an attendant
to ask, "Are you just traveling in the mountains or have you come for the
Buddha Dharma?" Chih-hsien replied, "I came for the Buddha Dharma."
Liao-jan then ascended the high seat (of the Ch'an teacher in the Dharma
Hall). Chih-hsien took up the position of the student (came forward to
start the inquiry).
Mo-shan Liao-jan asked, using a respectful form of address, "What
place did you leave today?"
JIABS 21.1 98
Chih-hsien replied, "I left the entrance to the road."
Liao-jan said, "Why didn't you cover it?"
Chih-hsien had no reply. For the first time he bowed and said, "What is
Mo-shan (Summit Mountain) like?"
Liao-jan said, "It does not expose its peak."
Chih-hsien said, "What is the owner of Summit Mountain like?"
Liao-jan said, "It does not have male or female appearance."
Chih-hsien then shouted "Ho!" and said, "Why doesn't it transform
itself?"
Liao-jan said, "It is not a god and it is not a ghost: What should it
transform itself into?"
Chih-hsien at this submitted and worked as a gardener for three years.
In the Chodang-chip version, Chih-hsien interrogates Mo-shan Liao-jan,
and approves her understanding. He is thus in the role of bestowing
recognition of her awakening. In the CTCTL version Chih-hsien challenges
her to see whether he should take her as his teacher. When he recognizes
the superior insight behind her questions and answers, he stays and studies
with her. For the first time in the extant literature of the lineages that
were significant to the Sung, we have a story of a woman established as
an abbess in the formal role of teacher who also establishes through this
dialogue the legitimacy of her claim to Dharma-inheritance and teacher-
hood within the Ch' an lineage. This is a significant step forward in the
imagining of women as Ch'an teachers. If we take these differences
between the two earliest extant texts in which the story appears as an
indicator, the imaginative step occurs at the beginning of the Sung.
We should note that the entry for Mo-shan in the CTCTL includes
more than the exchange with Chih-hsien. It includes two question and
answer exchanges between Mo-shan and a monk or monks (seng
Thus it is not just a place to lodge the story of Chih-hsien and Mo-shan.
It is an entry for a teacher like many others, and one who teaches monks.
As signs of the incompleteness of this imagining, however a few other
things about how women appear in the CTCTL need to be noted.
40
The
40. A glaring example of a woman for whom the CTCTL should have created a
separate entry, if only under the "lineage unknown" category, is the woman
postulant Ling (Ling Hsing-p'o Her story appears in the entry for the
male teacher Fu-pei Ho-shang in the CTCTL. The entry begins with
an encounter between Fu-pei and Ling Hsing-p'o. The rest of the entry offers
Nan-ch'uan li5R'S comment that Ling had defeated Fu-pei, then her comment
LEVERING 99
story appears in Mo-shan's record, but not in Chih-hsien's, where the
story of his awakening is told entirely in relation to Lin-chi CiiThm. And
the CTCTL does not preserve all of the stories about awakened women
teaching that appear in the Chodang-chip. For example, the story of
Huang-po Hsi-yiin's encountering an old woman whom he then wants to
take for his formal teacher disappears entirely. The text merely says,
"Someone suggested that he go to study with Pai-chang." And although
other stories are narrated in the CTCTL in which awakened women figure
(the story of Kot! and Shih-chi appears in the CTCTL in a version very
similar to that in the Chodang-chip, for example), no other woman appears
as a lineage heir.
There is another story in the CTCTL that is in some ways the reverse
of Huang-po's, the story of T'an-k'ung ~ ~ and the nun. It presents a
woman who wants to be a teacher, and monk who, at least as a challenge,
tells her not to because she is a woman. A nun wants to "open the Hall,"
that is, become an abbess and a teacher. T'an-k'ung challenges with "As
a woman there is no point in you 'opening the Hall'." She brings up the
dragon girl who achieved Buddhahood at seven years old. He says, "The
dragon girl had supernormal powers. What about you? Demonstrate a
supernormal power for me." Though presumably the nun could have
demonstrated awakened mind in a way that would have overcome T' an-
k'ung's objection by showing that she is a Buddha, the fact that his
challenge invokes ancient Buddhist ideas about the unsuitability of one
who has a woman's body to be a Buddha or a teacher shows the way in
which this idea is still present in the early eleventh century in China - as
indeed it is always in the background in the Sung, as in Dogen's sermon,
when Ch' an men speak of encountering awakened women.
Later Sung Texts:
What the CTCTL's representation of Mo-shan as a lineage member began,
Southern Sung texts, including flame histories beginning with the Tsung-
men Lien-teng hui-yao * F ~ I f # ~ ~ ~ (hereafter Lien-teng) of 1183,
on Nan-ch'uan's comment, then another Ch'an monk's questioning her about
her comment and her replies, then Chao-chou t!fH' s comment on this encounter
when it was told to him, followed by a number of exchanges between Chao-chou
and Ling, including an exchange of poems. Fu-pei does not appear in the entry
except in the initial encounter. It certainly seems that her awakened mind,
rather than Fu-pei' s, is the real subject of the entry.
JIABS21.1 100
continue. If Dogen's interest in his sermon had been in demonstrating
that women were recognized as Ch' an teachers in the Sung, and if he had
had available to him the Lien-teng or the Chia-t'ai p'u-teng lu
(hereafter P'u-teng), a flame history which had been presented to the
emperor Ning-tsung and admitted to the Buddhist canon in 1204, or other
Southern Sung texts on which the P'u-teng drew, he could easily have
found convincing examples with which to persuade his audience.
We do not have space here to survey every single Sung text in which
women are credited with teaching Ch' an. But some idea of how matters
progressed can be gleaned from sketching the treatment of women Dharma-
heirs in the Sung flame histories. These histories, after all, were the
principal Ch'an texts that were presented to the emperor and included in
the Sung Buddhist canon. More study needs to be done of the intentions
and conceptions behind the selection and editing that shaped these
compilations - some seem more interested in preserving anecdotes and
literary productions in various genres, some seem more interested in
constructing the lineage, though selectively, and some seem to intend to
construct the lineages without leaving anyone out, though in fact they do
leave people out. But they provide a useful indication of which stories,
which words and authors of words, and which putative lineage members
the Sung Ch'an movement regarded as important enough to be included
in a record of their tradition.
Women lineage heirs with their own genealogical entries are not found
in the T'ien-sheng kuang-teng lu of 1036, which according
to YANAGIDA Seizan stressed the heirs of Ma Tsu and the Sung
expansion of the Lin-chi C!iW;m line and entered the canon under the
emperor Jen-tsung. Nor are there women lineage heirs in the Chien-chung
ch'ing-kuo hsu-teng lu of 1101, which according to
YANAGIDA stressed the house of Ytin-men 41
In the Lien-teng of 1183 the monk Wu-ming united the "Three
Flames of the Northern Sung," producing a geneologically arranged record
of the words ofteachers and Dharma-heirs in Nan-yiieh's lineage through
the 17th generation and Ch'ing-yiian's through the 15th. The words that
are karmic occasions of awakening and the questions and answers of
more than 600 lineage heirs, including all of the awakening stories from
Ta-hui Tsung-kao Cheng-fa-yen-tsang collection,
41. YANAGIDA Seizan, "Zenseki kaidai", in Zenke goroku II, p. 478.
LEVERING 101
are included.
42
In this text Mo-shan Liao-jan has an entry of her own,
and so do two women Dharma-heirs of Ta-hui Tsung-kao (1089-1163),
Wu-cho Tao-jen Miao-tsung and Ting-kuang Tao-jen Miao-
tao
With this text another important milestone is reached in the representation
of women teachers as Ch' an lineage members. One might say that whereas
Mo-shan Liao-jan might have been included as an anomaly in the CTCTL,
once Miao-tsung M>*1!t and Miao-tao are recognized as fully within
the Ch' an lineage with the publication of the Lien-teng, the idea of women
teaching Ch'an becomes much more imaginable. For unlike Mo-shan
Liao-jan, Miao-tao and Miao-tsung are not figures from the remote past,
but teachers whom many of the readers of the Lien-teng could have
known. Miao-tao and Miao-tsung had been very active in Ch'an circles
within living memory in 1183. (Miao-tsung is said to have died in 1170) .
A number of other texts from the period tell us a lot about both women.
In the Lien-teng sermons and dialogues are recorded for both. Unlike
Mo-shan Liao-jan, Miao-tsung and Miao-tao's records do not stress the
issue of whether women can teach. They are simply presented as awakened
women who are called upon by the imperial command to teach, and who
accept it and perform well as teachers.
The next text, the P'u-teng of 1204 compiled by the monk Cheng-shou
lEt (1146-1208) takes an even larger step toward fully imagining women
as teachers and lineage members. Whereas the earlier flame histories
after the CTCTL strongly favored the stories of monks, the compiler of
this text deliberately included the records of the awakening and teaching
of royalty, nuns, and lay men and women. Sixteen awakened women
have genealogical entries in this text, beginning with eight Sung women
42. YANAGIDA Seizan, in his "Zenseki kaidai" included in Zenke goroku II, suggests
that though the material in the text is arranged genealogically, the compiler of
this text was centrally interested in collecting kung-an s (koans), rather
than in recording events related to history of the tradition. Cf. p. 479a.
43. These last are among nine Dharma-heirs of Ta-hui Tsung-kao with entries in
the text. Ta-hui Tsung-kao, who died in 1163, had repeatedly referred to Miao-tao
and Miao-tsung as teachers and as Dharma-heirs in the sermons and letters that
were published shortly after his death. Ta-hui Tsung-kao's circle of disciples no
doubt had considerable influence on the composition of the Lien-teng hui-yao
lmfR.J!, which was compiled by his third-generation disciple. The Lien-teng
hui-yao is clearly selective in its inclusion of lineage members. Ta-hui Tsung-kao,
for example, had far more students whose awakening he recognized and who
were counted as Dharma heirs than the nine included in the Lien-teng.
JIABS 21.1 102
whose awakenings and inheritan.ce of the Dharma fall between those of
Mo-shan Liao-jan and Miao-taochronologically. In the eighth 'fascicle
we have Wen-chao JtJm, of whom more below; and Fa-hai a
Dharma-granddaughter of Hui-lin Tsung-pen 1llt**** (1020-1099). In
the ninth fascicle we have Hui-kuang .:JIG, Dharma-heir of K'u-mu
Fa-ch'eng Hui-kuang in the spring of 1121 became the abbess
of the Tung-ching Miao-hui-ssu a nunnery in the Noi:thern
Sung capital.
44
In the ninth fascicle we also fmd the nun Fo-t'ung Ta-shih
Dharma-heir of Shih-men Yi,ian-yi and Dharma-
granddaughter of the TS'ao-tung t?ifiiJ lineage master Fu-jung Tao-k'ai
(1043-1118). In the tenth fascicle we have K'ung-shih Tao-jen
Dharma-heir of Ssu-hsin Wu-hsin (1043-1114);
sometime between 1111 and 1117 she kept a bathhouse outside of the
Pao-ning Monastery in Chin-ling In the eleventh fascicle
we find Yli Tao-p'o the only Dharma-heir of Lang-ya Yung-ch'i
In the fifteenth fascicle we have three women Dharma-heirs
of Ylian-wu K'o-ch'in 1iI'1i1lib (1063-1135), famous for authoring the
final layer of commentary in the Blue Cliff Record and as Ta-hui Tsung-
kao's teacher: Chlieh-an Tao-jen Miss Tsu itJilfitlAtll..E:.;. Ming-shih
Tao-jen and Fan Hsien-chun a widow. In the sixteenth
fascicle we read of the nun teacher Hui-wen 1lltr!il., Dharma-heir of Fo-yen
Ch'ing-yuan (1067-1120), the Dharma-brother of Ytian-wu
K'o-ch'in. Miao-tao, Miao-tsung, and the lay woman Lady Ch'in-kuo *
(Chi shih three Dhanna-heirs of Ta-hui Tsung-kao, appear
in the eighteenth fascicle, and Fa-teng Dharma-heir of the nun
Hui-wen, appears in fascicle twenty-one. Yuan-chi and Ch'en Tao-p'o
appear in fascicle twenty-two. Thus in 1204 we find a significant
number of women represented as Dharma-heirs and lineage members on
the same basis as men in having brief biographies and their words recorded
in a Sung flame history.45
From their records in the P'u-teng it is clear that nine attained formal
positions as abbesses and teachers. It is perhaps significant, though, as
44. She received a purple robe and a Dhanna-name from the emperor.
45. This is not surprising because in fact a number of less formal Ch'an school
texts that appear before 1204 include stories about awakened women and about
women teaching, thus providing ample material on which the Chia-t'aip'u-teng
lu could draw, as well as clear examples that show that women teaching as
members of the Ch' an lineage was now fully imaginable. Examples include the
Yiln-wo chi-t'an andLo-hu yeh-lu
LEVERING 103
perhaps reflecting ambivalence on the part of the compiler or disagreement
within the larger Ch' an community about the status of women teachers of
Ch'an, that none of the women are listed with the title of Ch'an-shih f!:j!
(J. Zenjz).
This hesitation to give full recognition was corrected in the next flame
history, the Wu-teng hui-yuan Jirif-wt5G (hereafter Wu-teng) of 1252,
where the women who taught formally as abbesses are listed with the
title Ch' an-shih In this the most comprehensive of all of the flame
histories to date, the sixteen women teachers and lineage heirs from the
P'u-teng retain their places, and five more stories of awakened women
that cannot be placed in the lineage are included at the end of the book.
Mo-shan Liao-jan was the first nun to be portrayed in Ch'an texts
known in the Sung as doing what male teachers do - being an abbess,
welcoming and challenging students in that role. The breakthrough that
occurred in the CTCTL's version of Mo-shan' s story was furthered in the
Lien-teng and the P'u-teng and other Southern Sung non-flame history
texts, which showed women performing in many ways the role of an
enlightened Ch'an teacher. Women who became nuns (some before, some
after their awakening) are portrayed as serving as abbesses, preaching
sermons, and teaching by entering into dialogues and Dharma combat.
They behave ceremonially as men teachers do, "ascending the Hall" as
Buddhas to teach (shang-t'ang [ascending the Hall] sermons are recorded
for Hui-kuang, Wen-chao, Miao-tsung, Miao-tao, Hui-wen, and Fa-teng).
They leave the same kinds of marks on the world as men do: in the case
of several of the women included the P 'u-teng we are told that records of
their sayings, activities and poems circulated in the world. (For example,
K'ung-shih Tao-jen wrote a number of poems and had a record, called
"Record on Clarifying the Mind," circulated; Ming-shih Tao-jen in 1141
sent her poems to a monk teacher who added a colophon and published
them; and Miao-tsung's poetic comments on kung-ans of Hsueh-feng
I-ts'un (822-908) adorn the Mt. Hsueh-feng temple gazetteer.)
One, Miao-tsung, wrote a postface to an important Ch' an text, the Unofficial
Records [written at] Lake Lo (Lo-hu yeh-Iu Hui-kuang saw
her accomplishments recognized by the Emperor's inviting her to preach
and awarding her a purple robe. Her accomplishments were recorded in a
pagoda inscription composed by the literatus Han Tzu-tsang
46. The location of the pagoda was carefully recorded in the Chia-t'ai p'u-teng lu,
but the inscription does not seem to be in any epigraphy collection.
nABS 21.1 104
Wen-chao was likewise awarded a. purple robe by the emperor. Many of
the women teachers died as Buddhas do, predicting the time of death,
sitting in a crosslegged position and dying calmly in exempl?l"Y Buddhist
fashion. The manner of their dying is noted in their biographies in the
flame histories, in some cases with attendant signs of sainthood (the story
of Ming-yin Hui-chao PAI2SIMlffi is a conspicuous example).47
By multiplying examples and by giving the reader details with the ring
of historical fact, the thirteenth century Southern Sung flame histories
suggest that what was an imaginative possibility in the early eleventh
century has become an accepted social reality. These texts show us the
role of abbess and Ch'an teacher as a new social role available to women,
which continues, as Beata GRANT has shown, into the eighteenth century.48
Though the numbers involved were not large, the texts show us women
taking up, even inventing, a new social role: not just a nun, not just a nun
teacher, but a Ch'an nun teacher. A comment in the Chia-t'ai entry for
Wen-chao shows how clearly the notion of a woman Ch'an teacher had
been accepted by 1204. The reader is told that Wen-chao had become a
nun at age 17, and had gone everywhere to seek out Ch'an teachers. "She
obtained authentication of [the Ch'an teacher] Kan-Iu [Chung-hsuan] if
Dharma. The commandery governor Ch'en Shih-hsi
heard of her fame, ordered her to become abbess of Miao-shen
temple in P'ing-chiang-fu 1JlD:Jff (the area centering on modern Su-chou).
Later she changed temples five times, each time changing the nunnery
from a Vinaya to a Ch' an institution. The Ch' an nunneries and monasteries
in Wu (roughly equal to modern Kiangsu) really began with Wen-chao."
Thus in the Wu area the nun Wen-chao as the Dharma-heir of a male
Ch'an teacher made a series of nun's temples into Ch'an temples, and
invented for herself and for other nuns in this important region a new
social role.
47. The Chia-t'ai and Wu-teng do not tell the stories or record the words of all of
the Sung women who have a good claim to be counted as lineage members and
teachers--there are at least another ten about whom we know from other Southern
Sung texts who could equally be included.
48. Beata GRANT, "Female Holder of the Lineage: Linji Chan Master Zhiyuan
Xinggang (1597-1654)", Late Imperial China, vol 17 no. 2, Dec. 1996, pp. 51-76.
LEVERING 105
Women teachers with Dharma-heirs:
If Mo-shan is portrayed in the CTCTL as performing the role of a Ch' an
teacher as male teachers perform it, she is not like some of them portrayed
as having Dharma-heirs who are Ch'an lineage members. Chih-hsien is
represented as her student, but not in the CTCTL as her Dharma-heir. We
do not have a story that shows her providing the occasion for his attaining
awakening. And he is not listed as her Dharma-heir.
In later Sung texts we do find some women with Dharma-heirs. For
example, as mentioned above, the nun Hui-wen had a Dharma-heir, the
nun Fa-teng. And the nun Tao-shen J ! ! ~ of the Western Capital, a direct
Dharma-heir of Fu-jung Tao-k'ai, had two Dharma-heirs who are
recognized as members of the lineage.
49
Concluding remarks on women as teachers
In the scope of this essay we cannot do more than briefly sample what
the records of women Dharma-heirs in and outside the flame histories tell
us about how women left families, studied with teachers who welcomed
women students, networked with each other, and became abbesses and
Ch'an teachers in the Sung. We will have to reserve for another occasion
the more precise mapping of the activities of women Ch' an teachers and
the designation of their temples as Ch'an temples in time and space that
would give us a more nuanced picture of this historical development. We
are focusing here on when and how the possibility of women becoming
Dharma-heirs and teaching Ch' an came to be imagined and constructed
in the central texts of the lineage. Suffice it to say that there was certainly
good evidence in the way the texts represented them to support Dagen's
claim that women were enrolling in Sung monasteries, attaining the Way,
having their attainments recognized, and being appointed abbesses of
nuns' temples, and that in his own lifetime it was recognized in China
that what they were teaching through poems, dialogues and sermons was
in fact Ch'an. That is to say, the role of woman Ch'an teacher formally
teaching Ch'an to formally enrolled disciples at temples that are formally
named Ch'an temples and having Dharma-heirs was fully imagined
possibility in the representations of the lineage in China.
49. It is not entirely clear to me from their names that both Dharma-heirs were
women.
JIABS21.1 106
Women teaching men, Part I:' Lay women, and women who have left
families but are not nuns and abbesses
But it is representations of awakened Ch'an women teaching men that
would most closely provide a Sung Ch'an background for Dogen's
argument in his sermon. Where do we find such stories in the Sung
Ch'an texts?
Stories about T' ang women and T' ang masters in which lay women
challenge or teach monks or Ch' an students, exemplified by the story of
the woman refreshment seller whom the sutra-Iecturer Te-shan (782-
865) encounters that Dogen mentions, seem to be a growing genre in the
texts compiled or composed in the Sung. The story of Te-shan and the
woman refreshments seller itself, which does not appear in the entries for
Te-shan in the Chodang-chip , the Biographies of Eminent Monks Compiled
in the Sung (Sung kao-seng chuan or the CTCTL, is afeatured
kung-an in the Blue Cliff Record (Pi-yen lu) and appears to be well
known in the Sung.
50
The Sung texts also add many stories in which Sung women challenge
men masters successfully, in some cases teaching them, in other cases
merely demonstrating their equality with them as awakened beings. The
stories of Miao-tsung's encounters with Ch'an masters, including the
famous TS'ao-tung master Chen-hsieh Ch'ing-liao and her
ultimate teacher Ta-hui Tsung-kao, that are included in the Precious
Mirror of Humans and Gods (Jen-t'ien pao-chien show her
putting these famous masters at a disadvantage and winning a reputation
thereby. In one text there is a story in which Ta-hui's "First Seat" Wan-an
Tao-yen (1094-1164) at Ta-hui' s urging seeks a Dharma-combat
interview with Miao-tsung before she has become a nun. Wan-an rl:!1tffi is
upset because Ta-hui has lodged her for the rainy season retreat in his
abbot's quarters. When he goes to see her she meets the challenge and
offers one of her own by appearing naked; she goes on to best him in the
ensuing exchange. We might say that Ta-hui has cast her in the role of
teacher for Wan-an, a role she takes up with great brilliance.
51
50. Cf. IsHII Shuda, Chugoku zenshii shiwa: Shinji ShObi5genziJ ni manabu, Kyoto:
Zenbunka Kenkyusho 1988, p. 460.
51. See my essay "Stories of Enlightened Women in Ch'an and the Chinese Buddhist
Female Bodhisattva IGoddess Tradition", in Karen L. King, ed., Women and
Goddess Traditions in Antiquity and Today, Minneapolis: Fortress Press 1997,
pp. 137-76, especially pp. 152-61.
LEVERING 107
One of the most enjoyable of the stories of Sung women challenging
men is the story of Yti Tao-p'o's meeting with Ytian-wu K'o-ch'in. Yti,
whose profession was making donuts with her husband in Chinling, had
attained an awakening due to the master Lang-ya's showing her Lin-chi's
saying about 'the "true man of no rank." Later when Ytian-wu was
approaching the teaching seat for his inaugural teaching session as abbot
and master at Chiang-shan MrlI near Chinling, Yti Tao-p'o bounded
forth from the assembly, gave him a shove with her body and disappeared
back into the crowd. When Ytian-wu went the next day to see her at her
house, she did not come out to greet him. Instead she shouted, "Such a
yellow-mouthed little boy - and you say you are an abbot and a teacher!"
Ytian-wu said, "Stop bragging so much, old woman, I've already recognized
you." She then laughed heartily and came out to meet him.52 After this
many monks sought her out, and her challenges to them and the ensuing
dialogues are recorded. It is never mentioned that she became a nun; nor
is her husband ever mentioned again.
A minority of women in the Sung Ch' an records become nuns while
still unmarried in their teens and twenties and pursue monastic careers. In
many cases women have to find a way to leave marriages. In fact there
seems to be more than one example of a pattern that as it is represented
suggests a second imagined accepted life course for women Dharma-heirs
in the Sung. Women who become interested in Ch'an often have married,
but do their best to withdraw from family life. Sometimes in the biographies
we are told that they are not allowed by their families to become nuns,
though they are allowed to withdraw from marriages and return home.
They study and practice at home, and go to see masters. On achieving
awakening, they live on the margins of monastic life. They become famous
for their awakening and many (including men no doubt) visit them to
discuss Ch'an. They do not return to family life - we have no stories of
women who live in families after their awakening and tum their wisdom
to the benefit of marital relationships or family concerns, Late in life they
may become nuns and abbesses. A good example of this pattern is the
story of K'ung-shih Tao-jen. She comes from the family of an official,
and marries the grandson of the chief minister Su Sung ~ i ' J L Before
very long she tires of her worldly life, returns to her parents' home and
52. For the lively rendering of this story I am indebted to Thomas CLEARY. Cf.
"Kahawai Koans" in the journal Kahawai:loumal of women and Zen, vol. IV.1
(1982): 14,
JIABS 21.1 108
asks to be allowed to become a nun. When this request is denied, she
cultivates Buddhist study and practice at home. She reads Tu-shun ;f
)I[f{'s Contemplation of the Dharmadhiitu, has a realization, and expresses
her understanding in poems. After her parents' death she follows her
brother to his new official post, where she meets and has a Dharma
exchange with Ssu-hsin. He approves her awakening. She later lives in
Chinling, where she operates a bathhouse at a large Ch'an monastery.
She posts poems on signs on the bathhouse that challenge all comers to
demonstrate that they understand the meaning of dirt and washing before
they may wash. One begins: "There is not a single thing, what would you
wash? If there is a speck of dust, where does it come from?" Later she
becomes a nun in Suchou.
In the Sung texts men are shown seeking out these women on the
margins for conversation about Dharma at least as often as they are
shown seeking out awakened nun teachers.
Women teaching men, Part II: Abbesses teaching men
But what about stories about women formally teaching men within Ch'an
institutional settings, which is after all what Dagen is proposing in the
Raihaitokuzui? Are the stories about Mo-shan the only examples in the
Sung texts on which Dagen could have drawn? The story of the Northern
Sung nun Hui-kuang provides an example of a nun teaching public ally in
the presence of men, for she was invited to preach in a mixed assembly
when she was invited along with monks to receive a purple robe from the
emperor in a ceremony at the palace, and like them was invited to preach
in the presence of the emperor and the assembled monastic and lay guests.
Nonetheless, the texts we have do not portray nuns as regularly having
men students, or show them regularly preaching to mixed audiences or to
men. Nothing in the Chinese Ch'an records causes us to be surprised that
Dagen in his sermon seems to be able to adduce few stories that support
his point.
53
And what about Dagen's account of nuns who are ordered to serve as
abbesss being invited to ascend the Hall and teach in the monasteries in
which they are enrolled, i.e., their training monasteries, occasions on
which the whole assembly from the abbot on down stand formally to
53. There are a few other stories that involve interactions between nuns active in
Ch' an and monks, in which the monk obtains profit from the nun's words.
LEVERING 109
receive teaching, and monks ask questions? The only confirmation of
Dagen's report on this that I can find in the Ch' an texts lies in the record
for the nun teacher Miao-tao in the Lien-teng. The record of Miao-tao frfJ>
~ ' s first sermon begins with a monk (seng { ~ ) asking a question, "When
your words do not extend to any affair and your words do not fit the truth
- what about that?" She answers, "You fall into the hole before you have
even defecated." And then she continues with a longer comment on the
dilemma she faces in carrying out her role as a preacher of Dharma and
being forced to use words.
54
Dagen's advice to his male students to take women as their teachers
when the abbot and his assistant teacher, the First Seat, are not around,
goes beyond anything tbat we find in the Sung texts, and, as suggested
above, perhaps reflects both the logic of his non-dualism and the enthusiasm
of a convert .55 Were his Japanese students to have followed Chih-hsien's
example en masse, at Dagen's recommendation, the Zen sangha and its
institutions would have looked quite different from the way Dagen's
Sung Chinese predecessors represented their own. Southern Sung Ch'an
represented women as studying with male masters in male monasteries,
and teaching in women's monasteries. It represented monks as seeking
out enlightened lay women, or marginally monastic women, for Ch'an
discourse. But Sung Ch' an was apparently far from being transgressive
enough to represent itself as encouraging men to study with women
formally. This would have had the effect of further integrating the male
and female sanghas. Ch'an monks concerned, as perhaps Dagen was not,
with maintaining their established position at the center of elite religion
would have been particularly unwilling to do this at a time when the state
and its Confucian revivalistleadership wanted to enact a more complete
54. In the course of the sermon she calls herself shan-seng, the monk Imonastic of
this mountain, as a number of other women teachers in the records are represented
as doing as well. Could nun students be represented as seng { ~ as well as ni .Ft:.?
55. But on the other hand, D6gen, in telling his audience that when they encounter
a woman who has attained the way, they should see her in an entirely new light,
which I interpret to mean not as the mere woman she was before but as the
awakened one she is now, sounds a note also much sounded in the Chinese
Ch'an texts. Sung masters repeatedly told their audiences such things as "you
see her as a woman, but she is a great hero, a ta-changju." Gender, or at least
the gender distinction that affects how Buddhists see each other, apparently is
something that has a certain fluidity. It can be transformed in the mind of the
beholder, and it can be transformed from within.
JIABS 21.1 110
. b d' S6
separation etween men an women. .
In the second, Secret ShOb6genzo part of his sermon Dagen says that
his listeners should not forget that nuns are superior to lay.people, even
to lay men, in their practice and attainment of the Way. Dagen asserts a
Buddhist view of status over against a non-Buddhist view that might
have been similar in both Chitia and Japan, which would have seen any
woman as inferior in status to any man. Dagen in effect says, on the
contrary, we Buddhists will continue to claim for women renunciant
Buddhists that they are entitled to great respect from the lay world.
Similarly, both Dagen and many masters and texts in the Ch'an Buddhist
world in China asserted, over against the current Confucian effort to
confine women to the inner quarters, that there will continue to be a
Buddhist claim that both monks and nuns can practice the Way, and that
both monks and nuns can play a public role in exercising their proper
function of teaching the Dharma. Both within the Buddhist monastic
context as abbesses and teachers, and in a more ambiguous new role as
informal teacher on the margins of monastic life. Those worthy to claim
that role by virtue of their attainment of awakened mind are not merely
women, as the secular and the Buddhist worlds see women, but are
great Beings, bodhisattvas and Buddhas.
56. Early in the Sung the emperor, on the good Confucian grounds that the separation
of men and women was an important principle. wanted to establish ordination
platforms in nuns temples. so that nuns' ordinations could be held without the
presence of monks. The monastic institution protested vigorously this departure
from the Vinaya tradition in which monks were to have some involvement in
the ordination of nuns. No doubt another unexpressed motive was to maintain
control.
TOM- TILLEMANS
A Note on Pramli1}avlirttika, Pramli1}asamuccaya and
Nyliyamukha. What is the svadharmin in Buddhist logic?
The logical fallacy of ilSrayiisiddha, or "unestablished basis", occurs
when the "basis" (iisraya), or subject (dharmin), of an argument is non-
existent - for our purposes, we shall call such a situation, "subject
failure". Now, clearly it is more or less East-West common sense that, in
usual cases at least, subject failure implies that one will not succeed in
demonstrating the whole proposition in which that subject figures. To
take the well-worn Western example, a proposition like "The present
king of France is bald" is either false or neither truth nor false, depend-
ing upon one's philosophical analysis, because there is no such king to
whom we can ascribe baldness. The logical dependence of the truth of
the proposition upon the subject's existence is agreed upon, even though
the question whether subject failure implies falsity or presuppositional
failure is not. Equally, a similar basic logical insight that the proposi-
tion's truth is dependent upon the subject is to be found amongst
Buddhist logicians, who hold that a thesis cannot be established
when the subject fails, because debate about its properties will naturally
cease,! That said, there are problematic cases where a philosopher,
Buddhist or otherwise, would certainly wish to maintain that subject
failure, or iisrayiisiddha, does not occur, even though the subject is non-
existent. For the Buddhist logician, this philosophical problem - i.e.
when iisrayiisiddha genuinely occurs and when the accusation is simply
misplaced - typically comes up in connection with such arguments as
proofs of momentariness refutations of pseudo-
entities accepted by non-Buddhists, and in the later Madhyamaka proofs
of the absence of intrinsic nature (nil:zsvabhiivatii). Thus, for example, to
take an argument which figures in Dharmaklrti's Pramiifwviirttika-
svavrtti and in the third chapter of his Pramiil}aviniscaya, if someone
manages to show that the Primordial Matter (pradhiina) accepted in
1. Cf. PramiilJaviirttika IV, k.76-79, translated in TILLEMANS 1995b. Several
studies have dealt with the Indian debates on iisrayiisiddha, one of the best still
being MATILAL 1970.
JIABS21.1 112
Saq:tkhya philosophy does not ill fact exist, then the Sarrkhya propo-
nent's thesis that pradhiina has such and such properties will thereby be
invalidated. This much is fairly obvious (and little differl?nt from the
case of the French king's baldness). The potential problem arises, how-
ever, when the Buddhist himself actually wants to show that a pseudo-
entity like pradhiina does not exist, or when the Buddhist wants to sim-
ply deny that pradhiina has the essential properties which the Sarytkhyas
attribute to it. We can readily understand that for the Buddhist, in this
type of context, where he is proving a simple denial of existence, a
charge of iisrayiisiddha must somehow be ruled out, on pain of an
absurd self-refutation.
The point of departure in many later Indian or Tibetan discussions on
iisrayiisiddha is very often Dignaga's definition of the thesis ..
in Pramiil}asamuccaya III. 2, in particular, the specification
that the thesis should not be opposed (aniriikrta) by perception and other
means of valid cognition with regard to the proponent's own intended
subject (svadharmil}i "with regard to his own subject").
Pramii:t}asamuccaya III. 2: svarapel}aiva nirdefyaf:t svayam 'niriikrtaf:t I pra-
svadharmil}i II "[A valid thesis] is one which
is intended by [the proponent] himself (svayam) as something to be stated
(nirdefya) in its [proper] form alone (svarupel}aiva) [i.e. as a siidhya]; [and] with
regard to [the proponent's] own subject (svadharmin), it is not opposed
(aniriikrta) by perceptible objects by inference (anumiina), by
authorities (iipta) or by what is commonly recognized (prasiddha)."
By saying that the thesis or "what is being proven" (siidhya) should not
be opposed (aniriikrta) "with regard to [the proponent's] own [intended]
subject (svadharmil}i)"2, Dignaga supposedly recognized that not only
the property to be proved (siidhyadharma) should be unopposed by any
means of valid cognition (pramiil}a), but also that the proponent's sub-
ject must be existent, for if the subject were not existent it could not
have the property, and hence the thesis would be invalidated.3
Now, the term svadharmin, which figures briefly in Dignaga's
Pramiil}asamuccaya (but not in his earlier Nyiiyamukha), will be com-
mented upon in extenso in Dharmaldrti's Pramiil}aviirttika IV, k. 136-
148 as meaning that one has to make a distinction between the subject
actually intended by the proponent himself (svadharmin) and one which
2. Cf. Vibhiiticandra's gloss on svadharmil}i, Pramiil}aviirttikavrtti 459, n.5:
svasya dharmf svadharmf tatra.
3. See Pramiil}aviirttika N, k. 137-139.
TILLEMANS 113
is jus(unrelated, "isolated" (kevala), or (to adopt a frequent Tibetan
gloss on kevala) is simply "nominal" in the sense that it is spoken about
but is not the actual subject at stake.
4
It is only when the proponent's
actual intended subject fails to exist that the fallacy of iiSraylisiddha will
occur. The necessity to make a separation between the two especially
arises in the cases where one wishes to prove that a certain pseudo-entity
is in fact non-existent or does not have such-and-such 'an essential
property, for, as we saw earlier, it is especially in this of case that
lisraylisiddha would be an absurd self-refutation. What is it in non-exis-
tence proofs that makes them of different logical structure from other
proofs, so that differences of svadharmin and kevaladharmin can (and
4. The term kevala[dharminJ = chos can 'ba' zig pa does not seem to figure in
Dignaga, but is introduced first in IV, k.140: nanv etad apy
arthasiddha1J'l satya1J'l kecit tu dharmi1:tal; / kevalasyoparodhe 'pi
upiigatiil; " "[Objection:] But surely this too is established by implication.
[Reply:] That is true. But some hold that [the thesis] is faulty even when an unre-
lated (kevala) subject is negated." Devendrabuddhi is sparing in his gloss on
kevala, describing it as yan gar ba ("isolated, alone, separate"); see Pramii1J.a-
viirttikapaiijikii D. 297b2. ad k. 143 speaks of this
"unrelated/nominal" dharmin as tadasambaddhaparaparikalpitadharmin ("a
subject imagined by the opponent and unrelated to that [property to be proved]").
The term yan gar ba will be taken up again by Tson kha pa, in his dBu ma rgyan
gyi zin bris: chos can 'ba' zig pa ni / chos can du smras kyan skabs de'i bsgrub
bya'i chos kyi rten min pas / chos can yan gar bar son ba'i don no / "kevaIa-
dharmin means that although it is stated as the subject it is not the basis of the
property to be proved in that context [of the discussion] and is thus an isolated
subject"; see TILLEMANS 1984: 366-367. Cf. Nag dbaIi bstan dar's explanation
(in his gCig du bral gyi mam bzag, p. 455.3) of chos can 'ba' zig pa as smras
pa'i chos can "the stated subject"; the section on iisrayiisiddha in this work has
been translated in TILLEMANS and LOPEZ (1998). Finally, note that the Sa skya
pa Rigs gter tradition as explained by Siikya mchog ldan speaks of the two types
of subjects in terms of a somewhat different opposition, that of son tshod kyi
chos can versus rlom tshod kyi chos can, "the subject as it [actually] is" versus
"the subject as it is taken by inflated misconception". Cf. Tshad ma rigs gter gyi
dgons rgyan smad cha f.76a2-4: de Ita na yan skabs 'dir dpyad pa 'di 'jug dgos
te / gtso bo chos can / yod pa ma yin te ma dmigs pa 'i phyir / zes pa Ita bu / med
par dgag pa gtan tshigs su bkod pa mams la rlom tshod kyi chos can med kyan /
chos can gyi no bo ma grub par mi 'gyur la / yan gtso boyod te / khyad par
mams rjes su 'gro ba'i phyir / zes pa Ita bu sgrub pa'i gtan tshigs su bkod pa
mams la son tshod kyi chos can yod kyan / rlom tshod med na chos cangyi no
bo ma grub par 'jog dgos pa yin te / de Ita bu'i tshul giiis ka sde bdun mdzad
pa'i gzun las gsal bar gsuns pa'i phyir /. On the son tshod vs. rlom tshod oppo-
sition, see DREYFUS 1997: 161, 168; see also TILLEMANS 1995a: 869-870, n. 19.
JIABS 21.1 114
indeed must) be made? What is the svadharmin and what is the kevala-
dharmin in such proofs?5
What we find in the Indian Buddhist literature is that DharmakIrtian
commentators, like Devendrabuddhi and Sakyabuddhi, in their explana-
tions of k. 136-148, emphasize the idea that subjects, like space, taken as
real (dnos por gyur pa = vastubhata) by the opponents, are kevala in
proofs where the property to be proved and the reason are "mere exclu-
sions" (rnam par gcod pa tsam = vyavacchedamiitra); in these special
cases, the subjects can be negated with impunity. Although Devendra-
buddhi himself does not gloss these "mere exclusions" by the notion of
non-implicative negations so often invoked in
Buddhist philosophy, the transition is very natural and is, indeed,
explicitly made by Sakyabuddhi: mere exclusion means that no entity or
positive property is stated, implied or presupposed.
6
The idea then is that
5. Note that Tibetan writers coined and widely used the term ran rten chos can "the
subject which is his own basis" and used this term instead of the term sva
dharmin [= ran gi chos can]. It can be shown that this was an error which came
from relying on the wrong translation of the PramiilJasamuccayavrtti. However,
the idea is the same as svadharmin. The translation of the PramiilJasamuccaya-
vrtti by is extremely bad here. The text in KITAGAWA 1973:
472 reads: ... rna bsal ba' 0 II mnon sum don dan rjes dpag dan yid ches grags
pas ran rten la' o. This passage is what was cited by numerous authors, including
Tson kha pa, lCaIi skya and also Sa skya pas like Go rams pa bSod nams sen ge,
but only as mnon sum don dan rjes dpag dan yid ches grags pas ran rten la' 0,
which, without rna bsal ba, is little better than gibberish. The problem is that the
phrase rna bsal ba' 0 = aniriikrta, having a final particle Co) was probably not
understood to go together with mnon sum ... ran rten la' 0, and as a result it was
not cited at all. The translation of Kanakavarman correctly has ran gi chos can La
mnon sum ... grags pas rna bsal ba' 0 (= 'niriikrta!:z /
prasiddhena svadharmilJi II); see TILLEMANS 1984: n.42 . The phrase ran rten
la' 0 is also sometimes cited in earlier works, such as on p.438 of the 13th
Century work, rNam ' grel gyi mam bSad gans can gyi rgyan of bTsun pa ston
gzon, who followed the Rigs gter of Sa skya Pm;u;lita; however ran rten chos can
may be a later invention. At any rate, it is found in Tson kha pa's dBu rna rgyan
gyi zin bris and in the numerous dGe lugs explanations of iisrayiisiddha based
on this zin bris.
6. PramiilJaviirttikapafijikii D. 296b4 et seq.; PramiilJaviirttika{ikii D. 269a4-5: gtan
tshigs mam par gcod pa' i no bo rna grub pa fiid rna yin no ies bya ba ni / Gig
car sgra sogs rgyu min phyir lies bya ba'i gtan tshigs mam par gcod pa tsam
gyi no bo med par dgag pa tsam gyi mtshan fiid rna grub pa fiid rna yin te I dnos
por gyurpa'i choscanmednayan thasfiadpa'i chos can mam par gcod pa tsam
la gnod pa med pa' i phyir roll. On versus paryudiisaprati-
("implicative negation"), see KArrYAMA 1973 and the references in its n. 1.
TILLEMANS 115
so long as we are merely denying that such-and-such a pseudo-entity has
a property P (e.g. existence, permanence, etc.), no positive assertion of
any other property is implied at all, and hence a charge of iisrayiisiddha
would be misplaced. Such a position was adopted by writers such as
Prajfiakaragupta, KamalasTIa and by Tibetan writers such as Tson kha
pa, lean skya Rol pa'i rdo rje, A lag sa Nag dban bstan dar and the Sa
skya pa, Sakya mchog ldan et al., with the further development that
when a Buddhist logician is proving a mere exclusion, or non-
implicative negation, such as that the space (iikiisa) is not a
permanent unity or that the Sarpkhya's Primordial Matter (pradhiina)
does not exist, the kevaladharmin is just the space or Primordial Matter
which the adversary takes to be real, whereas the Buddhist proponent's
intended subject, the svadharmin, is the conceptual image of these
pseUdo-entities. In that case, the proponent's own intended subject, i.e.
the svadharmin, will be unreal externally (avastubhiita), but will
nonetheless exist qua conceptual representation; the fallacy of
asrayiisiddhahetu will thus be avoided.
This is, in its essentials, the approach which was advocated by later
Indian writers as well as by Tibetans, although with a number of inno-
vations and refinements centering on the theory of apoha and on the
nature of the conceptual representations, as well as some interesting dis-
cussions in the Tibetan literature on subtleties such as whether pra-
would always allow us to avoid iisrayiisiddha or whether
a conceptual subject could only legitimately have as
its properties.?
In fact, as we shall show, there are competing scenarii as to what sva-
dharmin was for Dharmaklrti and Dignaga when they dealt with
Buddhist refutations of the pseudo-entities accepted by their adversaries.
First scenario: The proponent's own intended subject (svadharmin) in
non-existence proofs and proofs of simple negations is taken to be just a
conceptual representation of the entity in question and not the entity
itself.
Second scenario: The reasoning in question should be paraphrased so
that the svadharmin and the property to be proved are to be understood
in ways acceptable to the Buddhist proponent himself.
7. These are developed in Nag dbail bstan dar's gCig du bral gyi mam biag. See
TILLEMANS and LOPEZ 1998: 101-102.
JIABS21.1 116
Now, the first way to take the svadharmin, which we shall designate as
being the "Principle of Conceptual Subjects", turns on a deliberate
rapprochement with Dignaga's discussion, in his Nyiiyamukha, of the
argument against the existence of Primordial Matter (pradhiina =
prakrti) and hence with the corresponding discussions in DharrnakIrti's
PramiilJaviirttikasvavrtti and PramiilJaviniscaya lIP The second ap-
proach (i.e. the "Method of Paraphrase") is probably what figures in the
discussion on svadharmin in PramiilJasamuccaya(vrtti) III and PramiilJa-
viirttika IV. It is, broadly speaking, close to the Method of Paraphrase
which was used in Nyiiyamukha to analyse the Satpkhya's supposed
proof for pradhiina existing because of the individual things all bearing
the same general characteristic.
Let us first look at the Nyiiyamukha and PramiilJasamuccaya in a bit
more detai1.
9
In the Nyiiyamukha, Dignaga had discussed different
arguments in connection with the Satpkhya school, the first argument
being a supposed Satpkhya proof of the existence of pradhiina due to the
various individual things possessing the same general characteristic, the
second being a Buddhist argument to show pradhiina' s non-existence. In
both cases, given that the subject of the argument was pradhiina, a
pseudo-entity, there was a potential charge of iiSrayiisiddha. Dignaga, in
the first case, had avoided this charge by giving what he took to be a
more rigorous philosophical paraphrase of the opponent's argument:
"For them, [as for the fIrst syllogism,] they should formulate the thesis as 'The
various individuals certainly possess one and the same cause [i.e. pradhana]' , in
which case they do not prove [directly the existence of] the Primordial Matter [i.e.
dharmin]."
Dignaga then took up the second reasoning, "Primordial Matter (pra-
dhiina) and so forth are non-existent because they are not perceived" (na
santi pradhiiniidayo 'nupalabdhel:z)lO, and avoided the fault of iisrayii-
siddha by invoking the idea of the subject being merely conceptual:
8. Pramiilyaviniscaya P. 306a-307a; PramiJ:tyaviniscaya III, k.53-57 = PramiilJa-
viirttika I, k. 205-208 and 210.
9. For the Nyiiyamukha, see KATSURA 1992: 230-231, KATSURA 1978: 110-111,
TUCCI 1930: 16-17; the parallel passage PramiJlJasamuccayavrtti is P. 128b6-8.
The translations from the Nyiiyamukha, in what follows, are those in KATSURA
1992: 230.
10. See PramiilJaviirttikasvavrtti (ed. Gnoli) 105: atha yad idaJTl na santi pradhanii-
dayo 'nupalabdher iti t ...
TILLEMANS 117
"When they [i.e. the Buddhists] argue that [Primordial Matter] does not
exist[because of non-perception], 'non-perception' is a property of the imagined
object [i.e. pradhiina] (kalpitasyiinupalabdhir dharmaf:t)."
It is noteworthy that later, in the subsequent parallel discussion in Pra-
miiIJaSamuccaya III, Dignaga prudently avoided even mentioning the
problematical second reasoning and that elsewhere, taking up pradhiina,
he seems to have advocated more rigid strictures, excluding as illegimate
all arguments which had such unacknowledged as sub-
jects. Primordial Matter was not to be a subject of inference. As
KATSURA has pointed out recently, what may be the case is that
Dignaga had little place in PramiiIJasamuccaya for such proofs at all,
and that Dignaga, in his later writings, tended towards a logic in which
unreal or conceptual subjects could have no role. I I
Be that as it may, DharmakIrti used the argument in Dignaga's Nyiiya-
mukha proving the non-existence of pradhiina as well as the Nyiiya-
mukha's phrase kalpitasyiinupalabdhir dharmab
12
to come up with a
general principle in PramiiIJavarttika I, k. 205-212, the Svavrtti and
PramiiIJaviniscaya III that the directly signified objects of words were
always conceptual representations (kalpanii); he then maintained that
although pradhiina did not exist as something real and external, its con-
ceptual representation, or in other words, the object of the word (sabdii-
rtha) existed, so that the charge of iiSrayiisiddha did not apply. The
argument relies on ideas from the theory of apoha, but is situated in the
context of the general discussion of non-perception (anupalabdhi). To
take PramiiIJaviirttika I, k. 205-206 (= PramiiIJaviniscaya III, k. 53-54):
/
sabdiirthas trividho dharmo bhiiviibhiivobhayasrayaf:t 1/
tasmin bhiiviinupiidiine siidhye 'syiinupalambhanam /
tathii hetur na tasyaiviibhiivaf:t sabdaprayogataf:t II
"The verbal object (sabdiirtha), which is completely derived from conceptualisa-
tion proceeding from beginningless karmic tendencies, is a dharma of three kinds:
based on something existent, something non-existent or both.!3
11. SeeKATSURA1992:231.
12. Pramiiraviirttikasvavrtti (ed. Gnoli) 107: yat punar etad uktarrt kalpitasyiinupa-
labdhir dharma iti ...
13. The point in k. 205's specifying three kinds of sabdiirtha is that the conceptual
representation which is the direct object of words can have as its substratum an
existent thing like a cloth, or a non-existent thing like a rabbit's horn, or some-
thing which is "both existent and non-existent" - in this latter case, pseudo-enti-
ties like pradhiina or rsvara ("God") are existent qua concepts, but non-existent
JIABS21.1 118
When this [verbal object, such as pradhiina, etc.], which is without any existent
substratum, is being proven, then' the non-perception of this as being in such a
way [i.e. as existing externally] is the logical reason. The non-existence of this
very [sabdiirtha] itself is not, for we do use words [like 'pradhiina', etc.]."14
Commentators, on the other hand, use the passages in the Svavrtti and in
the Pramii1}aviniScaya III, in which there is no talk of svadharmin but
only of conceptual representations, as their textual justification for also
taking the svadharmin spoken of in Pramii1}aviirttika IV as being a con-
ceptual representation when the Buddhist is arguing against pseudo-enti-
ties accepted by other schools. Significantly enough, though, the actual
passages in Pramii1}aviirttika IV (and in Pramii1}asamuccayavrtti III)
which discuss svadharmin do not mention or even allude to this idea of
the subject in such proofs being a conceptual representation at all. The
application of the general idea of apoha and sabdiirtha found in PV I,
k. 205-206 to the svadharmin-kevaladharmin context figures only in the
commentators.
We seem to have commentators taking notions from one context, i.e.
the anti-SaIpkhya discussion in Nyiiyamukha, Svavrtti and Pramii1}a-
viniscaya and the theory of anupalabdhi and apoha, and imposing them
on another, namely, the discussion about svadharmin in Pramii1}asamuc-
caya(vrtti) III and Pramii1}aviirttika IV. How well does this stratagem
work? It may work as a creative synthesis, but not, I think, as a faithful
textual account.
Significant here are Prajfiakaragupta's explanations of Pramii1}a-
viirttika IV, k.141-142 in that we find this eighth century commentator
explicitly stating that there were the two scenarii (which we spoke about
above) when interpreting Dharmaki"rti's refutation of the
notion of really existent and permanent space (i.e. a pseudo-entity which
no Buddhist will accept). In particular, Prajfiakaragupta makes it clear
that one interpretation of these kiirikiis was to invoke what we have
termed the "the Principle of Conceptual Subjects": the actual intended
subject is not the space which the takes to be a real external
entity (vastubhUta) - that is only the nominal subject, the one which is
spoken about, but is not what possesses the properties to be proved or
qua external entities. Cf. Pramiil)avarttikavrtti ad k. 204: katham ity iiha I bhiivii-
bhiivobhayasrayaJ:t I sadasadubhayavikalpaviisaniiprabhavatviit I tadadhyava-
siiyena I tatra bhiivopiidano vikalpaJ:t patiidir abhiivopiidiinaJ:t
I ubhayopiidiinaJ:t pradhiineSvaradiJ:t I.
14. Additions based on Pramiil)avarttikavrtti.
TILLEMANS 119
the reason - the svadharmin is the conceptual representation of space.
Thus, according to Prajiiakaragupta, on this first scenario the sva-
dharmin, on the basis of which the proponent proves that space does not
have "a novel nature unproduced [by causal conditions]" (na ... anut-
piidyiipurvarupa)15, is unreal (avastubhuta) and is completely derived
from conceptualisation.
The other interpretation of Pramiil}aviirttika N, k.141-142 mentioned
by Prajiiakaragupta - an interpretation which clearly turns on the
Method of Paraphrase - is that the svadharmin is not the s
permanent unitary space, nor the conceptual representation, but rather
the impermanent space which the Buddhist himself accepts. The argu-
ment in k. 141-142 thus has to be paraphrased and actually means that
space is impermanent because it produces effects sequentially. We quote
k. 141-142 along with Prajiiakaragupta' s
(141) yatha parair anutpadyapurvarupaJ?1
16
na khadikam /
sakrc chabdadyahetutvad ity ukte praha dU$akaJ:t II
(142) tadvad vastusvabhavo 'san dharmfvyomadir ity api I
naivam i$tasya sadhyasya badha kacana
17
vidyate II
"For example, when [the Buddhist] states that space, etc. do not have a novel
nature unproduced by other [conditions] because they are not causes for
[producing their qualities such as] sound, etc. all at once, then the
adversary might say that like that the subject, space, etc., would also not have the
nature of a real entity. [DharmakIrti's position:] In this fashion [even though the
subject is invalidated
18
], there is in fact no invalidation of the intended [proposi-
tion] to be proved (sadhya) at all."
Pramaravtirttikabha$ya ad k.141-142: "Here an opponent might say: 'But this
proves that space and the like are not novel natures unproduced [by causal condi-
tions]. In that way, it proves that a subject such as space is not real
(vastutvabhava)'. [Reply:] An unrelated invalidation of the subject is not faulty.
Indeed, the proponent commits no fault like this. For, precisely what he intends to
prove is that space and so forth are not real. Consequently, there is no fault in
saying with reference to a subject, unreal space (avastubhataktisadharmiri), that
space does not have a novel nature unproduced [by other causal conditions],
because it is not a cause [for producing its effects such as sound] all at once. This
is because [he] establishes the [property] to be proved on the basis of a subject
which is completely derived from conceptualisation dharmbJi
sadhyasiidhanad). But a real thing is not the subject of that [property]. Therefore,
15. This is the same as proving that space is not a permanent unity.
16. The reading in MIYASAKA's edition, i.e. anutpiidya purvarupan, is wrong.
17. MIYASAKA, kvacana; cf. Tib. 'ga' yan.
18. PramtilJavtirttikav.rtti ad k. 142: evaJ?1 dharmibadhane 'pi.
JIABS 21.1 120
although there is invalidation of this unrelated (kevala) [subject], there is [in fact]
no fault. This is what is meant by the word svadharmin [in Pramiir.rasamuc-
caya]. Indeed, when the opponent's subject is invalidated it is not so that this
property [i.e. non-existence] will be unestablished. So, as there is nothing annul-
ing the establishment of the property to be proved (siidhyadharma), there is no
fault.
Alternatively, this [reasoning that space] does not have a novel unproduced
nature because it is not the cause [for its effects] all at once, has the following
meaning: space is impermanent. To this an adversary might say that the subject,
permanent space, has been invalidated. But let it be invalidated. Even so the sub-
ject will be impermanent space. For, the contrary of the [property] to be proved
will deftnitely be invalidated by the logical reason. And indeed a permanent sub-
ject is not the locus for the property to be proved under discussion, so when it is
invalidated how could there be any fault at all!"19
The question immediately arises: Which of the two interpretations, or
two scenarii, best fits PramiilJaviirttika IV? Or, in other words: How
exactly did DharmakIrti make the distinction between the proponent's
own intended subject (svadharmin) and unrelated (kevala) subjects in
PramiilJaviirttika IV, k.136-148? Did DharmakIrti opt for an approach
which relied upon the Principle of Conceptual Subjects or did he use the
Method of Paraphrase? In our opinion, there can be little doubt:
DharmakIrti's position in PramiilJaviirttika IV was the Method of Para-
phrase. The commentators' attempts to read a Principle of Conceptual
Subjects into k.136-148 are an attempt to read the Svavrtti-PramiilJa-
viniscaya discussion of apoha, sabdiirtha and anupalabdhi into a context
where it does not easily belong. That said, most, if not all, of the later
19. atra prativiidy iiha I athaiviiyam anutpiidyiipurvarupatiibhiivarrz siidhayati
vyomiidfniirrz (I) tathii vyomiididharmi"(!o 'pi vastutviibhiivarrz siidhayati I na
dharmibiidhanarrz kevalarrz I na hy evarrz viidino I tena hi vastu-
bhUtam iikiisiidikarrz na bhavatfty etad eva siidhayitum I tato 'vastubhUtii-
kiisadharmi"(!y anutpiidyiipurvarnpam iikiisiidikarrz na bhavati sa/q"d ahetutviid iti
na I dharmi"(!i siidhyasiidhaniid vastubhUtas tu dharmf
na tasya I tena tasya kevalasya biidhiiyiim api na iti svadharmivacanam I
na hi paradharmi"(!i biidhyamiine sa dharmo na sidhyati I tatal:t siidhyadharma-
siddher* avyiighiitiid I
atha viinutpiidyiipurvaruparrz na bhavati sakrd ahetutviit I asyiiyam arthal:t I
anityam iikiisam (I) tatra paral:t I nityam iikiisarrz dharmibiidhitarrz bhavati I
biidhyatiirrz tathiipy anityam iikiisarrz dharmf I avas-yarrz hi hetunii
siidhyaviparyayo biidhitavyal:t I nityo hi dharmf na prakrtasiidhyadharmii-
dhiiras** tatas tadbiidhane ka iva I. *R. SaIilqtyayana read: siidhya-
dhar:misiddher; but see Tib. P. 234a5: des na bsgrub bya'i chos 'grub pa la
gnod pa med pa'i phyir Pies pa ma yin no II **Read prakrtasiidhyadharmii-
dhiiras following B (= Diinasfla' s ms) instead of prakrtasiidhyadharmiikiiras.
TILLEMANS 121
Indo-Tibetan tradition has understood the relevant kiirikiis in Dharma-
kIrti's Pramii1J.aviirttika N according to the first scenario!
If we look at the rest of the discussion in this section of Pramiirta-
viirttika IV, it is clear that k,144-145 is a complete parallel to k,141-
142: what holds for the latter should hold for the former. In k.144-145,
DharmakIrti is confronted by the objection that if his refutation of the
V s permanent space is correct, then a certain Buddhlst argument
against the Srupkhya will fail, for the Buddhist will have to face the
charge that refuting the subject would lead to invalidation of the whole
thesis and hence viruddhahetu. Briefly said, the negative existential
proof would turn out to be self-refuting. The stated subject of the anti-
Srupkhya argument is "pleasure, etc." (sukhiidi), that is to say, "pleasure,
pain and bewilderment", each of these terms being understood in the
light of Srupkhya philosophy where each feeling is correlated with one
of the three gU1J.as ("qualities"), these gU1J.as in tum being of the essence
of Primordial Matter. The Buddhist then argues that pleasure, etc., i.e.
pradhiina, is not the permanent nature of the various effects or trans-
formations (vikrti) making up the world, because if it were, then all its
effects such as sound and the like would be have to be produced simulta-
neously, and such is not in fact the case. Here the Srupkhya supposedly
retorts that refuting the permanence of pleasure, etc., i.e. pradhana, is
tantamount to refuting the subject itself .. DharmakIrti then uses the
Method of Paraphrase, to maintain that what the proponent is actually
proving is that ordinary (and real) etc., which are acknowl-
edged by all, are impermanent, because they produce their effects
sequentially (kramakriyii) - thus one does not refute the proponent's
actual subject, which is pleasure, etc. taken as the ordinary, impermanent
and fully real entity (vastubhuta) accepted by Buddhists and others alike,
and not the theoretical pseudo-entity "pleasure, etc." as accepted by only
Srupkhya philosophers ..
The parallel with k,141-142 is striking and deliberate: the arguments
have the exact same reasons and virtually the same siidhyadharma,
differing only in their choice of subjects, i.e. space, etc. or pleasure, etc.
If DharmakIrti's whole argument is to work, then the svadharmin in
k.141-142 cannot be the conceptual representation, it must be the
Buddhist's own accepted notion of impermanent space; just as in k, 144-
145 the svadharmin is not an unreal conceptual representation, but is just
the ordinary accepted entities. Not only that, but if we look at the terms
used in Prajiiakaragupta's description of the first approach (i.e. relying
JIABS 21.1 122
on the Principle of Conceptual Subjects), when Prajiiakaragupta. speaks
of dharmil}i siidhyasiidhaniid the choice of words
deliberately mirror k. 205's The
matter is thus probably as follows: the first approach, where one takes
PramiilJaviirttika IV's discussion of svadharmin versus kevaladharmin
along the lines of the first approach is a commentator's strategy
consisting in a transposition into Pramiil}aviirttika IV of a discussion
elsewhere in Dharmaldrti, but it is a transposition which probably does
not fit the actual context of DharmakIrti's argumentation of svadharmin
and kevaladharmin.
I would not want to suggest that this "transposition" grossly falsifies
the notion of svadharmin - that type of conclusion would not only look
somewhat arrogant on our part but would denigrate the creative
syntheses that commentators typically make in juxtaposing a doctrine in
one part of a work with one in another. Nonetheless, I think it is impor-
tant to see this later synthesis for what it is and that it probably did not
already figure in Dignaga and Dharmaldrti's own thought. The question
of conceptual representations being the subject in negative proofs was
most likely not at stake in Pramiil}aviirttika IV, k. 136-148, this in spite
of the fact that so many authors from Prajiiakaragupta and KamalasIla to
Tson kha pa and Nag dban bstan dar cite these kiirikiis as the source for
the idea that the svadharmin is a conceptual representation.
A final remark. It is probably fair to say that the history of Buddhist
thought about iiSrayiisiddha and svadharmin would have been quite
different if the Method of Paraphrase had been emphasized and further
developed by later writers. Was it is a good thing that the solution by
conceptual representation became predominant in Buddhist logic? A type
of Method of Paraphrase can be used very well to deal with the problem
of talk about non-being, as we see in certain contemporary applications
of RUSSELL's Theory of Descriptions. We can, for example, paraphrase
"Pegasus does not exist", or "Pegasus does not fly" as repectively:
"There is no x which is Pegasus" or "There is no x, such that x is
Pegasus and x flies, etc."; these approaches avoid the problem of a
pseudo-entity nonetheless existing somehow as a concept. Paraphrase
starts with the assumption that what is literally said is often not what is
actually meant, and this assumption yields an extremely effective
approach for avoiding commitment to needless conceptual entities. Thus
a sentence like "I did it for Peter's sake" bears only an apparent simi-
TILLEMANS 123
larity to "I did it for Peter's brother". Although we are committed to the
existence of brothers, we are not actually obliged to accept that there are
odd metaphysical or purely conceptual entities known as "sakes": "sakes"
can be paraphrased away when we reformulate what we really mean.
However, the Buddhists did not go that route; arguably they took a less
promising path, frought with avoidable problems. Indeed, the later
Tibetan writings oli the problem show just how complicating a devel-
opment it was to mix apoha with the svadharmin-kevaladharmin
problem. It is curious that most elements for a satisfactory theory of talk
about non-being were already present to varying degrees in DharmakIrti
and some of the earlier commentators: a developed use of philosophical
paraphrase and a theory of negation without presupposition of existence.
The problem of iisrayiisiddha could have been treated purely as one
conceining the logical form of statements and negations, but the tempta-
tion to turn to the all-purpose and ever-present semantic theory of apoha
seems to have been irresistible. In the hands of commentators less taken
with apoha, things could perhaps have turned out to be much simpler,
but they did not
Bibliography and Abbreviations
A lag sa Nag dbrui bstan dar: gCig du bral gyi mam biag = gCig du bral gyi mam
Qiag legs Mad rgya mtsho las btus pa'i 'khrul spon bdud rtsi'i gzegs
ma. fu Vol. I of the Collected gSun 'bum ofbsTan-dar lha-ram of A-
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and Tibetan). Naritasan Sbinshoji: Acta fudologica 21972, pp. 1-206.
(pV I = Svarthanumana; PV II = Pramfu;lasiddhi; PV III =
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and Sen rgyal; P. 5702 (i.e. PSVb) transl.
Kanakavarman and Dad pa ses rab.
JIABS 21.1 124
DREYFUS, G. 1997: Recognizing Reality. Dharmakfrti's Philosophy and its Tibetan
Interpretations. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York Press.
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Tshad ma rigs gter gyi dgons rgyan rigs pa'i 'khor los lugs nan
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Sakya- mchog-Idan. Reprinted by Nagwang Topgyal. Delhi 1988.
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Hiroshima University 38: 110-130.
1992: "Dignaga and DharmakIrti on adarsanamatra and anupalabdhi",
Asiatische Studien / Etudes asiatiques 46.1: 222-231.
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Vibhiiticandra in the appendices to the Journal of the Bihar and
Orissa Research Society 24 (1938) part ill. Also ed. by D. ShastrI,
Varanasi: Bauddha Bharati 3, 1968.
MATILAL, B.K. 1970: "Reference and Existence in Nyaya and Buddhist Logic",
Journal of Indian Philosophy 1: 83-110.
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Prajiiakaragupta: PramiilJaviirttikabhiifYa. Ed. R. Siii1lq1:yayana, Patna: Tibetan San-
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Sakyabuddhi: PramiilJaviirttikatfkii. P. 5718, D. 4220.
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1995b: "PramaJ.1avarttika IV (5)", Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde
Sudasiens 39: 103-150.
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existence? A Tibetan work on the problem of asrayasiddha", Journal
of Indian Philosophy 26: 99-129.
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TUCCI, G. 1930: The Nyiiyamukha of Digniiga. [Materialen zur Kunde des
Buddhismus 15]. Heidelberg 1930.
CHlKAFUMI WATANABE
A Translation of the Madhyamakahrdayaklirikli
with the Tarkajvlilli III. 137-146
1
Introduction
The Madhyamakahrdayakiirikii (hereafter, MHK) is one of the works
2
ascribed to Bhaviveka
3
(A.D. c. 490-570)4, who was one of the eight
known commentators on the MuZamadhyamakakiirikii (hereafter, MMK)5
of Nagarjuna (A.D. c. 150-250) and who used formal proofs in ex-
pounding Madhyamaka thought.
6
The only known manuscript of the
MHK was discovered and hand-copied by Rahula A.y ANA at
the Za lu monastery in Tibet in 1936. hand-copied the manu-
script there, he registered his copy as "VII Za Iu Monastery, XXXVII, 1.
311. TarkajviiZii (Madhyamakahrdaya)" in his handlist.7 Subsequently,
entrusted the copy to V.V. GOKHALE who later,
when visiting Japan in 1971, allowed several scholars to copy his copy
of the MHK, and entrusted further research on the MHK to them. Then,
in 1972, when GOKHALE visited Rome, he was given the chance to edit
the photographs of the manuscript of the MHK in a collection by G.
TUCCI who, while travelling in India, Nepal and Tibet, had succeeded in
photographing the MHK manuscript at the Za Iu monastery. Since then,
a number of chapters of the MHK have been edited and published based
upon these photographs from GOKHALE's notes
8
and Tucci's collection.
In 1991, other photographs of this same manuscript of the MHK were
published in China
9
, and in 1994, S.S. BAHULKAR published photo-
graphs of GOKHALE's notes in Japan,lO The MHK consists of roughly
928 and is divided into eleven chapters.l
2
The third
chapter of the MHK, is the most important chapter
among the eleven because Madhyamika thought is primarily presented in
this chapter, whereas in the other chapters Madhyamaka thought is
expressed through the criticism of other systems and schools.
13
A critical
edition of the Sanskrit text and of the Tibetan text of the third chapter of
the MHK was published and translated into Japanese by Yasunori EJIMA
in 1980.
14
In the same year, 1980, Shotaro IIDA published a critical
Sanskrit edition of verses 1-136 of the same chapter and of the Tibetan
JIABS 21.1 126
text of the Tarkajviilii (hereafter! TJ) corresponding to those verses,
accompanied by an English translation of the verses and the TJ.15 Prior
to those works, the TJ corresponding to verses 1-146 of t h ~ MHK was
translated by Jyosho NOZAWA into Japanese between 1954 and 1972.1
6
The main subject of verses 137-256 in the third chapter of the MHK
and the TJ is "the non-production of all dharmas." This is also the IIlain
subject discussed by Madhyamaka philosophers beginning with
Nagarjuna, many of whom tried to explain it by means of their own
methods and to examine it from their own viewpoints. The non-
production of all dharmas implies the emptiness (sunyatii) of all entities
in our world. The idea of emptiness, in the Madhyamika school, is basic
and very important among the Buddha's teachings. It can be said that
without understanding this idea, no understanding of the philosophy of
the Madhyamika is possible.
In this paper, I have translated verses 137-146
17
together with the
TJ18. In verses 139-146, Bhaviveka criticizes the doctrine of the pre-
existence of the effect in the cause in a potential state (satkiiryaviida),
etc., advocated by the Sarpkhya school. The Sarpkhyas claim that the
effect pre-exists in the cause and is therefore self-generated. Bhaviveka,
however, criticizes this opinion.
The present English translation of the MHK was made from the
Sanskrit text edited by EJIMA and the English translation of the TJ was
made from the Tibetan. I have attempted to translate the MHK and the
TJ as literally as possible but in a form that is as readable as possible.
Nevertheless, I fear that some ambiguity has unavoidably remained as
both the style and subject matter of the textual material are often techni-
cal and dense. This problem has hopefully been resolved by amplifying
the translation with phrases in square brackets. In addition, further
explanatory comments may be found in the endnotes.
I have consulted the Peking, Derge (sDe dge) and Cone (Co ne)
editions and made my own edition of the Tibetan text which will appear
after the translation section. As is well known, however, the Peking
edition is very close to the Narthang (sNar than) edition. On the other
hand, the Cone edition is close to the Derge edition. These variations
among the four editions seem to have resulted from scribal errors or
spelling and punctuational changes. For this reason, I have referred only
to the Derge and Peking editions in my edition of the Tibetan text.
Moreover, I have only included the major corrections that I have made
to the text in order to avoid overly complicating the paper. In the near
WATANABE 127
future, I will be publishing an edition of the Tibetan text of the TJ
employing all four editions.
An outline of vv. 137-256 would be as follows:
III. 3 Introduction to the topic:
The non-production of all dharmas
A. The non-production from itself
R The non-production from others
C. The criticism of the four conditions
(i) hetu-pratyaya
(ii) iilambana-pratyaya
(iii) samanantara-pratyaya
(iv) adhipati-pratyaya
vv. 137-138
vv. 139-146
vv. 147-158
v. 159
vv. 160-162
vv. 163-166
vv. 167-169
vv. 170-175
D. The problem of invalidation by pratyak!}a and pratfti vv. 176-181
E. The criticism of the theory of the Sarpkhya school
F. The non-production from itself and others
G. The non-production without cause
H. The criticism of the Lokayatas
I. The criticism of the fsvara
J. An examination of dr!}!i, 'view'
K. An examination of duJ:tkha, 'suffering'
L. An examination of the Buddha
M. Seeing pratftyasamutpiidaand seeing the Buddha
N. Conclusion
vv. 182-191
vv. 192-193
vv. 194-195
vv. 196-214
vv.215-223
vv.224-229
vv.230-233
vv.234-239
vv.240-246
vv.247-256
JIABS 21.1 128
TRANSLATION
III. 3 Introduction to the topic: The non-production of all dharmas
[MHK:]
atha va kalpana-jala-prasaro hy /
jata-bhiivasrayo baZam akull-kurute baZat //137//
vidvan vidya-pradfpena yathiibhUta7J2 /
jater prapaiicopasamas tada //138//
Or, indeed, the expansion of a net of conceptual constructions
(kalpana) which has such a beginning with such things as [dravya,
pradhana, jlva, atman, etc.],19 and which has for its basis
produced entities, confounds an ignorant person through its force.
//137//
When a knowledgeable person examines [the non-production of
entities] as they are with the lamp of knowledge (vidya-pradfpa),
then because [he] negates production, it (production) is extin-
guished. Consequently the conceptual proliferation (prapaiica)20
ceases. //138//
[TJ:] Or, in order to explain entities as having no own-being
bhiivata), making effort (*prayatna) is always to be continued. Why?
[This is so] because that which [our] own and other [systems] have
thorougly imagined, [that is,] all things, beginning with a net of con-
ceptual constructions (*kalpana-jaZa), depending upon the attachment
that entities have arising, arise, [and this is so] because [all things,
beginning with a net of conceptual constructions] confound an ignorant,
unwise person whose eye of intelligence (*buddhi) is closed (*nimllita)
by them (the expansion of the net of conceptual construction, etc.).
Therefore, through knowledge which has no partiality (Phyogs su lhung
ba, when a knowledgeable person, a yogin whose eye of
intelligence is well-opened by the pure lamp (*vimala-pradzpa) of
knowledge (*vidya), examines the non-production of entities as they are,
then, because [he] sees the non-production of all entities in their nature
just like illusion [having no arising], [he] negates the production [of
entities], [and subsequently] the dirt of conceptual construction, i.e.,
production [of entities], is extinguished. Consequently all conceptual
proliferations (*prapaiica), i.e., activity of speech (tshig gi brjod pa'i
WATANABE 129
spros pa), ceases. For this reason, one should exercise (brtul bar bya ba,
*upasaf!Lhiira)21 the means (*upiiya) immediately.
How is the non-production of these entities understood? As to that,
some say that entities are produced from themselves. Some state that
[they are produced] from others. Some claim that [they are produced]
from both. Some say that [they are produced] without cause. Some state
that [they are produced] from the Lord (*zsvara), pure consciousness
(*puruoJa), primary matter (*pradhiina), time (*kiila) and [the god]
* Niiriiyana. Among these, the Sfu?lkhyas state that [entities] are
produced from themselves. To them, [Bhaviveka] says:
A. The non-production from itself
[MHK:]
tatra tiivat svato janma saf!Lvrtyiipi na yujyate /
siitmakatviid yathii d a d h n a ~ 2 2 svato janma na vidyate 11139//
Here, firstly,
[Thesis:]
production from itself is not proper even in conventional reality,
[Reason:]
because it [already] exists as itself,
[Example:]
just as curd (dadhi) has no birth from itself. //139//
[TJ:] "from itself' (*svataM means "from [its own] self' (*iitmanaM.23
As [the Sfu?1khyas state], if entities arise from themselves,24 it would be
possible that [entities] arise without cause (*hetu) and conditions
(*pratyaya). Such things[, however,] are not seen even in [our] world
(*loka), [and] much less even in ultimate reality (*paramiirthataJ:t). In
[the phrase] "because it [already] exists as itself' (*siitmakatviid) ,
"itself' (*iitmaka) is "that which has own-being" (*sasvabhiiva), and
[the phrase] "it [already] exists as itself' (*siitmaka) means" [it has] it-
self." Its (the word *iitmaka's) abstract noun is *iitmakatva.
Accordingly, [the phrase] "because it [already] has itself' means
"because it exists
25
by [its] nature" (*svabhiivena = *sviitmanii vidyamii-
natviit).
If it (an existing entity) arises, since [it] exists, what [possible] activity
of re-arising (*punar-utpiida) could there be? [There is not any activ-
ity!] For example, it is admissible in [our] world that curd (*dadhi) is
JIABS 21.1 130
produced from mille It, however, is not admissible that curd is produced
from curd itself. In the same manner, an existent having itself aiso does
not arise from itself, because this would be a logical ?ontradiction
[implying] that activity [of arising] works on itself.26 There is also an
another way (*miirga) [below].
[MHK:]
sviitmato bhiivii bhiivatviit tad yathii pumiin 1I140ab/ /
[Thesis:]
Existents do not arise out of themselves,
[Reason:]
because they have existence,
[Example:]
just like the (purrzs) [in your view]. 1I140ab//
[TJ:] Because it is stated in their scriptural text (*grantha) that pure con-
sciousness does not arise,27 admitting only "does not arise,"
"just like [the becomes an example of the negation of the
arising of entities.
28
[MHK:]
niipi ciitmiisty ajiitiiniim ajiitatviit 1I140cd//
[Thesis:]
the unproduced has no self either,
[Reason:]
because it is not born,
[Example:]
just like the sky-flower 11140cd//
[TJ:] If "self' (*iitman) is "own-being" (*svabhiiva), [something] which
does not arise from [it]self such as pure consciousness does
not have one (i.e., self), because it is not born, just like the sky-flower.
[Objection:] In regard to that, the SaIpkhyas, imaging the meaning of
the "sky-flower" in various ways, argue that there is no [valid] example
[to support the above statement].
[The SaIpkhyas ask:] (1) if "sky-flower" [which you employ as an
example of the unproduced] means a flower which exists in the sky,
[then] it would follow that the "sky-flower" would be a "flower" such as
*tilaka, *utpala flower, etc., and they would also exist in space because
WATANABE 131
space is discriminated as the location.
29
Or, (2) [if you] name [it] the
sky-flower, because [it is] a flower which arises from the sky, here too,
analyzing the meaning of "from the sky," [we ask:] Is [the sky-flower] a
flower which is distinguished from the sky? or, is [the sky-flower] a
flower which came from the sky? If [you] name the sky and the flower
the sky-flower, then since both are existents, [your] example, the "sky-
flower," cannot prove non-existence. If you say that "because the flower
which is connected to the sky does not exist, the sky-flower has to be
taken as a flower which does not exist in the sky, therefore [we speak
of] the sky- flower," then it would not be in keeping with the idea that
none of the three worlds are the sky-flower. Why? [It is] because the
sky-flower would also exist according to some kind of nature.
Therefore, we say: "There is no [valid] example [to support] your
[thesis]."
[Answer:] To this [objection, Bhaviveka] replies:
[MHK:]
hi
30
khiidi yady api te matam 1
na tad ity asmiit 'pi nyunatii na naJ:t 1114111
Although you might think that the meaning of [our statement] 'the
sky-flower does not exist' is "sky, etc.," still that [sky, etc.,] is not
the sky-flower, therefore, we do not have a deficiency (nyunatii)
in [this] thesis statement either. 1114111
[TJ:] You think that the meaning of our example, the "sky-flower"
being non-existent is "sky, etc.," [where the word "sky" is analyzed as
having various compound or case changings,] that is to say, by making
distinctions, such as [the locative] "in the sky," [the ablative] "from the
sky," [the dvandva] "sky and flower" and [the genitive] "flower of the
sky," you think that all of the three worlds (*trailokya) also exist.
However, these [distinctions you hold] are not the meaning of [our]
example, "the sky-flower."31
[Question:] Then, what [is the meaning of your example]?
[Answer:] The meaning of our example, the "sky-flower" is different
from what you have conceptually constructed as space (*iikiisa), etc.,
and you cannot prove that our example [the "sky-flower"] must exist as
some kind of nature. Therefore, we do not have a deficiency of the
similar example in this thesis statement
either.3
2
JIABS 21.1 132
[Objection:] As to that, [some of the SiiIpkhyas] say: The asse!1ion of
some [othersJwho maintain that production is from the self which is of
the nature of the effect has those [previously stated] faults. Since we
hold that [entities] arise from causal own characteristics (*hetu-
therefore, our statement does not have those mistakes,
since everything that has origination (*utpattimat) arises only from that
which exists as causal nature.3
4
[Then,] assuming the doubt (*iiSaJikii) that others held, the author of
[this] treatise (* siistra-kiira)35 says:36
[MHK:]
kiiryasya kiiral}arrt sviitmii tasya janma tato matam 1
svato janma tato bhiiviiniim iti cen matam 1114211
The own self of an effect is [its] cause. The production of that
(effect) is considered to be from that (cause). Therefore, for exis-
tents [which are the effects], birth from themselves (=their own-
being, the causes), is accepted. If this is [your] view, then 1/14211
[TJ:] this [view] has the following fault:
[MHK:]
sviitmavat tadananyatviit kiiral}arrt syiid akiiral}am 1I143abll
because [the cause] is not different from it (the effect), like the
self [of that effect], the cause would be no cause (i.e., cease to be
a cause). 1I143abll
[TJ:] If the cause and the effect are different [from each other], it is
possible to establish the verbal expression (*vyavahiira), "This is a
cause. This is an effect." However, when [the cause and the effect] are
not different [from each other], it is impossible [to establish the verbal
expression that "This isa cause. This is an effect."] (1) It would follow
that the seed would also not be a cause of the sprout. Why? [This is] be-
cause [the seed] would not be different from that [the sprout], [that is,]
because the cause would be identical to the own-being of the effect
(*kiirya-sviitma). Therefore, (2) [we can say regarding the effect,] the
sprout, in truth, would also not be an effect of the seed. [Why? This is
so] because [the sprout] would not be different from that [seed], and be-
cause it would be identical to the own-being of the cause. Thus, there
WATANABE 133
would be the logical fault that the relation between the effect and the
cause (*kiiryakiirafJa-bhiivatii) [in the verbal expression] would not
exist. Moreover, [Bhaviveka says:]
[MHK:]
ajiitatviic ca kirrt kasya kiirafJarrt syiid akiirafJam 1I143cdl/
And since pradhiina, etc.,] are unproduced, what, itself
not being a cause, could be the cause of what? 1I143cdl/
[TJ:] Since primary matter (*pradhiina), pure consciousness
etc., are themselves unproduced, then there being no distinction
in terms of before and after, [they are] not causes. Therefore,
because being nothing and not being the cause of anything, how could it
be the cause of anything else? [It could not!] In the same way, [the
above statement] means that a seed, etc., which are not yet arisen, could
not produce a sprout, etc.
[Objection:] Some [Satpkhyas)37 hold the view that the cause itself is
not exactly (*eva) the same as the effect. Since the effect exists in the
cause in a potential state,38 it is manifested by cause and conditions.
Since both that potentiality (* sakti) and manifestation (*vyakti) do not
have different natures (*abhinniitmakatviit), [therefore,] origination
from that [potentiality means] "origination from itself (*janma svataM."
[Answer:] To them, [Bhaviveka] replies:
[MHK:]
saty iitmani ca bhiivasya
39
vrthii kiirafJa-kalpanii lI144ab//
And, when the self of an existent [already] exists, it is useless to
postulate a cause. //144ab//
[TJ:] When [you] hold that the cause produces the effect, if the effect it-
self exists [in the cause], what is the point in postulating a cause
(*kiirafJa-kalpanii)? There is also an another major error below:
[MHK:]
tasmiid eva tad utpannarrt caikyarrtjanaka-janyayob //144cdl/
"A" is produced from the same "A", so the generator (janaka) and
what is generated (janya) become identical (ekya).1I144cdl/
JIABS 21.1 134
[TJ:] [The generator and what is generated] means the pair of cause and
effect. .
[Objection:] We could state that, although [something] indeed pro-
duced from itself, both the generator (*janaka) and what is generated
(*janya) would not be identical; for example, when the one property
(*dharma) which exists as the substance (*dravya) "milk" ceases, then
the other property (*dharma), "curd" arises, and in that [situation,] the
verbal expression "cause and result" would be justified.
40
[Answer:] [To them, Bhaviveka] replies:
[MHK:]
dadhi-bhavena payaso 'vasthaniic ced abiidhakam /
putratveniinavasthiiniit pitur na hi na biidhakam 11145//
If [what we have said above] does not refute [your position] be-
cause milk exists as curd, [then we would claim, on the contrary,
that] it does refute, because of [the fact that] a father does not
exist as a child. //145//
[TJ:] [That is to say,] it is not seen by anyone, anywhere, and in any
way, that in abandoning the state of the father totally, the father com-
pletely changes to the nature of the child. Therefore, you have difficulty
avoiding (bzlog pa) [your] fallacy that the generator and what is gener-
ated would be identical.
[Objection:] Here, opponents rebut the Madhyamikas on the following
grounds: The Madhyamikas' reasons "because it [already] exists as it-
self' (v. 139c; siitmakatviid) and "because they have existence" (v. 140b;
bhiivatviit), which are establised as the reasons for non-production, are
[in fact] reasons which establish the dissimilar instances of
non-production, i.e., things which do arise. However, they cannot be
reasons establishing non-production. To explain: [The reasons] "existing
as itself' and "having existence," are present in produced entities such as
jars, etc., but are absent in unproduced things such as rabbit's horns, etc.
Consequently, [the reasons] "existing as itself' and "having existence,"
Le., the reasons for [proving] existence [of entities], are not present in
any of the similar instances for [proving] the non-existence
[of entities], but are present only in the dissimilar instances. Thus, the
thesis is contradicted. Since [the reasons "because it [already] exists as
itself' and "because they have existence,"] prove the existence of arising
which is the opposite (*viparfta) of the inherent nature (*sva-rupa) of
WATANABE 135
the subject [of the thesis] (*dharmin),41 therefore, [your] thesis is
contradicted.
[Answer:] [We] answer: [Our reasons that] "it [already] exists as itself'
and "they have existence" are conventional. What arises, based upon
them, has no own-being (*nitJ-svabhiivatii) in ultimate reality
(*paramiirthatab-). Since there is no arising in any way from itself, from
others, from both [itself and others] and without cause, there is no dis-
similar instance of non-production. Therefore, [Bhaviveka] says:
[MHK:]
niipi hetor viruddhatii 1/146abll
Because of the impossibility of dissimilar instances it
would also not be right to hold that the reason [in our proof
formula] is contradicted. 11146abl1
42
[MHK:]
evaTJ'L tiivat svato janma bhiiviiniiTJ'L nopapadyate 11146cd/I
Thus, first of all [it has been proven] that existents are not pro-
duced from themselves. 11146cd//
[TJ:] The meaning of the sentence (*viikyiirtha) is that in the way
(*naya) described above, [existents are not produced from themselves].
Tibetan Text of the
Madhyamakahrdayavrttitarkajvtilti III. 137-146
III. 3 Introduction to the topic: The non-production of all dharmas
[D91a2, P97b5]
yail na mam rtog dra ba yi II
[D91a2, P97b6]
rgyun 'breI de dag la sogs pa /1
dilos po skye bar 'clzin brten pas /1
nan gyis byis pa 'khrul bar4
3
byed /1<137>
gail tshe mkhas pa rig sgron gyis II
yail dag ji biin yoils rtog44 pa II
JIABS21.1 136
de tshe skye bkag de zi bas 1/
spros pa fie [P97b7] bar zi bar 'gyur 1/ <138>45
zes bya ba ni yail. na dtios po mams tio bo fiid med pa fiid'du bstan pa'i
phyir 'bad par byed pa de ni gnas yin pa kho na ste
46
/ gail. gi phyir ze na
/ rail. dail. gzan dag gis yotis Sil" btags pa mam par [P97b8] rtog pa'i dra
[D91a4] ba'i rgyun 'breI pa de dag la sogs pa ma Ius pani dIios po
mams la skye ba yod par 'dzin pa la brten te / byuIi ba yin pas de dag
gis nan gyis byis pa ma rig pasblo gros kyi mig zum
47
pa mi mkhas pa
dag [P98a1] 'khrul bar byed payin pa'i phyir ro 1/ de'i phyir48 gail. gi
[D91a5] tshe mal 'byor pa mkhas pa rig49 pa dri ma med pa'i sgron mas
blo gros kyi mig legs par bye ba dag phyogs su lhUIi ba'i blo na med pas
dtios po mams la skye ba [P98a2] med pa fiid du yail. dag pa ji Ita ba
bzin yotis su rtog pa de'i tshe / dIios po thams cad sgyu ma Min du tio
bo fiid kyis50 [D9b6] skye ba med par mthoti zing skye ba bkag pa'i
phyir / skye bar mam par rtog pa'i dri ma de zi bas tshig gi [P98a3]
brjod pa'i spros pa thams cad fie bar zi bar 'gyur bas gcig car
51
thabs de
fiid la brtul bar bya ba'i rigs so 1/
dIios po de dag ma skyes par ji ltar khoti du chud par bya ze na /
[D91a7] 'di la kha cig ni dIios po mams [P98a4] bdag las skye bar
'dod / kha cig ni gzan las / kha cig ni gfii ga las / kha cig ni rgyu med pa
las / kha cig ni dbail. phyug dati skyes bu dan gtso bo dail. dus dan sred
med kyi bu dag las skye bar 'dod do 1/ de la [P98a5] gratis can [D91b1]
dag ni bdag las skye bar smras pa / de dag gi phyir bSad pa /
A. The non-production from itself
de la re zig bdag skye ba 1/
kun rdzob tu yail. mi rigs te 1/
bdag fiid yod phyir dper bya
52
na 1/
zo ni bdag las mi skye bzin 11<139>53
zes bya ba [P98a6] bdag las zes bya ba ni rail. las zes bya ba'i tha tshig
go 1/ [D91b2] 'di Itar gal te dtios po mams bdag las
54
skye bar 'gyur
55
na / rgyu dail. rkyen mams med par yail. skye ba'i rigs na / de Ita bu ni
'jig rten na yail. ma mthoti na / don [P98a7] dam par Ita smos kyail. ci
dgos / bdag fiid yod pa'i phyir zes bya ba la bdag ces bya ba ni rail. gi tio
bo [D91b3] fiid dail. bcas pa ste / bdag fiid yod pa'i don ni bdag go 1/
de'i dtios po ni bdag fiid do II de'i phyir bdag fiid yod [P98a8] pa'i
WATANABE 137
phyir ies bya ba ni rail gi no bo fiid du yod pa'i phyir ies bya ba'i tha
tshig go II
gal te de skye ba na yod pa fiid yin na I de la yang skye bas ci iig bya I
[D91b4] dper bya na 'jig lien na '0 rna las io skye bar 'dod kyi I io fiid
io'i rail [P98bl] gi bdag fiid las skye bar rni 'dod pa Min du dnos po
bdag fiid yod pa yail bdag las rni skye ste I ran gi bdag fiid la byed pa
'gal ba'i skyon du 'gyur ba'i phyir ro II yan na tshad rna'i lam [D91b5]
gian yail yod de I
dnos [P98a2] mams bdag las rna skyes te
56
11
dnos po yin phyir skyes bu biin 1/ <l40ab>57
ies bya ba la skyes bu ni de dag gi giun las rna skyes par 'dod pas I de
Min ies bya ba ni rna skyes pa tsam iig khas blans nas dnos po mams
kyi skye ba
58
[P98b3] dgag [D9lb6] pa'i dper bya'o /1
rna skyes pa la bdag rned de II
rna skyes phyir na mkha' Inin Min 1/ <140cd>59
ies bya ba la bdag ni no bo fiid yin na <I> de ni skyes bu la sogs pa bdag
las
60
rna skyes pa dag
6J
la rned de I rna skyes pa'i phyir [P98b4] nam
mkha'i me tog Min no 11
62
'dir grails can dag nam mkha'i me tog gi don mam pa du mar mam
par brtags nas
63
dpe med pa fiid du [P98b5] rgol bar byed de I ci nam
m.kr1.a'i me tog ces bya ba de'i don gal te nam mkha' la 'dug pa'i me
[D92al] tog yin pas narn mkha'i me tog ces bya na
64
ni me tog ti-Ia-ka
dan ut-pa-la la sogs pa dag yin par thai [P98b6] bar 'gyur te I de dag
kyan nam mkha' la 'dug pa yin te I nam mkha' ni go skabs 'byed pa'i
bdag fiid yin pa'i phyir ro II [D92b2] 'on te nam mkha' las byun ba'i
65
me tog yin pas nam mkha'i me tog ces bya na ni 'di la [P98b7] yail nam
mkha' las ies bya ba'i don mam par brtags nas I ci nam mkha' las gian
pa'i me tog yin nam I 'on te nam mkha' las 'ons pa'i me tog yin
[D92a3] gran / gal te nam mkha' dan me tog la nam mkha'i [P98b8] me
tog ces bya na ni de Ita na I de gfii ga yan yod pa yin pa'i phyir nam
mkha'i me tog ces bya ba'i dpe de dnos po med par sgrub par mi nus so
II gal te khyod
66
'di skad ces nam mkha' dan 'breI ba'i me [D92a4] tog
rned pas [P99al] nam mkha'i me tog ces bya ba ni nam mkha' la ni me
tog yod pa rna yin pa la bya ste I de'i phyir nam mkha'i me tog ces
bya'o ie na I de Ita na I yail 'jig rten gsum po thams cad nam mkha'i me
tog rna [P99a2] yin pa'i don dail mthun par Ini 'gyur te / [D92a5] gail gi
phyir ie na I nam mkha'i me tog kyan bdag fiid 'ga' iig gis yod pa'i
phyir khyed kyi dpe med pa kho na yin no ie zer ro II
JIABS21.1 138
'dir bsad pa I
nam mkha'i
67
me [P99a3] tog med pa'i don II
mkha' la sogs par khyod 'dod pa II
de dag nam mkha'i me tog min II
[D92a6]
de'i phyir kho bo'i phyogs med min /1 <141>68
ies bya ba ni kho bo cag gi dpe nam mkha'i me tog ces bya ba de'i med
pa'i don la nam [P92a4] mkha' la sogs pa ies bya ba nam mkha' la dan
nam mkha' las dan nam mkha' dan me tog dan nam mkha'i me tog ces
mam par [D92a7] dbye ba dag gis 'jig rten gsum po thams cad kyan yod
par [P99a5] khyod
69
'dod pa de dag ni kho bo cag gi dpe nam mkha'i
me tog ces bya ba'i don rna yin te
70
1
'0 naji Ita bu ie na!
kho bo cag ni dpe nam mkha'i me tog ces bya ba de'i don ni khyod
kyis <nam>71 mkha' la sogs par btags pa de [D92b1, P99a6]] dag las
gian yin la I nam mkha'i me tog ces
72
kho bo cag gi dper biag pa de
bdag fiid 'ga' iig gis yod par yan khyed kyis sgrub
73
par mi nus pas I
de'i phyir kho bo'i phyogs 'di la yan chos mthun pa'i dpe [P99a7] med
pa rna yin no /1
'dir smras pa / [D92b2] gan dag gi phyogs Ia 'bras bu'i ran gi bdag
fiid kyi bdag las skye bar 'dod pa de dag gi phyogs Ia ni skyon de dag tu
yan 'gyur gyi I kho bo ni rgyu'i ran gi mtshan fiid las skye bar 'dod
[P99a8] pas kho bo'i phyogs la skyon de dag med de I skye ba can
thams cad ni rgyu'i bdag [D92b3] fiid du yod pa fiid las skye ba'i phyir
ro ie nal
pha rol po de dag gis dogs pa bsu nas bstan bcos byed pas I
gal te rgyu la
74
'bras bdag
75
[P99bl] yod II
de las de ni skye sfiam
76
iin II
dnos roams de las skye ba ni 1177
bdag las skye ba fiid 'dod na II <142>78
ies bya ba smos so /1 de la skyon 'di yod de I
[D92b4]
de las
79
gian min bdag Min na II
rgyu ni rgyu min fiid du 'gyur 11<143ab>Bo
ies bya ba ni gal te rgyu dan 'bras [P99b2] bu dag gian fiid yin naB! 'di
ni rgyu'o 'di ni 'bras bu'o ies bya ba'i tha sfiad roam par giag
82
tu run
gi gian fiid rna yin pa la mi run ste I sa bon yan myu gu'i [D92b5] rgyu
fiid rna yin par ' gyur ro II ji Itar ie na I de [P99b3] las gian rna yin pa'i
WATANABE 139
phyir 'bras bu'i rail gi bdag fiid bzin
83
pa'i phyir ro II des na rnyu gu
yail yail dag par na sa bon gyi
84
'bras bu rna yin te I de las gzan fiid rna
yin pa'i phyir rgyu'i rail gi bdag [P99b4] fiid biin pas I [D92b6] de Ita
na rgyu dail 'bras bu'i dIios po fiid rned pa'i skyon du 'gyur ro II gzan
yail I
rna skyes phyir ni rgyu min pa II
ei zig yin ziil gail gi
85
rgyu II <143ed>86
zes bya ba ni gtso bo dail skyes bu la sogs pa rail fiid [P99b5] rna skyes
pa'i phyir sila
87
phyi'i khyad par rned par ni rgyu rna yin pas ei [D92b7]
yail rna yin ziil gail gi rgyur yail mi 'gyur bas ji ltar gzan gyi rgyur
'gyur I de bzin du sa bon la sogs pa rna skyes pa dag gi88 ni rnyu gu la
sogs [P99b6] pa rnilon par sgrub par rni nus so zes bya ba'i tha tshig
go II
ci ste 'di sfiam du rgyu gail kho na yin pa de fiid 'bras bu rna yin
[D93al] te I '0 na ji Ita bu ze na I rgyu la 'bras bu nus pa'i bdag fiid du
yod pas de rgyu dail rkyen [P99b7] marns kyis gsal bar byed de I nus pa
dail gsal ba de gfiis kyail bdag fiid tha mi dad pa' i phyir de las skye ba ni
bdag las skye ba yin par serns [D93a2] na <I>
de'i phyir bsad pa I
'bras bU
89
bdag fiid fiid yin na
90
1/
[P99b8),
rgyur brtag pa ni don rned 'gyur II <144ab>91
zes bya: ba ni rgyu ni 'bras bu bskyed pa yin par 'dod na I gal te 'bras bu
bdag fiid
92
yod pa fiid yin na <I> rgyur brtag pas ci zig bya I skyon chen
po gzan 'di yail yod de I
[D93a3]
de fiid las [PIOOa!] ni de skye na 1/
skyed
93
dail bskyed bya gcig tu 'gyur II <144ed>94
zes bya ba ni rgyu dail 'bras bu gills zes bya ba'i tha tshig go 1/ gal te 'di
sfiarn du bdag las skye ba kho na yail yin la / skyed pa dail bskyed par
bya ba
95
gfiis geig pa fiid du yail mi 'gyur ba kho bos [D93a4] ston par
nus te I dper na '0 rna ze bya ba'i rdzas de Itar
96
gnas pa'i ehos gzan
'gag pa na zo zes bya ba'i ehos gzan skye ziil de la rgyu dail 'bras bu' i
tha sfiad [PlOOa3] mam par gzag
97
pa yail yod pa biin no sfiam du serns
na / bsad pa I
gal te '0 rna zo fiid du II
gnas pas [D93a5] gnod pa rned sfiam na II
JIABS 21.1 140
pha ni bu fiid mi 'gym bas /1
gnod pa rned pa rna yin no II <145>98
zes bya ba ni ' di [PIOOa4] Itar phas pha'i dnos po fiid yoils su bdan nas
bu'i no bo fiid du yons SU
99
' gym ba ni sus kyan gan du ji ltar yan rna
rnthon bas I de'i phyir khyod kyis skyedlO
O
pa dan bskyed [D93a6] par
bya ba gfiis gcig pa fiid [P100a5] du 'gym ba'i skyon bzlog par dka'o II
'dir pha rol po dag dbu rna pa'i gtan tshigs bdag fiid yod pa'i phyir zes
bya ba dan! dnos po yin pa'i phyir zes bya ba dag skye ba rned pa'i gtan
tshigs su [PlOOa6] biag pa dag ni skye ba rned pa'i rni rnthun pa'i
[D93a7] phyogs skye ba can dag sgrub pa'i gtan tshigs yin gyi I skye ba
rned pa sgrub pa'i gtan tshigs su rni run no zes phyir zlog par byed de I
'di Itar bdag fiid [PlOOa7] yod pa fiid dan dnos po fiid ces bya ba ni bum
pa la sogs pa'i dnos po skyes pa dag la yod kyi I ri bon gi rva la
[D93b1] sogs pa rna skyes pa dag la ni rned pas <I> de'i phyir bdag fiid
yod pa fiid dan [PlOOa8] dnos po fiid ces bya ba dnos po'i bdag fiid kyi
gtan tshigs de dag dnos po rned pa'i bdag fiid kyi rnthun
101
pa'i phyogs
gan la yan rned la I rni rnthun pa'i phyogs kho na la yod pa'i phyir
[D93b2] don' gal ba fiid kyis [P100b1] skye ba rned pa zes bya ba'i chos
can gyi no bo fiid las bzlog pa skye ba yod pa fiid sgrub par byed pa'i
phyir don 'gal ba fiid yin no ze na I bsad pa I bdag fiid yod pa fiid dan
dnos po fiid ces bya ba de dag ni kun [PlOOb2] rdzob pa yin te I de dag
la brten nas byun [D93b3] ba ni don dam par no bo fiid rned pa fiid yin
te I bdag dan gzan dan gfii ga dan rgyu rned pa las mam pa thams cad du
skye ba rned pa'i phyir skye ba rned pa'i rni [PlOOb3] rnthun pa'i
phyogs skye ba rned pas I
mi rnthun phyogs ni rned pa'i phyir II
gtan tshigs 'gal ba fiid mi [D93b4] 'dod II <146ab>I02
ces bya ba srnras so II
de Itar re zig dnos po mams II
bdag las
103
skye bar rni rigs so II <146cd>104
[PlOOb4] zes bya ba'i tshig gi don niji skad bstan pa'i tshul gyis zes bya
ba'i tha tshig go II
WATANABE 141
Explanation of abbreviations employed in this paper:
CT
D
DCZC
DK
DT
KT
MAS
MHK
MMK
MRP
Ms
NBVV
P
Pal}ini
PK
PP
PPT
Co ne edition of the Tibetan translation of the Madhyamaka-
hrdayavrttitarkajviilii.
Sde dge edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka, ed. by K. HAYASHIMA,
J. TAKASAKI, Z. YAMAGUCHI and Y. EnMA, Tokyo: Sekai Seiten
Kanko Kyokai 1977.
Da-Cheng Zhang-Chen [un TaishO Shinshu Daizo-
kyo voL 30; No. 1578.
Sde dge edition of the Tibetan translation of the Madhyamaka-
hrdayakiirikii.
Sde dge edition of the Tibetan translation of the Madhyamaka-
hrdayavrttitarkajviilii.
Karika text of the Tibetan translation of the Madhyamakahrdaya-
karika.
Madhyamakiirthasaf!lgraha, the Sde dge edition; No. 3857, the
Peking edition; No. 5258.
Madhyamakahrdayakiirika, the Sde dge edition; No. 3855, the
Peking edition; No. 5255.
Malamadhyamakakiirikii, karikas in Candraldrti's Prasannapadii
ed. by Louis DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN.
Madhyamakaratnapradfpa, the Sde dge edition; No. 3854, the
Peking edition; No. 5254.
Photocopy in Papers in Honour of Prof. Dr. JI Xianlin on the
Occasion of his 80th Birthday, ed. by LI Zheng, JIANG Zhongxin
and DUAN Qian Wenzhong, Jiangxi renmin chub an she 1991,
pp.511-522.
Nikayabhedavibhangavyiikhyiina, the Sde dge edition; No. 4139,
the Peking edition; No. 5640.
Peking edition of the Tibetan Tripitaka, ed. by D. T. SUZUKI,
Tokyo-Kyoto: Tibetan Tripitaka Research Institute 1957-1961.
of Pal}ini, tr. by Sumitra M. KATRE, University of
Texas Press, Austin 1987.
Peking edition of the Tibetan translation of the Madhyamaka-
hrdayakiirikii.
Prajfiiipradfpamulamadhyamakavrtti, the Sde dge edition; No.
3853, the Peking edition; No. 5253.
Prajfiiipradfpamulamadhyamaka!fkii, the Sde dge edition; No.
3859, the Peking edition; No. 5259.
JIABS21.1
142
Pras. Miilamadhyamakakarikas de Nagarjuna avec la Prasannapada,
Cornmentaite de CandrakIrti, ed. by Louis DE LA VALLEE
POUSSIN, Bibliotheca Buddhica IV, St. Peterbourg: Academie
Imperiale des Sciences 1913.
PT Peking edition of the Tibetan translation of the Madhyamaka-
hrdayavrttitarkajvlilli.
SG Photocopy of the handcopy by GoKHALE, based on the fIrst copy
or deciphering made by Shrikant S. BAHULKAR,
The Madhyamaka-Hrdaya-Klirikli of Bhlivaviveka: A Photo-
graphic Reproduction of Prof V. V. Gokhale's Copy, Nagoya
Studies in Indian Culture and Buddhism, 15, Depart-
ment of Indian Philosophy, University of Nagoya 1994.
Taisho Taisho Shinsha Daizokyo, ed. by J. TAKAKUSU and K. WATANABE,
Tokyo: The TaishO Shinshii Daizokyo Kankokai 1969.
TJ Madhyamakahrdayavrftitarkajvatli, the Sde dge edition; No. 3856,
the Peking edition; No. 5256.
YD Yuktidfpikli, ed. by Ram ChandraPANDEYA, Delhi 1967.
Explanation of signs employed in the edition of the Tibetan text
[ ]
<>
folio No. <>
addition
Notes
1. This paper is based upon my M.A. thesis submitted to the University of British
Columbia in Vancouver, Canada, in 1994. I would like to thank Professor
Ashok N. AKLUJKAR, who was my major professor at the University of British
Columbia and who introduced me to Bhaviveka's Madhyamakahrdayaklirikii.
While a graduate student at the University of British Columbia, I was greatly
influenced by Professor AKLUJKAR'S lectures on Indian linguistics, philosophy
and literature. I would also like to express my indebtedness to Professor Esho
MIKOGAMI, who was my supervisor at Ryukoku University in Kyoto, Japan.
Professor MIKOGAMI's generous help provided the rich basis which has allowed
me to continue studying to the present. Mr. Yusho WAKAHARA, lecturer of
Ryukoku University, kindly and generously helped me in reading and under-
standing the MadhyamakahrdayavrttitarkajvliZli providing many valuable insights
into the text. I wish to express my debt to Professor Tom J. F. TlLLEMANS of
the University of Lausanne, who was a visiting professor at the University of
Calgary, for critically reading an early draft of this paper and giving many
invaluable suggestions which contributed to its final form. Finally, I wish to
thank Mr. Jon ADAMS of the University of Calgary for correcting my English
of this paper.
WATANABE 143
2. According to Tibetan tradition (Taranatha 1970, p.401), the following works
are ascribed to Bhaviveka. (1) Pradfpoddyotananiimapkii, (hereafter, PNT) (2)
Paiicakramapaiijikii, (hereafter, PKP) (3) Prajiiiipradfpamalamadhyamakavrtti,
(hereafter, PP) (4) Madhyamakaratnapradfpa, (hereafter, MRP) (5) Madhyama-
kiirthasaipgraha, (hereafter, MAS) (6) Nikayabhedavibhangavyiikhyiina, (here-
after, NBVV) (7) Madhyamakahrdayakiirikii, (hereafter, MHK) (8) Madhya-
makahrdayavrttitarkajviilii. (hereafter, TJ). Besides the above treatises, Da-Cheng
Zhang-Chen lun hereafter, DCZC) is ascribed to' Bhaviveka in
the Chinese Tripitaka
P. L. V AIDYA (1923: 51-52) ascribes Madhyamakapratrtyasamutpiida to
Bhiiviveka. In the Tibetan Tripitaka. however, this treatise is attributed to
For this reason, nowadays this treatise is not ascribed to Bhaviveka. See
YAMAGUCm 1941: 57-58.
(1) PNT and (2) PKP are also not attributed to Bhiiviveka in the Tibetan
Tripitaka. Therefore, modern scholars do not at present consider them to be
Bhiiviveka's works. SCHAYER (1935: 206-211) and YAMAGUCm (1941: 54-57)
do not ascribe (4) MRP to Bhiiviveka. RUEGG (1981: 66) and ErrMA (1990:
104) ascribe (4) MRP to later Bhavya who is different from Bhiiviveka. On the
other hand, LIND1NER (1982: 172-184) attributes this treatise to Bhiiviveka.
ErrMA (1980: 18-33) does not ascribe (5) MAS to Bhaviveka. LIND1NER (1981:
200, n.14) and RUEGG (1981: 64, esp. n.202), on the other hand, attribute (5)
MAS to Bhiiviveka. YAMAGUcm (1941: 53-54) and EJIMA (1980: 10) doubt
whether (6) NBVV was composed by Bhiiviveka.
3. ErrMA (1990: 846-838), after examining the manuscripts of CandrakIrti (A.D. c.
600-650)'s Prasannapadii (hereafter, Pras.) and the Tibetan and Chinese sources,
suggests that the name of the author of the MHK, PP and DCZC, etc., should be
Bhiiviveka His collected evidence may be summarized as follows:
(1) The names "Bhiivaviveka" and "Bhiiviveka" appear four times in the
manuscripts of the Pras .. The name "Bhavya" never appears in these manu-
scripts.
(2) The transliteration (ob'ua-ob'ji-b'iwai-oka = Po-pi-fei-jia)"
and the Chinese translation "M#" (Qing-bian) appear in the Chinese materials.
The former / 1m!" refers to Bhaviveka, not Bhiivaviveka or Bhavya-
viveka. It is, moreover obvious that the name of the author of the MHK, TJ, PP,
etc., was translated as "fJr#" and was identified with Bhiiviveka by Xuan-zang
(A.D. c. 600-664). Further, there is no indication in Chinese materials of the
names "Bhavaviveka," "Bhavyaviveka"or ''Bhavya'' which are assumed based
upon the Tibetan and Sanskrit materials for the author of the MHK, etc.
(3) The name of the author of the MHK is "sNail. bral" or "sKalldan" in the
Tibetan translation of Madhyamakiilarrtkiira,ti"kii (P No. 5286: Sa. 126b4, 136b6,
D No. 3886: Sa. 119b6, 128a2). The original Sanskrit word for the Tibetan
"sNail. bral" should be "Bhiiviveka" or ''Bhavivikta.'' On the other hand; the
original Sanskrit word for the Tibetan "sKalldan" can be assumed to be "Bhavya"
(Mayiivyutpatti, No. 3495.)
The name of the author of the PP is given as "Legs ldan byed" or "Legs ldan
'byed" in the Tibetan translation of the PP and Prajiiiipradfpamalamadhyama-
katlkii (hereafter, PPT), AValokitavrata's sub-commentary on the PP, by Jiiiina-
JIABS 21.1 144
garbha and KIu'i rgyal mtshan. However, "Legs ldan byed" is probably the
Tibetan trailslator's error. It" should be corrected to "Legs Idan 'byed." The
original Sanskrit word of the latter would be "Bhavyaviveka" corroborating the
part "viveka."
(4) AtIsa (DIparpkarasrljfiana, A.D. c. 982-1054) calls the author of the
MHK and the PP "Bhavya" or "Bhavya sNali. bral (Bhavya-Bhaviveka)" in his
Bodhipathapradfpapafijika (P No. 5344: D No. 3948.), the autocommentary on
Bodhipathapradfpa (P: Ki. 323b7, 329a8, 324a8, 324b2, D: Khi. 280a6, 285al,
280b4, 280b6). Besides his own treatise, AtIsa translated the MRP, MHK, TJ,
NEVV and MAS into Tibetan from Sanskrit with the Tibetan translator Tshul
khrims rgyal ba. He calls the author of the MRP, MIlK, TJ and NEVV "Bhavya,"
and Tshul khrims rgyal ba calls him "Legs ldan 'byed (Bhavyaviveka)" in the
MAS.
(5) Tibetan Buddhist scholar ICang skya Rol pa'i rdo rje (AD. c. 1717-1786)
states that the author of the MRP is not Bhaviveka who composed the MHK but
is "junior Bhavya (Legs ldan chuli. ba)" or "later Bhavya (Legs Idan phi rna)."
( ... Legs ldan chuli. bar grags pas mdzad pa yin gyi slob dpon ' dis mdzad pa min
no //); see MIMAKI 1982: 169 n.458. .
(6) The TJ is recorded as a treatise in the process of translation in the Dkar
chag Ldan dkar rna (the catalogue of the Ldan dkar rna), completed in 842 A.D.
(See LALOU 1953: 313-353). The surviving TJ was translated and finalized by
AtIsa and Tshul khrims rgyal ba in the eleventh centuries. Assuming the correct-
ness of ErrMA's investigation, I adopt the name "Bhaviveka" in this paper.
4. KAnY AMA investigated the relation of Bhaviveka to Sthiramati and DharmapaIa,
and as a result, calculated the date of Bhaviveka given here. For details, see
KAnYAMA 1968/1969: 193-203, KAnYAMA 1989: 177-187.
5. In his PPT (D 73a4,5), Avalokitavrata enumerates eight commentators on
Nagarjuna's MUlamadhyamakaktirikti (hereafter, MMK). The commentators are
(1) Nagarjuna himself (Akutobhaya, exists only in variant Tibetan translations),
(2) Buddhapilita (AD. c. 470-540; Buddhapalita-MUlamadhyamakav.rtti, exists
only in variant Tibetan translations), (3) CandrakIrti (Prasannapada, exists in
Sanskrit manuscripts and variant Tibetan translations), (4) Devasarman (fifth to
sixth centuries; Dkar po 'char ba, exists in a Tibetan fragment), (5) GUlfasrI
(fifth to sixth centuries; the title of his commentary is not known), (6) GUlfamati
(the fifth to sixth centuries; title of his commentary is not known, exists in a
Tibetan fragment), (7) Sthiramati (A.D. c. 510-570; Da-Cheng Zhong-Guan
Shi-lun, exists only in variant Chinese translations) and (8)
Bhaviveka (PrajfiapradfpamUlamadhyamakavrtti, exists in variant Tibetan and
Chinese translations). Besides these commentaries, however, there are two
commentaries on the MMK in the Chinese Tripitaka: (1) Pili.gala (w fa; Zhong
lun, tr. by KumarajIva AD. c. 350-409), (2) Asari.ga (AD. c. 320-400;
Qin-Zhong lun, 1Irn:J:j:1iili, tr. by Prajfiaruci).
6. Bhaviveka attempted to interpret Nagarjuna's philosophy and his own philosophy
by means of the independent inferences (svatantranumana) which included
three unusual modifications; the adding the word "paramarthatal( (from the
standpoint of the highest truth, or simply, in ultimate reality) to the proposition
WATANABE 145
in it proof formula; the specification that the negation in his proof formulae
should be taken as (simple negation); and the condition
that no dissimilar instance is to be given. Verse 26 in the third chapter is the
first proof formula in the MHK. In the TJ, Bhiiviveka explains how his proof
formulae 'are to be understood:
"Here, [Thesis:] In ultimate reality (paramiirthataf/.), the earth, etc., have no
gross elements. as their intrinsic natures, [Reason1:] because they are things
which are made, or [Reason2:] because they are things which have causes, etc.,
[Example:] just like knowledge (jiiiina). II rn.26 If' is understood as follows:
''Here, [Thesis:] if considered by wisdom (prajiiii) which is in conformity with
ultimate reality, the earth, etc., have no gross elements as their intrinsic natures,
[Reason1:] because they ate things which are made, or [Reason2:] because they
are things which have cause, knowableness (jiieyatva), expressiblity (viicyatva),
etc., [Example:] just as knowledge has no gross ele:qtents as its intrinsic nature."
Skt.: tatra bhilta-svabhiiviil]'! hi norvyiidi paramarthatafJ.I lqtakatviid yathii jiianaJ'!!
hetumattviidito 'pi vii II EJIMA 1980: 274. TJ: lIDA 1980: 82-90. For the details
of Bhiiviveka's syllogisms, see EnMA 1980: 92-144.
As I have mentioned, Bhiiviveka attempted to interpret Niigiirjuna's philosophy
and his own philosophy by means of the independent inference. At the same
time, moreover, he strongly criticized Buddhapiilita (A.D. c. 470-540), who was
also one of the commentators of Niigiirjuna's MMK, in his PP (Cf. PP D 49a5
to 49b1, 50a5 to 50b1, etc., PPT D 73a4, 102a1, etc.). He maintained that
Buddhapiilita's statement was deficient, because neither a relll!on (hetu) nor an
example had been stated (See PP D 49a5 to 50a1). The Sanskrit of
Bhiiviveka's criticism against Buddhapiilita is quoted by CandrakIrti. Pras.:
(iiciirya-buddhapiilitas tv iiha!) na svata utpadyante bhiiv,* I tad-utpiida-
vaiyarthyiit I ca I ... (atraike iihuW) tad-ayuktaTf1 I
I ca I prasanga-vakyatviic ca
vipantartha-sadhya-tad-dharma-vyaktau parasmiid
utpanna bhiiva janmasaphalyat I janma-nirodhiic ceti lqtanta-virodhaf/. syat II
(pp. 14,1-15,2). CandrakIrti, however, criticized the alternative mode of argument
advocated by Bhiiviveka and defended Buddhapiilita's statement against the
objections put forward by Bhiiviveka. CandrakIrti argued that Buddhapiilita's
statement had no faults even though an independent reason and example had
not been stated by him in his statement. That is, CandrakIrti's claim was that
prasanga arguments were enough to refute the opponent's opinions and that
therefore, the independent inference was not necessary (pras. pp.15,3- 39,7).
Later on, this controversy was considered to be the origin of the division of
the two sub-school, i.e., Priisangika and Sviitantrika, in the Miidhyamikas in
Tibet. See RUEGG 1981: 58.
7. 1937: 1-163.
8. In his article, S.S. BAHULKAR lists a wide selection of publications on the
MHK. See BAHULKAR 1994: ii, n.4.
9. JIANG 1991: 511-522.
10. BAHULKAR 1994.
JIABS 21.1 146
11. GOKHALE and BAHULKAR 1985: 76 11.1. GOKHALE & BAHULKAR (1985: 77)
says that the'manuscript of the'MHK is not later than the tenth century. According
to ErrMA (1980: 263), however, the manuscript of the MHK was written in the
"Proto-Bengali-cum-Maithili" script of the eleventh century. .
12. The MHKlTJ consists of the following eleven chapters. Chapter One.
Bodhicittiiparityiiga (The non-abandonment of the bodhicitta). Chapter Two.
Munivratasamasraya (Taking the Muni's vow). Chapter Three.
(The quest for the knowledge of reality). Chapter Four. Sriivakatattvaniscayiiva-
tiira (Entering to the ascertainment of reality according to the Sriivaka). Chapter
Five. Yogiiciiratattvaviniscaya (The ascertaj,nment of reality according to the
Yogiiciira). Chapter Six. SiiT{lkhyatattviivatiira (Entering reality according to the
SiiIpkhya). Chapter Seven. (The ascertainment of reality
according to the Chapter Eight. VediintatattvaviniScaya (The ascertain-
ment of reality according to the Vedanta). Chapter Nine. MfmiiT{lsiitattvanir7Jayii-
vatiira (Entering the determination of reality according to the MImiiIpsii). Chapter
Ten. Sarvajnatiisidtihinirdea (Exposition of the proof of omniscience). Chapter
Eleven. (Exposition of the eulogy and characteristics).
13. According to GOKHALE, Bhiiviveka originally composed the first three chapters
under the title TattviiT{lrtiivatiira, forming the core of the MHK adding the other
chapters later. For the details, see GoKHALE 1958: 165-166, n.l, 1972: 41-42,
1985: 78.
14. ErrMA 1980: 259-361.
15. IIDA 1980: 52-242.
16. NOZAWA 1954: 53-46, 1955a: 56-44, 1955b: 38-26, 1956: 43-31, 1959: 118-
105, 1964a: 87-74, 1964b:70-58, 1965: 80-64, 1971:96-86, 1972: 108-89.
17. I am preparing, for publication, the next sections: non-production from others
(vv. 147-158), the criticism of the four conditions (vv. 159-175), and I intend to
translate the MHK and the TJ up to v. 266.
18. As we have seen in note 2 of this paper, the TJ is considered to be Bhiiviveka's
autocommentary (svavrtti) on the MHK. There are, however, sufficient reasons
to wonder whether or not the surviving Tibetan translation of the TJ has been
preserved in the original form by this autocommentary. This is because, after
some kiirikiis, it is written "thus says the iiciirya" in what should be a reference
to Bhiiviveka, the author of the kiirikiis. Moreover, in explaining the meaning of
some kiirikiis, the expressions "this is the intention of the iiciirya,""the iiciirya
says" and "the author of this treatise says" are used (TJ D 50aS, 75al, 86a2,
92b3, 107a2, 112b6, 224b4, 246b5, 274b6, 321a5, etc.). The word "iicarya"
usually means "senior teacher" or "great teacher." Therefore, it is not expected
that Bhiiviveka would call himself "iicarya." EnMA 1980: 14, 1992: 840),
hypothesizes that the surviving TJ is a revised recension of the original TJ. The
original TJ was composed by Bhiiviveka, the author of the MHK and PP, etc.,
while, on the other hand, the surviving TJ was written by Bhavya who lived in
the eighth century to the tenth century. GOKHALE (1985: 77), however, suggests
that sentences containing the word "iicarya" were explanatory comments by
AtIsa, and that Tshul khrims rgyal ba, AtIsa's collaborator, inserted them into
WATANABE 147
the text. On the recent consideration regarding this question, see RUEGG 1990:
59-7l.
19. Cf. dravya-pradhiina-jfviidi jiieyaTJ1 yat trrthya-kalpitam I yathiiyo gaTJ1
vyaTJ1 yukty-iigama-visiiradai/:t /I III. 135 1/ iti sva-para-siddhiinta-kalpitiitma-
niriitmatiim I vidviin vibhiivya bhiiviinii'!l tattva-jiiiiniimrtaTJ1 pibet II III. 136 II
EIIMA 1980: 300-301. [Tr:] Those who are proficient in reason (yukt!) and
agamas should negate what the heretics conceptually constructed, objects of
knowledge (jiieya) such as a substantial entity (dravya), primary matter
(pradhiina), life-monad (jfva), etc.!1 III. 135/1 Thus, self (iitman) which our
own and other systems have conceptually constructed is selfless (niriitman).
Realizing [selflessness] of entities, wise men drink the ambrosia of the knowledge
of truth. /I III. 136 /I
20. "Prapaiica" plays a role close to language in the Madhyamaka school. In the TJ,
Bhaviveka explains that "prapafica" is "activity of speech-language" (tshig gi
brjod pa'i spros pa). See my translation, p.126. He, moreover, says in his PP
that because the attachment (abhinivda) to the nature of speech (=verbal
expression) is pacified, "prapafica" ceases. (spros pa iier ii ies bya ba ni brjod
pa'i bdag iiid mfton par ien pa ii ba'i phyir I (D: 47a7-47bl). Candraldrti says
that because when, noble men see pratrtya-samutpiida as it is in reality, "prapaiica"
characterized by what is to be spoken, etc., ceases in every way, here (pratltya-
samutpada) "prapaiica" is pacified. (pras.: yathiivasthita-pratrtya-samutpiida-
darsane sati iiryiiIJiim prapaiicasya sarvathoparamiit I
prapaiiciiniim upasamo 'sminn iti I p. 11). He, further, defines "prapafica" as
follows: "Prapaiica" is language (viik) which produces the verbal differentiation
(prapaiicayati) of referents (pras.: prapaiica hi viik prapaiicayati arthiin, p. 373
tr. by P. WILLIAMS 1980: 31). Thus, according to the Madhyarnikas, "prapaiica"
is closely related to language. Nagarjuna states in his MMK as follows: "There
is emancipation from the extinction of action and affliction (karma-klda).
Action and affliction [are produced] from conceptual construction (vikalpa).
They (conceptual constructions) [are produced] from "prapafica". However,
"prapafica" is destroyed in emptiness."11 XVIII. 5 II Skt:
karma-kldii vikalpatalJ I te prapaiiciit prapaiicas tu siinyatiiyiiTJ1
nirudhyate II (pras., p. 349) . That is, conceptual construction is the cause of the
arising of actions and afflictions, and conceptual construction is produced from
"prapafica." We do not think anything without language. Thinking based on
language, i.e., conceptual construction, is the cause of wrong actions and
afflictions. Therefore, "prapaiica," i.e., the cause of the conceptual constructions,
must be pacified.
21. Literally, drawing towards one's self or bringing near. MONIER-WILLIAMS
1899:209.
22. Ms, SG: dadhnalJ, EnMA (1980: 302): dadhyalJ. Cf. Pfutini VII. 1.75.
23. Cf. PP D 48b-5: "from itself' (svatalJ) means "from [its own] self' (iitmanalJ).
Tib.: bdag las ies bya ba ni bdag iiid las ies bya ba'j tha tshig go II. Avalokitavrata
glosses: the meaning of the self connects to the fivefold, that is, [the self]
connects to (1) its own self (iitman), (2) one's own (iitmfya), (3) acquaintance
(jiiiitr), (4) the Lord (fsvara) and (5) kinsman (jiiiiti). Therefore, in order to
JIABS 21.1 148
avoid (2) one's own, (3) acquaintance, (4) the Lord and (5) kinsman, here
[Bhaviveka] says that "from itself' means "from [its own] self." PPT'D: bdag
ces bya ba 'i don mam pa Ina la sbyor te I bdag iiid dmi bdag gi dan ses pa dan
dban phyug dan fie du dag la sbyor bas / de'i phyir bdag gi dan ses pa dan
dban phyug dan fie du dag mam par gcad pa'i phyir'dir bdag las ies bya ba ni
bdag iiid las ies bya ba'i tha tshig go ies Mad de I (62a4,5,6).
24. The SiUpkhyas have the view that the effect pre-exists in the cause in a potential
state. This is a form of the idea of "origination from itself." See LARSON and
BHATTACHARYA 1987: 68-72, etc.
25. Candraldrti criticizes this reason "because it exists." According to Candraldrti,
the reason "because it exists" establishes what is already established (siddha-
siidhana) and has a contradictory meaning (viruddhiirthatii). Pras.: kuto'smiika7(l
vidyamiinatviid iti hetur yasya siddha-siidhana7(l viruddhiirthatii vii syiit I yasya
siddha-siidhanasya yasyiis ca viruddhiirthatiiyaJ:t parihiiriirtha7(l yatna7(l
maJ:t I (p. 18). Candraldrti, moreover, points out that for opponents, the reason
"because it exists" is an inconclusive (anaikiintika). Pras.: sattviid (= vidyamiina-
tviid) iti ciiya7(l hetuJ:t parato 'naikiintikaJ:t I ki7(l sattviit I caitanyavan niidhyiitmi-
kiiny iiyataniini svata utpadyantii7(l I utiiho gha!iidivat svata utpadyantiim iti I
ghafiidinii7(l siidhya-samatviin niinaikiintikateti cet I naitad eva1J1. tathiinabhi-
dhiiniit / (p. 33).
26. NOZAWA 1972: 97) reconstructs this phrase into Sanskrit: sviitmani kriyii-
Tib.: ran gi bdag Hid la byed pa 'gal ba'i skyon du
'gyur ba'iphyir ro II (DT 91b4, PT 98bl, p.137 in my edition).
27. Cf. Sii7(lkyakiirikii v. 3d: na prakrtir na vikrtiJ:t I is neither
created nor creative. Tr. by LARSON). See LARSON & BHATTACHARYA 1979:
256.
28. is one of the two substantial principles which the SiUpkhyas admit as a
real, unproduced, unchanging, unevolving entity. See LARSON & BHATTA-
CHARYA 1987: 78-83. Buddhists do not accept as a substantial principle.
Here, however, Bhaviveka, admitting only the view that does not arise,
employs the as an example which implies the negation of arising of
entity.
29. I do not understand this reason properly. NOZAWA (1972: 97) reconstructs this
phrase into Sanskrit: avakiisodghiifalJiitmakatviit. Tib.: nam mkha' ni go skabs
'byed pa'i bdag iiid yin pa'i phyir ro /1 (DT 92al, PT 98b6, p.137 in my
edition).
30. SG omits hi.
31. Here the Saipkhyas interprets the meaning of the sky-flower in four ways, that
is, the flower in the sky (locative the flower which comes from the
sky (ablative the flower and the sky (dvandva) and the flower of the
sky (genitive
32. I do not fully understand the argument here. It seems that the SiUpkhyas state
that since the sky- flower is an existent, the sky-flower cannot be an example
that proves non-existence of entities. Bhaviveka, however, employs the sky-flower
as a non-existent. Therefore, the sky-flower can be an example that proves
WATANABE 149
non-existence of entities, i.e., is a similar example of the non-existence of
entities. To the best of my knowledge, however, I do not know that the Siirpkhyas
state that the sky-flower is an existent.
DCZC has a similar argument regarding the sky-flower. However, DCZC
adopts "khasya (genitive DCZC: "Others object: The sphere
is an existent, because it is common sense. The flower is also an existent,
because the utpala [flower], etc., appear. Though the two, sky and flower, do
not connect [to each other], [they are] not non-existents. Therefore, the example
"sky- flower" is not established. This objection is not, however, correct, because
tIlls example "sky-flower," is taken as "genitive compound," that is,
"the flower of the sky," we name it the "sky-flower." Since it is not existent,
this example is valid (literally, there is a [valid] example.)." (DCZC: ff 5Jdt
;ffio)\ff'l!o

Taisho, voL 30, p. 274alO-15).
33. The point of this statement is probably that the manifest result is produced
from its prior unmanifest state in the cause, since the Sfupkhyas state that the
result exists in the cause in a potential state, that is, the cause has the characteristic
of an unmanifest state of result.
34. Tib.: skye ba can thams cad ni rgyu'i bdag fiid du yod pa fiid las skye ba 'i phyir
ro ie na II (D 92b2,3, P 99a8, p. 138 in my edition). The reconstructed Skt.:
kiira"(!iitmanii vidyamiinataiva sarvasyotpattimat utpiidiid I PP; skye ba can thams
cad ni rgyu'i bdag fiid du yod pa khona las skye ba'i phyir ro /1 (D 49a4,5).
35. As I have mentioned in note 18, this expression is curious. The expression
"sastra-kara" (author of the treatise or composer of the treatise) is usually used
by the third person or commentator who is not the author of the basic text.
Therefore, "sastra-kara" might be an insertion by the translator. As RUEGG
(1990: 70, n. 19) reports, however, according to P.V. KANE (1968: 195), "in
order to avoid looking egoistic, ancient authors generally put their own views in
the third person as said by early writers like Medhatithi and Visvarupa." KANE
(1971: 171), moreover, states that there is no prohibition against an author
saying that he himself composed the sutra and the v[tti, even when he speaks of
himself in the third person in the v[tti. As I have also mentioned in the same
note 18, on the other hand, GoKHALE (1985: 77) suggests that Tshul khrims
rgyal ba, Atisa's collaborator, might have inserted the explanatory comments
containing the word "acarya" given by AtIsa. However, if Tshul khrims rgyal
ba inserted the sentences containing the word "acarya" or "sastra-kara," the
word "acarya" or "sastra- kara" seems to refer to the author of the MHK. See
RUEGG 1990; 64.
36. Literally: going on the doubt by the others, it is said by the author of [this]
treatise. Tib.: pha rol po de dag gis dogs pa bsu nas bstan bcos byed pas ... i'es
bya ba smos so II (D 92b3, P 99a8).
37. These opponents are the Siirpkhyas who are proponents of potentiality (aktiviidin,
cf. PP D 49bl,2, PPT D 75al). That is, according to them, any effect is not
produced from nothing and must have a common basis as its cause. The manifested
is a series of a basic cause. The effects pre-exist potentially in the cause and are
JIABS 21.1 150
just manifestation of a basic "existent." See LARSON & BHAITACHARYA 1987:
100-101. .
38. Literally, the effect exists as the self of the potentiality (saktz) in the cause, Tib:
rgyu la 'bras bu nus pa'i bdag Rid du yod pas. The reconstructed Sanskrit:
hetau kiiryaJ:z sakty-iitmanii vidyamiinatviit.
39. Ms, SG bhiivasya, KT, DT, PT 'bras bu (kiirya[sya]). Cf. TJ: galte 'bras bu
<bdag> iiid yod pa iiid yin na (D 93a2, P 99b8, p. 139 in my edition).
40. These opponents seem to be the in the school. According
to the the entire world (trailokya) ceases to be manifest from time
to time. This, however, does not imply that the world actually ceases to exist.
That is to say, this "disappearance" of the world is substitution of one property
of a substantial entity by another property of the same substantial entity. Cf.
Yuktidfpikii (YD): parilJiimo hi niimiivasthitasya dravyasya dharmiintara-nivrttiJ:z
dharmiintara-pravrttis ca I (p. 49, 6-7): jahad dharmiintaralJ'! pilrvam upiidatte
yadii param I tattviidapracyuto dharmo parilJiimaJ:z sa ucyate /1 (p. 49, 10-11):
... siidhaniinugrhftasya dharmilJo dharmiintarasyiivirbhiivaJ:z pilrvasya ca
tirobhiivaJ:z parilJiimaJ:z / na ciivirbhiiva-tirobhiiviiv utpatti-nirodhau / (p.53,
25-26). For the details of the see LARSON & BHAITACHARYA
1987: 131-140, MURAKAMI 1991: 73-77.
41. That is, the opponents point out dharmi-svarapa-viparzta-siidhana (proving the
opposite of the inherent nature of the subject of a thesis, or a reason which
proves the opposite of the inherent nature of the subject of a thesis). According
to Dignaga's logic, a correct reason (hetu) in a proof formula is conditioned by
three aspects (trairilpya). These are:(1) namely the reason
should be the predicate of the subject of the proposition, (2) eva sattvam,
namely the reason must belong only to an example similar to the subject of the
proposition, and (3) 'sattvam eva, namely the reason must not belong to
a dissimilar instance of the subject of the proposition. When the reason in the
proof formula has none of the above three aspects, it cannot be the correct
reason. Here the opponents point out that Bhiiviveka's reason lacks item (3).
For the details of the trairilpya and Dignaga's logic, see KATSURA 1983: 544-538
and TACHIKAWA 1971: 111-145.
42. For Bhaviveka, there is no dissimilar instance in these proof formulae
in question. In his TJ (Tib. IIDA 1980: 89), Bhiiviveka says: "Here, among three
aspects (trairilpya) of reason, due to the non-indication of the third condition,
i.e., absence of a dissimilar instance, what we intend to say is conventionally
explained by using only two aspects of the reason. The property of the subject
dharma) is present only in the similar instance eva sattvalJ'!),
not in the dissimilar instance because the latter, which has own-being
differs from the former, never exists. Therefore, we do not state examples
which are different from the dissimilar instance and the reason." He,
moreover, states in his PP: "If you say that since it has not been shown that the
reason "it already exists" is different from the dissimilar instance, [it is] not
[valid] reason," we reply: "Because there are no impossibilities of dissimilar
instances at all, there is no absense [of the reason] in that (non-existent dissimilar
instance), therefore, here and in all [proof formulae], there is no fault." See also
WATANABE 151
PP: gal te gtan tshigs yod pa nid ni mi mthun pa 'i phyogs las ldog pa ma bstan
pasl gtan tshigs nid ma yin no ie na 1 med pa kho na 'i phyir de la ldog pa med
pas 'di daft thams cad la fies pa med do // (D 49a3). That is, for Bhaviveka, it is
not necessary to indicate the third aspect of the reason, since the dissimilar
instance does not exist.
43. DT 'khruibar: PT 'khrug par
44. DT, PT rtog: DK, PK rtogs pa. Cf. Tarkajviilii: ... yan dag paji Ita ba biin yons
su rtog pa de'i tshe I.
45. atha vii kalpanii-jiila-prasaro hy evamiidikaJ:t 1 jiita-bhiiviisrayo biilam iikulf-
kurute baliit //137// vidviin vidyiipradfpena yathiibhatfIl'!l 1 jiiter
tacchiinteJ:t prapaficopasamas tadii 11138//
46. DT, PT '" gnas ma yin pa kho na ste I. NOZAWA (1972: 99) reads '" gnas yin
pa kho na ste I. I adopt NOZAWA'S reading.
47. PT zum : DT, zums
48. DT ... ro // de'i phyir: PT om .... ro // de'i phyir.
49. DT rig: PT rigs
50. DT kyis : PT gis
51. PT gcig car: DT cig car
52. DT bya : PT byas
53. tatra tiivat svato janma sa'!lvrtyiipi na yujyate 1 siitmakatviid yathii dadhnaJ:t
svato janma na vidyate 1113911
54. DT las: PT la
55. CT, DT. gyur
56. DK, DT, PT te : PK ste
57. notpanniiJ:t sviitmato bhiivii bhiivatviit tadyathii pumiin 1I140abll
58. PT ba : DT om. ba
59. niipi ciitmiisty ajiitiiniim ajiitatviit 1I140cdll
60. DT bdag las: PT dag la
61. PT ma skyes pa dag : DT. ma skyes pas bdag. Cf. ajiitiiniim in v. 14Ocd.
62. dbu ma'i sfiin po'i [D92b7] 'grel (PT 'brel) pa rtog ge 'bar ba 1 bam po bdun
pa
63. DT nas : PT na
64. DT na: PT ba
65. DT ba'i: PT bas
66. PT khyod : DT khyed
67. DT mkha'i: PT mkha'
68. hi khiidi yady api te matam 1 na tad ity
asmiit paqe 'pi nyilnatii na naJ:t 1114111
69. Emend to khyod? DT, PT khyed. Cf. v. 141b in the Tibetan text.
70. DT te : PT om. te
71. Add nam DT, PT om. nam
JIABS 21.1 152
72. DT ces : PT am. ces
73. DT sgrub: PT bsgrub
74. DK, PK La : DT dan, PT las
75. PT bdag : DT dag
76. DT siiam: PT miiam
77. The piida c left out in DT and PT.
78. kiiryasya kiirafla'fl sviitmii tasya janma tato matam 1 svato janma tato
bhiiviiniim iti cen matam 1114211
79. DT, PK, PT de las: DK de la
80. sviitmavat tadanaiiatviit kiirafla'fl syiid akiiralJam 1I143abii
81. DT am. na : PT has ni after na.
82. DT giag: PT biag
83. DT am. biin: PT has yin after biin.
84. DT gyi: PT gyis
85. DT gi: PT gis
86. ajiitatviic ca ki'fl kasya kiiralJa'fl syiid akiiraflam 1I143cdii
87. DT phyir sna : PT am. phyir sna
88. PT gi : DT gis
89. 'bras bu = kiirya(sya), but Ms reads bhiivasya.
90. DK yin na : PK, DT, PT yod. Cf. TJ: gal te 'bras bu bdag iiid yod pa iiid yin
na ...
91. saty iitmani ca bhiivasya vrthii kiirafla-kalpanii 11144ab/1
92. DT, PT 'bras bu iiid, but I read 'bras bu bdag iiid. Cf. iitmani in v. 144a and
Tibetan karika.
93. DT, PT skyed: DK, PK bskyed
94. tasmiid eva tad utpanna'fl caikya'fljanaka-jaiiayolJ, lI144cd/1
95. DT ba: PT am. ba
96. DT, PT ji ftar, but NOZAWA (1972: 95) corrects to de ltar. I adopt NOZAWA'S
reading.
97. DT giag : PT biag
98. dadhi-bhiivena payaso 'vasthiiniic ced abiidhakam 1 putratveniinavasthiiniit pitur
na hi na biidhakam 1114511
99. PT yons su : DT am. yons su
100. DT skyed : PT bskyed
101. PT mthun : DT mi mthun
102. niipi ka' kasmiit para 1Il46ab//
103. DK, PK, DT las: PT la
104. eva'fl tiivat svato janma bhiiviinii'fl nopapadyate 1I146cd/i
WATANABE 153
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YANGJIDONG
Replacing'hu withfan: A Change in the Chinese
Perception of Buddhism during the Medieval Period
Glancing over early Chinese Buddhist texts such as Chu Sanzang jiji
[Collection of Notes Concerning the Translation of the Tripi!aka] tf:L::,
one will be surprised to find that Chinese monks from the 2nd to
6th century used to relate Buddhist scriptures from Central Asia or India
and the languages in which they were written with hu i!i:, a Chinese word
usually translated into English as "barbarian". From Sui and Tang times
on, however, this word suddenly disappeared in new Buddhist literature.
Down to the later periods of the Yuan and Ming, even the character hu
in all early texts was carefully picked out and replaced with fan by
the monks who were re-editing the Chinese Tripitaka. So far only a few
scholars! have touched upon this interesting phenomenon, which needs
further examination because it reveals some important aspects of early
Chinese Buddhism. In this paper I would like to trace the transition from
hu to fan in some detail and to give it an interpretation based on the
historical and cultural context.
The origin of hu is quite clear. During thepre-Qin period it usually
referred to the nomadic people to the north of the Middle Kingdoms,
who were mentioned in later Chinese sources as Xiongnu (the
Huns).2 By the end of the Eastern Han, however, this word had been
used so widely that nearly all of the alien peoples in Central Asia and
Mongolia were generally called hu by the Chinese, though they were
also named specifically and distinguished from each other. At the same
time, the Chinese attached the label of hu to whatever was imported
from the west, such as hujia (a reed instrument) i!i:$o, huchuang (a
portable and multi-purpose bed) i!i:J5t(, and huda (dancing girls) i!i:@,
etc. There is no doubt that in the Han Dynasty at the latest hu had had a
1. For example, Jl Xianlin, "Fanyu", p, 75; and his "Zai tan Futu yu Fa", pp. 28-29;
also see Robert H. VAN GULIK, Siddham, p. 5. However, both of them do not
give a full discussion on it.
2. Some sholars argue that hu was an abbreviated transcription of Huna, the name
by which the Xiongnu called themselves; see Chen Yinke, "Wu hu wenti", p. 27.
JIABS 21.1 158
derogatory sense, which was dramatically exacerbated during the period
of division that followed when the Chinese and their neighboring
peoples were fighting each other for hegemony in north China.
Compared with hu, the etymon offan in Chinese Buddhist vocabulary
is much more ambiguous and requires close examination here. This
character had never appeared in any early Chinese lexicons such as Erya
mEt and Shuowenjiezi until the fourth century, though it had
been used everywhere in early Buddhist translations by that time.
Several hundreds years later, a Song scholar named Xu Xuan
included fan in a new edition of Shuowen jiezi as a complementary entry
and explained it as "coming from the Buddhist books of the Western
Regions" I:fj which was obviously illogical. Fortunately, an-
other Song scholar Hong Shi found the character fan on an Eastern
Han stone tablet and considered it equal to peng Jt [luxuriant], a word
that had emerged in pre-Qin texts.
4
Based on Hong's finding, two Qing
scholars, Niu Shuyu mW.3S.
5
and Zheng Zhen argue that fan
existed long before the spread of Buddhism into China as a vernacular
form of peng.
There is new evidence for the Qing scholars' argument: in H 0 u
Hanshu we see a man named Gao Fan Given the fact that Gao
was an eunuch in the Han court, it seems quite reasonable thatfan was a
vernacular word
8
of that time because most court eunuchs came from the
lower walks of society. Erik ZURCHER has shown us that early Chinese
Buddhist translations were highly influenced by the vernacular language
of the late Han.
9
It seems highly possible that fan was also among the
large colloquial vocabulary applied by early Buddhist translators, most
of whom came from foreign countries and possessed limited knowledge
of the written language of Chinese gentry scholars.
From the very beginning of Buddhist translation in China, fan had
been used to transcribe brahmii in Indian languages. Some scholars are
3. Xu Shen, Shuowenjiezi, p.126b.
4. Lishi, pp. 14a, 15a.
5. Shuowen xinju kao, vol. I, p. 90.
6. Shuowen xinju kao, vol. I, p. 93. Do not confuse Zheng's book with Niu's that
has the same title ..
7. Fan Ye, Hou Hanshu, p. 3243.
8. We do not see fan appearing in any gentry literature of the Han period.
9. "Late Han Vernacular Elements".
YANG 159
still wondering how these two words can be related to each other. In
fact, as Edwin PULLEYBLANKIO and South COBLINll have reconstruct-
ed separately, the sound of the character :J't in Early Middle Chinese or
the Eastern Han was buam
h
or *b(r)jam, much different from that in
Modern Mandarin but very close to Indian brahmii. As it frequently
appeared in Buddhist translations, the original meaning of fan was soon
forgotten by gentry scholars and monk-translators, whose uriderstanding
of this word was totally based on the context of Buddhist scriptures.
Thus we see Ge Hong :$#t=12 of the fourth century explaining it as
"clearness" (jie and Huang Gongshao Ji'i0*B
13
of the eleventh
century saying that it means "peace" (qingjing fFHl-), "correct saying"
(zhengyan and "quietness" (jijing Besides all of these
meanings which obviously derived from the concept of brahmii in
Indian religions and thought, fan was also used by Chinese intellectuals
in the senses of "Indian", "Buddhist", and "Sanskrit",14 which apparently
showed respect to the foreign country and culture from which Buddhism
originated.
However, it was not until the Sui Dynasty thatfan appeared whenever
India and Sanskrit were mentioned in Buddhist texts. In fact, hu was
used in most of such cases during the whole span of the early period of
Chinese Buddhism. In Sengyou's (445-518) Chu sanzang ji ji
alone we can find abundant evidence of such usage, such as:
[Zhi Qian thought that although the great teaching was making its way [to
China], nobody understood it due to the many hu words in the siitras. Since he
was good at both Chinese and barbarian languages, [Zhi Qian] collected various
scriptures and translated them into Chinese.
0 , ' 0 ("Biography ofZhi Qian");15
There are thirty-six foreign languages and an equal number of scripts. Dhanna-
studied all of them, ... then he returned to China with a large number of hu
editions [of Buddhist scriptures]. 0 ,
0 ("Biography [Zhu Fahu
10. Lexicon, p. 91; A Chinese text, p. 26.
11. "Notes on the Dialect", p. 159.
12. Yaoyong ziyuan, p. 3a.
13. Gujing yunhui juyao, vol. 5, Ch. 24, p. 28a.
14. The reason why Sanskrit was called Fanwen Jit)( in Chinese is clearly related to
the BrahmI alphabet, in which Sanskrit texts were written.
15. T.55.2145, p. 97c.
16. Ibid.
JIABS 21.1 160
The quality of Zhi Chen's transiations [is not so good because it] has too many
hu sounds (transcriptions). ' 0 ("Note on the Combi-
nation of the Translations of Sura1igama samadhisutra" i'l1tn .17
Faxian originally wanted to look for the Vinaya [books]. However, in northern
Indian states [the teaching] was orally transmitted from teacher to teacher, [so
Faxian] found no book to copy. Therefore, he traveled a long distance, arrived at
central India, ... lived there for three years, studied hu script and language,
wrote down all the books [he wanted], and then returned [to China].
*ifX;1.$ 0 , 0 , 0
... , , ' 0 ("Biography ofFaxian").1
8
There is no need to list all the mentions of hu in early Buddhist texts,
which would constitute a much longer paper. Based on the above cita-
tions, we can conclude that from the 2nd to 6th centuries the Chinese
used to attach the label of hu (or "barbarian" in English) to everything
related to Buddhism. It is notable that Buddhist monks and Buddhist-
minded intellectuals also treated their holy religion in such a way, just as
their religious opponents like the Daoists did.
19
Even Daoan (314-
385), the most prominent Buddhist scholar of that time, did not avoid
using hu when he was talking about the techniques of Buddhist transla-
tion.20 The most surprising fact, however, is that even in their contro-
versies with the Daoists who viewed the alien origin of Buddhism as one
of its most vulnerable attributes, these monks and intellectuals still used
hu to refer to the language in which the Buddhist siitras from India were
written. For example, in his "Treatise of Scoffing at the Daoists" (Xiao
Dao lun Zhen Luan MJi; of the Northern Zhou Dynasty
writes: "Namas in the hu language means 'to convert' and 'to save me'
in our , ' In any event, such
a usage is quite difficult to fathom at first glance.
However, shortly after China was reunified under the Sui Dynasty, the
use of hu in Buddhist translations began to be seriously questioned. It
might have been Yancong (557-610), the most prominent Buddhist
translator and Sanskrit scholar during the Sui, who took the first step to
17. Ibid., p.49b.
18. Ibid., p. 21a-b.
19. For a discussion on the Daoist perception of Indian culture, see Richard B.
MAlHER, "Chinese and Indian Perceptions".
20. See his "Preface to the Copy of Mahaprajiiapiiramitiisutra" *lfiiJm;fB'7Bliil
Wt.&!ppf; included in Chu sanzang jiji, T.55.2145, p. 52a-b.
21. This treatise is included in Daoxuan, Guang hongming ji, T.52.2103, p. 147b.
YANG 161
replace hu with fan. In his "Treatise of Defending Righteousness"
(Bianzheng lun which is known as one of the most important
works on Buddhist linguistics written by a Chinese monk, Yancong
c:dticizes Daoan's confusion of hu withfan and appeals for a distinction
between the tWo:
In the past [the Chinese people] generally called the other side [of the world] hu
countries. Though he was very erudite, Daoan did not alter the conventional
usage. The hu [people] are originally the offspring of various barbarians, but the
fan [people] are the descendants of the true sages. Since their origins are totally
different, they should not be confused with each other. ... The fact that the true and
the false are not distinguished from each other is really sad. ii13
0 , 0 ' 'llt'tlJURzm 0 , :E!I!
0 , 0 22
Though he gives geographical definition for neither hu nor fan,
Yancong clearly claims that India, from where Buddhism came, should
be excepted from the general notion of hu territory, and that Buddhism
and its language thus could not be hu religion and speech. Such an
opinion soon became a principle of "political correctness'; among the
Buddhist clergy during the Tang period that followed. When Daoxuan
mlf (596-667), one of the most prominent Buddhist scholars and
bibliographers in the early Tang, was editing a new sutra catalog,
namely The Catalog of the Inner Classics of the Great Tang (Da Tang
neidian lu he repeats Yancong's distinction between hu
and fan and then appeals for the replacement of the former with the
latter. 23 For every entry in his bibliographical work whose title includes
the character hu, Daoxuan carefully makes a comment pointing out that
fan should be used instead of hu. For instance, under the entry of A
Satra of Hu Edition in Four Chapters we read:
It seeins to have come from Chang'an. Now it should be called afan edition.

Daoxuan's treatment of hu in early texts was continued by Zhisheng
another important Buddhist bibliographer during the middle Tang.
In his Kaiyuan shijiao lu [Catalog of Buddhism of the Kaiyuan Years]
1m Zhisheng copied a great deal of biographical information
about early Buddhist translators from Sengyou's Chu sanzang ji ji but
22. See the biography of Yancong in Daoxuan, Xu gaoseng zhuan, T.50.2060,
p.438b.
23. T.55.2149, p. 224a-b.
24. Ibid., p. 225a.
JIABS 21.1 162
cautiously replaced hu withfaneverywhere. For example, in Sengyou's
book we read: .
[Fayong] studied hu scripts and fmally understood hu languages ..
0 25
But in Kaiyuan shijiao lu the same sentence is altered to:
[Fayong] studiedfan script and finally understoodfan language.
0 26
It is notable that Tang monks made such changes merely in their own
works when they were copying catalog entries or biographies from
earlier Buddhist texts, but they did not intend to alter the latter them-
selves. Moreover, they preferred to preserve the original texts by making
comments and pointing out what they changed. Even so, the character
hu came to be considered totally unacceptable by Chinese monks, who
showed a stronger and stronger tendency to rid all of their scriptures, no
matter how old they were, of such a bad word. During the Song
Dynasty, this movement must have evolved to such a large scale that
some leading Buddhist scholars like Zanning .$ (919-1001) attempted
to dampen it:
Since there are [both] hu andfan [languages] in the western lands, why we do
not distinguish between southern [fan] and northern [hu] and between right and
wrong? [Because such a distinction has not been drawn,] three errors have
resulted. The first is that because hu has been replaced withfan, but not distin-
guished fromfan, it still is the same asfan. The second is that because the differ-
ence between hu and fan languages has not been understood, the hu has been
considered the same as fan. The third resulting error is the misunderstanding of
the fact that translation through several languages did exist. Just as at an early
time [the Buddhist languages] were all called hu, the fact that since the Sui
Dynasty they have all been calledfan is what is called "going too far is as bad as
not going far enough."
, ' '

, 0 ' ,
027
Zanning's point of view seems to have had little influence on late
Buddhist writing and editing. From the Yuan period on, the character hu
totally disappeared in the newly compiled Chinese Tripi!aka. Looking at
25. T.55.2145, p. 114a.
26. T.55.2154, p. 530b.
27. Song gaoseng zhuan, T.50.2061, p. 723c.
YANG 163
the collation notes written by the compilers of Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo
* J B ~ J f f ~ * . ~ for early works like Chu sanzang ji ji, one may gain a
deep impression of the thoroughness of this movement.
. The history of hu and fan as shown above easily leads students of
Chinese Buddhism to the conclusion that the early Buddhist sutras
brought to China were not written in Sanskrit (or Buddhist Hybrid
Sanskrit) but in Central Asian languages. Such an argument has been put
forward by many scholars dealing with the linguistic aspect of Buddhist
history since the beginning of this century. To name a few, Sylvain
LEVF8 attested the Tocharian origin of some Chinese Buddhist terms.
Harold BAILEy29 and John BROUGH3o presented many Chinese counter-
parts of Gi:indharI words. II Xianlin
31
claimed that early Chinese
Buddhist scriptures were translated from Bactrian, Tocharian and other
Central Asian languages. VI Hakuju
32
made examinations of some early
Chinese translations and showed their Prakrit origin. As W. PACHOW
33
and PULLEYBLANK34 have concluded, it was not until the sixth century
that the Buddhist sutras arriving in China were mainly written in
Sanskrit. Therefore, such a hypothesis seems very natural: Early Middle
Chinese hu is roughly equal to the modem concept of Central Asia
(including Pakistan), while fan means India; the switch from hu to fan
in Chinese Buddhist translations reflected the key role played by Central
Asia and its languages in the early stage of the eastward spread of
Buddhism, which was overshadowed by India and Sanskrit during later
periods.
35
However, let us be more careful on this issue because there are some
sources showing that fan was already used to indicate Sanskrit no later
than the third century, although in much less cases than hu was, and that
during the Northern and Southern Dynasties these two terms were inter-
changeable. For example, the postscript on the translation of Buddhti-
28. "Le 'Tokharien B. ",
29. "GandharI".
30. Gandhiirf, pp. 50-54.
31. "Futu yu Fa" and "Zai tan Futu yUfa".
32. "Shishin" and "Shiken".
3 3. "Development of Tripitaka-Translation".
34. "Stages in the Transcription".
35. JI Xianlin: "Zai tan Futu yu Fa", pp. 27-29.
JIABS 21.1 164
vatarrzsakamahiivaipulyasutra (Huayan jing preserved Chu
sanzang jiji says:
In the fourteenth year of the Yixi reign (418) of the [Eastern] lin Dynasty, ... the
Indian dhyiina master Buddhabhadra, holds [the sutra in] fan script in his hands
and translated from hu into lin [language]. ,
.
Other pertinent evidence comes from the Buddhist catalog compiled by
Sengyou when he talks about the slUras brought by Faxian from India:
As for the above eleven sutras, ... their hu editions were brought by Sramana Shi
Faxian from Ceylon in Central India .... Among them the Dfrghiigama and
Samyuktiigama are still in Sanskrit and have not been translated. 15 , ...
0 ". , *

In the early Tang, although the use of hu had been forbidden by
Buddhist clergy, court historians still identified "Brahmanical Writing"
with hu writing of the Western Regions .38 Obvious-
ly, for a very long period Sanskrit was thought by the Chinese to be a
sort of hu language. It seems to me, therefore, that we have to improve
our understanding of the relationship between hu and fan and its origin.
Of course, I do not mean to suspect the opinions of numerous scholars
on the issue of early Buddhist languages, which have been proved by a
large number of linguistic materials. What I would like to say here is
that we should reconsider the replacement of hu in Chinese Buddhist
texts from a new perspective.
First of all, we have to take the ideological controversies among
Buddhism, Confucian and Taoism during the early medieval period into
account. It is well known that one of the most important anti-Buddhist
arguments was based on the alien origin of this religion.3
9
From The
Sutra on Laozi Converting the Barbarians (Laozi huahu jing
to Gu Huan's BIX ''Treatise on the Chinese and Barbarians" (Yixia lun
Daoists and anti-Buddhist intellectuals were gradually stepping
36. T.22.2145, pp. 60c-61a.
37. Ibid., p.12a. The interchageability between hu andfan can be traced back to a
much earlier period; see the note on Fangguang jing (a section of Mahii-
prajiiiipiiramitii brought by Zhu Shixing *ff during the Wei period (220-
265) and translated in 291 (T.55.2145, p. 47c) for more information.
38. See Victor H. MAIR, "Cheng Ch'iao's Understanding". p. 333.
39. For more information of these attacks, see TANG Yongtong, Han Wei liang lin,
vol. 2, pp. 331-334; Kenneth CH'EN, "Anti-Buddhist Propaganda", pp.168-174.
YANG 165
up their attacks on the foreignness of Buddhism that reached a peak by
the end of the Southern and Northern Dynasties. There was an urgent
need for Buddhist clergy, therefore, to escape those assaults by differ-
entiating their religion from the hu culture that was commonly thought
to be uncivilized. This reason is clearly shown in the famous religious
debate between Fu Yi and Falin ttlil* in the early Tang when the
former says: .
The hu people of the Western Regions have human faces but bestial hearts. They
are a greedy and rebellious race. [Since] the Buddha was born in the west, he was
[naturally] an evil demon full of weird spirits. J,Jmlk{" , 0
,
and the latter argues:
The hu people in the west are just [the residents] in the thirty-six states to the east
of the Pamirs. They have nothing to do with India, where the Buddha was born.
+ ,
Obviously, the idea put forward by Falin is that the Chinese should not
view all foreigners as barbarians because there is at least one country,
namely India where Buddhist sages were born, not less civilized than
China. Given the emphasis on ancestors and origins in Chinese culture,
the distinction between hu and fan was certainly very helpful for
Buddhists to resist the attacks from Confucians and Daoists.
But why had such a distinction not been made until the Sui-Tang
period? To answer this question we have to look through the general
historical background from the third to sixth centuries. In this period we
see the most lasting and ferocious war among different ethnic groups in
Chinese history, which resulted in a long-standing and ever worse
rivalry between the agricultural natives and nomadic foreigners. In fact,
most non-Chinese rulers in the north tried very hard to improve the
relationship between their compatriots and the Chinese.
42
Some of them,
like Shi Le E:liYJ (r. 319-333) of the Jiem nationality, forbade his
Chinese subjects to use the word hu and ordered that all the foreign
people who had settled in China should be called "citizens" (guoren
43 However, such efforts seemed of no permanent effect. For most
Chinese people at that time, they simply could not imagine that there
40. Falin, Poxie [un, T.55.2109, p. 482b.
41. Ibid., p. 482c.
42. See ZHau Yiliang, "Beichao de rninzu wenti".
43. FANG Xuanling, Jinshu, pp. 2735,2737.
JIABS 21.1 166
was a "good" and "advanced" foreign culture,44 because the prolonged
war had dramatically restricted their view and tolerance. Apparently, it
was the special situation of the period of division that replace-
ment of hu in any kind of Chinese literature totally impossible.
The re-appearance of great and unified empires around the turn of the
seventh century constituted a major turning point in Chinese history.
After hundreds of years of ethnic fusion,45 the new dynasties showed an
unprecedented openness to foreign cultures. It is well known that the
prosperity of the Sui-Tang dynasties was based on a highly developed
cultural and economical exchange between China and other countries.
Meanwhile, the Chinese people also became much more self-confident
than before. The whole situation of the nation as well as the feelings of
the people were totally different from the previous centuries as we see in
a memorial presented by a Buddhist monk to the Emperor Sui Wendi
m7:* in 594 A.D.:
[Now, all within] the four seas have become [the members of] one family, the
world has become peaceful, the distant countries and different customs appear as
though they were right in front of our eyes. /\i'im* 0 751i::1J '
n;;s:1W: frJ 0 46
Here we can see a sense of friendliness and openness never seen before.
Undoubtedly, profound changes in the historical background made it
possible for Chinese people to treat their neighbors in a way much
different from the previous centuries. It also enabled Buddhist monks to
argue frankly that there was a civilized country in the west, from where
44. I have to express my opinion more delicately here. To view Buddhsim as a hu or
"barbarian" religion does not mean that the Chinese people and intellectuals did
not like and could not accept it at all, which was certainly not true as we see in the
history of the 3rd-6th centuries China. There is a striking similarity between the
period we are talking about and the late Qing Dynasty, when lots of Western
things such as weapons and machines were accepted and enjoyed by Chinese
officials, but the "Western Learning" (xuue was thought alien to Chinese
culture and unacceptable. As the most profound philosophy and amazing
literature ever seen in Chinese history, Buddhism easily conquered a significant
part of the Chinese intelligentsia as well as common people by the Sui-Tang
period, just as Western weapons and machines did more than a millennium later.
However, to change the Chinese perception of Buddhism as an alien or even
"barbarian" religion would take more time.
45. The ruling families of both the Sui and Tang were of mixed ethnic origin; see
CHEN Yinke, Tangdai zhengzhi shi shulun gao, pp. 1-13.
46. Fajing, Zhongjing mulu, T.55.2146, p.149a.
YANG 167
the great teaching came to China, and that this country and its culture
could be only related with fan (or "peaceful") but not hu (or "barbar-
ian") .
. Yet the replacement of hu in Buddhist texts also reflects the fact that
after hundreds of years Buddhism had finally become an internal part of
Chinese culture. As Arthur WRIGHT has concluded, the establishment of
the Sui Dynasty represents the end of the period of domestication and
the beginning of the period of acceptance and independent growth in the
history of Chinese Buddhism.
47
Throughout the Northern and Southern
Dynasties Buddhism was thought to be more or less a foreign religion.
As we mentioned above, even Buddhist monks themselves could not
help but use hu to refer to the languages and sfitras in which Buddhism
was brought from the west. As a special term applied in the period of
division, hu always had a very strong racist sense and signified some-
thing uncivilized and inherently contradictory to Chinese culture. By
contrast, as we have shown above, the termfan has much less ethnologi-
cal significance. The shift from hu to fan in the late sixth and early
seventh centuries, therefore, can be seen to some degree as a sign of the
accomplishment of the domestication of Buddhism in China. By using
fan to designate whatever was related with Buddhism, the Chinese were
more at ease to accept Indian thought as a part of their own culture. It is
also very interesting to find that the anti-Buddhist thinkers of the same
period paid much less attention to the alien origin of Buddhism than its
earlier opponents had. As seen in the seventh chapter of Daoxuan's
Guang hongming ji,48 Fu Yi lists economical and social arguments as the
most important issues but foreignness as the seventh of his eleven anti-
Buddhist reasons. Probably due to the consideration that it is no longer a
destructive fact, Daoxuan does not give the seventh reason a full dis-
cussion, but talks about the others at length.
In short, though it may seen to be a very small matter, the replacement
of hu in Buddhist texts really gives us an appropriate window to
examine some of the far-reaching changes in Chinese history and ideol-
ogy which took place during the medieval period, and which undoubt-
edly contributed to the cultural prosperity of the Sui and Tang
Dynasties.
47. "Buddhism and Chinese Culture", p. 4.
48. T.52.2103, pp.134a-135b.
--------------
JIABS 21.1 168
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YANG 169
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kyo: Taisho Issaikyo kanko kwai, 1922-1934. For each citation from
this collection, I give the volume and work numbers. For example, "T.
55.2145" means Taishi5 shinshu Daizokyo, Vol. 55, Work 2145.
Sengyou 11!1l:tti: Chu Sanzang jiji T.55.2145.
TANG Yongtong 1982: Sui Tangfojiao shigao Beijing: Zhong
hua shuju. /
1983: Han Wei liang Jin Nanbeichao Fojiao shi
2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju.
UI Hakuju '#{s# 1971: "Shishin no yakusho ni okero onyaku ippan"
{) in his Yakukyo shi kenkyu Kyoto:
Iwanarni shoten, pp.469-516.
1971: "Shiken to Ko Sokai to no yakugo to sono gengo"
1f in his Yakukyo shi kenkyu
Kyoto: Iwanarni, pp.525-534.
WRIGHT, Arthur F. 1990: "Buddhism and Chinese Culture: Phases ofInteraction", in
Robert M. Somers ed. Studies in Chinese Buddhism. New Haven:
Yale University Press, pp.1-33.
Xu Shen Shuowenjiezi (Xu Xuan's edition). Beijing: Zhong-
hua shuju 1963.
JIABS 21.1 170
WANG Bangwei .:EU%E 1991: "Liielun Dasheng Daban niepanjing de chuanyi" BJeMli
in JiXianlinjiaoshou bashi huadanjinian
lunwenji bianweihui ed.,
Ji Xian lin jiaoshou bashi huadan jinian lunwen ji +
Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chuban she, Vol.2,
pp.769-788.
Zanning Song gaoseng zhuan 5j<:iWj{IlfI1$:. T.50.2061.
Zhisheng Kaiyuan Shijiao lu T.55.2154.
ZHou Yiliang 1963: "Beichao de rninzu wenti yu rninzu zhengce"
in his Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi lunji ftifm::!tljj3t'.
Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, pp. 117-176.
ZORCHER, Erilc "Late Han Vernacular Elements in the Earliest Buddhist Translations",
Journal of the Chinese Language Teachers Association 12.3: 177-203.
nABS 20.2 171
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