Bulletin of The John Rylands Library, Volume 6, January 1921 - January 1922.

mi
if!
umi
Ill
BINDING IIST NOV 151922
BULLETIN
OF
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY

VOLUME
6
PUBLISHED FOR THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY AT
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

12
(H. M. MCKECHNIE, Secretary) LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD, MANCHESTER
LONGMANS, GREEN & COMPANY

LONDON
:
39
PATERNOSTER ROW
55
CHICAGO
FIFTH AVENUE AND TWENTY-FIFTH STREET BOMBAY: HORNBY ROAD CALCUTTA 6 OLD COURT HOUSE STREET MADRAS 167 MOUNT ROAD
NEW
YORK:
PRAIRIE AVENUE
3T
BULLETIN
OF

MANCHESTER
EDITED BY
THE LIBRARIAN
VOLUME
JANUARY, 1921
JANUARY, 1922
MANCHESTER:
LONDON,
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONGMANS, GREEN & COMPANY NEW YORK, CHICAGO, BOMBAY, CALCUTTA, MADRAS
1921-1922
X.6
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Notes and News

Buckle (D.
P.).
1,215,371
Forty Martyrs of Sebaste
352 384
186
.
Conway
Fawtier
(R. S.).
(R.).
The Philosophy
of Vergil
Hand-list of Latin
MSS
.
.
Grenfell (B. P.).
Present Position of Papyrology

Alighieri, 1321-1921
.142
222
1 1
Guppy
(H.).
Dante
Record of Twenty-one Years'
Work of the John Rylands

.
Library
.
Re-birth of the Louvain Library
.531
163
Harris
(J. R.).
Celsus and Aristides
Marcion's Book of Contradictions
......
European Poetry
.
289
365 439
545
On
a Lost
MS.
of Dr.
Adam
Clarke
- Stoic
Origin of the Fourth Gospel
An
Interesting Confirmation
Herford (C. H.).
Recent Tendencies
in
.115
522
Mingana (A.). Brief Notes on Rare Arabic and Persian MSS. John Rylands Library
Powicke
(F. M.).
(F.).
in the
Ailred of Rievaulx and his Biographer
310, 452
Rose-Troup
Henry
of Cicestria's Missal
.361
.
Tout
(T. F.).
Captivity and Death of

St.
Edward
of Carnarvon
.
69 235
414
Place of
Thomas
of Canterbury in History
.
The Study
Vaughan
(C. E.).
of Mediaeval Chronicles
'.
Giambattista Vico
266
in
Vine (G). Notes on Preparation and Use of Catalogue John Rylands Library
........
the
207
THE TRUSTEES, GOVERNORS, AND PRINCIPAL OFFICERS OF THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY.
TRUSTEES The EARL OF CRAWFORD AND BALCARRES, GERARD N. FORD, J.P. The MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON. SIR ALFRED HOPKINSON, K.C., LL.D., etc. W. ARNOLD LINNELL. SIR HENRY A. MIERS, D.Sc., F.R.S., etc. SIR THOMAS THORNHILL SHANN, J.P.
:
K.T., P.O.
SIR SIR
EVAN SPICER,
J.P.
ADOLPHUS WILLIAM WARD,
LiTT.D., LL.D.
GERARD
C. H. L. E.
J.
N.
REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNORS :* SIR T. THORNHILL SHANN, FORD, J.P.

M.A. Lirr.D., M.A.
J.P.
J.P.
etc.
J.P.
HERFORD,
SIR
WILLIAM STEPHENS,
J.P.
KASTNER, W. MARSDEN,
THOMAS F. TOUT, M.A., D.Lirr., F.B.A. SIR HENRY A. MIERS, D.Sc., F.R.S., etc.
C. E.
HENRY PLUMMER,
VAUGHAN,
:*
M.A., LiTT.D.
CO-OPTATIVE GOVERNORS
The
J.
RT.
REV.
THE BISHOP OF MAN- The REV.

etc.
J. T.
MARSHALL,
M.A., D.D.,
A. S. PEAKE, M.A., D.D., etc. M.A., J.P. REV. GEORGE JACKSON, B.A., The REV. F. J. POWICKE, M.A., PH.D. D.D. The REV. J. E. ROBERTS, M.A., D.D. The REV. R. MACKINTOSH, M.A., D.D.
CHESTER, D.D. GOODIER HAWORTH,
The
* The Representative and Co-optative Governors constitute the Council.
HONORARY GOVERNORS :t
SIR A.
HOPKINSON,
K.C., LL.D., etc.
SIR A.
The RT. REV. BISHOP W. E. KNOX, D.D. The SIR W. H. VAUDREY, J.P. The
t
W. WARD, Lirr.D., LL.D., etc. LORD MAYOR OF MANCHESTER. MAYOR OF SALFORD.

the Council.
Honorary Governors are
not
Members of
CHAIRMAN OF COUNCIL
VICE-CHAIRMAN HON. TREASURER HON. SECRETARY LIBRARIAN SUB-LIBRARIAN MANUSCRIPT DEPARTMENT.
SIR
MIERS, D.Sc., F.R.S., etc. M.A., D.D., etc. SIR T. THORNHILL SHANN, J.P.
A.
A. S.
HENRY
PEAKE,
GERARD N. FORD, J.P. HENRY GUPPY, M.A., D.Phil.

J.
GUTHRIE VINE, M.A. RENDEL HARRIS, LITT.D., D.THEOL., etc.; ROBERT ALPHONSE MINGANA, D.D.;
FAWTIER, Lirr.D. JAMES JONES. JULIAN PEACOCK; W. W. ROBERTS, B.A. ANNIE B. MABEL WOODCOCK, M.A. RANKIN, B.A/; T. MURGATROYD. RONALD HALL; G. W. BROPHY V. D. SHREWSBURY; T. BRADLEY; J. SHIRLEY.
;
;
ASSISTANT-SECRETARY.. A SSISTANT-LlBRARIANS
ASSISTANTS
BULLETIN OF THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
MANCHESTER
VOL. 6
LIBRARIAN
JANUARY,
1921
Nos.
1-2
LIBRARY NOTES AND NEWS

^
^HE
present issue of the BULLETIN marks an epoch in the history of the John Rylands Library, seeing THE LIBit
that
its
was on
the
st
of
January,
900, that
F AGE opened to readers. It is true, as we have pointed out on another page, that the formal dedication ceremony took place on the preceding 6th of October, but the admission
doors were
-
cOM^G-
first
of readers
had
to
be postponed
until the
year
for
administrative reasons.
beginning of the following Consequently the actual opening

of our official majority,
synchronised with the

In order to
dawn
of the twentieth century.
mark the attainment
we have
ventured to review, as briefly as possible, the history and work of the library during the twenty-one years which have elapsed since it entered
upon
its
career.
We
is
are often questioned as to the form
and
principles of construc-
tion of the
new
general catalogue of printed books,

of preparation,
which USE QF
at present in course
and, in order to
THE CATAto in-
satisfy
such inquiries, and at the same time give readers

process of cataloguing,
some
insight into the
we
have ventured
clude some notes

the hope that
"on
the preparation and use of the catalogue" in
We
it may facilitate its consultation by students. have also had prepared 'by one of the assistant- keepers of
manuscripts a brief hand-list of the Latin manuscripts
NEWLY
AC*
which have been added
to the library since the year
1908, with the object of revealing to students the

portance of the additions which are constantly made to our collections.
QUIRED im- MANU-
being
with the Latin codices, leaving out of consideration the two thousand charters which have been acquired during
the same period,
We have merely dealt

many
of
which date back
to the twelfth century.

is
hand-list of these interesting documents

will
in active preparation,
and
be printed as soon as practicable, but
interested in the study of
meantime any student such material may readily have access to the
in the
catalogue as far as
In
it is completed. recorded the acquisition of a collection of forty manuscripts of undetermined antiquity in the language of the
1916
we
Mo- so people, through the instrumentality of Mr. George SCRIPTS Forrest, who had obtained them in the remote and little- LANknown
IN
Early in 1917 Mr. country of their origin. Forrest again set out for the Far East, penetrating far into Thibet,
and again passing through the Mo-so country, whence he returned a few months since, after an absence of nearly four years, bringing with him a
further collection of these curiously shaped documents,
number-
ing upwards of sixty pieces, which
we
have been able to add to the
group
already in the library.
The
inches in height by ten inches in width,

characters,
manuscripts are mostly oblong in shape, measuring about three and are written in picture
on a thick
oriental
paper of uneven texture, apparently
brown with age. The Mo-so are a non- Chinese race scattered throughout Southern China, but their stronghold, and the seat of their traditions, is the prefecture of Li-Kiang-fu, called in
'
Thibetan
Ye-gu," which
is
in the north-west of
Sa-dam," and Yun-nan.
"
in
Mo-so
Travellers from the days of

this people,
but until recent
Marco Polo have made reference to years no attempt has been made to deal
with their history and language, probably because few scholars had The first scientific penetrated to the remote region of their habitat.
monograph upon the

scriptions et
other* scholar,
subject
was read before
Belles- Lettres in
Academic des InIn 1913 an1908, by M. Cordier.

the
of the
M.
J.
Bacot, after a residence of several months in the
Mo-so
religion,
country, published an interesting study
ethnography,
assisted
language, and writing
of the people in
for
which he was
of
by M. E. Chavannes, who was responsible

traces his descent to a line of kings that go
a translation and study
of the texts, dealing with the genealogy of the
King
Mo-so,
who
back as
far as the
year 6 1 8.
The Mo-so
language
differs
from the written language, which
consists of pictographic, ideographic,
and
syllabic characters.
Many
of the ideographic characters,
M.
Bacot
tells us,
are veiy

obscure.
It
is
we attach considerable importance to one of the manuscripts, which Mr. Forrest was an excellent key of a Chinese scholar, fortunately able to obtain through the services
for that reason
to
who was
familiar with the people
and
their language,
and also
to an-
other key in the shape of a Thibetan translation which is written over each pictograph or ideograph on a number of the leaves in one of the
manuscripts belonging to the latest group. The text of the translated manuscript
is
of a religious character,
are able opening with a version of the creation story, and as far as we to judge, most of the others are of a similar type. at present
The
the
religious practices of this
people seem to follow the cults of
are settled, and include natural particular regions where they and ancestral worship. The practice of so religion, Lamaism, magic,
many
cults, differing so
greatly in character, seems to indicate a certain
indifference
to
religion,
which may account
for
the
failure of the
Christian missionaries, who, for sixty years or more, apparently have
been active among

convert.
this
people, but hitherto without making a single
The religion proper of the Mo-so people is the Cult of Heaven, which embraces a Supreme Being endowed with infinite attributes, providence, and justice. They have their holy city at Bedjre, a shrine
to
which every
priest
or sorcerer
pilgrimage during his lifetime.
expected to make at least one Their temples, if they may be so

is
described, are enclosed spaces, or clearings in the forest, of which the
These enclosures are entered once only roof is the canopy of heaven. a year, when sacrifices are offered upon the stone altar which is erected
in the centre.
In due course
we hope
new
to find
some student who

and
will
undertake
the preparation of these texts for publication,

that they will furnish
it is
not unlikely
evidence as to the religious

incidentally referred.
rites
and
to
cere-
monies to which
we have
An
interesting
and important addition has been made

wood-engravings under quite
In the binding of a manuscript
at
the
library's collection of early
accidental circumstances.
volume
Preston
E ARIV PLAYING CARDS

of
of legal forms,
solicitor,
it
which
one time belonged
to
was found
that the binder
had used a number
playing cards to reinforce the covers.
These have been

all
carefully re-
moved and mounted.
There are
in
seventy-one cards, forming

two
packs,
parts of at least
some
of
but on several of the picture cards,

the
which have been much cut away, which have been coloured by hand,
us to
fix
names
of the printers survive,
and enable
the date of
at
one
of the packs as having
been printed by G. Hervieu
Rouen,
in or
about
in
572, whilst the other

1576.
was
printed by Jean Gaultier at Paris,

into
or about
this
country
in the time of
They must, therefore, have been imported Queen Elizabeth.

collection of
In the binding of another manuscript acquired as long
ago as 191
V f r j 4 there have been round twenty-tour leaves or manuscript

, i
which was formerly in the Phillipps, and is numbered
Sir
Thomas
"
in his catalogue
fi
6968,"
FRENCH ARTILLERY ACCOUNTS,
on paper, which had been pasted together to form the reinforcement of the boards of the binding. These have been carefully separated
and mounted, and prove to be the remains of the accounts of the French Royal Artillery at the time of Louis XI, and of the pocket" book of the Garde General de 1'Artillerie," whose office corres-
ponded
a
to that of our
Q.M.G.
of Artillery.
of the
fill
These documents throw

artillery after the
new
light
on the organisation
French Army.
French
reform
in the
ascribed to Gaspard Bureau, and

history of the
quite an important gap
The
additions to the library during the year
920, by purchase
and by gift, number 11,762 volumes, of which 4162 THE were acquired by purchase, and 7600 by gift or by be- ACCES
quest.
bequest calls for special mention, that which was received under the will of the late Dr. Lloyd Roberts, consisting as it does of
One
upwards
of
6000
volumes,
many
of
which are
of
of
extreme
interest
and
importance, notably several hundreds great binders of the fifteenth and later
of binding in a remarkable
specimens of the
the same time
work
of the
centuries, illustrating the history
manner.
At
many
of these
volumes are of
collectors as
:
interest as
having come from the
libraries of
such famous
Grolier,
Maioli, Canevari,
II,
Valois,
Marie de Medicis, Henri

several of the English
to
Marguerite de Diane de Poitiers, Louis XIII,

like the present.
De Thou,
Louis
XIV,
Kings and Queens, and others too
numerous
mention
in a short
paragraph
We
shall
deal with this bequest in greater detail in our next issue.

In connection with the
commemoration
of the six
hundredth anni1
versary of the
death of Dante, which occurred at Ravenna on the
4th

of September,
library,
1
32
1 ,
it is
intended to arrange an exhibition in the main

600th
with the object of directing attention to the wealth of material available here for the study of Italy's great
AN
which comprises five manuscripts and upwards 6000 printed volumes and pamphlets.
poet,
of
gJ^YÔF DANTE'S
Of
the
the five manuscripts the three most important are a copy of

in the latter part of the fourteenth
"
Canzoni" written
century for
Lorenzo degli Strozzi, which is ornamented with large initial letters and illuminated borders, containing portraits of Dante and of his in" Divina Commedia," with the date 1416, amorata a copy of the a number of variants from the common text, made by B. containing
;
Landi de Landis,
century copy
other
of Prato, of
of the
"
whom nothing is known and a sixteenth" " Divina Commedia," with the Credo and
;
poems
at the end,
which
at
one time was
in
the possession of
Cavaliere S. Kirkup.
Of
the printed editions there are the three earliest folios of the
in
"Divina Commedia," printed Mantua, and Jesi respectively.

is
the same year (1472) at Foligno,
The
the fourth
folio,
undated,
but which issued from
only serious gap in the collection the press of
Francesco del
Tuppo
this
Of
this edition
at Naples between the years 1 473 and 1 475. not more than three or four copies are known to have
survived.
With
exception, the entire
range of the early and
principal critical editions
of the text of Dante's great
poem
is
repre-
sented.
Of
the
first
illustrated
edition
of
the
"
Divina
Commedia,"
in Florence
is
which has
also the distinction of being the only
one printed
in-
during the fifteenth century, one of the
two copies
the library
believed to be the only one containing twenty of the engravings, said

to
have been executed by Baccio Baldini. This exhibition will be on view from Wednesday the 20th of April, when there is to be a meeting of the Manchester Dante Society
in the library.
The reports that are current as to the discovery of a fragment of " " the Greek text of the Apology of Aristides among THE
the
Oxyrhynchus Papyri have

it
set
Dr. Rendel Harris

himself
examining the text as
was published by
and Dr.
Dr. Harris is especially interArinitage Robinson thirty years since. ested to find out whether the lapse of time has invalidated his theory
6
that this
famous apology was the book to which Celsus the Epicurean replied in the second century, a point on which Dr. Armitage Robinson was, to say the
least, sceptical.
The
result of the re-examination
appears to leave no doubt as to the correctness of Dr.

original
Harris's
further
argument, and the prospect opens out before us some
discoveries in the region of second century apologetics.

article
Dr. Harris's
in
on
issue, will
and Celsus/' printed elsewhere be warmly welcomed by scholars.

Aristides
"
the present
The
following arrangements
at the
for
the delivery of public lectures

:
were made
commencement
of the session
AFTERNOON LECTURES
PUBLIC LECTURES.
(3 p.m.).
"Some Approaches to Religion Tuesday, 19th October, 1920. Literature in the Nineteenth Century." through By C. H. Herford,
M.A.,
Litt.D., Professor of English
Literature in the University of

'
Manchester.
*
Tuesday,
its
1th January, 1921.
Traditional Misinterpretation."
"Shakespeare's Macbeth and By Richard G. Moulton, M.A.,

in
Ph.D., Emeritus Professor of Literary Theory and Interpretation

the University of Chicago.
"
Two Biblical
and Devotional Lectures for Ministers and Others."

etc.,
By
J.
Rendel Harris, M.A., LittD., D.Theol.,

Cambridge.
February, 1921.
" "
1st
Hon. Fellow
of Clare College,
Tuesday,
of
Lesson
in
Tuesday, God."
1st
March, 1921.
The Gospel
of
God =
Ornithology." the Novel
EVENING LECTURES
Wednesday,
Vergil."
(7'30 p.m.).
10th
S.
November,
1920.
"The
Philosophy
of
By R.
Conway, LittD., F.B.A.,

"
Hulme
Professor of
Latin in the University of Manchester. Wednesday, 8th December, 1 920.

of
The
Place of Saint
Thomas
Canterbury
in
History."
By T.
of
F. Tout,
M.A., F.B.A., Pro-
fessor of
History and Director
Advanced
Studies in History in the
University of Manchester.
Wednesday, 12th January, 1921.

Interpretative
"Euripides' 'Alcestis': an
the
Recital."
By Richard G. Moulton, M.A., Ph.D.,

Literary
Emeritus Professor of
University of Chicago.
Theory and
Interpretation
in
Wednesday, 9th February, 1921.
"The
Messianic Conscious-

ness
of
7
Peake, M.A.,
Jesus
2.
The Son
of
Man."
By A.
in
S.
D.D.,
Rylands Professor of
Biblical
Exegesis
the University of
Manchester.
Wednesday, 9th
March,
1921.
"
Giambattista
Vico
an
Eighteenth Century Pioneer." By C. E. Vaughan, M.A., Litt.D., Emeritus Professor of English Literature in the University of Leeds.
Unfortunately, Dr. Richard G. Moulton, whose visits are always looked forward to with so much pleasure, has had a serious breakdown in health, and has been compelled to cancel all his engagements.
We are glad
and
to hear that
he
we
shall look
forward to
making progress towards recovery, the pleasure of again welcoming him to

is
the library next year.
Moulton, Dr. Rendel Harris kindly undertook to on the Tuesday afternoon, on "The Biblical Targum and lecture, " and Professor Tout rendered a similar serthe Odes of Solomon
In place of Dr.
;
vice,
on the Wednesday evening, by lecturing upon

in the
"
France and
England
Fourteenth Century and
Now ".
Since the publication of the last report of progress in connection with the Louvain Library scheme, which appeared in July last, we have been able to dispatch a further con-
signment of books, consisting of 5212 volumes, which

carries
STRUC-
the total
number
of
volumes actually transferred

35,639.
interest
to
Louvain
to the substantial figure of
Evidence of the continued
which
is
being evinced in this
project is to be found in the following list of contributors who, during the last six months, have forwarded to us donations to the extent of
nearly
7000 volumes.
We
take this opportunity of again formally
thanking them
for their generous
and welcome co-operation.
(The
Mrs.
figures in Brackets represent the
number
of
Volumes.)
(338)
ANDREWS, Colwyn Bay. ANONYMOUS. ANONYMOUS, Buxton. E. AXON, Esq., Manchester. The Rev. G. H. BALL, Torquay. The Rev. C. R. BlNGHAM, Boroughbridge.
H.
B.
(127)
(12)
(6)
(15)
(22)
BlNGHAM, Esq., London.
(10)
The
BRADFORD
Bradford.
LIBRARY
AND LITERARY SOCIETY,

(491)
(E. DANIEL, Esq., Librarian.)

The BRITISH FOREIGN OFFICE, London.
(S.
GASELEE,
(1521)
(5)
(Second instalment.) Esq., M.A., Librarian.) C. R. A. BYRDE, Esq., Halifax. CLARK UNIVERSITY, Worcester, Mass. (Dr. N.
WIL(30)
(4)
(3)
SON, Librarian.)
A. W. COATES, Esq., Carlisle. Dr. FELLOWS, Poynton. G. H. FOWLER, Esq., Aspley Guise. A MEMBER OF THE GUILD OF ST. GEORGE.
(1399)
(Per H.
(39) (31)
(1) (2)
LUXMOORE, Esq., Eton.) H. GUPPY, Esq., M.A., Manchester. P. A. HARRIS, Esq., London.
E.
CONSTANCE HILL, Hampstead. The HOUSE OF THE RESURRECTION,

Miss
Rev. F. H. JEAYES.)
Dr.
J.
Mirfield.
(Per the
(80)
Miss
HURRY, Reading. AGNES GARDNER KING, Wrexham.

B.
(25)
(1) (9)
The REV. S. LEVY, M.A., London. The TREASURER AND MASTERS OF THE BENCH,
coln's Inn,
rarian.)
Lin-
London.
(A. F. ETHER1DGE,
Esq., Lib-
The LONDON LIBRARY.

Librarian.)
(Second instalment.) (Dr. C. T.
(352)
HAGBERG
Wright,
(
1
H. TURNER, E. BRIGHTMAN, M.A., D. STONE, D.D., B. H. STREETER, M.A.) (II) The MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY. (G. WILSON, Esq.,
(Per C.
MAGDALEN COLLEGE, Oxford. D.D., W. LOCK, D.D., F.
Medical Librarian.)
(57)
The
Miss
NATIONAL
(J.
LIBRARY OF
Esq.,
WALES, Aberystwyth.
Librarian.)
BALLINGER,
M.A.,
(75)
(2)
HELEN NEAVES,
(W. H.
Edinburgh.
The PUBLIC LIBRARY OF

The Rev.
T.
S.
NEW SOUTH WALES,

Byfield, S.O.
Sydney.
(159)
(9)
Mould, Esq., Librarian.)
F.
A. O'BRIEN, M.A.,
OMOND, Esq., Tunbridge Wells. The ROYAL SOCIETY OF MEDICINE, London. Y. W. Macalister, Secretary.)
(20)
(Sir J.
(269)

The SALVATION
9
Lt.~
ARMY HEADQUARTERS.
W. SANDAY.
(Per
Col. Carpenter.)
(22)
EXECUTORS
of Dr.
(Per Miss B. Hatch,
Oxford.)
(168)
(2) (1) (5)
Canon ScOTT, Manchester.

Miss SCOTT, Glasgow. Mrs. SKEAT, South Croydon.
H. SMITH, Esq., Salford. The Right Hon. J. PARKER SMITH, P.C., Edinburgh. The FATHERS OF THE ENGLISH PROVINCE OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS. (Per the Rev. J. H. Wright,
S.J.)
(49)
(48)
(144)
(18)
(6)
The Ven. Archdeacon SPOONER, Canterbury. The Misses THOMAS, Llandudno. The UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO, Canada.
Langton, Esq., M.A., Librarian.)
(H.
H.
(1229)
HUMPHRY WARD,
Mrs.
F.
Esq., Tring.
(In
memory
of the late
Humphry Ward.)
Esq., Birkenhead.
Esq., Carnarvon. Esq., Manchester.
(183)
(52)
(1)
WHATMOOR,
A. WILLIAMS,
F.
WRIGHT, The BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS.

Macmillan, Esq.)
(71)
(Per G.
A.
(4)
The DELEGATES OF THE CLARENDON PRESS,

(H.
Oxford.
(8)
W. Chapman,
Esq., Secretary.)
The HENRY BRADSHAW SOCIETY.

Parry, Esq.,
(T. R. Gambier(31)
(L.
Hon. Treasurer.) PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, London. Wharton, Esq., Hon. Secretary.) The SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON. Kingsford, Esq., Hon. Secretary.)
The
C.
(32)
(H.
S.
(61)
(4)
J.
Messrs. T.
NELSON
The WELSH
The
is
SONS, Publishers, London. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY. (Per
&
Ballinger, Esq.,
illustration
M.A.)
of
(15)
frontispiece to the present issue,
which serves as a
kind
reproduced by the
of the
permission
Mr.
Frank EXTERNAL
F
Greenwood,
recent etching, in
spirit
Manchester Etchers' Guild, from his xHE^L iB which he seems to have caught the RARY.
in
and atmosphere surrounding the building
a remarkable way.
10

The work
of reproduction
was
carried out in the Printing
De-
partment of the College of Technology, by the courtesy of the governing body, under the direction of Mr. R. B. Fishenden, the head, of
the department, to demonstrate the development
of photo- lithographic off-set printing.
of a
new
process
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY.

A RECORD OF TWENTY-ONE
YEARS' WORK.
1900 JANUARY 1921.
BY THE LIBRARIAN.
THE
It is
1st of
January, 1921, marks an epoch in the history of the
John Ry lands Library, seeing that the twenty-first anniversary of the opening of its doors to readers, an event which synis
chronised with the advent of the twentieth century,
commemorated
on that day.
true that the dedication
ceremony had taken place some three

1
months
three
in
899, but the interval of earlier, namely, on the 6th of October, months between the handing over of the building by the contractor the preceding July and the formal inauguration, was found to be too
short to allow of the completion of the necessary arrangements pre-
liminary to the admission of readers, so that the actual opening of the

library doors
was postponed
until the
st
of
January following.
library
The
initial
stock of books with
which the
commenced
its
career consisted of nearly
70,000 volumes.
These were
transferred
from Longford Hall, the residence of Mrs. Rylands, where they had been gradually accumulating, to the new building in the month of July, and had to be checked, classified and arranged upon the
shelves, before they could
readers, in
be regarded as available to the prospective whose interests they had been brought together for until
;
such a collection has been properly classified and catalogued it is " little better than a "mob of books," and the title library" cannot
be
fittingly
applied
to
it.
Therefore
the
interval
between the
to
inauguration and the actual opening of the library the completion of these arrangements,
was devoted
and
to the organisation of the
administrative machinery, with a view to the provision of an efficient

service together with the adequate safeguards
which are
essential to
such an
institution.
12

As we
look back over those twenty-one years,
we
cannot help
is an occasion which unites the past, the feeling that this anniversary and the future in happy association. It awakens feelings of present,
intense gratitude for a great bestowal, followed by a great bequest, which make the horizon of the future bright with hope, since, in ac-
cordance with the wish and intention of the founder, these benefactions
are being devoted to the encouragement of scholarship and original
investigation.
It
may
all
truly
be said that
in aiding those
who
are con-
ducting research
other causes are, at the same time, effectively ad-
vanced.
For
that reason
we
venture briefly to review the history of the

its
library from the date of
inception, in the
hope
that
others, richly
dowered
as
was
the founder of this institution,
who have
not yet given
thought as to the disposition of their wealth, may be induced to follow the example of Mrs. Rylands and dedicate their remaining years to
some such worthy object, and by and larger interest.
so doing invest their lives with a
new
The
owes
its
age we commemorate existence to the enlightened munificence of the

library,
whose coming
of
in these pages,
late
Enriqueta
it
Augustina Rylands, the

erected, equipped,
widow
and
liberally
John Rylands, by endowed as a memorial
of
whom
was
to her late
husband, whose name it perpetuates. There is little glamour of romance about the life whose memory this library is dedicated. It was a life
frugality,
of of
the
man
to
hard work,
and
to
persistent endeavour,
which enabled him

position
to climb, step
by
step,
the almost
unparallelled
which he ultimately
attained in the Manchester trade.
Born
at St.
Helens on the 7th
of February,
80
1 ,
and educated at
the Grammar School of his native town, John Rylands early displayed an aptitude for trade. After carrying on a small weaving concern of his own, he entered into partnership, when barely eighteen years of age,
with
his
two elder brothers, Joseph and Richard.

1819,
seat
them
with
in
its
when
the firm of
Rylands
&
1
Their father joined Sons was established,
of operations at
Wigan.
John, the youngest partner,
823, when he opened occupied himself in travelling for orders until a warehouse for the firm in Manchester, on the site of the present
range of warehouses in
New High
Street.
Business increased rapidly,

as well as manufacturers.
and
in
1825 the
firm
became merchants
13
Joseph and Richard retired from the business about 1839, and upon the death of their father, in July, 1847, John became sole proprietor of
the undertaking.
John Ry lands was endowed with that abounding energy coupled with sagacity and financial ability which enabled him to turn to good account many an enterprise that other men had been unable to develop and which they had regarded as worthless. By men of affairs, with
whom he did
business,
He
took up one enterprise after another and
he was looked upon as very astute and far seeing. made of each an upward
of uninterrupted prosperity.
step in his career,

his undertakings
which was one
In all
he was a tremendous worker.
Not only was he
great organiser
and administrator, he was
also a remarkable judge of
men, and by surrounding himself with men of character and ability who were able to assist him in his numerous enterprises, he built up
the
immense business concern with which
his
name
is still
associated.
John Rylands was of a peculiarly retiring and sensitive disposition, and always shrank from public office of any kind, although he was not by any means indifferent to public interests. When the Manchester
Ship Canal was mooted and there seemed doubt as to the ways and means for the enterprise, he took up 50,000 worth of shares, increasing his contribution
when
the project appeared again to be in danger.
His
tions
charities
were numerous but unobtrusive.
Among
other benefac-
he established and maintained orphanages, homes for aged gentlewomen, a home of rest for ministers of slender means, and he provided
a town-hall, baths, library, and a coffee-house in Stretford, the village, near Manchester, in which he resided for so many years. His bene-
factions to the poor of

Italy to decorate
Rome were
so liberal as to induce the

of the
King
of
him wjth the order
Crown
of Italy.
For many years he employed competent scholars to prepare special editions of the Bible and religious works, which he printed for free distribution.
These include
:
The Holy
Bible arranged in numbered
a large quarto volume of 1272 pages, first issued in paragraphs 1863, with an excellent topical index extending to 272 pages, and of
which two subsequent

tively.
editions
were printed
in
878 and
886
respec-
Diodati's Italian Bible, similarly arranged
printed for distribution in Italy. ranged on a similar plan, was also printed for distribution in France. " Hymns of the Church Universal, with prefaces, annotations, and
and indexed, was French Testament, arOstervald's
14
"

:
indexes
in
a volume in roy. 8vo, of

is
604
pages,
which was issued
1885,
a selection from a collection of 60,000

is
hymns made
like
by Mr. Rylands, which

dimensions.
preserved in the library in thirty-four folio
volumes, with a manuscript index extending to nine volumes of
Furthermore, Mr. Rylands took an interest in
all
that related to
literature, but the absorbing cares of business necessarily prevented
him from
living as
was always
students.
he would have wished among books. He to extend his help and encouragement to ready, however,
much
as
He
took a special interest in adding to the studies of the

gifts of
poorer Free Church ministers
books which were beyond
their
in
slender means to provide, but which were necessary to keep them touch with the trend of modern religious thought, since, in many cases, they were stationed in rural districts remote from anything in the nature of a library.
own
When,
trusted
place on the
upon the death of Mr. Rylands, which took December, 888, Mrs. Rylands found herself enwith the disposal of his great wealth, she resolved to comtherefore,
1 1
th of
memorate the name

institution
of her husband,
by dedicating
to his
memory an
placed in the very heart of the city

varied
activities
devoted to the encouragement of learning, which should be which had been the scene of his
and triumphs. She recalled the little library at Longford Hall, Stretford, which Mr. Rylands had watched over with so much care, and which in its time and measure had been of
incalculable benefit to
many
a struggling minister.
She
also
remembered
and accord-
how
great an interest he
had taken
in theological studies,
ingly resolved to establish a library in which theology should occupy a
prominent place, where the theological student should find all the It was intended to be material necessary for his study and research.
a religious foundation in the broadest sense of the words.
to be
There were
no
no
sectarian limitations to vex the students
who
should
come
to
"
"
index expurgatorius
to
read,
to exclude from
the
shelves
any
author
who
those held
might happen by the founder.
propound theological views contrary to

1889,
With
this
idea of the library in view, Mrs. Rylands, in

all
entered upon the collection of standard authorities in

of literature,
departments
and
in the
year
890
the erection of the present building
was commenced from
the design of
Mr.
Basil
Champneys.
15
The scheme was conceived in no narrow spirit. Mrs. Rylands was a woman of catholic ideas, and allowed the purpose she had in
view
to
mature and
fructify as
time went on.
It
was
fortunate that
she proceeded in a leisurely manner, since various unforeseen circumstances helped to give a shape to the contemplated memorial, which
have anticipated. Whilst the building was rising from the ground books were being accumulated, but without ostentation, and few people were aware that
neither she nor
anyone
else could
a great library
was
in process of formation.
only interruption of the perfect quiet with which this project was pursued, occurred in 892, some two years after the builders had
The
commenced
at
their
work
of construction,
when
there
came
to
Mrs.
Rylands an In first had not been contemplated. had decided to dispose that Earl Spencer
opportunity of giving to this
private collections
memorial a grandeur which

that year
it
was announced
famous
of all
of that most
".
"
The Althorp
Library
Lord Spencer wisely

in all
stipulated with the agent, that a purchaser should be found for the
collection
as a whole, so as to obviate
to
its
dispersal
directions.
be impossible of realisation, but For some time this object seemed when the matter was brought to the notice of Mrs. Rylands she recognised that the possession of such a collection
would be the crowning
glory of her design, and at an expenditure of nearly a quarter of a million of money she decided to become the purchaser.
As
saved
soon as
it
was announced
relief
that this
famous collection had been
from the disaster of dispersal, and
was
of
to find a
home
in
Manchester, a great sigh of

nation
went up
so
all
over the country.

its
The
was
relieved
to
to
know
that
all
many
priceless literary
treasures
tion,
were
be secured for
spirit
time against the risk of transporta-
and the public
which Mrs. Rylands had manifested was
greeted with a chorus of grateful approbation.
Although the Althorp Library, which consisted of rather more than 40,000 volumes, is but part of the John Rylands Library, which to-day numbers upwards of 250,000 volumes, it is, by common consent, the
most splendid
it
described
as
"
The
Renouard, the French bibliographer, part. most beautiful and richest private library in
"
a collection which Europe," and another writer has spoken of it as stands above all rivalry ". Its distinguishing feature is the collection
of early printed books,
which, in point of condition,
is
probably with-
16

and scholarly
instincts possessed the second Earl Spencer, the founder of the library at Althorp, by who for something like forty years haunted the salerooms and booksellers'
out rival, thanks to the book-loving
shops throughout Europe in with whatever was fine and rare.
his eagerness to enrich his collection
Thus
for
it
may be
said that a collection of

in
books had been acquired

unrivalled, the possession
Manchester which
many
respects
was
of
Ry lands had enlarged the scope of her original plan, " and decided to establish a library that should be at once a place of " " to the lover of rare books," and a live library for the pilgrimage
stimulation of learning,
which gave doing this Mrs.
to the city a distinction enjoyed
by few
others.
In
and
for the extension

in
of the boundaries of
human knowledge, whether

would
them
find not
the departments of theology,

art,
philo-
sophy, history, philology, literature,
or bibliography,
where students
merely the useful appliances for carrying on their work, but an atmosphere with a real sense of inspiration, which would assist
to carry
it
on
in the loftiest spirit.
In this great
metropolis of
the
North
of
England, which had
already placed
itself
in the front rank of cities to a position of
which are true
cities,
eminence amongst the universities of the world, and had come to be regarded as an important centre of intellectual activity, a place was already open for such an
itself
which had raised
institution,
gained a reputation that taken a century or perhaps centuries to acquire, if ever

in
and
a short time
it
it
it
might have could have

It
is
been acquired
of the country,
at all,
had
it
it
begun
if
in
the ordinary way.
not
surprising therefore that
received the hearty

as
welcome
of the scholars
and sprang
by magic
into a high place
among
the
great libraries not only of this country but of the world.
There
is
a vast difference between a bequest and a bestowal, but
we
are accustomed to speak of them in the same terms, although in reality there is a moral distinction between the two which compels us
to put
them
in altogether different classes of action.
benefactor
who who
gives her
money
while she
lives
is
on a higher plane than one

it.
resorts to testamentary
methods
to dispose of
It
has been said that a
man who wants
to build a library or similar
institution will save himself a great deal of trouble
and anxiety by letting somebody else build it after he is dead. This was not the view held by Mrs. Rylands, she preferred to build during her lifetime, and gav<
17
of the scheme, being ever ready to personal attention to every detail herself to them. accept new ideas and to adjust
After ten years of loving and anxious care the building was ready for occupation. Only those who were associated with Mrs. Rylands
know how much

almost
all
From the very incepshe put into those ten years. keenest possible interest in it, devoting tion of her scheme she took the
Not only every detail her time, thought, and energy to it. of the building, but every other detail of in the construction the scheme in general, was carried out under her personal superNothing escaped her
scrutiny,
vision.
and
it
would be impossible
to
say
how many
admirable features were the result of
her personal
suggestion.
No
expense was
spared.
The
architect
was commissioned
to
to design a building
which should be an ornament
Manchester, in
the construction of
which only the best materials should be employed,

to say that stone-mason, sculptor, metal-worker,
and
it is
not too
much
and wood-carver have conspired under the direction of the architect, and under the watchful eye of the founder, to construct a building in
every way worthy of the priceless collection of treasures which it was intended to house, and one which has come to be regarded by competent authorities as one of the finest specimens of
architecture to be found in this or in
It
modern Gothic
and
its
any country.
899, that
this building
was on
the 6th of October,
con-
tents
were formally dedicated
to the public, in the presence of a large
and
distinguished gathering of people
from
all
parts of Europe.
The in-
augural address
was
delivered
by the Rev. Dr. Fairbairn, Principal of
Mansfield College, Oxford an address in every sense worthy of a great occasion, from which a few passages may be appropriately
quoted
"
It would have been a comparatively simple and easy thing for Mrs. Rylands, out of her large means, to set aside a sum ample enough
to build this edifice, to equip
and endow
this
institution.
She had
to her
only to select
side ministers
an architect and choose a
librarian, to
summon
and agents capable

is
it
of carrying out her will, saying to
them
if
*
:
money, spend more be needed, more will be
Here
in the princeliest
at
way you
'.
can, and,
your
command
But she did not

by the memory
realise.
so read her duty.
The
ideal created in her imagination,
and character
of her
husband, was one she alone could

it,
And
she proceeded to realise
with the
results
that
we
this
day behold.
18

intricate
Nothing was too immense, or too
to
was
one
too small to be overlooked.
The
architect has
be mastered, nothing proved himself a
genius.
He
has adorned Manchester, he has enriched England with
most distinguished and the most perfect architectural achieveThe library will be entitled to take its ments of this century.
of the
. .
place
among
. . .
the deathless creations of love.
To
multitudes
it
will
be
by the munificence of his But to the few, and those the few who know, it will widow. for ever remain the most marvellous thing in history, as the tribute of
simply the John
Library,
built
Ry lands
a wife's admiration of her husband, and her devotion to his memory. The opening of this library calls for national jubilation. All citizens
who
that
England illumined, reasonable, right, will there came into the heart of one who inherited the wealth
Manchester merchant, the desire
as this.
It
desire to see
rejoice
of this
great
to create for
in a city
monument
to help to
faith, to
stands here
fitly
him so seemly a where wealth is made,
promote the culture, to enlarge the liberty, to confirm the
illumine the
way
of
its
citizens, small
and
great."
At
to the
the conclusion of this
Town
ceremony Mrs. Rylands was summoned Hall to receive the freedom of the City of Manchester,
it is
as the highest distinction that

to bestow.
in the
power
of the city authorities
The
*
scroll
on which the freedom
of the City
was presented records

:
the resolution of the City Council in the following terms
Council desire to express their opinion that the powers accorded to them by law for the recognition of eminent services would be fittingly exercised by conferring upon Mrs. Enriqueta
the
of this
That
members
the highest distinction Augustina Rylands the freedom of the City Mrs. Rylands is distinguished which it is their privilege to bestow.
and honoured by the community for the generous manner in which she has founded and dedicated to the public, and enshrined in a beautiful and costly edifice, a noble library for the promotion of study and the
pursuit of learning
;
for
the large collection of books formed
enrichment by the addition of the for the celebrated 1 thorp Library, purchased from Earl Spencer this invaluable library exceptional service thus rendered by preventing
by
herself,
and especially
for its
from being removed from England for the important facilities she has thus afforded to the student of bibliographical research by bringing
;
together so
many
of the rarest
and most precious
of literary treasures

as will
19
make Manchester a place

world
;
of pilgrimage to scholars through-
out
the
for
the enlightened
wisdom by which
its
this valu-
able property will be invested in trustees,

to chosen representatives,
liberal
principles.
The
government entrusted management based on broad and Council, in recognition of these and other
and
its
pursuance of the Honorary Freedom of Boroughs Act, 1885, confer upon Mrs. Enriqueta Augustina Rylands, the honorary freedom of the City of Manchester, and hereby admit her
eminent services, do hereby,
in
to the honorary
freedom
of the
City of Manchester accordingly/
The
silver casket enclosing the scroll,
which was handed
to
Mrs.
Rylands on the occasion
of her admission to the
freedom of the City,
has quite recently been presented to the Governors for preservation in the library in perpetuity, through the intervention of the present Lord
Mayor (Alderman William Kay), by
the family of the late
Mr.
Stephen Joseph Tennant, the brother of Mrs. Rylands, into whose possession it passed at the death of his sister.
liberality was not by any means confined to the Whitworth Hall was built for the Owens College, library. by the late Chancellor Copley Christie, Mrs. Rylands crowned the benefaction by the gift of a fine organ, which was ready for use, when the Prince and Princess of Wales performed the opening cere-
Mrs. Rylands'
When
the
mony on
the 12th of
March, 1902.
It
should be mentioned that the
celebration of the jubilee of the
Owens
College had been deferred

finished.
for a year until the building of the hall
was
the day following the opening ceremony a number of honorary were conferred to mark the celebration of the Jubilee, when degrees Mrs. Rylands received the honorary degree of Doctor of Letters, at the hands of the Chancellor of the University, in the person of Earl
On
Spencer, whose library she had been the means of bestowing on
Manchester.
Mrs. Rylands was presented to the Chancellor in the following terms of appreciation, by the late Professor A. S. Wilkins : " I present Mrs. Rylands, who, with splendid munificence, has gathered in Manchester a magnificent library as the most fitting
memorial
for
one
accessible to
all,
sighted sagacity,
who cared much that the best books should be who laid down the rules for its government with farwho endowed it lavishly, and who is never weary of
and discriminating generosity."
adding to
its
treasures with a watchful
20
Mrs.

Ry lands'
interest in the library did not
end with the erection She endowed it with an annual and equipment income for its maintenance and extension, and again and again when
of the building.
books came into the market, which were beyond the reach of the ordinary income of the library to secure, she readily and generously found the money for their purchase
rare
and
costly books or collections
of
if
be enhanced by their possession.

giving
only she could be assured that the usefulness of the library would Never has the philosophy of large
had a
better illustration.
of
1 1
,
of
another instance of the munificence August, 90 the founder, and of her continued interest in the library was made
In the
month
public, with the
announcement
that the celebrated collection of illumi-
nated and other manuscripts belonging to the Earl of Crawford, numbering upwards of six thousand items, had been acquired for a sum little
less
a great surprise to
than that paid for the Althorp collection. The purchase came as all but a very few, for the negotiations had been conin
ducted
of all
that quiet, unostentatious

actions.
this
manner which was
characteristic
Mrs. Rylands*
The
importance of
it
addition to the library's resources cannot

it
be
overestimated, since
gives to
a position with regard to Oriental and
Western manuscripts
Library,*' for just
respect of early printed
which it previously occupied in " books through the possession of the Althorp as the distinguishing mark of that collection was to be
similar to that
found
in the early printed
books, so the manuscripts formed the dis-
tinguishing
mark
of the
"
Bibliotheca Lindesiana ".
In order that the value
and contents
of the collection
should be
brought to the knowledge of scholars in all parts of the world, Mrs. Rylands generously undertook to defray the cost of cataloguing it in a
manner commensurate with

were entered
into with a
its
importance.
To
this
end arrangements
number
of leading scholars to deal with
manu-
scripts in their
own
special line of research, and, although several of
these catalogues have since appeared,

shortly,
it
and others may be expected

live to see this
is
to be regretted that
Mrs. Rylands did not
part of her scheme carried through.
From
ing.
Mrs. Rylands' interest in the library was unflaggUntil within a few weeks of her death she was making purchases
first
to last
of manuscripts
and books, and one
of
her
last cares
was
to
provide
accommodation
for the rapid extension of the library, so that the
work
should in
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY no wise be hampered for want of space. A fine
had been acquired, and
it
21
site
adjoin-
ing the library

lived, to erect
was her
intention,
had she
thereon a store building that would provide accommodaat least half a million volumes. tion for Unfortunately death intervened
before the arrangements in pursuance of her intentions could be

pleted.
com-
There are those who
believe that institutions of this character
grow
This is a mistaken idea which, of themselves when once started. Mrs. Rylands. She realised very fully fortunately, was not shared by do not grow of themselves, that they must be made to grow, that they
that money is the only fertiliser that is of any use. Mrs. Rylands' death occurred on the 4th of February, 908, to the institution which she had founded, but irreparable loss not only of the
and
to the entire city of Manchester. In her will Mrs.
and development
the founder.
of the library,
it
Rylands made additional provision for the upkeep which has enabled the trustees and
in
governors to administer
a manner worthy of the
lofty ideals of
In addition to the monetary bequests, Mrs.

to the library, all books, manuscripts,
at
Longford Hall, numbering several were of great importance. These she had gathered round her during
the
last twenty years of her life not alone for her own pleasure, but with a view to the ultimate enrichment of the library.
Rylands bequeathed and engravings in her residence thousand volumes, many of which
Hitherto, our remarks, of necessity, have been confined almost

exclusively to
Mrs. Rylands' relations
to the library,
which she looked
upon with pardonable pride as her great achievement. But her munificence did not end there, nor with her gifts to numerous other public
objects in
which she took a keen

to
interest.
The
full
extent of her
naturally re-
benefactions will probably never be known.

served,
She was
and delighted
active part in charitable

failing readiness to assist
work
do good by stealth, but those who take an in Manchester could testify to her unany good cause of which she approved. She
out of her great wealth, she also gave care,
that she
all
did not simply give
money
thought, and attention to
was
interested in.
Personally, Mrs. Rylands was little known, she shrank from publicity, she kept no diary, and left only a few scattered notes which could be employed as aids to memory, but whatever material there
22
was

in writing at the time of
her death was committed to the flames
of very marked ability by her express direction. and of great determination, and those who had the privilege of assistand absorbing interests can testify to ing her in any of her numerous
She was a woman
She her wonderful business capacity, and to her mastery of detail. " and in a remarkable degree the genius of taking possessed truly,
pains
".
The
property
was vested
power
to
in
fill
a body of nine
trustees, to
hold
office
continuously, with
any vacancies, as they should occur,

of the Trust
;
by the vote of the surviving

ministration
of
members
whilst the ad-
the
library
was
entrusted to a council of eighteen
governors, consisting of ten representatives of the University

of
and City
in
Manchester, and
certain
other
bodies which are
not local
character,
and eight co-opted governors appointed by the council under

Rylands only
regulations prescribed in the constitution.
Of
two
the nine trustees originally appointed by Mrs.

:
Adolphus William Ward, the Master of Peterhouse, and Sir Evan Spicer, J.P. The present board consists of Cambridge, Gerard N. the two continuing trustees, and the following members
survive
Sir
:
Ford, Esq., J.P., Sir

Sir
of
Alfred Hopkinson,
J.P.,
K.C, W. Arnold
of
Linnell, Esq.,
Thomas T. Shann,
The Marquis
Sir
Harrington,
The
Earl
Crawford and Balcarres, P.C., and
Henry A.
first
:
Miers, F.R.S.
Of
the eighteen governors forming the
council,
who were
also
appointed by Mrs. Rylands, only two survive F.B.A., and Professor A. S. Peake, D.D.
constituted
as follows
:
Professor T. F. Tout,
The
present council
is
Henry A. Miers, F.R.S. (Chairman), Sir Thomas T. Shann, J.P. (Hon. Treasurer), Gerard N. Ford, Esq., J.P. (Hon. Secretary), Professor C. H. Herford, Litt.D., Professor L E. Kastner, W. Marsden, Esq., J.P., Henry Plummer, Esq.,
Sir
J.P.,
Sir
William Stephens,
Charles
J.P.,
Professor T. F. Tout,
Litt.D.,
F.B.A.,
Professor
governors,
E.
Vaughan,
who
:
are
representative
and the following co-opted members the Right Rev. Bishop E. Knox, D.D., the Rev. George Jackson, D.D., the Rev. R. Mackintosh, D.D., the Rev. J. T. Marshall, D.D., Professor A.
Peake, D.D., Sir Alexander Porter, J.P., the Rev. F.
J.
S.
J.
Powicke,
Ph.D., and the Rev.
E. Roberts,
of
D.D.
The
one
of
first
Chairman
the Council
was William
Linnell, Esq.,
the original Trustees and a
Life-Governor,
who had been

closely associated with
23
Mrs. Rylands from the inception of her scheme, and rendered very valuable assistance in connection with the building and organisation of the library down to the time of his death, which
was succeeded by Alderman Harry Rawson from 1901 to 1903 by Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K.C., from 1903 to 1918; by Sir George W. Macalpine, J.P., from 1918 to 1920 and by Sir Henry A. Miers, F.R.S., since 1920. The first occupant of the office of Honorary Treasurer was
took place in
1901.
He
;
Stephen Joseph Tennant, Esq., the brother of Mrs. Rylands, who, also, from the inception of the scheme was closely associated with his sister, and served the library with untiring devotion until within a few
days
of his death,
which occurred
in
1914.
He
was succeeded by
the present Treasurer, Sir
Thornhill Shann, J.P. one of the Trustees and Governors, was Kiddle, J. the first Honorary Secretary, an office which he continued to fill until his death in 1911, when he was succeeded by Gerard N. Ford, Esq.,
Thomas
The
Rev.
W.
J.P.
In addition to the
above-named members
of the
Trust and Council,
the following have been actively associated with the administration of the library, either as Trustees or Governors, during the respective
periods covered by the years indicated within the brackets after their
names: The Rev. Principal W. F. Adeney, D.D. (Governor, 19041913); Sir William H. Bailey (Governor, 1899-1913); the Rev. C. L. Bedale (Governor, 1917-1919); William Carnelley, Esq.
(Trustee
and
Governor,
1899-1919)
;
Lord
Cozens-Hardy
of
Letheringsett (Trustee, 1899-1920)
Professor T.
W. Rhys
Davids,
LLD.,
vernor,
etc.
(Governor,
;
1899-1901
;
1909-1915); J. Arnold Green, Esq. (Gothe Rev. Samuel Gosnell Green, D.D. (Trustee,
H. A. Hey wood, Esq. (Governor, 1919)'; the Right 1899-1905) Rev. Bishop E. L. Hicks, D.D. (Governor, 1905-1910; the Rev. Silvester Home (Trustee, 1899-1914); Professor Victor Kastner
(Governor,
1907-1909); John E. King, Esq. (Governor, 1899A. Mackennal, D.D. (Governor, 1899-1904); 1903); the Rev. Alexander Maclaren, D.D. (Governor, 1899-1910);
the Rev.
Professor
James Hope Moulton, Litt.D., etc. (Governor, 1904Lewis Paton, Esq. (Governor, 1913-1917); the Rev. Marshall Randies, D.D. (Governor, 1899-1904); Reuben Spencer,
1917);
J.
Esq. (Trustee,
1899-1901)
Professor
J.
Strachan,
Litt.D.,
etc.
24
(Governor,

1903-1907); the Rev. A.
1899-1913); Alderman Joseph 1909); Sir William Vaudrey, J.P. (Governor, 1899-1911); the Right Rev. Bishop J. E. H. Welldon, D.D. (Governor, 1910-1918)
;
W. H. Streuli (Governor, Thompson, LLD. (Governor, 1899-
Professor
A.
S.
Wilkins, Litt.D.,
etc.
(Governor, 1899-1905); the
Venerable Archdeacon James Wilson, D.D. (Governor, 1899-1905). The Corporation of Manchester have the right to appoint two of
the representative governors, but the library
is
in
nowise subject to
the control of the Municipality, nor does
from the
city
its
it
income
the founder, and
may
it derive any financial support derived from endowments provided by therefore be regarded as a national trust. The
is
under which permission to read therein is granted are Indeed, exactly similar to those which obtain at the British Museum. the aim of the governors, horn the very outset, has been to build up a
conditions
reference and research library for the North of England on the lines
of the great national institution at Bloomsbury.
It is
gratifying therefore to
be able to report that one of the outof the library during the
period covered by this review is the large amount of original research which has been conducted by students, not only from the home universities,
standing features of the use
made
but also by scholars from
all
parts of the world.

its activities
Throughout
the twenty- one years of
the duty of
the
library to scholarship has

liberal interpretation
that, whilst
it is
of their responsibility to learning,
been recognised, and the governors, with a have realised
their
primaiy duty carefully to preserve the books and
manuscripts entrusted to their care, yet the real importance of such a collection rests not alone upon the number or the rarity of the works of
which
in this
It
it is
composed, but upon the use which is made of them. way can the library be worthy of its history.
inevitable that the possession of so great
Only
was
an inheritance of
literary treasures
age
for those
who have
should cause the library to become a place of pilgrimgiven themselves to the service of learning, as
well as for the lovers of rare books.
been the steadfast aim of the governors library for students, and, with this end
the collections
From the first, however, it has to make it an efficient working

in
view, they have developed
by the provision of the best literature in the various departments of knowledge which comes within the scope of the
library,
so as to excite
and
diffuse
a love of learning, and at the

same time
assist
25
the original investigations

to
and
efforts
of those
who
might devote themselves

study.
the pursuit of some special branch of
This design has been consistently followed without any material It has remained only to build change since the day of its inauguration.
up
the collections along lines
which have already been
results,
and
as a consequence the library has quickly
good and almost im-
fruitful of
perceptibly developed into an admirable laboratory for historical

literary investigation.
and
not surprising to find that there were many lacunae in the library's collections, but every effort has been employed
In the early years
it
was
In this gradually to reduce their number, and with gratifying success. respect we have gratefully to acknowledge the valuable services rendered
by
readers,
who, from time
to time,
have pointed out the
library's lack
of important authorities in their special lines of research.
Suggestion
of this or of
any kind, which tend to the improvement of the library, have always been both invited and welcomed, and have received prompt and sympathetic attention.
It
may
not be out of place at this point briefly to refer to the help

officials
and guidance which the

to written requests
are constantly called upon to render,
not only by personal attention in the library itself, but also in response Such services cannot from all parts of the world.
reliable statistical
be reduced to any
statement, but they bear fruit in
the grateful acknowledgments of indebtedness to the library, which

constantly find expression in the foot-notes and prefaces to published works, and in presentation copies of the works containing such ac-
knowledgments.
governors also considered it desirable to give to the general public, as well as to those who had not yet discovered the delights and advantages of literary study, or who had only a casual acquaintance with books, opportunities for forming some idea of the scope and character of the collections and of the possibilities of usefulness, which
the library offered.
The
Therefore, with the object of providing the means for fostering such interest, and of making the resources of the library better known,
provision
was made
in the planning
and equipment
of the building for of ten exhibition

first
exhibitions and public lectures, by the installation cases in the main library, which is situated on the
floor,
and
of
26
two

lecture halls
on the ground
first
floor,
the larger intended for public
lectures, the smaller for lecture demonstrations.
One
of
the
steps to
be taken
in this
endeavour to popularise
-
the library, in the best sense of that term,
rangement
of exhibitions,
was by the ar- EXHIBIwhich have since come to be TIONS
regarded as one of the permanent features of the library's work.
They
are designed to reveal to visitors something of the character of the collections
which have made the

at the
library
famous
to
in the
world
of letters,
and which
same time have helped

from
make Manchester
a centre
of attraction for scholars
all parts of
the world.
the subjects with which these exhibitions have dealt, the M The Art and Craft of the Scribes following may be mentioned
Among
Beginnings of Books 'The History of the Transmission of the Bible from the Earliest ** " Books and Broadsides illustrating the History of PrintTimes " " " ManuOriginal Editions of the Works of John Milton ing"
Illuminators of the
; ; ; ; ;
and
Middle Ages
"
**
The
"
scripts
and
Printed Editions of the
Works
of
Dante Alighieri
" "
;
"
"
Manuscripts and
".
Original Editions of the Principal English Classics " "
Mediaeval
of
Jewelled
Book Covers
and
The Works
Shakespeare, his Sources, and the Writings of his Principal Contemporaries

In connection with each exhibition
it
has been customary to issue
a descriptive hand-book, which usually contains an historical introduction to the subject dealt with, a list of the principal works bearing upon it
which may be consulted in the library, and facsimiles of title-pages or These characteristic pages, of some of the most famous of the exhibits.
hand-books, which often extend to upwards of a hundred pages, are prepared with the greatest possible care, and are calculated to be of
permanent value
If
to students.
judge from the large number of people, including groups of students, who, with evident enjoyment and avowed benefit, have
visited these exhibitions, as well as
we may
have appeared
in the press, the object
from the appreciative notices which which we had in view has been
abundantly realised.
Interest in the library has also
lectures.
been fostered by means of public

1
,
and dealt PUBLIC series was arranged in 1 90 LEC with the history and scope of the institution. exclusively " Books This was followed in the succeeding session by a series on
The first

and
27
Such was the success of these experiments that their Makers ". a more ambitious scheme was entered upon, and in each of the subsequent seventeen years a syllabus has been arranged, which has in-
cluded the names of scholars of the highest eminence, who have gladly responded to the invitation extended to them to lecture upon the subjects of
In the course of which they are the recognised authorities. often been advanced, these lectures new theories and discoveries have
which were calculated to impart a

spective fields of research.
to overflowing, with
spiring,
fresh stimulus to study in their refilled
The
lecture-room has generally been

at
an audience which was

large
once responsive and
in-
and on numerous occasions
numbers have been unable

to stimulate in-
to gain admission.
The
object of these lectures, as already stated,
is
terest in the library
and in the higher branches of literature, and each the occasion for reminding the audience of this fact by lecture is made directing attention to the available sources of information upon the
subject dealt with.
Another department
cess
of
work which has met with encouraging
suc-
is represented by demonstrations for organised parties of students from the University, the training colleges, the technical and second,
the
bibliographical and other DEMON-
ary schools, and other similar institutions in Manchester
......
TO STU-
ivy,
DENTS AND
CRAFTS-
and the neighbouring towns.

a rule the demonstration deals with the author or subject, literature, which has been the " theme of class study during the term. Such subjects as The Begin-
As
sometimes a period of history or of
Beginnings of Printing," 'The Books of the Middle Ages," The Revival of Learning," " The Early Settle' The Printed ment of America,** The Bible before Printing,'* " Wiclif,** "Shakespeare," English Bible,*' "Aldus,** "Chaucer,** " " " and Milton have each in turn been dealt with in this Dante,"
nings of Literature,'*
'The
"
'
manner. from twenty- five to a hundred students, have been accommodated in one of the lecture rooms, around
parties,
These
which
consist of
tables
upon which the manuscript and other material stration had been arranged.
preciate the reality underlying the great
for the
demon-
Experience has taught us that nothing will help a student to ap-
names
of literature or history
28

works, or to
In dealing
like a personal introduction to the original editions of their
the most authoritative material bearing
upon the
subject.
with ancient history, for example, to be able to show a group of tablets, consisting of letters of the time of Hammurabi or Abraham, a proclamation of Nebuchadnezzar, the writing tablets of one of the Roman
Consuls, or a papyrus document written during the lifetime of our In the case of Shakespeare, to be able Lord, is to make history live to show copies of the actual editions of the books to which Shakespeare
must have had
access,
and which he drew upon
in the writing of his

is
plays, or of the original editions of his

of
own
works,
to impart a sense
personal acquaintance with,
or a vivid impression of the writer,
which not only

ject,
intensifies the student's
love for the particular sub-
but stimulates an interest in the

library possesses,
the
and
in that
many valuable collections which way lays a foundation for future

request
of the
study.
On
several
occasions, at
the
Head
Teachers*
of
Association and the Teachers'

similar character
Guild,
model demonstrations
parties of teachers,
have been given to large
who
have
expressed appreciation of this

library,
method
of utilising the resources of the
opening out, as templated by them.
it
does, vistas of usefulness not hitherto con-
Groups
of craftsmen
connected with the printing, book-binding, and
other trade societies, have also had lecture demonstrations arranged for
them upon such
subjects as writing,
printing,
book-illustration,
and
book-binding, which, to judge from their expressions of grateful appreciation,
have enabled them
to carry
away a new
conception of the
dignity and
possibilities of the particular craft to
which they belonged.
From
the educational point of view, the library has achieved a
gratifying measure of success by means of these exhibitions, lectures, and demonstrations, since many of the schools and colleges have
been avowedly aided in their work, and have been drawn into Not only so, but in a large closer relationship with the institution. number of cases which have been brought to our knowledge, the interest of the casual visitor
has also ripened into a desire to become a with the avowed object of following up lines of study regular reader, suggested to them in the course of some lecture or demonstration.
year 1910 the governors wisely decided to instal a photographic studio with a complete and up-to-date equipment of apparatus,
In the

and
their action
29
has been abundantly
justified
by the
results already
obtained.
This
wide
benefit,
scholars, both
new department is fraught with possibilities of worldfor it has made it possible to render to p HOTO at home and abroad, most valuable assist- GRAPHIC
,
ance,
by furnishing them with photographed facsimiles of pages from some of the rarer printed books and manuscripts. and again, in the case of requests for transcripts and collations
Again
of pass-
ages from some important text in the possession of the library, it has been found possible, at small cost, to provide a photograph or a
rotograph of the
passage required, which was at once more trustworthy and more acceptable than the best hand-made transcript could
possibly be.
With
which the
the
object of
increasing the
facilities
for
advanced study
library offers, every attention has been paid to
the improvement of the equipment, especially in the gallery alcoves, which are now reserved for students who are conducting
special research.
in
ME
EQUIP-
This accommodation
and
in
consequence also because each alcove
of the greater
is much coveted by readers, freedom from distraction which it offers,

is
furnished with a small standing-press,
which they may keep
out, from day to day, the works which they
require for continuous study.
These
seats are allotted to students in
the order of their application, and, as a rule, for the whole of the
session.
Indeed, such has been the increasing
demand
for
them during
of
the last few years, that invariably every seat has been allotted before
the
session
opens.
This constant
solicitude
on the part
the
governors for the

qualified gratitude
comfort of readers has evoked expressions of un-
and appreciation.
Throughout the period covered by the

library
war
the service of the
was maintained,
its
as
nearly as possible, at the
THE
LIB-
regular level of
efficiency, in spite of the

staff
absence of
Forces,
eleven members of the

in
who
enlisted in
H.M.
THE WAR.
CURING
one capacity or another, This continuance Country.
response to the call of King and of the service was rendered possible by
in
the loyal
and
untiring devotion of those officials
who, from one cause

which were
but that
in con-
or another,
It is
were exempt from
active military duties.
true that several important pieces of work,
templation at the outbreak of
war, had
to
be
set aside in
staff,
consequence
of the absence of so large a proportion of the
was
not
30
to

be wondered
at,
for plans conceived in time of

strain
peace naturally
change and shrink under the
and
stress of
war.
Of
on
the
members
of the staff already referred to as having
been absent
exchange life in the army we have to deplore the atmosphere loss of Captain O. J. Sutton, M.C., whose death deprives the library of a trustworthy and valued assistant, who had been associated with
for the peaceful
active service, ten returned to duty, glad to
of the library, but
the institution from the time of

for active service in
its
inauguration until he
was
called
up
August, 1914.
One
piece of war-work, to
is
pardonable pride,
which the governors may point with represented by the assistance which RECO N
the library has been able to render to the authorities of

the University of Louvain in their heavy task of
STRUCTION OF THE making LOU VAIN

collection of
good the ruin wrought by the war, by providing them with the nucleus of a new library to replace the famous
books and manuscripts which had been so ruthlessly destroyed by the Germans in August, 1914.
Within four months of the perpetration

library
of that
wanton
act,
the
new
was already
rising, phoenix-like, out of the ruins of the old one,
as a result of the
scheme
of replacement
which grew out
of the desire
on the part of the governors to give some practical expression to their deep feelings of sympathy with the authorities of Louvain. This they felt could best be accomplished by means of a gift of books, and forthwith the
offer of
an
initial
group of 200 volumes was made.
The
offer
was
gratefully accepted,
and acknowledged as the
first
contribution which had been
effectually
made
in
to the future library of
Louvain, but as Belgium was at that time
the occupation of the
Germans, and the members of the University were scattered and in exile, the governors were requested to house their gift until such time as the
country had been freed from the presence of the invaders, and the
University had been repatriated.
Having gladly undertaken

that there
must be many
occurred to the governors other libraries and learned institutions, as well

this service,
it
as private individuals,
who would welcome

view
the opportunity of shar-
ing in such a project, and, with a
of inviting their co-operation,
an announcement was
subsequent issue of this BULLETIN (which appeared in April, 1915) of our willingness to be responsible
in the
for the
made
custody of any suitable works which might be entrusted to us

for the purpose.
31
We
also
announced our intention

the books
of preparing a
their
with register of the various contributors,

gifts,
an exact description of
for
presentation
with
when
the
appropriate time
united effort to
the
should arrive, to serve as a permanent record of

repair at least
this
some
of the
damage which had been wrought by
war.
Our appeal met with an immediate and generous response, which has continued unabated throughout the six years that have elapsed
since
it
was
first
made
public.
One
of the most pleasing features of
the response has been that all classes of the community, not only in
this country,
but in
many
parts of the English-speaking world, as well
as in several of the allied
and neutral
countries,
have participated
in
it.
Many
of the gifts
may be
said to partake of the sanctity of a sacrifice,
since they consist of treasured possessions

struggling students through the exercise of
which had been acquired by economy and self-denial.
Early in
itiative
of
1916 a national committee was formed, upon the inthe President and Secretary of the British Academy, to
This resulted
in a
co-operate with the governors in the development of the scheme which they had already inaugurated.
given to the
new
impulse being
movement.
Reports of progress, coupled with new appeals for help, have been made from time to time in the pages of the BULLETIN, with encouraging
in
results.
In
one
of our appeals
we
explained that, whilst
view the general character of the library which we had in keeping contemplation, we were at the same time anxious that it should be
thoroughly representative of English scholarship, in other words that its equipment should include the necessary materials for research on
the history, language,
contributions
of learning.
and
literature of the country, together with the
which
The
have made to other departments attainment of that object has been made possible
British scholars
by
the ready and generous
co-operation of
many
of
the
learned
societies, universities, university presses,
and leading
last,
publishers.
In this connection
it
may
refers
:
not be out of place to quote a few
sentences from a letter received in April
from Professor A. van

British contri-
Hoonacker,
in
which he
to the character of the
bution in the following terms
"... The
it is
restoration of our library
is
progressing splendidly,
and
gratifying to
acknowledge
for us that the
most valuable contributions
32

far,
by
are those
of
our English friends.
Our
debt of
gratitude
towards the Rylands Library is very great indeed and can never be Our library will be a historical monument in a special forgotten.
way
going to be for its best part an English library." Throughout the six years during which the scheme has been in
:
it is
operation, gifts of books, in large or in small consignments, have been
reaching us almost daily.

collections of
careful to
lists
of having volumes dumped upon us indiscriminately, we have been invite prospective donors to send to us, in the first instance,
In order to obviate the risk
of
the works they desired to offer, so that
we
might have the

to
be unsuitable, or of which a copy had already been contributed by some other donor. In this way we were able to secure for our friends at Louvain a really
opportunity of respectfully declining anything
live collection of books,
deemed
embracing
all
The work
were not
quite
of receiving, rebinding
departments of knowledge. or repairing such volumes as
sound
in their covers, registering, cataloguing, repacking,
and making them ready for shipment, involving, as it did, a formidable amount of correspondence, in addition to the other operations referred
has been at times a serious tax upon the resources of the library, but the work has been regarded as a labour of love by the various
to,
members
loyal
of the staff
who have had
a hand in
it,
and, thanks to their
and
at times self-sacrificing devotion, the project has
been carried
through to a successful issue, without

regular routine
any
serious interference with the
and
service of the library.
In January, 1919, not only
was Belgium
freed from the hateful
presence of the invaders, but the University of Louvain
was
repatriated
by
the return of the authorities to the devastated scene of their former
activities
and triumphs, there
to assemble their scattered
students, to
resume
in
accustomed work, and to take a prominently active part the immediate business of effecting a transition to a peace footing,
their
as well as in the educational
and other schemes
of reconstruction
which
were already taking shape. If one of the first essentials

is
in
the organisation of any University

in
a library,
it
was not
surprising to learn that,
the absence of this

of the students
essential part of the University's
equipment, the
work
during the
first
session of their
revival
had been
seriously
hampered.
the ensuin"
Fortunately
session.
this
was a
deficiency that
was remedied during

to
Temporary premises were secured
serve as library
and
33
reading-room pending the erection of the new library building, and it was our privilege to assist in the furnishing of the shelves with an
up-to-date collection of books designed to meet the immediate require-
ments
of staff
and
students.
this
As
evidence of the success of
scheme
it
needs only to be stated
have had the pleasure of transferring to December, 1919, Louvain 443 cases, containing no fewer than 35,639 volumes, forming the splendid collection of books which had been gradually accumuthat, since
we
lated
here
in
the John
Ry lands
Library
as the
outcome of these
combined
efforts.
still
There are
several thousands of
volumes
either in
hand or
under promise for the next shipment, so that a total of at least 40,000 volumes is within sight, and for this we renew our thanks to all who
have
in
any way
the
assisted us to realise this
successful issue to our
scheme.
From
beginning of
their administration of
of
the
library
the
Governors have recognised the advantages
employing puBLICA-
the printing press for disseminating information concerning its varied contents, in order that scholars throughout the world should
have the means of ascertaining something of

tance.
their character
and impor-
end they have sanctioned the production of a number of catalogues and other publications, many of which have come to be regarded as valuable contributions to the study of the subjects with which
this
To
they deal.
should be pointed out, however, that the first publications to be issued in connection with the library, were prepared and printed at
It
the expense of Mrs. Rylands,
and were ready for distribution immediately after the inauguration ceremony had taken place. " They consisted of a Catalogue of the Printed Books and Manuwith which the library commenced its career, forming three " volumes in quarto a special Catalogue of the Books Printed in
scripts
;
"
England, Scotland, and Ireland, and of Books in English Printed Abroad, to the Year 1640," in one volume uniform with the aforesaid
and a sumptuous folio volume furnished with twenty-six collotype facsimiles and many engravings, in which the collection of English Bibles printed between 1525 and 1640 are fully
general
catalogue
described from the bibliographical standpoint.

3
34

The first publication to be issued under the auspices of
the governors,
of the
and one
most important and
published by the library,
was
ambitious catalogues hitherto issued in 1909, under the title "Cata-
logue of the Demotic Papyri in the John Ry lands Library," by F. LI. It was the first issue of the series of Griffith, in 3 vols., 4to. descriptive guides or catalogues to the collection of Oriental
manuscripts in the possession of the library, but
than a catalogue, since

the documents, with
introductions, very
full
it
included collotype
and Western was something more facsimiles of the whole of

it
transliterations,
complete translations, valuable
notes,
and a
glossary, representing, in the esti-
mation of scholars, the most important contribution to the study of
Demotic hitherto published. It was the result of nearly ten years of persistent labour on the part of the editor, who was at that time
in Egyptology in the University of Oxford. " This was followed in the same year by the Catalogue of Coptic Manuscripts in the John Rylands Library," by W. E. Crum, in one
Reader
volume uniform with the former.

reproduced in extenso, and
series of
In this also,
facsimile.
in
private letters
considerably older
many of the texts were The collection includes a than any hitherto known in
Coptic, in addition to
logical interest.
many
manuscripts of great historical and theo-
In 191
the
first
Papyri
texts in
..."
them
by Dr.
volume appeared of the "Catalogue of Greek A. S. Hunt, which dealt with the literary
the collection.
These
texts
were reproduced in extenso,

interesting
Biblical,
some
of
in facsimile,
classical
and comprise many
liturgical,
and
papyri, ranging from the third century B.C. to
Included are probably the earliest known text the sixth century A.D. " Nicene Creed," also one of the earliest known vellum codices, of the " Odyssey," probably of the containing a considerable fragment of the
decades of the third century A.D., which is included amongst the papyrus documents with which its date and Egyptian provenance
last
naturally associate
it.
1
1
The second volume of this catalogue appeared in 9 5. It dealt with the documents of the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, and was
compiled by Dr. A. S. Hunt,
J.
The volume runs to upwards of 500

consisting mainly of non-literary
de M. Johnson, and Victor Martin. pages, and deals with 400 papyri,
of
documents
an
official
or legal char-
acter, as distinguished from the literary
documents forming the subject

matter of the
first
35
volume.
The
chief interest centres in the descrip-
papyri from Thmuis, which were found, without doubt, in the ruined buildings of Tell Timai, partly
tion of the collection of carbonised
by the Egypt Exploration Fund during 1892-93, the chambers of which were found choked by a medley of decayed rolls, and it is interesting to learn that the documents printed in this volume
excavated
form the
of
largest
body yet published from
that source.
The
students
New
Testament Greek, and
of the history of the period covered
by this group of documents, especially in relation to law, economics, and taxation in Egypt during the Roman occupation, will find a mass of useful information, not only in the documents themselves, but in
the exhaustive
its
and illuminating notes by which they are accompanied. In the same year (1915), another interesting quarto volume made " Sumerian tablets from Umma in the appearance, under the title
:
John Rylands Library," transcribed, transliterated, and translated by This volume was of considerable interest, since it made C. L. Bedale.
available for study the
first
batch of tablets from

for the library
this particular site at
Umma, which had
been acquired
some years
earlier at
The the suggestion of the late Professor Hogg and Canon Johns. work of editing the collection was to have been undertaken by Professor
Hogg, but death intervened, and Mr. Bedale, who succeeded

lecturer in Assyriology at the University of
him as
Manchester, very
Johns, produceditor,
gladly undertook the task with the assistance of
Canon
ing a piece of
work which
reflected credit not only
upon the
but also upon the library.

In 1909 a series of reprints was commenced which was to be " known as the John Rylands Facsimiles," the object of which was to make more readily accessible to students, by means of faithful facsimile reproductions, some of the most interesting and important of the
rarer
books and prints which are
in the possession of the library,
and
de-
also to avert the disaster

struction
and
loss to scholarship involved in the
when
fire or otherwise of such unique and rare literary have not been multiplied by some such method they
by
treasures,
of repro-
duction.
Propositio Johannis Russell, printed by William Caxton, circa A.D., 1476," edited with an introduction by Henry Guppy. The library copy of
this tract of six
The
first
work
to
be treated in
this
way was
the
"
printed pages, from which the facsimile
was prepared,
36
was
for

many
Since then, however, years considered to be unique. discovered in the library of the Earl of Leicester another copy has been It consists of the Latin oration, at Holkham Hall. pronounced by
the Chancellor
of
England, on the investiture of Charles,
Duke
of
Burgundy, with the order of the Garter, in February, 1469, and is printed in the second fount of type employed by Caxton. The second issue appeared in the following year (1910), and
consisted of a reproduction of
believed to be the sole surviving copy of a quaint little rhyming primer, which had the laudable object of instructing the young in the names of trades, professions, ranks, and
is
what
common objects of daily

by a certain vein
"
'
life in their
own tongue. The lists were rhymed,

to
:
and therefore were easy to commit

of
humour.
*
memory, and they are pervaded The title of the volume is as follows
of the
Englysh Metre, Dives Pragmaticus 1563." It was edited with -an introduction and remarks on the vocabulary and dialect E. Newberry by Percy
. . . ;
Booke
in
Great Marchaunt man called
with a glossary, by
Henry C. Wyld.
which appeared also
in
The
tion of
third issue,
tract
1910, was the reproducon the Pestilence, of nine leaves, written by Benedict
Bishop of Vasteras, of which three separate editions are known, but only one copy of each is believed to have
Kanuti, or Knutsson,
survived.
ing,
first
There
is
no indication
in
any edition
of the place of print-
date or
name
of printer, but they are all printed in
one of the
city
types employed by William de Machlinia, who printed in the of London at the time when William Caxton was at the most
active period of his career at Westminster.

as follows
:
The
title
of
the
work
is
"A
Litel
Boke the whiche
tray tied
and reherced many

. .
gode thinges necessaries for the

Bishop of Arusiens Guthrie Vine.
. .
...
Pestilence
made by
the
."
[1485].
Edited, with an introduction,
by
in
The
fourth publication of this series to

portfolio
of
make
"
its
appearance,
1915, was a
facsimiles
of eight early engravings,

title
:
which
are preserved in
the library, under the
Fifteenth Century in the
John Rylands Library.

of
Woodcuts of the With an intro.
duction and descriptive notes by Campbell Dodgson."
Two
of the
woodcuts dealt
with
are
exceptional
interest,
and have been
known and
celebrated for a century and a half, but had not hitherto
been reproduced in a satisfactory and trustworthy manner by any of

the
37
modern photo- mechanical

"
St.
to represent
processes. " "
Christopher
and
The two woodcuts referred The Annunciation/' the former
which has acquired a great celebrity by reason of the unquestioned date (1423) which it bears, and which until recently gave it the unof
challenged position of the
first
dated woodcut.
These two have been
reproduced " The metal dotted print of the " Passion scene chrome.
the finest extant example of this description of engraving. the engravings reproduced are said to be unique.
in the exact colours of
the originals as well as in

is
monoall
probably
Indeed,
The
of
governors were fortunate in being able to secure the services

the recognised authority on such matters, in the presince the presence of his
Mr. Dodgson,
paration of the text,

gives at once
name on
the title-page
an authority and
distinction to the volume.

'*
The
by
first
two volumes
compiled by Dr.
M.
Catalogue of Latin Manuscripts," Rhodes James, will, it is hoped, be in circulation

of the
the rime these pages are in print.
This catalogue was commenced
first place by arrangement with the Earl of and later under a new arrangement with Mrs. Rylands, Crawford, the work on which has been continued, in the intervals of a very busy
many
years ago, in the
life
by Dr. James.
The
manuscripts described in this

1
first
instalment
of
the catalogue comprise
83
rolls
and
codices.
They
include the
small group contained in the Althorp Library, in addition to the

ford collection,
Crawbeen
and a
certain
number
of items
sales.
which have
since
acquired from the Phillipps and other
The
to
first
volume
will contain the catalogue proper,
which extends
400
pages, whilst the second will consist of a thoroughly represet
sentative
of
about
200
facsimiles of
characteristic pages of the
manuscripts dealt with.
The
first
volume
of the
new and
It
standard edition of the
"
Odes
and Psalms
of
Solomon," edited
in
1
Mingana, appeared
of the original
6.
by Dr. Rendel Harris and Dr. A. furnished for the first time a facsimile
Syriac manuscript,
now
in the
possession of the
text,
John
Rylands Library, accompanied by a retranscribed

critical
with an attached
apparatus.
in
1
This was followed

prises
new
translation of the
920 by the second volume, which com" " Odes in English versicles, with brief
comments by way
an exhaustive introduction dealing with the variations of the fragment in the British Museum, with the
of elucidation,
38

probable epoch of their composition, their unity,
first
original language, the
the
stylistic
method
of their of the
writer, the accessory patristic testicriticisms that
monies, a
since
its
summary
first
most important
1909,
have appeared
the
publication in
a complete bibliography of
subject,
In
and a glossary of the text. 1917 there were republished

Ascent
of
in
"The
Harris on the Greek
BULLETIN.
Olympus," cults, which had appeared at intervals in the were republished as nearly as possible in their They some
corrections, expansions, justifications,
four interesting articles
one volume, under the title by Dr. Rendel
original form, but with
and
a
additional illustrations.
Another volume which attracted great attention and

good deal of healthy criticism at the time of
early part of
livered in the
"
elicited
its appearance, in the 1918, consisted of an elaboration of three lectures de-
The
Birth of Aphrodite,"
John Rylands Library by Professor G. Elliot Smith, on " " Incense and Libations," and Dragons
and Rain-gods," which make a substantial volume of 250 pages, with " numerous illustrations, under the title of The Evolution of the Dragon".
Two
The
pieces of pioneer
it
work were
carried out in the course of
1909, which
first
was hoped would lead marked a new stage in

it
to far-reaching developments.
library administration
and co-
operation, since
was the
It
country or abroad.
catalogue of its kind to appear in this " Classified Catalogue of Works consisted of a
first
on Architecture and the Allied Arts
in
the Principal
Libraries of
Manchester and Salford," edited conjointly by the Librarian and SubLibrarian, for the Joint Architectural Committee of the Manchester
University and the Manchester Education Committee.
of
It is
volume
336
pages, in
which the main
entries are arranged according to the
Dewey Decimal
and
of the various
system of classification, followed
subject indexes.
By means
is
of
this
it
by alphabetical author guide, in which the location

possible to determine at a
books
clearly
shown,
is
glance whether any particular
work
is
contained in one or other of

"
the twelve principal libraries of the district, and where.
The
second of the volumes referred to above, the

of the
Analytical
Catalogue
Contents of the
Two
Editions of the English Garner,"
was printed with
the object of emphasising the need for analytical It was also intreatment of composite works of such a character. tended to demonstrate the practicability of placing the work of one

library at the service of other libraries at a small cost,
39
and
for
that
reason
it
was printed
in
such a
way
that the entries could

It
be cut up
also felt
literature
and
that
of
utilised for insertion in

it
any cumulative catalogue.

it
was
would be
of service to the students of the history
and
our
own
country,
since
provides a key
to
storehouse
of
in
pamphlets, broadsides, and occasional verses, which are collected " the Garner," and are practically unobtainable elsewhere.
Other publications have been issued
as occasion
demanded
in the
form of descriptive catalogues of the exhibitions which were arranged from time to time in the main library, either to signalise the visit of
some learned
society, or to
mark the commemoration
of
some anniver-
sary of literary or historical interest.
These need not be enumerated

accompanying
list
here, as they are briefly described in the

tions, together
of publica-
with
many
other miscellaneous items which
do not
call
for special mention.
In the year
1903 the publication
of the
BULLETIN OF THE JOHN

its
RYLANDS LIBRARY was commenced

medium
of
with the object of providing a

readers,
communication between the library and
and
at the
same time of making clear to all lovers of literature the great possibilities which such a library holds out. It was continued by annual issues
until
found necessary to suspend publication the library had been satisfied.

In October, 1914, publication
1908, when, by reason of the exigencies of other work, it was until the more urgent claims of
was resumed
in
consequence of
re-
peated inquiries for the BULLETIN, which seemed to reveal the real need for some such link between the library and those who were interested in
its
welfare.
enthusiastic
Such was the
welcome accorded
to
it
in its revived
form, coupled with the generous response on the part of scholars to our
appeals for help in the shape of contributions, that we are encouraged to believe our aim to secure for this periodical, by the publication of a
regular succession
literary organ,
of original
articles,
greater
permanence as a
is at least in Many of process of accomplishment. these articles consist of elaborations of the lectures delivered in the
library, the
importance of which
list
may be
gathered by a glance at the
accompanying
of reprints.
A certain number of
in the printer's hands,
catalogues and other publications are either

press, or in active preparation.
ready for the
40
The
first
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY " A Catalogue of English Incunabula in

is
the John
This will be uniform with the catalogues of manuRylands Library extend to 200 pages. It will consist of an scripts, and will probably
".
accurate
bibliographical
description
of
the
library's
collection
of
English books printed before
1501, including of course the

collations, notes as to provenance,
sixty
Caxtons.
It
will furnish full
and and
incidentally, each volume, by means to tell its own story, so often hidden
of this treatment, will
be made
in the prologues, epilogues,
colophons
to indulge.
in
which the early translators, editors, and printers delighted It will be illustrated by facsimiles of pages from some of
of
the rarer items in the collection.
in
Catalogue Great Britain, and

"
is
1
The
"
Books
in the
of English
John Rylands Library, printed Books printed abroad, between 474

1
640 commenced
and
also ready for the printer,
as soon as
it
calculated that
will
and work upon it will be and means render it practicable. It is ways form two or three quarto volumes, uniform with
furnish complete
the preceding catalogue, and will
bibliographical
it
descriptions of the rich collection of books with
which
deals.
It
is
be of service not only to users of the library, but to bibliographers and students of English literature in general. In the course of the examination and description of the library's
designed to
Arabic manuscripts, upon which Dr. Mingana is at present engaged, many of them have been invested with a new importance by reason of the unusual palaeographical, and textual interest which
collection of
they have been found to possess.
One volume of modest appearance and dimensions has proved to be of quite exceptional importance, as maybe gleaned from the follow" It consists of an Apology of the Muhammadan Faith," ing notes.
by a learned Muhammadan
doctor,
named Ali
b.
Rabban
at-Tabari.
is marked by numerous works by Christians and Muhammadans, who lived not far apologetic from Baghdad, the capital of the'Abbaside dynasty of the Eastern cali-
The
ninth century of the Christian era
phate.
The names
among
of
Abu
al-Kindi,
Christian
Nuh, Timotheus the Patriarch, and Ishak apologists are known by all interested in
"
Oriental learning.
In particular the
Apology
of the Christian Faith,"
by Al-Kindi can hardly be ignored by any educated Muslim, or by

But, as far as we are any educated Christian living with Muslims. aware, hitherto no such apology of Islam, ol so early a date, and of

such outstanding importance, by a
exist.
It
is,
41
Muhammadan
has been
known
to
therefore, gratifying to
be able to announce that a work
similar to that of Al-Kindi, has been found in our collection.
The
work
is
of first-rate importance to the

scholar,
Muslim, and not
of less im-
portance to every Oriental

theological questions
it
whilst to anyone interested in

interest.
It
must have an
follows generally
to
the apology of Al-Kindi, which

refute.
the author
probably intended
The work
contains about
prove the divine mission of
130 long Biblical quotations to the Arabian prophet. These quotations
follow the Syriac version of the Bible, said, in the manuscript, to have " been translated by an unknown author called Marcus the Interpreter ".
If
"
Marcus may be identified with the Marcus mentioned Fihrist" (p. 306), and among the writers preceding the time
this
in
the
of the
Prophet, the book
would become
of
paramount importance
questions dealing with the redaction of the Kur'an.
Mshabbha,
is
"
the Glorious," wherever occurring
many The Syriac word in the Old Testament,

It is
for
translated in
Arabic by the word
Mukammad.
in the
possible,
therefore, that the Prophet having heard this
word pronounced, wrote

Sacred Books of the
(S.
vii,
56, etc.) that his
name was found
Christians
and the Jews.
The writer is the physician and moralist 'AH b. Rabban at-Tabari, who died about A.D. 864. He wrote his book at the request of the
The
is
Caliph al-Mutawakkil (847-861), at Baghdad in the year A.D. 850. manuscript is a transcript of the autograph of Tabari himself, and
certainly the most
seriously written
book on the apologetic theme

publication of
editions
of the
existing in
our days.
governors
The
Arabic
contemplate
the
text,
and
also of
an English
translation,
which have been pre-
The manuscripts are ready for the press, pared by Dr. Mingana. and will be placed in the hands of the printer as soon as conditions
are
more favourable. Other catalogues

"
in preparation are
Catalogue of
Arabic Manuscripts
.'*
(codices).
."
By Dr
"
"
Alphonse Mingana.
Catalogue of Arabic Papyri.
. .
By
.
Professor Margoliouth.
Catalogue
of Persian Manuscripts.
."
By
Professor
A. R.
Nicholson.
"Catalogue of Samaritan Manuscripts.
."
By Dr. A.
E.
Cowley
42
"

Catalogue
Harris.
of
Syriac
Manuscripts.
."
By
Dr.
Rendel
"
Vol. 3. Documents of the Catalogue of Greek Papyri. Period." Dr. A. S. Hunt. By Byzantine
.
The
following are the publications issued
by
the Library
between
1899 and 1920.
CATALOGUES OF PRINTED BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS IN THE LIBRARY.

Catalogue of the printed books and manuscripts 3 vols. 4to. 1899.
Catalogue of books
in the in the
and
Ireland,
and
year 1640.
of books in English printed 1895. 4to, pp. iii, 147.
John Rylands Library printed in England, Scotland, abroad to the end of the
Catalogue of the Coptic manuscripts in the John Rylands Library. By W. E. Crum, M.A. 1909. 4to. pp. xii, 273. 12 plates of facsimiles.
With facCatalogue of the Demotic papyri in the John Rylands Library. similes and complete translations. F. LI. Griffith, M.A. 1909. By 4to. 3 vols.
Vol.
1
.
hand copies
lations,
Atlas of facsimiles in collotype. Vol. of the earlier documents. Vol. 3.
2.
Lithographed
Key-list, trans-
commentaries, and indexes.
Catalogue of the Greek papyri in the John Rylands Library. By Arthur S. Hunt, M.A., LittD., J. de M. Johnson, M.A., and Victor Martin, Vol. 1 D. es 1911. 4to, pp. xii, Literary texts (Nos. 1-61). 1 of facsimiles. Vol. 2 204. Documents of the Ptolemaic plates
and Roman periods (Nos. 62-456).

plates.
1916. 4to, pp.
xx,
488.
23
The
English Bible in
the
John
Rylands Library,
1525
to
1640.
By
and
Richard Lovett
1889.
Fol.,
pp. xvi, 275, with
26
facsimiles
39 engravings.
THE JOHN RYLANDS

1.
FACSIMILES.
Caxton, circa A.D. 1909. 8vo,
Propositio Johannis
Russell.
Printed by William
1476.
With an
introduction by
Henry Guppy.
pp. 36, 8.
2.
A booke in
A
" Dives Englysh metre, of the great marchaunt man called " With an introduction by Percy El 1563. Pragmaticus Newberry and remarks on the vocabulary and dialect, with a glossary, 1910. 4to, pp xxxviii, 16. by H. C. Wyld.
. . . .
.
3.
boke the whiche traytied and reherced many gode thinges made by the ... Bisshop ... pestilence of Arusiens With an introduction by [London,! [1485?]. Guthrie Vine. 1910. 4to, pp. xxvi, 18.
litil
necessaries for the

. .

4.
43
Woodcuts
duced
in
of the fifteenth century in the John Rylands Library. Reprofacsimile. With an introduction and notes by Campbell
Fol.,
Dodgson, 1915.
10 plates and 16 pp. of
text, in
a portfolio.
EXHIBITION CATALOGUES.
Catalogue of the manuscripts, books, and book- bindings exhibited at the open1899. 8vo, ing of the John Rylands Library, October 6th, 1899. PP .41.
The John Rylands

contents,
library.
Library: a brief description of the building and its with a descriptive list of the works exhibited in the main
By Henry Guppy.
1902.
8vo, pp. 47.
Catalogue of an exhibition of Bibles in the John Rylands Library illustrating the history of the English versions from Wiclif to the present rime. Including the personal copies of Queen Elizabeth, General Gordon,
and Elizabeth Fry.
1904.
8vo, pp. 32.
Catalogue of the manuscripts
in the John Rylands on the occasion of the visit of the National Council of the Library 1905. 8vo, pp. 38. Evangelical Free Churches. brief historical description of the John Rylands Library and its contents with catalogue of the selection of early printed Greek and Latin classics
and printed books exhibited
exhibited on the occasion of the
visit
of the Classical Association in
October
MCMVI.
1906.
8vo, pp. 89, with plates.
Catalogue of an exhibition of Bibles in the John Rylands Library illustrating the history of the English versions from Wiclif to the present time, including the personal copies of Queen Elizabeth, Elizabeth Fry, and others. 1907. 8vo, pp. vii, 55, with plates.
Catalogue of the selection of books and broadsides illustrating the early history of printing, exhibited in the John Rylands Library on the occasion of the visit of the Federation of Master Printers and Allied
Trades
of
in June,
MCMVII.
1907.
8vo, pp.
v,
34.
an exhibition of illuminated manuscripts, principally Biblical Catalogue and liturgical, exhibited in the John Rylands Library on the occasion 1 908. VIII. of the meeting of the Church Congress in October, 8vo, pp. vii, 62, with plates.
MCM
Catalogue of an exhibition in the John Rylands Library of the original editions of the principal works of John Milton, arranged in celebration 1908. of the tercentenary of his birth. 8vo, pp. 24.
Catalogue of an exhibition of the works of Dante Alighieri, shown in the 1909. John Rylands Library from March to October, MCMIX.
8vo, pp.
xii,
55.
of
Catalogue
of
an exhibition
original
editions of
the
principal English
Classics,
shown
in the
MCMX.
Catalogue
of
1910.
John Rylands Library from March to October, 8vo, pp. xv, 64.
of the Bible,
an exhibition of manuscripts and printed copies of the Scriptures,
illustrating the history of the transmission
shown
in the
44

TerJohn Rylands Library from March to December, MCMXI. centenary of the "Authorised version" of the English Bible: A.D. 1911. 1611-1911. 8vo, pp. xiv, 28, with plates.
1
Catalogue
of
an
in
exhibition of mediaeval
shown
the John
MCMXII,
with plates.
manuscripts and jewelled book covers Rylands Library from January XII to December, including lists of palaeographical works and of historical
periodicals in the John
Rylands Library.
1912.
8vo, pp.
xiii,
134,
A brief
historical description of the John Rylands Library and its contents, with catalogue of a selection of manuscripts and printed books exhibited on the occasion of the visit of the Congregational Union of England and
Wales
Guppy.
in
With October, MCMXII. 1912. 8vo, pp. x, 143.
illustrations.
Edited by Henry
Catalogue of an exhibition in the John Rylands Library of the works of Shakespeare, his sources, and the writings of his principal contemWith an introductory sketch by Henry Guppy, and sixteen poraries. facsimiles. Tercentenary of the death of Shakespeare, April 23rd,
1916.
Second
8vo, pp. xvi, 169. 1916. edition. 8vo, pp. xvi, 169.
1916.
MISCELLANEOUS PUBLICATIONS.
An
analytical
catalogue
of
the
contents
of
the
two
editions of
"An
English Garner," compiled by Edward Arber, 1877-97, and rearranged under the editorship of Thomas Seccombe, 1903-04. 1909. 8vo,
pp.
vii,
ff.
221.
The
ascent of Olympus.
illustrations.
By Rendel
Harris.
1917.
8vo, pp. 140.
20
Bibliographical notes for the study of the
Old Testament.
on how
By A.
S. Peake,
M.A., D.D.
To accompany
his lecture
to study the
Old
26th,
Testament, delivered in the John Rylands Library, 1913. 1913. 8vo, pp. 7.
Bibliographical notes for students of the
November
New Testament. By Arthur S. To accompany his lecture on how to study the Peake, M.A., D.D. New Testament. 1914. 8vo, pp. 10.
The Books
An
of the Middle Ages and their makers. By Henry Guppy. address delivered at the Educational Committee's Association's
at the
Conference held
7th, 1908.
John Rylands Library, Manchester, on March
1908.
8vo,
PP 36.
.
A brief historical
By Henry
description of the John Rylands Library and 1907. 8vo, pp. 53, with plates. Guppy.
the John
its
contents.
A brief historical description of

illustrated with
Rylands Library and
its
cont'
37 views and
life
facsimiles.
By Henry Guppy. w ith
1914.
8vo, pp. xv, 73. brief sketch of the

of
and times
of
Shakespeare,
the principal
events.
By Henry Guppy.
Reprinted from
chronological table the

" 1916.
45
. .
Catalogue of an exhibition of the works of Shakespeare. 8vo, pp. 30. Frontispiece.
.'*
Bulletin of
8vo. the John Rylands Library. Edited by the Librarian. In Progress. classified catalogue of the works on architecture and the allied arts in the principal libraries of Manchester and Salford, with alphabetical Edited for the Joint Architectural author list and subject index. 1909. Committee of Manchester by H. Guppy and G. Vine. 8vo,
Interleaved. pp. xxv, 310. evolution of the dragon. By G. Elliot Smith, 1919. Illustrated. 8vo, pp. xx, 234.
The
M.A., M.D., F.R.S.
Lecture Johann Gutenberg and the Dawn of typography in Germany. by the librarian on October 14th, 1903. With list of works exhibited
at
the John Rylands Library to illustrate the work of the first typographers in Germany, and a selection from the works in the library
bearing upon the the subject.
1903.
8vo, pp. 15.
Memorial
1899.
1899.
of the inauguration of the
John Rylands Library, 6th October, and brief description of the building. Morning programme
of
8vo, pp. 23.
The movement
Old Testament
scholarship in the nineteenth

S. Peake,
century.
Synopsis of a lecture by in the John Rylands Library
... A.
M.A., D.D., delivered on November llth, 1903. With some

1903.
leading dates in Pentateuch criticism.
8vo, pp. 8.
The odes and
Solomon. Re-edited for the Governors of the Rendel Harris and Alphonse Mingana John Rylands Library by 4to. 2vols. 1916-20.
psalms of
Vol. 1 Vol. 2
The The
:
text,
translation,
with facsimile reproductions. with introduction and notes.
The
its history and its functions. By Henry Guppy. public library address delivered at the Educational Committees* Association Confer-
An
ence, held at the John Rylands Library, Manchester, on April 28th, 1906. 1906. 8vo, pp. 27.
Sumerian
tablets
from
transliterated,
Umma in the John Rylands Library. and translated by C. L. Bedale, M.A.

LJtt.D.
Transcribed, With a
.
foreword by Canon C. H. W. Johns, M.A., pp. xvi, 16, with 10 facsimiles.

Synopsis of lectures delivered
the North
at the sixth
1915.
4to,
meeting of the summer school of
John Lecturers: H. Rylands Library on June 17th, 18th, and 19th, 1903. 1903. Guppy, G. Vine, J. Peacock, C. W. Sutton, J. Fazakerley.
Western Branch
of the Library Association held in the
8vo, pp. 16.
Synopsis of lectures delivered at the thirteenth meeting of the summer school of the North Western Branch of the Library Association held in the John Rylands Library. May 4th, 5th, and 6th, 1910. Lecturers: H. Guppy, G. Vine, J. Peacock, F. E. Nuttall. 1910. 8vo, pp. 39.
46
Synopsis of lectures delivered at the fifteenth meeting of the summer school of the North Western Branch of the Library Association held in the John Rylands Library, June llth, 12th, 13th, 1913. Lecturers: H. Guppy, E. Parker, W. W. Roberts, M. Hompes, R. B. Fishenden, G. Vine, W. M. Menzies. 1913. 8vo, ff. 44.
REPRINTS FROM THE "BULLETIN".

Bruton (F. A.).
16th, 1919.
The
story of Peterloo.
Written
for the centenary,
August
1919.
8vo, pp. 45, with plates.

point of
Conway
(R. S.). 8vo, pp. 22.
The Venetian
The
view in
1915.
Roman hi story.
8vo, pp. 28.
1917-18.
Conway (R. S.). Crum (W. E.).

1920.
youth of Vergil.
New
7.
copric manuscripts
in the

. .
.
8vo, pp.
La bibliotheque de 1'Universite de Louvain. Essen (L. van der). Steps towards the reconstruction of the Library of the University
Louvain. 1915. 8vo, pp. 16. [By H. Guppy.] The Jews in the " use of York". Fawtier (R. O. L. E.).
pp. 5.
of
1920.
8vo,
Guppy
(H.).
Steps towards the reconstruction of the Library of the Uni1915.
versity of Louvain.
8vo, pp. 26.
Harris G- ROHarris (J. R.).
Metrical fragments in HI Maccabees.
1920.
8vo, pp. 13.
Origin and meaning of apple
cults.
1919.
8vo, pp. 52. 8vo, pp. 30. 8vo, pp. 40.
With
Harris
(J-
illustrations.
R-).
The
origin of the cult of Aphrodite.
1916.
illustrations.
Harris G. R.).
Harris
The origin of the cult of Apollo. Frontispiece and illustrations.

(J.
1916.
R.).
The
origin of the cult of Artemis.
1916.
8vo, pp. 39.

8vo, pp. 17.
Illustrations.
Harris G- R-)Harris G- R-)Harris G- R-)-
Th e
origin of the cult of Dionysos.

letters of
1915.
bill
Three
John Eliot and a

in
of lading of the
"Mayflower".
1919.
8vo, pp. 11.
Frontispiece.
Th e woodpecker
human
form.
1920.
8vo, pp. 17.
Herford (C. H.). Gabriele d'Annunzio. 1920. 8vo, pp. 27. Herford (C. H.). National and international ideals in the English poets. 1916. 8vo, pp. 24. 1919. Herford (C. H.). Norse myth in English poetry. 8vo, pp. 31.
8vo, pp. 26. short bibliography of works on the Babylonian laws Johns (C. H. W.). in comparison with the laws of Moses. ... To accompany his lecture " 1914. on 8vo, pp. 4. Babylonian law and the Mosaic code ". " " Martin (R. M.). Filia magistri un abrege des sentences de Pierre Lombard. Notes sur un manuscrit latin conserve a la Bibliotheque 1915. John Rylands a Manchester. 8vo, pp. 12.
poetry of Lucretius.
1918.
Herford (C. H.).
The
James Hope
47 THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY A biographical sketch, with some Moulton, 1863-1917.
1.
account of his literary legacies. By W. Fiddian Moulton, M.A. record of Professor J. H. Moulton's work, with some explanation 2. of its significance. By A. S. Peake, M.A., D.D. 3. Letter from
Dr. Rendel Harris to the Rev.

pp. 18, with portrait.
W.
Fiddian Moulton.
1917-1 8.
1917.
8vo,
Peake (A.
Perry
S.).
J.).
The
quintessence of Paulinism.
8vo, pp. 3 1
(W.
( vV.).
War
and
civilisation.
1917-18.
8vo, pp. 27, with
sketch maps.
Poel
Prominent points
in four tables.
in the life
ranged Poel (W.).

pp.
1
1919.
and writings of Shakespeare, ar8vo, pp. 12.

1916.
8vo,
Some
3
notes on Shakespeare's stage and plays.

illustrations.
;
6, with
Powicke
18.
(F. J.).
A Puritan idyll
or,
Richard Baxter's love
story.
191 7-
8vo, pp. 35.
Powicke
"
Rivers
(F. J.). Story and significance of the Rev. Richard Baxter's 1920. Saints' everlasting rest ". 8vo, pp. 35. Frontispiece.
(W. H. R). (W. H. R).

edition.
Dreams and
primitive
culture.
1917-18.
8vo,
pp. 28.
Rivers
-
Mind and
1920.
medicine.
1919.
8vo, pp. 23.
Second
and
8vo, pp. 23.
Smith (G.
The influence of ancient Egyptian civilisation in the E.). in America. 7 illustrations. 1916. 8vo, pp. 32.
East
Some
early Judaeo-Christian documents in the John Rylands Library Edited with translations by Alphonse Mingana, D.D. Syriac texts. 1 new life of Clement of Rome. 2. The book of Shem, son of
: .
Noah.
Souter (A.).
3.
Fragment from the

1917.
philosophei: Andronicus,
and Asaph, the

John Rylands
historian of the Jews.
8vo, pp. 62.
List of abbreviations
and contractions,
1919.
8vo, pp.
etc., in the
Library manuscript no. 15.
7.
Synopsis of Christian doctrine in the fourth century according to Theodore of Edited by Alphonse Mingana, D.D. 1920. 8vo, Mopsuestia. pp. 21.
Thumb (A).
Tout (T. Tout (T.
F.).
The modern Greek and his ancestry. The captivity and death of Edward The
English
civil
1914.
8vo, pp. 27.
of Carnarvon.
1920.
8vo, pp. 49.

F.).
service in the fourteenth century.
1916.
8vo, pp. 32.
Tout (T.
Tout (T. Tout (T.
F.).
F.). F.).
Mediaeval and
modem
warfare.
1919.
8vo, pp. 28.
A mediaeval burglary.
1915.
8vo, pp. 24.
Tout (T.
F.).
1920. Mediaeval forgers and forgeries. 8vo, pp. 31. Mediaeval town planning. 1917. 11 8vo, pp. 35.
illus-
trations.
Works upon
the study of Greek and Latin palaeography and diplomatic in 1903. the John Rylands Library. 4to, pp. 15.
48
Admirable as the building is from the architectural point of view, became evident within a few months of the opening of EXTENthe library that adequate provision had not been made THEBUILDit
for the administrative requirements of such
an
ING
institution,
and development of its collections. Representations were consequently made to Mrs. Rylands, who, with her usual readiness to listen to any proposals which were calcuor for the growth
lated to increase the usefulness
and
efficiency of her foundation, at
once undertook
to equip
building, in one of
furnish the
quiries to
large book-rooms at the rear of the which the manuscripts were later housed, and to
shelves.
two
basement with
At
the same time she caused in-
be made as to the
possibility of acquiring land to provide for
future extension.
Unfortunately, the owners of the property adjoining the library were either unwilling to sell, or would only sell at a price
prohibitive, so that the matter for the time being
which was
main
in
had
to re-
abeyance.
further action
No
covering an area of but not adjoining it,
was taken until 476 square yards,
907, when a block of property,

for the
situated at the side of the library
was purchased by Mrs. Rylands,

on the stack
of erecting thereon a store-building of a
principle, in the
purpose absence
Mrs. Rylands was at that time in a rapidly failing state of health, and death intervened before the arrangements in pursuance of her intentions could be completed, or her testamentary
more
suitable
site.
wishes with regard to them could be obtained. Beyond the clearance of the site nothing further had been done
towards the
utilisation of this land,
when
in
1909 circumstances arose
which rendered such considerations unnecessary, since the governors were offered one plot of land at the rear of the library and immediately
adjacent,
and
after
somewhat protracted
yards.
negotiations they
were able
an area of
it
to acquire not only that plot but also nine others, covering
nearly
200 square
This was a source
of great relief, for
provided not only for the future extension of the library, to meet the normal growth of its collections for at least a century, but at the same
time
it
removed an element
of great risk
due
to the proximity of
some
very dangerous flammable material.
property, parts of
It
was
also
which were stored with highly inpossible to create an island site of

left
by arranging that an open space should be between the new wing and the nearest of the adjoining property.
the library buildings,

These purchases were completed
utilisation of the
site
49
for the
in
1911, and a scheme
was prepared, in which, briefly newly acquired stated, the specified requirements to be met were as follows One of the most urgent needs was accommodation for book- storage. This was to be provided by means of stacks of enamelled steel, divided
:
into floors of a uniform height of
7ft. 6in., in
order that every shelf
should be within reach, without the aid of ladders.

In the matter of provision for administrative
work the
library
was
very deficient, with the result that much of the work had to be carried on under conditions which were far from satisfactory. This was to be
remedied by the inclusion of (a) an accessions-room, where the books could be received, checked, registered, and otherwise dealt with
:
handling by the cataloguers (6) a bindingroom where the work of preparation for the binder could be carried
preparatory to their
;
out,
and where
repairs to valuable books
and manuscripts could be

to
effected
under proper supervision by an imported craftsman, so as
obviate the risk involved in their removal to the binder's workshop ; (c) a room for the assistant secretary, where the secretarial work
could be carried out under proper conditions, and where the numerous account books could be kept together, and provision made for their
safe custody.
In the original building no special arrangements had been made for the custody of manuscripts, since the initial stock included but a handful
of such Volumes.
When
the Crawford
collection
came
to
be
transferred to the library
by Mrs. Rylands, the only accommodation

floor,
available
was on the ground
where there was

and
little
natural light.
Therefore, a
adequately lighted specially equipped room was urgently needed to provide for the development of this rapidly increasing department of the library.
new
Adjoining the manuscript-room a work-
room was
of
essential for the shelving of the necessary reference books, such as catalogues of manuscripts in other libraries, and the collection
works on palaeography and diplomatic. Hitherto no provision had been made

it
for the staff in the
way
of
common-rooms, and
provided, one
for the
was proposed
that
two such rooms should be
men and
the other for the
women
assistants, to
serve as rest-rooms during the intervals
was
between periods of duty. It a work-room should be provided in close proximity to the main reading-room, where the librarian could, when
also proposed
that
50

which he
it
necessary, escape the constantly increasing interruptions to
has properly to submit
when
in his official
room.
Here
also
was
proposed to make provision for the storage of all library plans and room was also needed for the storage of the official documents.
by the library. Another need which was making comodation for readers, and this, it was
publications issued
provision of a
to the inner
itself
felt,
felt
was
additional ac-
could best be met by the

specially rare books
new reading-room
in the British
reserved for special research, similar
room
Museum, where
could be consulted under proper supervision. The proposal was to this room at a point of the site farthest from Deansgate, on the place top
of the large stack
building, so as to provide the lightest
and
in
quietest
room
of the suite,
where readers would be able
to
work
comfort surrounded by the general reference works arranged on open shelves, and at the same time be free from the distractions which are
inevitable in the
more public part of the library. Communication between all the floors of the
to
original building
and
the
lift,
new wing was
be obtained by means of a
new
automatic electric
placed between the two sections of the building, and the various departments were also to be linked up by means of an internal system
of telephones.
experience gained during the twelve years of working had revealed the fact that the heating and ventilation systems were by no
The
means
satisfactory.
It
was considered
advisable, therefore, to overefficiency,
haul the installation with a view of securing much greater

whilst at the
same time providing for the increased requirements of the extended range of buildings under contemplation. One grave mistake which had been made in the original scheme
of ventilation,
air inlets
which was on the

fans at the
"
"
plenum
of the
first
system,
was
to place the
and
pavement
level in the side streets,
which are
always more
the
or less foul.
One
it
requirements, therefore, in
new
block,
was the
erection of a shaft for the intake of air at the
highest possible point,

street
level, of
where
future.
would be
less
polluted than at the
a capacity sufficient to provide for the whole of the
buildings, present
and
After careful consideration by the governors these proposals were
forwarded to Mr. Basil Champneys, the architect of the original structure, with a request that he would prepare designs for the contemplated

extension, in
51
which the character and
spirit
of the original structure
should be maintained, and in such a

carried out in
way
that the
work could be
was not
part of
two
of
sections.
it
The
architect
until the
end
1913
submitted his sketch plans in 1912, but that work was commenced upon the
first
the scheme, which
was
to include all
the specified provisions, except
the larger stack-room and the large reading-room. From beginning to end the matter bristled with
difficulties,
new
problems
having to
be faced
at
every turn, such as a
new
system of
drainage, and the reconstruction of the boiler-house to meet the requirements of the enlarged building in the matter of heating. Then the war
intervened, bringing in
labour, and the
inevitable result
its
train
new
obstacles in the
way
of shortage of
difficulty of obtaining the necessary materials,
with the
that
in
work was
at
first
it
retarded,
eighteen months
standstill.
1918 and
of
1919
was brought
and, for nearly to a complete
Fortunately, with the help of the late Sir
George Macalpine,
also of the
who,
as
Chairman
the
Council
of
Governors and
Building Committee, rendered invaluable service, and of Mr. William Windsor, the surveyor, who was untiring in his efforts to expedite the
difficulties were surmounted one by one, until, in July of the contractors having completed their undertaking, it was year, with a sense of relief that the first portion of the new wing was brought into use, and the work of the library has since been greatly facilitated.
work, these
last
it
With the completion of the first part of our scheme, providing as does shelf accommodation for an additional 50,000 volumes, much
1
of which,
it
accumulations of the
should be pointed out, has already been taken up by the last few years, the immediate cause for anxiety
has been removed.
understood that the normal rate of growth during the past twenty-one years has averaged something like 0,000 volumes per year, it will be realised that within the next decade the
When, however,
it
is
need
will
for further
shelf-accommodation will again become urgent, and
it
deferred
be necessary to consider ways and means for carrying out the part of the scheme, under which it is estimated that the
requirements of the library both in respect of book storage and also of seating accommodation for readers for at least the remainder of the
present century have been fully anticipated.
In pre-war days the income of the library
was considered
to
be
52
adequate to meet not only the cost of maintenance and ordinary book purchase, but also to allow of the creation of a reserve fund from
meet such contingencies as are represented by exceptional book purchases, dilapidations, and building extension. Such, however,
which
to
have been the
financial effects of the war, that

all
an income that was
considered to be ample for

to
purposes in 1914
is
now barely
sufficient
meet the current and growing needs

;
of the institution,
if it is
to
be
so that the provision of anything in the kept abreast of the times nature of a reserve fund is practically out of the question, and we can
only hope that some enlightened benefactor, will conceive the desire up the work inaugurated by Mrs. Ry lands, and by so doing assist the governors not only to carry it on in the spirit and intention
of taking of the founder, but to develop
it
along lines which shall yield
still
greater results in the stimulation of original investigation,
and
in the
encouragement
It
is
of scholarship.
impossible within
the
limits
of
such a
short
article
as
the present to convey anything like an adequate

of the
idea
wealth of rare and precious volumes which the contains, and which merit extended notice, for, library
to
OF THE
do
justice
to
any one
of
the
;
many
and
yet,
sections,
it
would
require
a volume of considerable
length
would be obviously
a few of
in the
incomplete without some reference, however
brief, to at least
the most noteworthy of the features which have
made
it
famous
world
of books.
feel this
for
Apart from any other consideration we we are constantly reminded of the fact
to
be necessary,
still
that there are
many
its
students interested in the various fields of research which the library

covers,
who have
of the
but a vague idea of the range and character of
contents.
One
most noteworthy
of
its
features
is
the collection of
books printed before the year 1501, numbering upwards EARLY of 3000 volumes. These books have been arranged up- PRINTED
ROOKS
on the shelves
such a
of the
room
specially constructed for their
accommodation, and known as

in
"
The
Early Printed Book Room/'
way
as to
show
at
a glance the direction which the art of

its
printing took in
the
course of
progress and development across
Europe.
Commencing with
the specimens of block-printing, those
immedia

precursors of the type-printed book, which
53
may be
described as the
stepping-stones from the manuscript to that remarkable development
which took place
in
the middle of the fifteenth century with the in-
vention of the printing press, the first object to claim attention is the " Saint Christopher/' bearing an inscription, famous block-print of
and the date 1423.

printing to
date
is
This, the earliest known piece of European which an unquestioned and, until recently, unchallenged attached, and of which no other copy is known, is alone
sufficient to
make
the library famous.
From
the single leaf prints, of
which there are
in addition
several undated examples,
some
of
which
may
next
belong to a slightly earlier period,

step
in
to the block-books
was the
the development.
made up from
single leaves, printed
These block-books were mostly only on one side of the paper
from engraved slabs or blocks of pear or apple wood, cut on the plank, and then made up into books by being pasted back to back. Fourteen of these volumes are preserved in the library, of which nine
may
the
The best known are "Ars Moriendi,"
be assigned conjecturally to the period between 1440 and " "

the
1450.
"Speculum Humanae Salvationis ". Of the earliest examples of the type printed books, assuming that " the first press was set up at Mainz, we possess copies of the Letters
of
the
"
Apocalypsis," the
Biblia
Pauperum,"
Ars Memorandi," and
the
Indulgence" printed
in
1454 and 1455
respectively;
the
two
splendid Latin Bibles, technically
known
as the
"
36-line,"
and the
"42-line," from the number of lines to a column, and popularly known as the " Pfister or Bamberg Bible," and the " Mazarin
Bible"
the
"Mainz
Psalter" of
1457, 1459, and 1490, the
first
of which,
leaved issue,
printers.
believed to be the only perfect copy known of the 1 43is the first book to contain particulars of date, place, and
these,
Of
and the other productions
of the press or presses
Mainz, with which the names of Gutenberg, Fust, and Schoeffer are associated, the library possesses no fewer than fifty examples. By means of the examples from the other presses to be found on the
at
shelves of this room,

progress through
by step, in its where printing was carried on in at least Germany, fifty- one towns by not fewer than 2 9 printers, before the close of the
it is
1
possible to follow the art, step
fifteenth century.
Though
the printing press
was born
in
Germany,
the
full
flower
54
of
its

development was
first
reached
in Italy, at that
time the
home
of
scholarship.
The
first
printers of Italy
were two migrant Germans,

their press in the
Sweynheym and
Pannartz,
1
who
set
up
Donatus," monastery even a fragment of the 300 copies printed is known to of which not survive, there is a copy of every book mentioned by these printers in
their
at Subiaco, in
465.
With
the exception of the
Benedictine "
famous catalogue of 1472.
progress of the art in Italy

of the establishment of the
was
first
(1465) to 1500 the Within five years quite phenomenal.

that date
From
press in Venice,
by another German,
of the century
named John
presses
1
of Spire,
in
1469, printing had been introduced into
most of the chief towns
in Italy,
and before the end

In
at up had been started, and something approaching two presses millions of volumes had been printed, before the close of the fifteenth
least
had been
1
set
in seventy-three towns.
Venice alone
century, an output
which exceeded the
total of
all
the other Italian
towns put together.
These
and
it is
presses are well represented in the
John
first
Rylands
collection,
possible in most cases to exhibit the
work produced by
Boccaccio's
the respective printers.
Of one specimen
;
of early
Venetian printing mention
may
be made
it
is
the
first
edition of
"Decameron," printed by Valdarfer in 1471, of which no other perfect copy is known. Of the early productions of the
Neapolitan presses
the library possesses
copies.
which are the only recorded

centres of printing in France,
many examples, several of The printers of Basle are well

and the other
represented, as also are the printers of Paris, Lyons,
Holland, and Belgium.
Turning to the shelves devoted to England, we find that of genuine Caxtons the library possesses sixty examples, four of which
are unique.
"
at
Bruges
The collection The Recuyell

at
'
includes the
first
book printed
Troye," the
or
in
English
of the Histories of
first
dated
the
book printed
philosophres,"
Westminster;
"The
"
Dictes
Sayengis
of
The
Advertisement,"
Malory's Morte
d' Arthur,"
last
and the
"
Propositio Johannis Russell," of

is
each of the three
named Of
St.
only one other copy the works of the later
known.
printers in
London
Wynkyn
de
Worde
Lettou, Machlinia, Pynson, Notary, and
of the Schoolmaster printer of
Oxford books there are
examples, whilst of the early " " of Expositio including the famous Rufinus, with the misprinted date of 468.
Albans, the library possesses

nine,
many
1

There are a few
of the
55
monuments
of
of early printing which, to the
number
of
3000, three-fourths
which were printed before 1480,
are to be found upon the shelves of the Early Printed
Book Room,
the majority of them remarkable for their excellent state of preservation,
and a considerable proportion
of
them printed on vellum.

"
"
Not
less
remarkable than the

at the
Incunabula
is
the collection of
books printed
famous Venetian
the scholar-printer Aldus, in
press, founded by ALDINE or about the year 1494.

'
The
collection
is
numbering on vellum.
as
it
considered to be the largest ever brought together, does upwards of 800 volumes, many of them printed
in his
Few men
own, or
in
the spread of knowledge than Aldus.
any age, have done more for His earliest aim seems to have
been to rescue the masterpieces of Greek literature from the destruction ever impending over a few scattered manuscripts, but he did not
by any means confine
his attention
to the
Greek
classics,
though the
achievements of his Latin press are not so distinguished as those of his
Greek
press.
It
was Aldus who was

and which
is
responsible for the introduction

first
of the famous Italic type, which he
employed
in printing the
Vergil
of
50
writing of
printer to
Petrarch.
The
be a close copy of the handcloseness of this new type enabled the

said
to
make up
his sheets into
a size of volume that could easily be
held in the hand, and readily carried in the pocket. At the same time the new type also allowed him to compress into the small dainty
format, by
which the press
of
Aldus
is
best
remembered, as much as
the purchaser could heretofore buy in a large folio. Aldus died in his printing establishment continued in active operation 1516, but
until
1
597, a period of
02
years.
The
collection also comprises a
considerable
number
of the counterfeit Aldines.
Equally noteworthy are the Bibles which have been brought " Bible Room," comprising copies of all BIBLE COLtogether in the LEC the earliest and most famous texts and versions, together
with the
later revisions
and
translations,
from the Mainz edition of
the Latin Vulgate of about 1455 to the Westminster Version of the Sacred Scriptures," 1913, etc. Indeed the Bible collection maybe looked upon as the complement of the other collections, since, between
"
the printing of the

half centuries,
it
first
and the
last editions,
an
interval of four
and a
the art of printing in a
shows the progress and comparative development of manner that no other single book can. As the
56

made
its
art of printing
way
the
first,
or one of the
first,
across Europe, the Bible was generally books to be printed by many of the early
printers.
Four
editions of the
in
Bible in Latin, and two great Latin
Psalters
had appeared
in
type before a single volume of the classics
had been dealt with

were
a similar way.
The
earliest printed
Bibles
of
of the Latin Vulgate,
and
of this version alone
upwards
one
hundred editions had appeared before the
close of the fifteenth century.
The most
important of these editions, to the
number
of sixty- four,
thirty-two of which have been
added
to the collection during the period
under review, are to be found

of the editions of the sixteenth
in the Bible
Room,
together with
many
and
later centuries.
The
the
collection
also includes the four great

Paris,
Polyglots, printed at
respectively
;
Alcala (Complutum), Antwerp, " Greek texts from the Aldine
and London
editio princeps" of 1518, with the

all
facsimiles of the principal codices,
and
the important editions

;
down
texts
to that of
Von
Soden, issued in
1911-13
and the Hebrew

portions of
to
commencing with the Bologna and Soncino

1
1477 and
485, followed by a long series of editions
current texts of Ginsburg
and
Kittel.
and including the Of the translations into German,

almost
down
French,
Italian, Icelandic,
Danish, Dutch, Bohemian, Polish, Slavonic,

Irish,
Spanish, Welsh,
Manx,
Gaelic,
and Chinese, the
earliest,
without exception, and the most important of the later editions are represented, many of the copies being of exceptional interest, if not
unique.
Indeed,
if
we
include the more
modern
translations of the
whole Bible or parts of it, issued by the various Bible Societies, upwards of four hundred languages or dialects are represented in the
collection.
English section illustrates very fully the history of the English versions from Wiclif (of which there are twelve manuscript copies) to " the present day, including such rarities as Tindale's Pentateuch," " " " " Coverdale Bible of his of 1534 and 1536; the Testaments " Matthew Bible" of 1537, to mention only a few 1535, and the
of the outstanding items.
The
On
the classical side the library
is
pre-eminently
rich,
with
its
remarkable series of early and Greek and Latin classics, which, with few exceptions,
still
fine impressions of the
GREEK
LATIN CLAS -
retain the freshness they possessed

of the printers four
when
they
left
the
hands
hundred years ago.
On
the occasion of the
57
holding of the annual conference of the Classical Association in Manchester in 1 906, we were able to exhibit of the fifty principal Greek
and Latin writers the
first
known copy
a
series,
of
the
"
printed edition of each, including the only " of 1474, which has the Batrachomyomachia
first
distinction of being the
printed
Greek
classic.
The
that
value of such
apart from typographical considerations, as aids to textual
criticism, is
obvious enough
when
it
is
remembered
many
of the
manuscripts from which these texts were printed have since perished. Of Cicero alone there are seventy-eight editions of such of his works
scarcely an exception the collecbut the principal editions of the Greek and Latin writers, together with all the modern critical apparatus, and the facsimiles of the famous codices, which have been issued within
as
tion contains not only the
first,
were printed before 1501.
With
recent years.
Of
numbers
the great masters of Italian literature the library possesses a
considerable collection.
upwards and manuscripts

;
of
is
The Dante collection alone ITALIAN 6000 volumes, including five CLASSICS
"
three earliest
specially rich in early editions of the
Divina
1472,
of
of
Commedia," comprising the

the Florentine edition of
printed editions of
issued respectively at Foligno, Jesi,
and Mantua, and two copies 1481 with Landino's commentary, one
which contains the twenty engravings executed by Baldini in imitation of Sandro Botticelli. The collection of Boccaccio's " II Decamerone"
consists of eight fifteenth century editions, including the
perfect copy of the

in
"
only
known
editio princeps," printed at

series
1471, and a long

other
of
Venice by Valdarfer, sixteenth century and later editions.
Many
of the sixteenth
names are equally well represented, as are also the writers and later centuries down to the present day.
its
The department
It is
of English literature is remarkable for not possible to do more than mention a few names,
richness.
J
therefore
the
extent
of
the
collection
must
not
FNCL SH be LITERA-
estimated
specific
sets of
by the limited number of works to which reference is made. Shakespeare is well represented with two
folios,
the four
earliest as
range of the later well as the principal later editions, commencing with the " " of 478. These are followed by a long series Canterbury Tales
1
Sonnets" of 1609 and 1640, and a long and the critical editions. Of Chaucer there are the
the
"
of the original
editions of
Ben Jonson,
Spenser, Milton,
Bunyan,
58
Dray ton, and the other great classics of England, including a large number of the smaller pieces of Elizabethan literature. On the modern side there is an equally representative collection of the original
issues of the
works
of the principal writers such as to
Ruskin, Byron, and Lamb,
Tennyson, Browning, mention only one or two of the outstanding
names, together with

In
all
the
modern
critical literature
which students
are likely to require in conducting their research.
French
literature the library
is
particularly rich in the sixteenth
and seventeenth century
writers, including a
number
of
FRENCH,
finely illustrated editions of the great classics, whilst the
modern
poetry,
writers, comprising the
more recent schools
of
AND
LITERA-
together with the critical literature surrounding
them, are to be found abundantly represented.
There
is
an excellent collection of Spanish and of German
literature,.
and
to a lesser degree of
literatures
Portuguese and Russian, whilst the other
minor
comparative
to
literature will find here
have not been neglected. Indeed, the student of most of the authorities he is likely
need
he
for consultation in the course of his investigations.
will
find the masterpieces of literature, those
Not only books which great
have been made great by the greatness of the personalities that gave them life, but he will find them surrounded by the wide range of critical literature to which they have given rise.
The departments
of classical philology,
all
and
of Oriental
and modern
PHIL-
European languages, include

studies.
the important reference
books, with the working material necessary for linguistic
LOGY
which has been gradually and systematically built up by well-selected purchases, commences to attain HISTORY some measure of completeness, so that students, whether of
historical section
The
the ancient, classical, mediaeval, or
modern periods,
will find the library's
range very comprehensive.

Pertz, Muratori, the
It
is
well equipped in the matter of the

:
great historical collections, such as
Rymer, Rushworth, Montfaucon,

"
Historica,"
"
"
Monumenta Germaniae
"
Gallia
Le
Recueil
des
Historiens
des
Gaules,"
Christiana,"
Documents
inedits sur 1'histoire
" Commission Royale d'histoire de de France," " " CollecChroniken der deutschen Stadte," the various Belgique," " Rolls Series tions des memoires relatifs a 1'histoire de France," the
of
Chronicles and Memorials," the
"
Calendars of State Papers," the

"
59
Wadding,
Acta Sanctorum
"
of the
Bollandists, the collections of
Manrique, Holstenius-Brockie, the principal editions of the mediaeval

chroniclers, together with the publications of the
most important of the
archaeological and
historical
societies of
this country,
and
of
Europe
generally, as well as of
of this
America, and the principal
historical periodicals
Quite recently special attention has been given to the history of India and America, with the result that collections of some thousands of volumes have been obtained, with a view
countries.
of encouraging research
in these fields of study.
and other
India the collection of research material, both manuscript

is
For the history of and printed,
very extensive, consisting of state papers, government reports and publications, many of which, printed in remote parts of India, would
for the
have been unprocurable but

Secretary of State for India.
For the history
generous assistance rendered by the of the East India Com-
pany and Warren Hastings, the material is especially rich. The student of American history will find, in addition to many of the rare
early printed sources
of the publications
and the standard modern
authorities, a collection
and
transactions of historical associations of the
various states.
1
5,000,
is
of
The collection of pamphlets, numbering upwards of extreme importance, offering valuable original material
War,
first
for research
for the study of the Civil

1
the Popish Plot, the
Revolution of
688, the Non-Juror controversy, the

three
and Covenant, of English politics under the a lesser extent for the French Revolution.
Solemn League Georges, and to

titles
The few
and
topics
mentioned are only intended to indicate the wide scope of the library, covering as it does the whole field of history, from the ancient Empires
of the
East,
present
through the Greek and In a later paragraph day.
Roman periods, down to the we shall refer to the rapidly
growing collection of manuscript material, consisting of charters and

other documents awaiting investigation.
The
effort
is
topographical and genealogical collections, which are very
extensive, should also
be mentioned
as of importance.
Indeed, every
efficient
being used to make this department of the library still more to meet the requirements of the students engaged on special
research.
Reference should also be

biographies, and
made
to the fact that

histories,
many of
the
county
histories,
special
have been extra
illustrated,
with the result that the library contains pictorial matter in the form of tens of thousands of prints, representing persons and places,
of
many
which are
of
extreme
rarity.
60
Theology occupies a prominent place in the library by reason of the special character that was impressed upon it from its THEOLOGY
inception.
The
original intention of the founder
was
to
PHIL(
establish a library, the chief purpose of
which should be
the promotion of the higher forms of religious knowledge.
It is
true the
scope of the institution was enlarged by the purchase of the Althorp collection, but in the selection of the 200,000 volumes which have
been acquired since

Biblical library
is
founder's original intention.

texts.
899, the governors have steadily kept in view the Reference has already been made to the
In the matter of patristic
and
scholastic theology the
very Benedictine editions of

is
rich, especially in the early printed texts, whilst of the
the Fathers there

its
is
a complete
set.
The
and
liturgical section
very strong,
collections
of early missals
breviaries
There are twenty missals 504, including the famous Mozarabic printed between 1475 and text of 500, and eight breviaries printed before 500, most of which
being
specially
noteworthy.
1
are on vellum.
'
The Book
1
of
of
Common
editions,
"
Prayer
including
is
represented
of the
by
a long and
issued in
in the
interesting range
two
first,
London in 549,
all
the rare quarto edition printed at Worcester
same year, and Merbeck's

of the early Primers,
"
Common Prayer
Noted,"
of 1550,
followed by
number
There are a the important revisions and variations. and fifty editions of the dainty Books of
with a large number
Hours
printed in Paris in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.

of the reformers are well represented,
The works
of Luther's tracts, including the original edition, in
book form,
"
of
of the
famous "Theses," printed
in
1517, and
printed
his
"
Catechismus
of
1529,
and a number
of the
earliest
works
Erasmus, Hutten,
Melanchthon, Savonarola, Zwingli, Tindale, Frith, Roy, Coverdale, the great devotional books such as St. Calvin, Knox, and Bunyan
;
" " Imitatio Christi," the Confessions," the Speculum Augustine's " " Ars moriendi," and the Vitae Christi," the Scala perfectionis," the " " Ordinary of Christian Men are all to be found in the earliest, and
in the later editions of
"
importance.
On
in
the
modern
side the student

of
will
find
the library fully equipped
the departments
Biblical
criticism,
dogmatic theology,
religion.
liturgiology, hagiography,
church history,
philosophy are
and comparative
The
ancient, mediaeval,
and modern schools
of
fully represented, especially in metaphysics, experimental psychology,
and psychical
science.

Sociology both on
side of legal history,
stitutional
is
its
61
political
and economic
for,
side,
and from the

SOCI-
well provided
history,
whilst in 'con-
law
and
a
international
law,
is
and
Roman law
tative,
arid jurisprudence, the
equipment
of
thoroughly represenprincipal
is
including
special
collection
the
texts
and
commentaries of Justinian. represented, both from the

point of theory
The
subject of
Education
also well
historical point of view, as
from the stand-
and
practice.
The works
of the early humanist edu-
cators in the original editions will be found,
side
by
side with the
leading authorities in each department and period down to the present " Monumenta Germaniae Pedagogica ". day, including a set of the
Bibliography, which
investigation,
may be
regarded as the grammar of literary

BIBLIO-
is extremely well represented. One of the aims of the library, from the outset, has been to foremost
provide the student, in whatever direction his studies

bibliography of his subject,
of research.
may
lie,
with a
when one
is
exists, as the most essential tool
A
are
all
special feature of the library
the periodical room, in which
made
accessible to students the leading periodicals of
PERIODI-
countries, to the
number
of nearly
400, dealing with
CALS
such subjects as history, philology, philosophy, theology,
literature, art,
and archaeology. The current numbers with very few exceptions, complete sets
lie
open
for consultation,
and
of each
from
its
commencecases
ment are
in the possession of the library, constituting in
many
an
unexplored mine of valuable research material.
Another
of
of the outstanding features of the library is the collection
Oriental and Western manuscripts,

of a small
the
nucleus
of
MANU-
which consisted
group These have been examples contained in the Althorp collection. added to from time to time as opportunities have occurred, but the
present magnificence
of less than a
hundred
and character
1
of the collection
was determined
Crawford
codices.
by the acquisition in
90
of the manuscripts of the Earl of
and
Balcarres, consisting of nearly
6000
rolls,
tablets,
and
From
that time forward every effort has

collection along lines
and enrich the
been employed to develop which already have been pro-
ductive of excellent results in the stimulation of research.
As
evidence of the success which has attended these
efforts,
it
needs only to be pointed out that the collection
now numbers upwards
62
of
1

0,000 manuscripts,
illustrating not
only the history of writing and illumination, but also the history of the materials and methods which have been employed from the earliest times for the preservation and
transmission of
knowledge from one age
to another,
of
and
at the
same
time offering to students in

sources of great interest
many departments
research original
and importance.
:
On
the Oriental side the languages represented are the following
Abyssinian, Armenian, Ethiopic, Sanskrit, Pali, Panjabi, Hindustani,
Marathi,
Parsi,
Pehlevi,
Burmese,
Canarese,
Singhalese,
Tamil,
Chinese, Japanese, Malay, Javanese, Achinese, Mongolian, Balinese,
Thibetan, Mo-So,
Batak,
Bugi,
Kawi, Madurese, Makassar,
and
Mexican.
Of more
general interest are the Arabic, Persian,
and Turkish
manuscripts, numbering nearly 2000 volumes, a preliminary examination of which has led to the discovery of several inedited texts of far-reaching importance, notably an unrecorded apology of Islam,
written at
Baghdad
in
850
A.D.
The examples
of the
from the eighth and ninth centuries,

characters, are in
in the stately Cufic
Kuran, dating and Nashki
many
cases of surpassing beauty

in letters of gold.
and
rarity, three of
them being written throughout
Amongst the papyrus rolls and fragments are examples of the " " Book of the Dead both in hieroglyphic and hieratic, and large and
important collections of Demotic, Coptic, Arabic, and Greek documents.
There are
several very fine
Gospel books
in
the collection of
Greek
codices, but the
siderable fragment of the
most important member of the group is a con" Odyssey," possibly of the later decades of
the third century of the present era, which consequently takes rank
among
to us.
the earliest examples of vellum books
which have come down

codex
of the
In Syriac the library possesses a vellum
Peshitta
Gospels of the sixth century, and what is probably the earliest known complete New Testament of the Heraclean version, written about
A.D. 1000, besides a
number
of other outstanding texts
which await
examination.
is
most noteworthy manuscript in this language By " Odes and Psalms of Solomon," disthat which enshrines the
far the
covered by Dr. Rendel Harris in 1909, and which already has excited such world-wide interest that quite a library of literature has grown

up around
"
it.
63
of fine
The Hebrew
Law," and
"
is
collection comprises a
number
Rolls of the
of the
"
Megilloth," several
illuminated
In
codices of the
Haggadah," and a number
of liturgical texts.
a remarkable group of Biblical and liturgical codices, " " Pentateuch written including a very interesting vellum copy of the
Samaritan there
A.D. 1211.
Amongst
of a
recent acquisitions on the Oriental side
is
a collection of
hundred palm-leaf manuscripts of the Buddhist scriptures upwards in Pali, Singhalese, Burmese, and Thibetan, many of which are of
exquisite
workmanship. Another group of considerable importance on account of their extreme rarity, consists of about a hundred pieces of
undetermined antiquity, in the language of the Mo-So people, a nonChinese race scattered throughout Southern China, which are written
in picture characters
on a
age.
thick Oriental paper of
uneven texture, ap-
parently
brown with
to the
Western manuscripts, whether produced in England, Turning Flanders, France, Germany, Italy, or Spain, there are some hundreds, comprising examples of first class quality of the art and calligraphy of
the great mediaeval writing schools of Europe, ranging from the sixth to the nineteenth century, and covering a
Biblical, liturgical,
wide range
of subjects including
and
patristic texts,
hagiography, theology,
classics,
chronicles,
science,
histories,
charters,
papal bulls, pedigrees, heraldry, law,
and alchemy. Many of these manuscripts are encased in and enamelled bindings in metal and ivory, dating from the jewelled tenth to the twelfth century, which impart to them a character and
value of a very special kind.
During the
to this
last
Western
few years considerable additions have been made section, many of which are of considerable historical
importance, including a number purchased at recent sales of the collections of the late Sir
Thomas
:
Phillipps.
The
following items, taken
almost at random,
may be mentioned
Tolethorpe,
as indicating the character of
these recent acquisitions
Cartularies of St. Mary's
Abbey
of
at
York,
of
Warden Abbey, Fountains Abbey

of
Melsa,
and one volume

;
that
several early papal bulls
an
interesting collection
marriage contracts, deeds of gift and other documents relating to the Medici family, from the Medici Archives a number of wardrobe and household expenses books of
briefs, patents, wills,
;
King
Edward
I,
King Edward
II,
Queen Philippa
of
Hainault,
Queen
64
Joan
of

Navarre, and
Queen Catherine
Charles
of
of
Aragon
;
a treasury ac-
count book of King

chronicle of the
VI
of
France
fourteenth century
;
number
and
Sir
of
Normandy and Kings of England court and manor rolls the original collections of
;
Dukes
a large
Sir
John
Henry
Savile for the history of Yorkshire
two
fifteenth
century manuscripts of Richard Rolle of

illustrated chronicle in roll
form
a fifteenth century a fourteenth century Latin Bible on
Hampole
uterine vellum
in Iceland
from
a palimpsest Icelandic manuscript of laws promulgated 1 28 1 to 1541, and many other documents which are
of interest to students of diplomatic as representing the legal
and court and

in-
hands
of the
same
period, comprising
charters, of
all
1
aspects of the study,
cluding about
sale of the
2000
which
00 were
acquired at the recent
Baroness Beaumont's collection.

a view of providing for the wider interest in the study of
With
Greek and Latin palaeography and diplomatic, which may be looked for as a result of the development of this side of historical and classical
study at the University in recent years, every effort has been
made
to
ities,
1
provide as complete an equipment as possible of the principal authorwith the result that the collection now numbers upwards of
000 volumes,
covering
all
branches of the subject, and including cata-
logues of the manuscripts in the principal public
and private
collections
throughout the world, whether dispersed or still existing. The library possesses a large number of books which have an
est in
inter-
themselves as coming from the libraries of such famous
HISTORIC
'
collectors as Grolier,
Laurinus,
Thomas Maioli, Canevari, Marcus De Thou, Comte d'Hoym, Due de La Valliere, Lomenie
Poitiers,
de Brienne, Diane de
Margaret de Valois, Marie de Medicis, Charles d'Angouleme, the French and the English Kings and Queens, Thomas Wotton, who has come to be known as the
Henri
II,
English Grolier,
many Popes and
lesser
too numerous to mention.

ing such volumes, mention
As
an indication of the
of a
church dignitaries, and others interest surround-
may be made
"
of
few taken
at
random.
There
"
is
a copy on vellum of the
adversus
title
M. Lutherum"
Henry
Assertio Septem Sacramentorum VIII, for which he received the
Defensor Fidei," and which he presented to Louis II, King of " Hungary, with an inscription in his own handwriting Regi Daciae," on the binding of which are the arms of Pope Pius VI. The Aldine
edition of Petrarch of
1
50
1 ,
is
from the library of Cardinal Bern
65
and contains marginalia in his handwriting. If, as one authority has " To own one or two examples from Jean Grolier's library declared,
is
to take high rank as a bibliophile," this library merits a

it
commanding
position, since
this collector's
possesses thirteen such volumes,

is filled
one
of
which contains
autograph, whilst another

handwriting.
with marginalia said

first
to
be
in
his
The copy
of
the
edition
of
the
"
Epistolae obscurorum virorum,"

at the time of the
the tract
which caused so great a
stir
and contains many
Reformation, belonged to Philip Melanchthon, " In Martin Luther's marginalia from his pen.
"
primum librum Mose ennarationes 1544, has upon its title-page an inscription in Hebrew and Latin, in Luther's handwriting, presenting
Crodel, rector of the College of Torgau. " the volumes notable by reason of their ownership are "
:
the book to
Marc
Other
Hours
which belonged
in
to
Mary Queen
;
of
Scots,
Book of having two

of
inscriptions
her
handwriting
to
the manuscript
copy
in
Wiclif s
Gospels, which
was presented
Paul's,
Queen
Hours
Elizabeth in Cheapside
is
when
of
on her way
"
to St.
an event which
"
of
recorded
Holinshed's
"
;
Chronicles
;
the
"
Book
of
King
Charles
VII
France
"
the Psalter which belonged to
second consort of our King
Queen Joan of Navarre, the the IV, bearing her autograph Henry
;
Book
of
Devotions" written and illuminated by or

the builder of the Chantry Chapel of
for the
Abbot
John
Islip,
minster
rebus on his
Abbey, bearing in name which is

to
Henry VII in Westthe illuminated borders the same punning

to
be found
in the carvings of the
Chapel,
VII, with the arms of the King on the bind" " the gorgeous Missale Romanum with many illuminations ing the arms of Cardinal Pompeo Colonna and said by Clovio, bearing
and presented
;
Henry
to
the Gospel
have been presented to him when he was raised to the Cardinalate Book which belonged to the Emperor Otto the Great,
bearing on one of its illuminated pages his effigy. Coming nearer to our own day there is the Bible which Elizabeth Fry used daily for many years, which is full of marks and comments in her handwriting.
The
Bible from
Hawarden Church
is
of interest as being the identical
copy from which

course
of
E. Gladstone frequently read the lessons in the between 1884 and 1894. There is also " the original manuscript of Bishop Heber's hymn From Greenland's Mountains". Another volume of more than ordinary interest, Icy " the Valdarfer Boccaccio/' to which reference has been made
divine
service
W.
66
already,

came
into
in
prominence
1812,
at
it
the
sale of
the
Duke
of
of
RoxIt
burghe's books
when
realised the
sum
2260.
was in honour of the sale of the volume that the Roxburghe Club was founded. The copy of the Glasgow /Eschylus of 1759 has bound up with it the original drawings of Flaxman, and is clothed in
a binding
by Roger Payne, which is always spoken of as his masterSuch are a 'few of the books possessing a personal history, piece. in considerable numbers are to be found upon the shelves. which, If the books themselves excite interest and admiration, not less
striking
is
the appropriateness, and often the magnificence
FAMOUS
of their bindings.
Lord Spencer believed that a good book should be honoured by a good binding, and he either sought out copies so distinguished or had them clothed in bindings of the highest
artistic excellence.
Of
the
many
artists
specimens
in the library illustrating
the history of the art from the fifteenth century to the present day,
we
col-
need only
lectors
refer
to the great
who worked
for the
famous
named in the preceding paragraph as figuring in the collection, with examples of the work of Clovis and Nicolas Eve, Le Gascon,
Boyet, the two Deromes, the Padeloups, Geoffrey Tory, Bozerian, Thouvenin, Mearne, the English masters of the seventeenth century,
whose names, unhappily, have been

the
forgotten,
and
of
Roger Payne,
man who by native genius shines out among the decadent craftsmen of the late eighteenth century as the finest binder England has The library possesses the largest collection extant of produced.
Payne's bindings, including the Glasgow
to as his finest
"
work, and the unfinished Aldine

Several of Payne's
/Eschylus," already referred "

bills
Homer," which he
are in the library,
cases,
tradi-
did not live to complete.
which are remarkable documents, containing, as they do, in many The interesting particulars as to his methods of workmanship.
tion of fine binding
was continued
after his
death by certain
German
London,
binders, Kalthoeber, Staggemeier,

also
and
others,
who
settled in
by Charles Lewis and Charles Hering, who especially imitated his manner, but lacked the original genius of Payne, and his delicacy
of finish.
Many
specimens of the work of these successors of Payne
are to be found scattered throughout the library.
The
library
is
al-
most equally rich

include the
in
specimens
of the
work
of the great
modern
binders,
especially since the advent of the
Lloyd Roberts Collection.
These
work achieved by Trautz-Bauzonnet, David, Lortic, Marius Michel, Chambolle-Duru, Cuzin, Edwards of Halifax, Francis Bed-

ford, Riviere, dorf, to
67
Cobden Sanderson, Prideaux,
Fazakerley, and Zaehns-
mention the most prominent names.
Indeed,
it
is
not too
to say that the whole history of the art of binding might be written from the examples assembled on the shelves of this library.
much
can only make a brief reference to the thirty jewelled covers with which some of the manuscripts are adorned, which impart to them a character and value of a very special kind. The extraordinary
rarity of these metal
We
and ivory bindings may be gauged by the
fact
that this collection, whilst containing only thirty examples, yet ranks third
among
the collections of the world.
Many
of the covers are of
great beauty
and
interest,
none the
less so for the
process of building
up which they have undergone in long past centuries. The normal a monastery owned a precious course seems to have been as follows
:
tenth century
sessed an ivory
"
"
textus
or manuscript of the Gospels
it
also pos-
"
pax"
rich
or tablet carved with one or
more scenes from

century later
still
the
it
life
of Christ, of, perhaps, a
century
later.
occurred to
first,
some
abbot
to
have the second mounted as a cover
for the
and he would
call in
some jeweller or metal worker from
encase the tablet in a metal frame richly encrusted with jewels, which had been bequeathed to the church for
Cologne or Liege,
who would
the enrichment of the reliquary or the altar books, to

into
make
the same
a binding to protect the manuscript.

is
Several of the covers to
which reference
made
partake of the character of reliquaries, since
under the four huge rock crystals set at each of the four corners, relics of saints have been preserved unfortunately no information is at present available to enable us to determine the identity of the saints so
;
honoured.
The
of
collection also includes a
number
of veiy fine Oriental bindings,
which the Persian specimens in particular are of very great beauty. Then it should be mentioned that for the study of this art or craft,
historical or practical point of view, there is a
whether from the

plete
com-
equipment
"
of the principal authorities.
might have been written about the large and growing col" lection of books, that is to say printed books of which the unique known copy is in the possession of the library, but we must cononly
tent ourselves with this passing allusion to
it.
Much
Of books
printed on
vellum the collection numbers upwards of 400, many of which are of extreme rarity, and also of great beauty. There are a number of very
fine
extra-illustrated
or
"
"
Grangerised
works,
such
as
Rapin's
68
"

"
of
;
in twenty-one folio volumes Pennant's England " " Some Account of London in six volumes Clarendon's " History
History
of the Rebellion
and
Civil
Wars in England
;
"
in
twenty-one volumes
Shakespeare
"
in
seventeen volumes
Chalmers'
others.
"
Biographical Diction-
ary
in thirty-two
volumes
and many
a complete set of the astronomical works of Hevelius, seldom found in a condition so perfect. Although ornithology and
is
There
botany are somewhat out of the range of the library's interests, there is a fine col lection of the great bird books of Audubon, Gould, Dresser,
and
"
Lilford, to
name
of
the principal authorities
and a number
"
of
of the
great herbals, ranging from the Latin
and German
editions of the
"
Herbarius
1484 and 1485,
"
to Sander's
Reichenbachia
of
1888-94, including the original or best editions

Curtis, Jacquin,
Gerard, Parkinson,
"
Dodoens, Culpepper,
etc.
The
art
section comprises the great
European
galleries,"
set
the the
principal monographs on the great masters, a complete " " works of Piranesi, a set of Turner's Liber Studiorum
states,
of
in
the best
and a
large collection of
works on
architecture.
The
applied
find
Arts
are also well represented.

in
Indeed, the
art student will
abundant material
whatever direction
his quest
may
lead him.
We have
had
already greatly exceeded the number of pages which
we
allotted to ourselves for the
purpose
of this hurried glance at the
contents of the library,
important collections
and yet only the fringe of a few of the most have been touched upon in the most superficial
have had
to
way, whilst many

notes
sections
be passed over
entirely.
We
hope, however, that these hurriedly written
and
necessarily discursive
may
serve the purpose

of
this
of the
importance
in view, of conveying some idea chosen collection of the world's carefully
we had
literary masterpieces, in the earliest
and
best editions,
many
of
which
are in the finest possible condition and state of preservation.
We cannot
conclude
its
this brief
review of the history of the library
during the years of
minority without some reference
to the ever increasing appreciation of the institution

its
and
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS,

gifts
work which has found expression

by which
this,
it
in
the numerous
and be-
quests of books,
its
collections
have
been so greatly enriched.
needs only to be stated, that since the inof the library, upwards of forty thousand volumes have auguration been added to its shelves from this source alone.
evidence of
As
THE CAPTIVITY AND DEATH OF EDWARD OF

CARNARVON.
BY
T. F.
1
TOUT,
M.A., F.B.A.
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND DIRECTOR OF ADVANCED STUDY IN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.
the
last
few years a good deal

of
of
been DURING
energy
II,
has
put into the study of the reign of
Edward
and a
considerable
amount
new
light
has been thrown on the
character of that period.
As
a result there has been some modest
sort of rehabilitation, not indeed of the king, but of the times in which
he
lived.
The
the ruler the character of the age

to the
easy generalisation which saw in the personality of is not one which commends itself
modern
historian.
We
no longer believe
all
England virtuous
and pious, because Oliver Cromwell was a good family man and a convinced Puritan, and that then suddenly in 1 660 all England be-
came vicious, because Charles II was not a model husband and believed that Presbyterianism was no religion for a gentleman. Similarly there
is
no need
to accept the
I,
view that the age

that,
of the heroes died with the

II
hero-king
Edward
and
because
Edward
was a
scatter-brained
wastrel, all
the troubles of his twenty years* reign
came by
the following
of his example.
Even
in
the ruler counted for much, a
mediaeval history, where the personality of weak king might reign decently, if the
to carry
men who
strative
ruled in his
name were competent
on the admini-
machine.
Accordingly it has been urged that the reign of Edward II has an importance of its own, however insignificant may be the character It has been shown that in of that ruler. these twenty years the
military system
1
was
reconstituted
by reason
of the borrowing
by the
An
elaboration of the lecture delivered in the chapter house of Glou-
cester Cathedral on 27 February to the Gloucester and Cheltenham branch of the Historical Association, and in the John Rylands Library, 1 March,
1920.
69
70
English of

the lessons learnt from the Scots at Bannockburn,
and
of
to
by applying them with such thoroughness that the battle array Crecy and Poitiers was already in existence when it was revealed
the Continent by the French
reason
for
importance
Wars of Edward III. Again there is recognising that Edward H's reign is a period of great The king's favourite, the in administrative history.
in mediaeval
younger Despenser, was among the few radical reformers

to
official class English history, and his openness the chance of reforming their administrative departments and making In the theory of politics too them more efficient and up to date.
new
ideas gave the
the
Whig
with
doctrine of government by a complaisant monarch, ruling
only
the
counsel
and
consent
of
his
natural
II
advisers,
the
territorial
magnates
of the land,
it
found under Edward
a more com-
plete expression that

1
ever attained again before the Revolution of
399.
Even
in
the economic sphere the Staple system of state regu-
lated foreign trade, once ascribed to the
wisdom
of
found to have grown up almost by itself in the reign Save for one hideous period of famine, the period was not particularly
unprosperous, and, save for the desolation of the North by the Scots, was fairly peaceful, that is, according to the not too exacting standard
of the
Edward HI, is of Edward II.
middle ages.
strive to claim
more importance for the period than historians have always allowed, there has been no attempt That king still remains to rehabilitate the character of Edward II.
to the
However much we may
modern
historian exactly
what he was
to the chroniclers of his
own and
the
first
the next succeeding age.

king after the
Tall,
in
life,
He
is
still,
as Stubbs truly said,
Norman Conquest who was
not a
man
of
business.
purpose
well-built, strong and handsome, he had no serious no better policy than to amuse himself and to save
himself worry
of the brutal
not,
I
and
trouble.
He
is
one
of the best mediaeval
examples
and brainless
athlete, established
on a throne.
He
just
was
for
;
suspect, exceptionally vicious or depraved.

idle,
He
his
was
incom-
petent,
frivolous,
and
incurious.
Most
of
distractions,
which
his
nobles severely blamed him, seem to us harmless enough
but contemporary opinion saw something ignoble and unkingly in a monarch who forsook the society of the magnates, his natural associates,
and
of
lived with courtiers, favourites, officials

estate,
meaner
on the make, and even men grooms, watermen, actors, buffoons, ditchers and
DEATH OF EDWARD OF CARNARVON

delvers
71
and other craftsmen.
He lived hard and drank deeply. He was
and untrustworthy, and could not keep a secret. He had so ungovernable a temper, and lost control of himself so easily that
inconstant
anyone
from
who
excited his wrath
was
liable to
receive a sound drubbing
his royal
hands.
rule the country himself,

friends
His supreme fault was that, being too idle to he handed over the government to his personal
and household
;
servants.
He
not only refused to associate with
the nobles
with them.
this
he neglected their counsels and declined to share power This was his great offence to the grim lords of the time
;
was the crime
for
which they could not forgive him.
Had
the barons
worked together
as a single party,
they could
But the magnates easily have reduced the weak king to helplessness. were so distracted by local and family feuds that it required some
great
crisis
to
make them
take up a
common
line of
policy.
Theii
co-operation was the more difficult since their natural leader, Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, was a man whose character was not at all unlike
that of his cousin the king.
More
his
brutal, vicious,
and capricious than

neglect
Edward, Thomas resembled

of business, his
kinsman
in
his laziness, his
wish to
shuffle out of responsibility
and
in his
habit of
leaving all his affairs to be executed by the officers of his household.
The
consequence was that there was not only a king, who would not In 1312, govern, but an opposition leader who could only oppose.
and again more completely

the government.
Bannockbum, the opposition became Earl Thomas now showed himself even more inafter
;
He refused to govern he continued as competent than his cousin. victor to hold aloof from affairs, abiding in the same sulky isolation in
which he had
failure of
lived
when he was
in opposition.
Consequently the
of the politics of
Thomas was even more complete
than the failure of Edward.
Hence
the extraordinarily purposelessness of
much
the reign, hence the long-drawn-out intrigues, negotiations, and threatenings of war that take up so much of the story of the chroniclers.
The
as
real struggle
was not
so
much between Edward and Thomas
between the organised households through which, like all mediaeval magnates, the king and the earl governed their estates and exercised
their
political
authority.
And
as
between the two there can be no
doubt but that the followers
of the king
were
abler,
more
serious,
and
better organised than the followers of the earl.

skill in setting
They showed
great
the rival factions of the opposition against each other,
72
and
in the
end broke up its unity so completely that the king won an The two chief centres of aristocratic power were the easy triumph. North and the West, the lands beyond the umber, and the Severn valley and the adjacent March of Wales, where the great struggles of the
reign
were fought
out.
In the early part of
322 Edward
first
con-
his western enemies in a bloodless campaign in the Severn and then turning northwards crushed Earl Thomas and his valley, When Lancaster was beheaded under the walls of northern foes.
quered
his
own
castle of
Pontefract, the royalist triumph

to
was consummated,
by the younger
sanguinary probaronial leaders
and from
1322
1326 the
in
courtiers,
inspired
Despenser, ruled
England
the king's name.
A
The
scription of the contrariant lords

lost in
now
and
followed.
in
many
cases
life,
or liberty,
more cases
their lands.
Their
abject helplessness gave
Edward
the best chance a mediaeval sovereign
ever had of making himself an autocrat.
But once more the man

back into
in
power was
too incompetent to take advantage of his opportunity.

short spell of activity, soon
fell
The
ways. Before his sluggishness, indifference, and weakness, the best laid plans Their failure was the more of his advisers could not be carried out.
king, after a
his old
and
complete since they pursued their own self interest with far more zeal singleness of purpose than they strove to advance the welfare of
the state.
The
fine
schemes of ministers
for consolidating
the royal
power and reforming the government were brought

intense greediness of the younger Despenser.
isolation
to
naught by the
During four years of from power, the aristocracy had time to reconstitute itself, and the ignoble quarrel of the king and his queen brought about the crisis
Isabella
of 1326.
and her lover Mortimer landed
in Suffolk
with a handful
of followers.
But disgust of the ruling faction drove every one to their so as the invaders were shrewd enough to pose as the champions of the outraged contrariants and the avenger of the
standards, the
more
wrongs
of the
Martyr
of Pontefract.
When Henry
of Lancaster, the
brother and heir of
Earl Thomas, joined Isabella and
Mortimer, he
gave soon found himself powerless to

constituted baronage,
the signal for a general desertion of the king's cause.

resist
The
king
the united opposition of the reof the
backed up by the sympathy
mass of the
Before long even the ministerial rats began to leave the sinkThe very courtiers, who had been the chief agents of the ing ship.
people.

Despensers and the crown, the self-seeking bishops,
their
73
who had wormed

went
to
way
to their sees
by truckling
to
the caprices of the king,

victory
over almost as a body to the side

certain.
whose
seemed now
be
Edward
fled to the
West, accompanied by the Despensers, his
chancellor,
Robert Baldock, and a very few faithful followers. He his own realm of England too hot to hold him. Unable soon found
Edward fled beyond the Severn to marcher principality which the younger Despenser was erectthe great As a last effort to maining out of his wife's lordship of Glamorgan.
to maintain himself at Gloucester,
tain
a foothold in England, the elder Despenser made his way back It was over the Severn to Bristol, where he at once met his doom.
in Bristol
town
that the opposition leaders proclaimed that, as
Edward
II had openly withdrawn himself from the realm, leaving England without ruler or governance, his son Edward, Duke of Aquitaine, was It was the first chosen by the magnates as Keeper of the Realm. that his barons were determined to put an end to notice to the king
his authority.
During the next few days Edward,

to
after
an unsuccessful attempt
Lundy Island, wandered aimlessly through Glamorgan. Meanwhile Henry of Lancaster was commissioned to effect his capture, and soon, not without a suspicion of treachery, was successful in his On 6 November, 326, Edward and his comrades in misquest.
escape to
1
fortune
were betrayed at Neath and conveyed thence to Llantrissant. Within a few days Hugh the younger paid at Hereford the same fatal Meanwhile Edward was penalty that his father had paid at Bristol.
;
escorted to
of
Monmouth, where he surrendered the great seal, the symbol sovereignty which he had hitherto retained, to his bitter enemy
Orleton, Bishop of Hereford.
Adam
We
death of
have now,
at last,
reached our
question at
real subject
the captivity and
Edward
II.
The
once
arises
whether,
when we
have recast so
many of our judgments on the period, we may not with review afresh the traditional story of the unhappy monadvantage arch's imprisonment, and in particular try once more to pierce the veil
of mystery
Now
it
and legend which have obscured the story of his death. may certainly be said that it is well worth our while to reconexamine meticulously the evidence on which the our histories is based, and to try and fit in a few new but
have
latterly
sider this story, to
account in
striking bits of testimony that
been brought
to light.
To
74
perform

this task
is
now my
chief business, but
though
may perhaps
I
discharge a useful service in putting together the chief testimonies that
bear on the story of the deposed king's
last
years, yet
may
It
say at
raises
once that the result of

doubts
;
this investigation is
;
rather negative.
justification to
it
explains hesitations
it
gives
some
those
who
believed
that
Above
all, it
did not meet a violent death in his prison. discredits the only detailed narrative of the sufferings of
Edward
the wretched king.

truth of the
But
it
does not shake our
faith in the essential
accepted story.
The
stages.
history of the captivity of
Edward
on
II
1
falls
naturally into
1
two
to
The
first
goes from
his surrender
6 November,
of
326,
4 April,
Leicester,
1327.
During
this
period
Henry
Lancaster,
Earl of
was
responsible for his custody, having
been appointed to
that charge with the informal approval of the barons.

king's histoiy
little
The details of
is
the
i*
during these months are
fairly
well known, and there
suggestion of mystery about them, though there

of the tragedy at
plenty of pathos.
escorted
as
Within a short time

to
Hereford,
Edward was
Henry
of
Lancaster's castle of Kenilworth

his care.
where he remained
this period the
long as
stages of
in
he continued under
During
formal
the revolution were accomplished.
The
barons had shown

precision that well
in their relations
dealing
with
the unpopular king a
pedantic
anticipates the
to
stiff
legalism of the revolution
Whigs
James
II in
1688.
Their
first
position
was
that the king, by withto appoint
drawing himself from the realm,

regent,
had compelled them

Keeper
and
their choice of
his eldest son as
of the
Kingdom
showed
their
Edward
It is true that adhesion to the right line of descent. of Carnarvon only withdrew himself for a few miles beyond
the region where the king's writ ran, and that the lordship of
Glam-
organ was not foreign Edward's forcible return
to to
any
very impressive
extent.
But with
England this excuse might well seem to have been no longer plausible. This mattered the less since after the barons got possession of Edward's great seal, they could formally act Indeed it seemed to in his name even when he was in their prison.
them the
governing.
line
of
least
is
resistance
to
pretend that
Edward was
still
This
best seen in the
change
in the
form of the writs,
issued so far back as October, for the assembling of a parliament.

original
writs, tested
The
by the young Edward, had

in
stated that, in the
king's absence
from the realm, the business
parliament would be

dealt with by the queen
75
and the duke, the Keeper
of
the
Realm.
But now that the great seal was in the possession of the victors, writs form were issued to supply the informality of the earlier When parliament at last met on 7 January, at Westminster, it ones.
in the usual
was
resolved that
Edward
his son put in
his place.
should be deposed for incompetence, and But twice were deputations sent to Kenil-
induce the king to meet parliament. The motive for this The magapparently was to extract from him a public resignation.
worth
to
nates shrank from the drastic course of deposition,

earlier the nobles of
which a few years

their incap-
Germany had adopted

It
if
in the case of
less
able king, Adolf of Nassau.

less
would seem
in
revolutionary,
and
disturbing to
precedent,
Edward
of
divest himself of the office,
which
could be induced formally to any case he was no longer to be
allowed
to hold.
But the captive
face parliament.
As Edward would
Kenilworth, and
or
deposition.
Kenilworth stubbornly refused to not meet parliament, parliament
resolved that
its
representatives should meet
Edward.
A deputation
fight,
of parliament visited
Edward was
offered the alterlittle
native of
resignation
He
showed
and
Clad in black, dazed with confupromptly accepted the inevitable. sion, he was led before the deputies and announced with many tears
that
way
he would yield to the wishes of parliament and not stand in the Then the proctor of the parliament of his son's advancement.
formally
the
fealty
renounced
and homage which the individual

Finally the steward of the household
members had made

broke
his
to the king.
wand
of office to indicate that the royal
household was
dis-
charged.
related in
These
things
happened on 20 January.
On
their
being
London, and Edward, Duke of Aquitaine, was definitely proclaimed as King Edward HI. His regnal year was treated as beginning on 25 January. Now that the pedantic pomps of his resignation were over, the
chroniclers
tell
the last stage of the revolution
was consummated
us
little
of the doings of
Edward
of
Carnarvon
at
Kenilworth.
In general terms
we
are informed that his treatment at

that
the hands of his gaoler

recluse or
of
was good, and

for his
monk needed
he lacked nothing that a This is likely enough, for sustenance.
Lancaster was a kindly gentleman, and, though he took a Henry leading part in bringing about the king's deposition and was pro-
foundly conscious of his brother's wrongs and of his own, he was not the man to treat with unnecessary harshness a captive entrusted to his
76
custody.

But Henry soon began to have new grievances of
his
own.
made the wrongs of had besought the pope to They canonise the incompetent and disreputable Earl Thomas, and they had, as we have seen, given his more respectable brother the custody
The
leaders of the revolution
had
ostentatiously
Lancaster a pretext for their action.
of the captive king.
They had
also
rather tardily
restored
him
of
to his brother's earldoms, so that
we may
henceforth
call
him Earl
Lancaster as well as Earl of Leicester.

first
They had
which was
given
him the
the
that
place in the standing council of regency

of the infant
to act in
name
Edward
power
III.
Nevertheless
its
Henry soon found
he had the show
of
rather than
reality.
Mortimer and the
queen, not the Earl of Lancaster, really controlled the government.
No
sooner had the victorious coalition succeeded in establishing

it
itself,
than
began
is
to
show
signs of breaking up.

his
The moral
supplanter.
of
It
Edward
was easy
of
H's reign
for
once more affirmed under
any strong combination

It
of parties to seize the to retain

for
government
Eng-
land.
was extremely
difficult
any long period the

the
authority thus easily acquired.
Under
these circumstances a
natural
reaction against
new
It was equally natural that it should take the government set in. Soon form of a wave of sympathy in favour of the deposed king. partisans of Edward of Carnarvon were traversing the country, dilat-
ing upon his misfortunes and his sufferings.
English public opinion
veered
in
those days between extremes of brutality and extremes of

It
sentimentality.
it
was normally
callous enough, but from time to time

It
reacted in a contrary direction.
then became prone to
show
sympathy
for fallen greatness, to pity misfortune,
and
to
assume that
friend of the
the victim of fate

people.
was the champion
of a
good cause, the
Thus
as
as a saint, not
deification
Thomas of Lancaster was being acclaimed so much by partisans who wished to make profit by his by simple-minded folk who easily persuaded themselves
the wretched
that a magnate,
condemned
to so cruel a fate,
must surely have
laid
down
similar
his life for the
wave
English people or for the Church of God. of emotion now arose on behalf of Edward of Carnarvon.
for his release,
Plots
to
were formed
of
and
his custody
became a more
real
burden
since
Henry
Lancaster.
The burden was
the
serious
a projected campaign against Scotland required the presence of
Earl
Henry and most
of the
magnates
to the North.

Under
these circumstances the custody of
77
Edward
of
Carnarvon
was changed.
Earl
A
as
canon of Leicester, Henry Knighton,

in the
who
wrote
in a Lancastrian foundation
Lancastrian
interest,
tells
us that
Henry
refused any longer to accept responsibility for the deposed
king, because,
rumour declared,
1
while
elsewhere, some ancient partisans to abduct him from Kenil worth.
of his
was employed were weaving plots captive

the earl
it is
On
the other side,
possible
that the government, feeling less confidence in Earl

to
Henry,
or wishful
have the old king under stricter, perhaps under less scrupulous, Howdirection were not unwilling to dispense with his services. ever that may be, the change was made, and on 3 April the care
of
Edward
of
Carnarvon was transferred
to
Thomas
of Berkeley
and
IFs
John Maltravers.
With
this
begins the second stage of
Edward
captivity, the stage of mystery
the suspicion of a tragic
and darkness, culminating in more than With this and its after results will be end.
our chief concern on

It
this occasion.
now becomes
necessary, before
we
proceed with our
story, to
scrutinise the authorities
on which
it
is
based.
As
everybody knows,
records.
the chief sources for mediaeval history are chronicles

former, narrative histories in
ticity,
and
The
essence, vary
immensely
in their authen-
and a good
deal,
but not everything, depends upon whether
or not they are contemporary or nearly contemporary to the events
which they
us a
describe.
The
merit of the chronicler
is
that
he gives
motives,
consecutive
story,
that
he
often
suggests
character,
reasons, a point of view,
and generally
is
gives us contemporary colour.
His demerit
is
that
he writes
loosely, frequently
draws
his information
from sources of doubtful authority, and sometimes deliberately aims at

the record
is
often ignorant
facts.
and prejudiced,
falsifying the
official,
The
merit of
that
it
is
impersonal,
contemporary, and based
ron knowledge.
It is set
is
down,
too, in the records of
an administrative
or judicial court, and
preserved not to help historians or satisfy
general curiosity, but to be of practical use to officials, judges, administrators, and other persons employed in the government of the country.
But the record has
its
limitations as
It
much almost
is
as the chronicle,
though they are different in kind.
valuable as evidence of exit
ternal facts, exact dates, names, costs,

1
movements, and
shows us the
Knighton,
i.
444, R.S.
78

and functions
of the administrative machine.
of things
;
structure, personnel,
it
But
seldom throws
arid,
light
;
on the inner meaning

is
it
is
colour-
less,
jejune
it
largely taken
up with
common
form, and
though generally, bar

tion,
is
human
liable to
be
falsified
upon sound informawhen the need arises. Under normal

precision of the record,
carelessness, based
circumstances
other,
we
can balance the chronicle and the record with each

the
while
correcting from the
mere
gossip of the chronicler.
In the light of the chronicle
we
can illuminintelligible
ate the dry

order,
facts
of the record,
combine them
in
some
and give them colour and

to the transfer of
Up
Henry
tion,
is
proper setting. Carnarvon from the custody of of Lancaster to that of Berkeley and Maltravers, our informa-
their
Edward
of
though not very copious, is sufficient for our purpose, and there no need to say from what source we learn this or that fact, since the
story
whole
works together
in substantial
harmony.
Perhaps the only

is
doubt that has passed
my
mind
in
telling you the story in outline
as to certain picturesque details relating to the resignation of
Edward,
which would have been more picturesque had I the courage to tell you them in detail. These particulars came from the Chronicle of
Geoffrey the Baker, a worthy as to
deal to say.
At
is
this stage
Baker
is
suspicious,
It
good need only remark that, though much of he quotes what seems good authority for this
I
whom
shall
have
later a
episode.
the written evidence of
an Oxfordshire knight, Sir

as a
Thomas de
la
Moor, who was himself present
member
of
the
household of Bishop Stratford of Winchester who took a leading part in the ceremony. This is worth remembering since the misunderstanding of Baker's reference to Moor's testimony has been misunderstood, last and not least by so great a scholar as Bishop Stubbs, as
meaning
that the
whole
of
Baker's Chronicle
It is
was based on
French
is
chronicle written
illegitimate.
by Moor.
1
now
agreed that
this inference
After April,
for his
327, our evidence becomes
much
scantier.
We can
barely trace the transference of the king's custody,
the
sum allowed
country and
maintenance, and a few insignificant details from the public
records.
There is more
illustration of the condition of the
of public opinion, as to
which
shall
have occasion
to
speak again.
extant, but
Moreover, the public records are partially supplemented from the private
archives of the house of Berkeley,
still
largely,
believe,
79
mainly accessible through the seventeenth centuiy tractate in which John Smith of Nibley, steward of the Berkeleys of that epoch, wrote
his
lives
of
the
Berkeleys,
which the
Bristol
and
Gloucestershire
1
Archaeological Society has happily given to the world.
From
these
we
But it is only after the king's learn various significant facts. death that the records give us abundant information as to his funeral, his lying-in-state, and ultimately the erection of his tomb. Again
after
1
330
there
is
some evidence preserved

his
in
the Rolls of Parlia-
ment
as to
the
trials of
alleged murderers.
The
detail
is
after
careers of
these suspects
profit
we
If,
can
follow in
abundant
and
with some
from record sources.

as
is
the chroniclers.
Even more scanty unlikely, they knew the

as to the
the information of
truth, they assuredly
dared not
tell
it.
Though
several writers agree that the former king
was murdered and even

accounts were
stantial
method
of his murder, their short
written
many
years
afterwards.
The
only circum-
narrative,
that of
it
Baker,
was
written thirty years afterwards
and
is
on the face of
highly suspicious.
The
result of the conspiracy of silence
was, as usual, a lack of
faith
in such scanty doles of information as
were given out
to the public.
There was a general

romantic stories arose in
disbelief
that
Edward was
stories,
really
dead, and
lived
many
quarters that he escaped
and
many
years afterwards in obscurity. natural under the circumstances.

curious pieces of evidence.
It
is
These
however
fantastic, are
They
are too corroborated by certain
not unlikely that a
more meticulous
little
examination of the record sources
may give some
further light
on the problem.
some
forty
years
Some remarkable additions to the Some very material new ago.

last
legend were
facts
made
that
have been
1
divulged within the
few
years.
But
it
is
only
after
330
we have
copious references, not to the murder but to the fate of the
alleged murderers.
The
fortunes of
their
all
these can be traced in detail,
and what emerges from

siderations as regards the
history
of
suggests
some additional con-
problem
Edward
that
H's end.
We
1
start
with the
known
fact
the custody of the deposed
of the
Smith or Smyth, Lives of the Berkeleys, 3 vols. Some conception wealth of the still surviving Berkeley Castle manuscripts can be obtained from Isaac H. Jeayes' Descriptive Catalogue of the Charters ana
Muniments
Bristol, 1892.
in the possession of
Lord Fitzhardinge at Berkeley
Castle.
80
king

was vested
know
in Berkeley and Maltravers from 3 April, and we 5 a day was assigned within a few days that an allowance of " for the expenses of the household of the Lord to the two keepers
Edward, sometime King

sum,
larger,
if
of
we may
This was a liberal England, our father". trust a chronicler, than the sum allowed to
Lancaster for keeping Edward at Kenilworth,' a nd apHenry proaching half the amount of Edward's domestic establishment in his It would have youth before he had been made Prince of Wales.
of
given an ample margin both for maintaining the deposed king with a reasonable degree of state and for the adequate safeguarding of his
were not generously entertained, it must have not wish to treat him well, and perhaps because they regarded the allowance as a bribe to commit evil deeds. It has often been suggested that Edward was deliberately handed
person.
If
the captive
been because
his keepers did
over from kindly to unscrupulous keepers. encourage this idea, save inference from
previous career of
little
Yet
later
there
facts.
is
not
much
to
Thomas
all
of Berkeley
more malevolent
felt.
hostility
to
Perhaps and John Maltravers suggests a their prisoner than Henry of Lan-
the
caster
But
three keepers
were avowed enemies
of the captive
who
days power had inflicted grievous suffering upon them. Berkeley and Maltravers were members of that Lancastrian party of which Earl Henry had been the head. Henry's prudence had saved
in his
of
him from the

his
dire fate of
many
of the contrariants,
his
and he had condoned
brother's
murder by accepting
personal liberty and a mere

II.
fragment of his inheritance from

incurred forfeiture.
Edward
1
But the other two had

his
Berkeley had shared the captivity of
father
326 in confinement, he was Maurice, and when the latter died in still under duress. Gloucestershire magnate of high position, he had forfeited the ancestral castle of Berkeley, over which Hugh
Despenser
now
ruled.
Indeed, the Berkeley lands, included, not only
Berkeley, but Redcliffe and Bedminster with a
commanding
The issues
of
authority
tew,
still
ii.
705, dated 24 April, Stamford.
Glamorgan,
in the king's hands, were chargeable with the payment which was to be accounted for at the exchequer. Other moneys came from the treasure
found
at
Caerphilly,
when
the son of the younger Despenser surrendered
Ultimately the exchequer took up the burden. The household accounts show bountiful provision of wine, wax, capons, Berkeley " ad hospicium patris regis" Jeayes, pp. 274-277. kids, eggs, cheese, cows, 'Baker, p. 28, gives 100 marks a month as the sum.
tardily that stronghold.
:
81
over the great mercantile borough of Bristol, which looked on the house The absorption of the estate in the of Berkeley as its chief enemy.
Despenser lands would have given
Hugh
a position in Gloucestershire
transcending that of the earls of Gloucester of the house of Clare.
The
arrival of
Isabella in
London had
released
him from
his prison.
He
had followed the queen
to Gloucester
and thence
to Bristol,
and
was rewarded by
his sufferings
his restoration to
Berkeley and
his great estates in
Southern Gloucestershire.
was the
John
fact that
But a stronger claim on the victors than he had married a daughter of Roger
the
still
Mortimer.
Maltravers,
other
alive.
keeper,
was
the
son
of
a Dorsetshire baron
Berkeley's sister
for
who was
He
with
married
Thomas
of
and was
closely associated
his policy.
Luckily
himself
he had escaped
in the rout of
Boroughbridge and had
managed to reach the Continent. He only returned in the train of On the whole, then, the new keepers were Isabella and Mortimer. likely to be a little more hostile than Earl Henry to their prisoner.
It
was
in fact
a sheer
loss to
Edward
to
be removed from the care of
of
the most independent of the magnates to the custody of the son-in-law the queen's paramour, associated with another dependent of
Mortimer
who was
there
his
own
brother-in-law.
had been, as we have said, rumours of plots for reAlready It is leasing Edward and procuring his return. possible that such
schemes were already being hatched
when
the ex-king remained at
Kenilworth, and the probability is increased by the fact that the chief agents of the plot, the brothers Dunhead, or Dunheved, had property
and
interests
Rugby. manor of Dunchurch, near Rugby,

felony
in
Of
on Dunsmore, Warwickshire, between Kenilworth and these brothers Stephen Dunhead had been lord of the
but, forced to abjure the
it
realm for
1321, he strove to evade forfeiting

1
neighbouring baron.
His brother
Thomas was
by demising it to a a Dominican friar and
an eloquent preacher, who, if chroniclers' gossip can be believed, had sought to get a divorce between Edward and Isabella from the papal
2
curia.
On his return from this vain quest, Friar Thomas found his former
master deposed and in prison, and at once strove to procure his release. As dates are almost lacking, we cannot exactly place the beginnings of
this conspiracy, but
1
it
must have been when Edward was
still
at Kenil-
C. <ineR.,w. 185. Ann. Paulini, p. 337, "
ut vulgariter dicebatur ".
82
worth, and

it
soon spread
its
ramifications far
and wide.
Mediaeval
society was always excessively disorderly, but a special epidemic of violent crime ushered in the spring of 1 327, and was doubtless the
result of
the recent revolution and the
weak and
partisan spirit of the

in
administration
which the revolution had established

chancery issued an
power.
To
com-
remedy
missions
this the
enormous number
of special
to
hear
and
determine various deeds of
violence,
and
strengthened the law for the purpose.

dealt with
Among
the riotous acts thus
on a country parson near Cirencester, to punish which a special commission was appointed. Among the But suspected persons Stephen Dunhead is the first to be mentioned.
violent assault
1
was a
he certainly was not caught then,

for his arrest
for in
May we
find another order

2
miscarried,
" " " malefactors who had assembled they were at the head of a gang of " within the city of Chester and parts adjacent and were perpetrating " 3 But though the justice of Chester was homicides and other crimes ".
and imprisonment in Wallingford Castle. This also for early in June he and his brother were in Cheshire, where
besought to lay hands upon these criminals, they managed to escape little later they were hiding again on Dunsmore, but they his grip.
were
certainly not captured there, as a chronicler thought.
time they turned their operations southward, for they

that
By this must have known
Edward had been transferred from Kenilworth to Berkeley, and But they their chief objective was ever his release from his captivity. were shrewd enough to make their own any grievance that appealed to the local rioter, and a fresh cause of complaint now arose in an unpopular expedition against the Scots and the compulsory levying of soldiers for the Scots* war, even in those midland and southern counties
whose
homes.
levies
were seldom
called
upon
is
to serve so far
away from
their
Under such
for
circumstances there
small
blame
to the
government
having taken measures to put the captive king under custodians in whom the ministers could rely, and who would under no circumstances
be exposed to the temptation of taking up his cause as a good weapon For such for breaking down the power of Mortimer and the queen.
a purpose Mortimer's son-in-law and that son-in-law's brother were safer gaolers than Henry of Lancaster, with his scruples, his pretensions,
'.A'.,
a
1327-30, P 80.
.
-AW.,
to justice of
p.
99.
Ibid., p.
153.
Mandate
Chester of 8 June.

and
his
83
growing discontent against a government that had used him It was equally natural that, as soon as the keepership as a catspaw.
of the late king

travers,
was
transferred from Lancaster to Berkeley

in
and Mal-
he should be put
some place
control than the Lancastrian castle himself did not
under government of Kenilworth. That Lancaster

better
of his cousin's keeping
want the worry and expense
made
his transference all the easier.
custody began,
Edward was
Accordingly, as soon as the new privately removed from Kenilworth and

covered a journey of over
for the fourteenth
fifty
surrounded by a strong
escort,
miles in
two
days, quite
night of
On the century. good travelling 5 April, which was also Palm Sunday, the ex-king reached
He
spent the night at Llantony
Gloucester.
town, as the guest of the Austin canons of that
Abbey, hard by the house. Next day he

1
completed the easy journey to Berkeley.
It is
it is
probable that efforts

this
were made
hasty
to
keep
his destination secret
most unlikely that
flight of
an armed force could have escaped the notice of a
country-side,
Anyhow
the
the plots redoubled in violence,
swarming with Edwardian partisans and sympathisers. and within two months of
devoted
their
transfer, the conspirators

its
main energies
district
to Berkeley
and
neighbourhood.
Let us see the sequel.
In the mass of seething discontent,
no
was more
disturbed
than the lower valley of the Severn.
The
;
proximity of the
March
of
Wales, always
the
fall
in
extreme disorder
if
the local revolution
of Despenser, in fact
not in
name
earl of Gloucester,
worked by and
natural
the further changes consequential

their old position,
on the
restoration of the Berkeleys to

It
were
all
potent factors of confusion.
was
lord of
his
under such circumstances that the government should look to the Berkeley and Redcliffe for help. Accordingly even before
formal pardon,
still
more before
of
his
appointment as the deposed
king's keeper,
Thomas
Berkeley had already been
give his powerful aid in maintaining order in
upon to Gloucestershire and the

called
of the
adjacent
districts.
Thus on 8 March he was one
two commisOther and

the king at
sioners of the peace for Gloucestershire appointed in accordance with
the recent
greater
Act
for the greater preservation of the peace.'
responsibilities
followed,
its
and the presence

employment
of
Berkeley did not prevent

1
lord's full
as the local agent of
Ann. Paulini,
C.P.
A'.,
p.
333.
p.
-'
1327-30,
89
The Act was
Edward
HI, sec. 2, cap. 16.
84

The
Scottish expedition
the authorities.
and the
local resistance to
it
gave a good excuse for heaping new powers on Berkeley, with whom Maltravers is now almost always associated. Thus the local magistrates
were called on 30 April

is
to aid the brothers-in-law
"
whom
to
the king
in
sending to his castle of Bristol for
arms and armour
be used
On 3 July Berkeley was remitted his service " the Scots because he was charged with special business of against the king "." Finally, the two were on 11 July put on a commission
the northern parts 'V
of the
peace pursuant to the Statute of Winchester, in the seven neigh3
bouring counties of Dorset, Somerset, Hereford, Wilts, Hants, Oxon,
and Berks.
Thus they
received
executive authority
all
over the
middle south-west.
kept them,
clerk,
we John Wai way n,

great
4 Moreover, as this work, and their own affairs, imagine, away from Berkeley, an experienced king's
doctor of law, himself a

post
of
had held the

escheator,
treasurer
West Country man, who and the important office of

for
but
who
was
apparently
sent
was thought inadequate
the
highest positions,
It
down
to
Berkeley to look after things there.
was high
in
time,
for
formed
sions
which men
of different regions
by July a curious conspiracy had been and strangely varied profestogether, ostensibly to resist
for
and walks
of life
banded themselves
service against the Scots, really, as
we
shall see,
much more
dangerous object.
shire
shire
There were Gloucestershire men and Worcesterwere men from Warwickshire and men from Staffordclerks,
men
;
there
there
were high and low, laymen and

friars,
and among the
latter,
parish priests, preaching
Benedictine monks and Austin
canons.
There was a canon
of
Llantony,
who
perhaps had been
smitten with compassion for the deposed
Palm Sunday
night within his house.

;
monarch who had passed There was a monk of the great
foundation of Hales
above
all
Thomas Dunhead, whole row of orders

1
still
free to
were the brothers Stephen and conspire and lead rebellions, despite a
there
It
for their arrest.
was a formidable crowd, and
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 154. 'id., p. 130. C.P.R., 1327-30, P 95. p. 130, shows Maltravers pardoned for acquiring an estate in
.
y
Wiltshire without license and authorised to hold the same.
presence of the Dunheads here shows the inaccuracy of Ami. p. 337, which states that Thomas had been captured "about " " June," apud Bidebrok prope Dunmor (that is, of course, in Warwickshire), imprisoned at Pontefract, and, failing to escape, thrown down a well and perished. But I think the Amials chief error is in dating this too early.
The
im\

there
85
was no
strong force available in these days to deal with a sudden
rebellion.
Chance has
lately
shown
us that this conspiracy of the

all
its
Dunheads
That an
attained, at least for a
moment, the object of
efforts.
shire, to arrest the
attempt was made has long been known by a mandate on the Patent Rolls ordering Berkeley, as a chief keeper of the peace in Gloucester"
Dunheads and
their followers
indicted before
him
coming with an armed force to Berkeley castle to plunder it and for refusing to join the king in his expedition against the Scots 'V But
for
a few years ago, a French scholar, Dr. Tanquerey of St. Andrews, unearthed in the Public Record Office and published in the English
Historical Review
"
letter of
from Berkeley Castle to

this.
It
John Walwayn, written on 27 July the chancellor, which tells us much more than
list
tells
thus that a long
of people, almost, but not quite,
the same as those indicted before Berkeley, has been indicted before
Walwayn
But
it
that
Walwayn
is
doubtful whether he has authority under

to ordain
his commission,
and prays the chancellor
also lets the cat out of the bag.
A confidential
an immediate remedy. letter to the chan-
cellor
had no reason
to deal so discreetly with the truth as the letter
patent,
we
open have seen, soon
to all the
world to read, which the chancery
issued, as
after the receipt of this secret despatch.
Accord-
" the culprits indicted ingly Walwayn does not scruple to say plainly that before him were charged with having come violently to the castle ot
Berkeley, with having ravished the father of our lord the king out of
our guard, and with having feloniously robbed the said castle against the king's peace." Here is a bit of new information of a startling
kind.
Within three months
of his establishment in Berkeley, a con-
spiracy to release the old king attained at least a temporary success.
The confederates seized the castle and Edward of Carnarvon from his dungeon.
plundered
it
they rescued
No wonder
under these circumstances that the policy of silence
and concealment, already adopted as regards the imprisoned king, should be carried out with tenfold rigour than before ; that the public
records should contain no reference to this tremendous fact
chroniclers should in very fear
1
;
that the
show a compulsory
This
xxxi.
1
discretion,
and that
Stanhope,
C.P.R., 1327-30, pp. 156-7.
is
dated
August,
at
Durham. 3 English Historical Review,
19-24 (1916).
86
the subsequent career of the unlucky captive should be severely cut short, but after so secret a fashion that a doubt should remain, strong at the time,
weaker
as years rolled on, as to

I
what
fate befell the hapless

later
Edward.
I
Some
of these points
must recur to
though
I
on
but at present
as
may
record as
my conviction,
do not claim
it
more than a judg-
ment based on
probabilities,
that
Edward was
later.
very soon recaptured
and restored
to his prison,
and
that to save further risk he
was
quietly
done
to death
some three months

approach the
suggested that escape of Edward from Berkeley gives us a clue towards proved interpreting the two chroniclers who profess to know most about the
Before
we
final
problem,
it
may be
this
last
adventures
of
the
deposed
St. Paul's,
king.
The
first
of
these,
Adam
form
Murimuth, a canon of
wrote
his history in its final
soon after the time of the battle of Crecy, some eighteen years after But we have internal evidence that he wrote the pasthese events.
sages describing
Edward
still
H's fate before 1345, because he
tells
us that
Maltravers was
to return to
abroad and
that year.
in
we
1
shall learn that
he was allowed
England in
After
"
telling us that
Edward had
"
been taken to
Berkeley
secret
about Palm Sunday
he goes
on as follows
"
And
to effect
night,
because they were afraid of certain persons coming to him his release, Edward was secretly removed from Berkeley by
to Corfe
and taken
and other
'
secret places, but at last they took

it
him back
to Berkeley, but after such a fashion that
could hardly be
ascertained
where he was."
intelligent
Murimuth was an
man, accustomed
to affairs, associated
with the great, and wise enough to be circumspect, though desirous of This passage, interpreted in the light of our knowtelling the truth.
" " secret removal from ledge of Edward's escape, suggests that his Berkeley was the result of the conspirators' temporary success, and
that his subsequent wanderings both preceded
and succeeded
his re-
capture,
and
resulted in his being in the

I
end brought back

a
to his
ancient place of confinement.
do not
for
moment
suggest that
Murimuth was aware

escape
:
of the carefully
all
guarded secret of Edward's

of the notorious at-
but he did
effect
know what
men knew
tempts to
his release,
and he
intelligently
connected these with

:
Murimuth, PP 52-54, R.S.

.
Ibid., p. 52.

the removal of the old king to Corfe,
his subsequent return to Berkeley.
87
and other hiding
places,
and with
We are now
of
Edward's
of
it is
a position to appreciate the only detailed account captivity, that written after 1356 by Geoffrey Baker.
in
Much
far
mere
rhetoric, word-painting,
and abuse,
for
Baker was
from being above the crime of
discreet editor
facts,
and
we
making copy," so hated by the and yet so universally practised. When Baker gets to can compare him with our other sources of knowledge,
"
we
of
can prove him to be wrong. Thus, beginning with the events he tells us that Edward was put under the custody of April,
Maltravers, ignoring the fact that the chief
Thomas Gurney and John
He tells keeper was so respectable a nobleman as Thomas Berkeley. a long and demonstrably false story how the king when he was led from Kenilworth was taken first to Corfe, then to Bristol, whence
was taken by dead of night to He tells us the indignities suffered by him on the way Berkeley. how his cruel tormentors crowned him with a crown of hay, clothed him with insufficient garments, forced him to ride through th night with uncovered head, fed him on food so nauseous that it made him
discovered by the burgesses he
;
when
they shaved his beard and hair that he might less readily be recognised, and how the suffering Edward warmed with his tears cold
sick
;
how
water that the barber was compelled to use, how, in short, he endured
things that clearly proved that
of
God had marked him
out for the crown
martyrdom. These stories he relates as told him over twenty years by one William Bishop, leader of the captive's guard, a personage whom authentic history certainly cannot distinguish from his
later
various namesakes of this period.

I
suggest that Murimuth's story gives the modest nucleus oi truth
that
was elaborated with Baker's picturesque romance.

of
What we now
this
know
the temporary release of
Edward
the
further illuminates
point of view.
We may
feel sure that
crowd under the Dunheads

1
did not keep together long after their opening success.

of
its
dispersion must have
fallen
upon Berkeley,
as
But the duty the head of
the local administration established for the emergency in the Western

shires.
1
It
was Berkeley who was
to indict the offenders, to press the
Stephen Dunhead was arrested in London before 1 July, 1327, but C.C.R., 1327-30, pp. escaped, and was still wandering at large in 1329. 146 and 549.
88
hue and cry

after
In this process he them, and imprison their leaders. the plotters, not with their real offence of abducting was careful to charge
more commonplace crimes of an attempt and of refusing to undertake military service to plunder Berkeley But the conspiracy of silence obscured the truth against the Scots.
the deposed king but with the
for contemporaries
even more than for

of
us.
One
result of
Berkeley's
Edward, and we may well activity believe that, as part of the stage management of the mystery, he was hurried to various hiding-places, including perhaps Corfe. But he was
was doubtless the recapture
certainly brought
back
to Berkeley.
And
as
one
result of
Berkeley's
was compelled, we may guess, to delegate to others personal custody of Edward. One result of this process was the that the sinister presence of Sir Thomas Gurney now comes upon
administrative duties he
the scene.
This Somersetshire knight, becomes, as Berkeley's deputy,

to the final stage of
the colleague of Maltravers.
We
of her
now come
Edward's
troubles.
Of
this
Baker and Baker only gives a circumstantial account.

that the queen, not unreasonably,
He
tells
us
we may
add, from the point of view
own
safety,
die,
thought that the time was
now come when
her
husband must
and
that
Adam
Orleton, bishop of Hereford,
her
special confidant,
who
wrote a sealed
letter to that effect to his keepers,
played the part of the chief villain of the piece, couched in ambiguous
terms that could be interpreted differently according to its punctuation. " The hint of murder was conveyed if it read It is a good thing not to be " It is a afraid to kill Edward," but the alternative meaning good thing
to
be afraid to
kill
Edward," might well be brought forward

It is
if
the
message fell into wrong hands. This is clearly a bit of fiction.
improbable on the face of

kill
if
it.
Even wicked
kings,
bishops hesitate to send written orders to
deposed
and
to plead the accident of a
wrong
interpretation
far
their note
miscarries.
Moreover,
at
this period
Orleton was
from being, as
In fact,
Baker
he had
suggests, constantly at the side of the guilty queen.

left
England
for
the papal
still
March, when Edward was

from Avignon
late king
at
Avignon so early as Kenilworth, and did not return

at
court at
until after
it
had been given out
Berkeley that the
was dead.
Moreover, before news
of that event could
have
reached the Pope, John

bishop of
XXII
Worcester, and
this
had appointed Orleton by papal provision acceptance of promotion involved him

in a fierce conflict
89
with the English crown which had approved of the election by the monastic chapter of Worcester of their prior, Wolfstan In the event the pope prevailed over king and chapter of Bransford.
and Orleton became bishop of Worcester, and therefore the diocesan It is a fair illustration of the wildness of both Berkeley and Gloucester.
he should make Orleton responsible for an act, inspired, at a moment when he was quarrelling with queen and council because they resisted an attempt to make him No doubt bishop of the diocese where the crime was perpetrated.
of Baker's guesses that
which he could not have
Orleton was a self-seeking
ruffian,
and there
is
suggestion of the recent editor of his
Hereford
no reason to accept the register that because he
kept his official records like a good man of business, he was probably a good man. But whatever crimes we may lay to his charge, he did
not
write
letter
urging ambiguously
the murder
of
his
ancient
monarch.
In later years his fiercest enemies never brought that accu-
sation against him.
But
recently
if
His alibi was too clearly proved. Orleton claims a right to be acquitted, circumstances have
to light
come
which seem
to
throw the
responsibility for
ending Edward of Carnarvon's mortal career on Mortimer himself. The revolution of 326 had established Mortimer in the position of
1
justice of
Wales, held so long by

in
his uncle
Roger Mortimer
of Chirk.
His preoccupations
person
his
duties
as justice of
through his lieutenant, had loved Edward of Carnarvon, regretted his fate the more since his fall had restored the rule of a Mortimer over them, and to the Welsh
the government of the greatest of the marcher lords
England gave him little time for exercising in Wales, and he ruled North Wales William of Shalford. But the Welsh, who
form of tyranny.
easier for
In
32 -2 a
1
rising in
was the worst North Wales had made it

Mortimer power and
re-
Edward
it
as king to overthrow the
establish his position.
What had happened

if
once might well occur
again,
and
looks as
some
of the very
Welsh magnates who had

on the Mortimers
1
followed Sir Gruffydd
Llwyd
in his earlier attack
were now once more
plotting a similar
movement.
when
out, a
the
English conspiracies
to release
By August, 327, Edward had mainly died

knight, Sir
of certain
Welsh
conspiracy to effect the same end seems to have been
organised. The leader of this movement was a South Welsh Rhys ap Gruffydd, who acted apparently at the instigation
English magnates, and with the
active support of the leading
men
of
90

1
both North and South Wales.

success
We
know
nothing for certain of the
which attended his efforts. It was, however, enough to excite alarm of William of Shalford, Mortimer's lieutenant. the Accordingly
on 7 September, 327, Shalford wrote to his chief telling him that Sir Rhys and his comrades had formed their plot and that there was
1
real danger, that
the only thing for
Edward might be released from Berkeley, and " " Roger was to ordain a suitable remedy to
that
pre-
vent himself and his party from being utterly undone.

letter
Shalford's
reached Mortimer at Abergavenny, and it was believed in North Wales that it induced him to make the fatal decision that the
only
way
of saving his
power and
his
life,
was
to put
Edward
forth-
Consequently, Mortimer sent a dependent of his, William Ogle, or Ockley, from Abergavenny to Berkeley, taking with him Shalford's letter, and hinting not obscurely to Maltravers
with to death.
and Gurney what was the obvious remedy
to ease the situation.
With
the arrival of
misfortunes began.
He
Ogle the last phase of Edward of Carnarvon's was now allowed but a short shrift, for within
a fortnight of the date of the fatal letter, written by Shalford, it was " officially announced that the king's father" had died on 21 September.
Gurney and Maltravers had doubtless already made up their mind how to act. The arrival of Ogle on the scene brought things
to a crisis.
The
judicial proceedings
taken three years
later, feeble
and
futile
though they were, make it clear that these three men, Gurney, Maltravers, and Ogle were looked upon as the direct agents of Edward of
Carnarvon's death.
Let us put together what
little
we
learn from
other sources as to the facts of the case.

chroniclers.
Firstly, let
us interrogate the
We find
that
most of the chroniclers, though often a day or so

official
wrong, substantially confirm the Edward died on or about 21
statement as to the fact that
September. They are, however, cautious about expressing themselves about the manner of his death and very reticent about details. The most nearly contemporary, the
2
The simply say that the king died at Berkeley. Chronicle of Lanercost suggests without confirming a suspinorth-country
Annals of St. Paufs,
1
For the
2
authorities
on which
this
paragraph
is
based, see
Ap-
pendix.
Ann. Pauling
p,
337.

1
91
Another northern writer prudently remarks With regard to I the king's decease various opinions were commonly expressed. prefer
cion.
:
"
for myself to say
no more about the matter,
for
sometimes, as the
to
tell
poet
says, lies
are for the advantage of

2
many and
the whole
Murimuth, writing a little later with the Annals Paul's before him, carries us somewhat further. After mention" " " he adds, And though many persons, abbots, ing that the king died of Bristol and Gloucester, were summoned to priors, knights, burgesses
truth does harm.
of St.
body, and indeed superficially examined it, nevertheless it was commonly said that he was slain as a precaution by the orders of Sir 3 The exact manner of John Maltravers and Sir Thomas Gurney ".
view
his
the king's death comes later.
We find
it
in
Higden's Polyckromcon*
it
where testimony
by John
is
of
some importance
since
was done
into English
of
Trevisa, Vicar of Berkeley, at
a time
when Thomas
Berkeley was still alive, and the translator would not have lightly Moreover, adopted such a suggestion against his patron's honour. the Lancastrian Chronicle of Knighton repeats the charge/' and a
Westminster monk not only reiterates it, but says that it was known not only to rumour but by the confession of the guilty parties/'
The
amplification of the horrid story, briefly suggested

is
years or less after the event,
found
in
Baker, and in
some twenty Baker only.

ambiguous
He
tells
letter,
how up to the time Thomas of Berkeley had

us
of the receipt of Orleton's
treated the fallen king with kindness.
But Baker's suggestion that Berkeley was only "lord of the castle" and not also the gaoler responsible for the king's keeping indicates an
economy nobleman
in dealing
in the next county.

is
with truth that might give offence to a powerful This story of Edward's kind treatment
by Berkeley
otherwise confirmed.
relations
was denied
all
with his
his
But now, says Baker, Berkeley victim. Thereupon, irritated that he

house,
was no
longer master
in
own
Berkeley bade a sorrowful
farewell to
Edward and betook
himself elsewhere.
Berkeley household accounts show that

1
Thomas went no
Unfortunately the farther than
2 3 4
Chron. de Lanercost, p. 260. Gesta Edwardi lertii auctore Bridlingtonensi^ pp. 97-98. Murimuth, pp. 54-55. " Cum veru ignito inter celanda confossus. Polyckrouicon, viii., 324
:
See
also Cont.
5
Hemingburgh,
i.
ii.,
297 -S.
6
Knighton,
446.
Chron. J. de Reading, ed. Tait,
p. 78.
92
Bradley, his manor near Wotton-under-Edge, some six or seven miles I have already suggested that the local disturbances must have away.
taken
Thomas
further
afield
but this particular absence at Bradley
only took place on Michaelmas Eve, eight days after Edward's reNo great confirmation of Baker's testimony can be exputed death.
tracted from this.
Let us return to Baker.

his
No
sooner
was Thomas removed from
own
castle than the

in
slow murder
of the helpless king began.
He
by the stench of decaying saved him from death, he was strength brutally murdered by night, as he lay in his bed, in a fashion that concealed exterior traces of wounds. Already his piteous complaints
pestilential
was confined
a room
made
bodies.
But as
his
immense
had informed
carpenters, working outside the castle, of his tortures in

;
the prison chamber

violent
now
hideous shrieks told town and castle of his
let
doom and drove many to their knees to pray for his soul. Dismissing for the moment the crucial difficulty of the king's end, From 2 us tell from authentic records the history of his remains.
1
September
to
October, the
body
of the king
remained
at Berkeley,
under Berkeley and Maltravers' custody, for which service they con" for the custody of the body". 5 per diem, tinued in receipt of their
During
this time,
if
we may believe
the historian of Gloucester

local
Abbey,
but the
the royal corpse
was
St.
offered to various
monasteries,
Austin canons of
Cistercians of
St.
Augustines at Bristol, the modern cathedral, the

at
St.
Mary's
Kingswood,
and the Benedictines

"
of
Aldhelm's
fear of
at Malmesbury refused this dangerous honour through Mortimer and Queen Isabella". It is suggested that it was
something of an act of heroism that John Thoky, Abbot of Gloucester, " consented to receive the body. Thoky, in his own chariot, nobly
adorned with the arms

vent,
of Gloucester
Abbey," conducted
it
to his con-
where
all
it
was
1
"
honourably received by the whole community and
with
the city in procession ".

Frocester,
This
history, generally attributed to
put together in the early fifteenth century, and contemporary records show that nearly every particular statement *' in it is inexact. fear of the queen and There was certainly no
finally
Abbot
was
"
Mortimer
to deter the neighbouring
of the king's body, for

1
abbey from accepting the charge the government took up responsibility from the
i.
It is
printed in vol.
of
Hart's Historia et Cartularium Monasterii
Sancti Petri Glouccstria, 3
vols.,
R.S. 1863-7.

1
93
and warned by Sir Thomas Gurney of Edward's death, at once published the news to the parliament which was then assembled at
first,
Lincoln.
Indeed, the whole administration
was then
in the
North, intent
on the parliament sitting at Lincoln at the moment of the king's death and afterwards on the campaign and the negotiations with the Scots.
The
delay in dealing with the king's body
is
satisfactorily
the remoteness of the court from the Severn valley.

possible to act, special arrangements
As
explained by soon as it was
were made
for the care of the
remains of the king's father. ministers, not Berkeley or the Gloucester monks, assumed the chief responsibility.
this point the royal
From
When the body was removed

officers
to Berkeley,
it
was placed
in the
hands of
It is clear from the accounts of appointed for the purpose. that Gloucester represents the government's deliberate these choice, and that the expenses of the removal of the body thither were
officers
If Thoky sent his charge of the state and not of the abbot. " for the body, the odds are that he got paid for the service chariot he rendered. Anyhow Berkeley charged the crown for many of the
at the
"
He put down to the crown account the cost expenses of the removal. of dyeing black the canvass that covered the hearse, of the cords
the expenses of taking the body to and those of his household which accompanied it, of the Gloucester, vase of silver in which Edward's heart was enclosed, and of the
traces of the horses,
t
and the
oblations in the masses in the castle chapel for the soul of the
2
dead
Then Berkeley and Maltravers gave up their charge when the had reached Gloucester. And of the money that was owed body them for the 201 days of their custody the exchequer was still over 3 300 in arrears when the account was made up.
king.
The whole
king and
business
was from
this point regulated

set
council,
and a new
of accounts
by ordinances of shows in detail the

it
elaborate arrangements
made
for the
custody of the body as long as
remained above ground.

1
The
see of Worcester being vacant or dis-
He
was
sent to the king

Id.
when Edward
III
was
at
allowed 31s.
expenses
Smith, Live* of the Bei keleys,
Nottingham, and i. 293. The
Compare Jeayes* Catalogue, king arrived at Nottingham on 30 September. " de Gourne eunti apud Notyngham pro morte patris regis p. 274, " " cum litteris domini ". The dominus was, of regi et regine notificanda course, Thomas of Berkeley. 3 Smith, i. 293. Archccologia, 1., 223.
. .
94
puted, the neighbouring bishop of Llandaff was instructed to remain at Gloucester till the funeral, and received 1 3s. 4d. a day for his expenses
for the fifty-nine
John
in
1
Eaglescliff,
days which he devoted to that object. This prelate, was a Dominican friar, forced on Llandaff by the pope
323
in despite of king
that one
element in his
II
and chapter, and we may charitably assume selection was that he belonged to an order
special favour
which Edward
at 6s. 8d. a day,
had always regarded with

his confessors.
5s. respectively,
and from
which he had chosen

and
tendance.
the king's
Besides the bishop, two knights, were also ordered to be in at-
them two royal chaplains, two sergeants-at-arms, and candelarius were added. third sergeant-at-arms, already
To
at Berkeley
when
Put
of
the captive died,
was
to
also retained, while a royal clerk, of the
Hugh
the
of Glanville,
was
assigned
pay the expenses
whole
business.
game
cynically, we may say that just as secrecy had been the government up to St. Matthew's day, so now a
public exhibition of almost excessive respect seems to have been thought the most desirable policy.
The
was the
funeral
was delayed
for
two more months.
The main
reason
and court attending in person until the Scottish business was more or less settled. Another was the eximpossibility of the king
treme dispersion of the directing and spending departments. The court and council were wandering over Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, and
Nottinghamshire, and with them went the wardrobe, the source of But the exchequer, the chief source of household expenditure.
national financial expenditure,
was then
stores,
stationed at York,
and the great

of the ap-
wardrobe, the department of

for the
from which came most
was permanently established in paratus necessary London. It was no wonder then that there was so long a delay, and the detailed accounts of the keeper of the great wardrobe show how
funeral,
There was an immense display of there were leopards emblazoned on the harness of the goldleaf horses there was the hearse, with great golden lions, provided by the king's painter, and effigies of the evangelists standing upon it.
nobly the funeral was conducted.
; ;
There were angels censing with gold

attendance
censers
there
were knights
;
in
with
new
robes provided at the

of the
king's expense
there
was a wooden image crown upon its head worth 7s. provided to keep back the crowd
dead
king, worth 40s. and a copper-gilt There were great beams of oak 3d.
that thronged
to
have a glimpse of

the royal corpse.
of
all
1
95
There were heavy charges

by road from
for the painful dispatch
these
There was
consolate
to Gloucester. paraphernalia a full attendance of mourners, including the not very dis-
London
widow and
it
the son, the

in
him.
Everything was done
young king who had supplanted decency and order, so that we may
of chroniclers
take for
funeral
what
is
worth the rash statement

affair.
that the
was but a hugger-mugger

it
There was even a pretence

in
at inquiry, for
seems that the
woman employed
what
met
embalming the
after the
body was
sent to attend the court to
Worcester immediately
ceremony, that she might give Isabella

circumstances of her husband's end.
light she could as to the
Then
the court went back to the

his parliament,
North where the king married
his bride,
and con-
cluded the "disgraceful peace*' with the Scots. There was no more allowed to be said about his father until the question was reopened
three years later
when
the coup d! Mat of the young
Edward HI
at
Nottingham drove Mortimer from power to the scaffold, and relegated Isabella not to a dungeon, as the old histories tell us, but to a dignified,
free,
and
luxurious retirement in
which she
last in
1
lived to sixty-six, a
good
the
old age for those times, and died at
368
in
something
like
odour of
sanctity.
One
other observation only need be
made
as to the period of the
regency and that is that the men whom common report associated with the crime, Berkeley, Maltravers and Sir Thomas Gurney re-
mained trusted agents
of
Mortimer and
Isabella.
1
Maltravers
in
328 and 1 330 particular was raised to a great position, for between he acted as steward of the king's household, the lay head of the
royal establishment,
and therefore
we may
guess
in
a position to
any compromising documents appearing in the wardrobe accounts in which his clerical colleague, the treasurer of the wardrobe,
prevent
recorded the expenses of the court.

office
He
had, however, vacated that

still,
I
before the Nottingham catastrophe, though he
imagine,
was
in the confidence of the
Under
murdered
these circumstances
It is
Queen we may
Isabella.
well believe that
Edward was
and healthy
It
at Berkeley.
unlikely that this vigorous
man
of forty-three died a natural death.
There
"
is
every probability
that his unscrupulous enemies killed

1
him
as a precaution ".
was
Pro
claustura circum corpus regis ad resistendum oppressionem populi
irruentis.
96
It was always so with dangerous captives from the dawn of history. Our own history is full of such pre-eminently so in the middle ages.
examples, Arthur of Brittany,

Gloucester, Richard
II,
Edward
the
Henry VI,
Thomas and Humphrey of princes in the Tower leaving

II,
;
out the more respectable cases of pretenders slain in hot blood after a
fight.
Their ends were always mysterious

;
the
official
version
to
generally savoured of the incredible
the
probabilities
pointed
violence
and there was always the chance
to accuse either the sup-
most to gain, or his inferior agents who generally did planter, But in no case is there certain evidence of his dirty work for him. how the deed was done or as to the person doing it. The inevitable
result of
who had
such an end
is
the suspicion of murder,
and there
view
is
little
reason for us departing from the commonplace attribution of the crime

to those
who
profited
most by
it.
From
this point of
we may
agree with the chroniclers that Isabella and Mortimer had the primary But they were shrewd enough to obscure responsibility for this deed.
the evidence of their complicity, and
against the underlings
there
is
little
evidence even
Under such
who perpetrated the actual crime. circumstances there arose an impression that, after
all,
All through history there are men, denounced as impostors, who claimed that they had marvelgenerally lously evaded the doom allotted to them and demanded restitution to
the victim might have escaped.
their ancient dignities.
whom we
Instance of this range from the false Smerdis about in Herodotus to the false Demetrius, whose read
is
challenge to the throne of the Tsars
familiar to all students of the
modern Russian opera.

the
"
mammet
English history the familiar instances are of Scotland," whose claim to be Richard II was officially
In
recognised by our Scottish enemies,

representation of himself as Richard,
and
Perkin
of
Warbeck, whose
Duke
York, was widely acthere

I
cepted both
reason, far
in
his
own day and

in
II
since.
Now
was exceptional
for
more than
most of the analogous cases

escaped the
have mentioned,
believing that
Edward
and, though no notorious we can trace for the best

his fate
doom allotted to him at Berkeley, claimant to his name ever presented himself, part of a generation how the uncertainty of
as long as his enemies
still
moved men's minds and,

deliberate action based
to
ruled the
land,
how
on the
belief
in his survival, stirred
up men
deeds of daring and violence.

there
At
first
was
general scepticism as to Edward's
fate,
and we

can understand
this better,
97
for a
now we know
But
it
that
he actually did
also
time escape from his dungeon.

large
is
a remarkable thing that a
number
of wise
and
influential
people,
and
some
still
neither
alive.
wise nor
influential, profoundly believed that
Edward was
Among
Isabella
the latter
we may
into
safely class
half-brother
led
Edmund,
him
Earl of Kent,
several
whose
Edward's stupid and unpopular disgust of Mortimer and

attempts
against
their
half-hearted
administration.
sort
But the important thing is that so many of the better were impressed by the same rumour. Among these were the
Archbishop Melton of York, who had served him from youth up to the end Bishop Gravesend of London, quite a respectable many Dominican friars on whom the mantle of Thomas prelate
excellent
; ;
Dunhead had
and
future
;
fallen
some
representatives of the official class,
past
in-
magnates
who
belonged
to
the
;
court
following,
cluding Isabella's kinsman,

the realm
;
Hemy
Beaumont
Scottish enemies of
all,
new and
uncertain friends in France, and, strangest of
the strong and
masterful pope,
John XXII, one
of
the
greatest
lawyers
still
who
ever sat on the papal throne.
The Dunhead
tradition
lingered.
Thomas may have been

was
alive
dead, but one chronicler,

friar
Lanercost, believed that he
and was the preaching
who
convinced Kent of his brother's existence by conjuring up the devil to 1 Even his brother Stephen escaped from give testimony to that effect.
gaol and was hard at work up to 329. Unluckily we still have to move warily, for our chief information as to the development of this new phase of the sentiment of belief in Edward's remaining alive
1
comes from a confession
Kent, himself, whose stupidity credulity make him a poor witness, even though he tried to tell the truth. Besides this Mortimer got wind of Kent's suspicions, and
of
of
Edmund
and
used some of his followers as agents provocateurs to lure the silly earl to his ruin. It is hard to know from Kent's story which of the
officials
were bonafide
false
believers in
suborned to give
Edward's existence and which were But we may readily assume that testimony.
Maltravers, then steward of the household,
was
of
the latter class.
Anyhow Kent was

confession afforded
1
him no escape.
involved in a net of treason from which abject With his execution in March,
from Murimuth
devil-invoking
Lanercost
(p.
253),
(p. 265), who summarises Kent's confession identifies Thomas Dunhead with Kent's anonymous
friar.
98
1

Edward
Carnar-
330, the chief attempt to translate into action the belief that still lived came to an end.
Another reason
is
that suggests scepticism as to
Edward
of
the extreme tenderness with which the suspected murvon's murder derers were treated when in the Westminster Parliament of November,
1
330, Mortimer and his chief abettors were tried and condemned.
It
is
remarkable
how
small a place the death of
Edward
of
Carnarvon
It is true that Mortimer took in the charges brought against them. " was declared guilty, among other counts, of having caused the father " to be murdered, but there were many other hangof the lord king
ing matters brought
up
against him.
Of
those against
whom common
Edward,
fame, then or
later, brought direct charges of actually slaying
two
"
only, Sir
Thomas Gurney and William

traitorously
falsely
and
murdering the
flight.
Ogle, were convicted of king's father," but both of
these escaped their
doom by
to lately been obscure, but recently a bright ray of
Ogle's share in the crime has up new light has been
flashed
it. To this we shall soon recur. third culprit, Simon was executed, but on other counts than the Berkeley murder. Barford, fourth, Maltravers, was also condemned to death, but he, too, was
upon
arraigned on the very different charge of compassing the death of Edmund of Kent by persuading him that the old king was alive
when he knew
He, like Gurney and very well that he was dead. Thomas of Ogle, escaped his fate by a speedy flight beyond seas. was dealt with most tenderly of all. Brought before parliaBerkeley
to
ment
explain
how
to
it
happened
that
the lord
Edward
in
should
have been suffered
be murdered
in his castle
and
his custody,
he denied
his agents,
He had appointed Gurney and Ogle as confidence in them. At the time of the having complete murder he was lying sick at Bradley, miles away, and was too ill to
all responsibility.
have any memory

in
of
what had happened.

late
the present
parliament that the
Moreover, he only learnt king had been murdered.

in
Later a jury of knights appeared with
Thomas
open parliament,
as
if
and acquitted him

his
of the chief charges brought against him.
Some of Berkeley's statements are plainly untrue. It looks own household accounts disprove his absence from Berkeley
;
they
certainly
show he only
got to
It is
Edward's reputed death.
Bradley more than a week later than most improbable that he was so simple
as never to have heard that his captive
was supposed
to
have been

murdered,
until
99
nearly three years after the event
But parliament
in
accepted him
parliament to
ing
to
word, and ordered him to appear answer the sole charge which it regarded as
at his
his
the next
requir-
still
be met, namely,
responsibility
Gurney and Ogle by whom the king was committed to the custody of the steward of the household. In the next parliament the case was still postponed, but, on the petition
of the magnates, Berkeley
appointment of had been murdered. He

for
the
was
it
released from his bail.
The
business
dragged on
for nearly seven years.
Even when parliament pronounced

still
him
guiltless of
the murder,
referred to the king's

to
whether any
happening At last, on
culpability
was attached
him
for so horrible a
judgment deed
in his castle
1
and involving a victim entrusted

337,
to his charge.
6 March,
his
Edward
III
declared his complete acquittal.
Berkeley played
parliament,
successors.
part in
the Scotch and
French Wars,
sat
in
and handed on
his estates
and
dignities to a long line of
An
attempt to fasten the
guilt of
Edward's murder on William
Ogle was made somewhat
later
than the proceedings of the parliait
ment which had already condemned Ogle. Through Ogle hoped to attack the memory of Roger Mortimer himself and
active lieutenant
was
still
his
and agent, William Shalford, who, in 1327, had This rebeen acting on his behalf as justice of North Wales. markable effort has only recently become known and deserves, therefore, careful consideration
from
numerous Welsh enemies
of
was due to Mortimer and his agents

us.
It
the energy of the

.
These
partisans
took advantage of the establishment, after the fall of Mortimer and his henchman, of a fresh administration in Wales under the new
justice, Sir
John Wysham.
They
took to
this officer
a remarkable
Howel ap complaint against Shalford's action in September, 1327. Gruffydd, a Welsh gentleman of some position, who apparently held 1 a quasi-official position as the king's prosecutor, appeared before justice " Wysham, and formally appealed," that is accused, William Shalford of feloniously encompassing the death of Edward of Carnarvon, and
His story challenged him to trial by battle to prove the accusation. was that Shalford procured Edward's death by warning Mortimer, who at once took the hint, that it was only by slaying the ex-king
1
"
Qi
suyt pur nostre seignur le roi."
See
later in
appendix.
100

and
restore
that the danger of a successful plot to release
him could be
1
obviated.
old partisan of Mortimer and Isabella, seems to have been embarrassed by Howel's appeal and referred it to the king's
chancery.
Wysham, an
Thence
the case
was
what was later called was appointed for its

found sureties
for his
the court of
hearing.
by writ before the justices of King's Bench, and 8 April, 1331,

1
sent
The
appellant and the defender each
appearance, and the fact that

at their
many
of the leading
Gruffydd Llwyd, manucaptors," of Howel, shewed how strong was the local backing of the attack on Mortimer's agent. But nothing
acted as sureties, or
"
decisive
magnates
of
Gwynedd,
head the famous
Sir
came
of the
"
appeal
".
An illness,
putting in
contracted on his journey
to the court, prevented
Howel
his
appearance on the ap-
pointed day, or during the short period of grace following. Though he duly presented himself at subsequent hearings some time later, it was finally decided that his claim had been lost through his defeasance.
2
The
motive for
this
same policy
no concrete
after to
suit.
of hushing
judgment was not unlikely to have been that up scandals that had already so strongly in-
fluenced the action of the young king in this matter.

results.
But
it
led to
Ogle had already escaped, and
as he
seems soon
have died abroad, nothing was to be gained by pressing the After all, it was not only an attempt to bring a murderer to
justice
and
to exact reparation
from an oppressive governor.
It
was
emphatically a quarrel between the

lish
Welsh
dwellers in the garrison towns of 3 Shalford himself seems soon to have been restored to represented.
favour, for
Gwynedd and the EngNorth Wales, whom Shalford

of
4
we
find
him acting
as keeper of Mortimer's forfeited lands.
Thus once more
the welfare of the young king on the throne
was pre-
ferred to meticulous inquiry as to the circumstances of his father's death .
Of the three how it fared with

1
reputed murderers of
Edward
III,
we now know
Ogle.
Gurney and Maltravers,

of the
alike in their exile,
He
had been steward

lists
household
in
1328 and 1329.

Shalford respectively, / ^0-4, pp. 61,
t
a 3
C.P.R., 1330-4,
The two
of
"
P. 208.
manucaptors," for
this clearly.
Howel and
See
see later in appendix, 143.

4
show
also C./\/\.
Ibid., pp. 143, 323.
See
also C.C.R., rjjo-j, pp. 345, 350, 460,
461

had
one
in of
101
the
the
end curiously
three
In
different
fates.
Gurney was the only
lay hands.
1331
upon whom Edward III took any trouble to he was arrested by the king of Castile at the
instance of the English king,

receive the prisoner.
who
sent a
member
of his household
to
However, long delays ensued and Gurney took

effect
advantage of them to
his escape.
Next year the vengeance

by Edward
to bring
of
the English king ran him to earth at Naples, and this time he
safely delivered to a Yorkshire knight, sent
was
him
home.
The
route
taken
reached Bayonne
in safety.
was by way of Gascony, and Gurney There he broke down in health and died.
His keeper meticulously carried out his commission, for he embalmed the body and brought it by sea to England. There, perhaps, the punishment
on
allotted
to the
living
is
man may have been

that
gratuitously inflicted
his corpse.
This
possible explanation of
the story told by

at sea.
Murimuth and copied by Baker,

Maltravers lived
so useful to
he was beheaded
many
III
years in Flanders,
it
and soon proved himself

injudicious to
Edward
that
was thought
His
make any
him
later
serious attempt to
run him to earth.

in
wife,
who
lived comfortably
to visit
on her dower lands

from
time to time, at
England, was apparently allowed
first
under the pretext

1
of a pilgrimage
and
without any pretence in the matter.
Meanwhile Maltravers seems
to
have established himself in an influential position in Flanders,

finally
and
alliance of
did good work for England in cementing the Anglo- Flemish 340. Accordingly in 342 Agnes his wife was allowed
1 1
to stay with
him
in
Flanders for such time as she pleased, notwith-
standing his sentence of

of the
banishment from England.

in
But the crumbling

position in
Anglo-Flemish alliance
1345 made Maltravers'
Flanders precarious, and when in that year Edward III appeared in the port of Sluys to hold his last interview with Artevelde, who went
straight
from
it
to his death, Maltravers of his
own
will submitted to the
king and prayed that, as he had been condemned unheard, he might be The king declared that, being allowed to stand his trial in parliament.
anxious for
justice,
and recognising
that
England
in
Flanders he had
lost all his
by Maltravers' loyal service to goods there, and could not abide
there longer without great peril, he should receive a safe conduct to

1
travers to cross from

*
C.C.R., 1330-3, p. 584 (24 July, 1332), license to Agnes MalDover going on pilgrimage by the king's license. C.P.R.. I3W-3* P. 378 (15 February, 1342).
102
stand his

trial.
In
345, as a step towards the
restitution of his estates,
the king took them out of the jurisdiction of the exchequer and re1 In 1348 he sent Maltravers served them for the king's chamber. " " three towns of along with a leading merchant, as his envoy to the
Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres.
At
last in
1351 Maltravers'
restitution
was completed.
to the estate
The
king annulled his outlawry and restored him
he possessed before the judgment passed against him, and paid a handsome acknowledgment to his great services to the crown and to his resistance of the large offers made to him by the king's adversaries to
draw him from
his allegiance.
after over
Thus
the humbler brother-
in-law of
he was
Thomas now
Berkeley obtained, obtained after seven.
twenty years, the pardon

in parliament,
He once more sat
too old for fighting, so that
who would
though have him a com-
batant at Crecy and Poitiers confuse him with his son.
He
died at a
good old age in
364.
in
1
The
forget
tendency
330 and
33
had been
;
to
make
the humbler
instruments the scapegoat of the real criminals
but though a policy of
and
forgive
is
doubtless a noble one,

III
we
cannot help feeling that
does not shine the brighter by reason of his easy-going complaisance to his father's murderers. It was, I suspect, but another exemplification of the comfortable system of hushing up scandals,
the honour of
Edward
and it was reasonable enough
that, so long as the
old
Queen
Isabella
was
allowed to go free, it was unjust to inflict condign vengeance upon her Like his grandfather Edward I, Edward III probably thought agents.
that the wisest course
was
to
wash
his dirty linen in all privacy.
It
was, in
fact,
another aspect of the policy of silence that

H's fate in mystery.
visit
had so long
1366,
seeker
enveloped
Edward
So
late as in
restless
when
after Berkeley, John news inquired about Edward of Carnarvon's fate as if it were still " " what had happened to that I asked," wrote he, a moot question. An ancient esquire told me that he died within a year of coming king.
Froissart paid a
to
that
to
Thus died that king of Berkeley, for some one cut his life short. Let us not speak longer of him but turn to the queen England.
son."
and her
With
rest.
this
outpouring of worldly wisdom,
we may
leave the matter at
Despite
1
all
contrary evidence, the tradition that
Edward escaped
*
C.C.R., 1346-9,
p.
89 (10
July, 1346).
Fcedera,
iii.
162.
103
from Berkeley took a long time to vanish, and a discovery of some forty that letter of John Walwayn, must years ago, confirming as it does
There is preserved at Montpellier, not be passed over in silence. the records of the ancient bishopric of Maguelonne, a most reamong
1
markable
in
letter written to
Edward HI by
a Genoese
priest,
beneficed
England.
In this the writer informs the king that
he had heard
in confession that
of the
Edward II was still alive and, with absolute contempt canon imposing secrecy on confessors, he felt it right to acquaint He goes on to give an entirely the king with the circumstances. accurate and circumstantial account of the misfortunes of the fallen
monarch up
to his imprisonment at
Berkeley.
Whether
the rest of
the story
is
equally precise
is
another matter.
of
At
Berkeley, the tale
proceeds, a servant told
Edward
come
and
Simon
Barford had
to
Carnarvon that Thomas Gurney the castle to slay him, and

he might
effect
offered to lend
him
his clothes that
his escape,
dis-
guised as the servant.
Edward
accepted the proposal, slew the sleep-
ing porter, stole his keys, and obtained his freedom.

associate,
fearful
Gurney and
of
his
of
the queen's
indignation
at
the escape
her
enemy, pretended that the body of the porter was that of her husband, and it was the porter's body which was buried at Gloucester
and the
porter's heart that
was
sent in a casket to the queen.
The
fugitive then found a refuge at Corfe until, after the failure of the He first fled earl of Kent, he found it prudent to leave the country.
to Ireland, but afterwards

all
made his way through England and traversed At Avignon he had an France from Flanders to Languedoc. Then followed interview with John XXII who received him kindly.
in various hermit cells in
at the time of the writing
more wanderings and an ultimate settlement Italy, where, apparently, he was still residing
of the letter.
It is
none
ally
of those
a remarkable document, so specious and detailed, and bearing marks by which the gross mediaeval forgery can gener-
be detected.
Yet who can
believe
it
true ?
Who
shall
decide
how
it
arose ?
Was
?
confession of a
madman
Was it the real simply a fairy tale ? Was it a cunning effort of some French
it
Or was it an intelligent enemies to discredit the conqueror of Crecy ? from a famous king whose beginnings attempt to exact hush money
1
It is
printed, with comments, in Stubbs' Chronicles

ii.,
of Edward I
and
Edward
//, Introduction to vol.
pp.
ciii-cviii.
104

his father's
had been based upon
murder and
his
mother's adultery
One
thing only
is
clear
and
that
is
that the political suppression of the
truth never pays in the long run
and
invariably piles
up
difficulties in
the path of those Luckily, both for
who would evade
their troubles
the age
Edward III, and for those who was not over squeamish, and there is no
all
by such easy means. did Edward II to death,

reason for believing the attempts to prove
that they were ever a penny the worse from
that the
It is
dead were
alive.
clear that to the plain
man
the
of
tomb
at Gloucester
was
of
be-
lieved to contain all that
was mortal
the unhappy
Edward
row
Car-
narvon.
Feasting with
of his visits to
effigies
Abbot Thoky in Gloucester, Edward II had

his portrait
the aula abbatis on one

noticed the
of royal
adorning the walls of the abbot's noble hall.

his host
He
smilingly
asked
whether
would not
in
due course be added
to them.
placed in
occupied.
he hoped the king would be ultimately a more distinguished place than that which his predecessors Herein the Gloucester chronicler, who tells the story,
that as a true prophet, for the burial place of the victim of
Thoky answered
claimed
Thoky
Berkeley, on the north side of the high altar of the abbey choir, was soon distinguished by one of the rarest triumphs of fourteenth century
craftsmanship, and
was
resorted to as to a place of pilgrimage

St.
by such
a crowd of devotees that the church of

state of
Peter attained a higher

it
prosperity and
distinction than ever

it
had had
before.
No
suffi-
great church could feel content unless
had a
saint of its
If
own,
ciently popular to attract the concourse of the faithful.
not a formally
canonised
The who
life
then a reputed saint or martyr would serve at a pinch. had acquired the habit of idealising any public character English died of violence as the personification of some principle which it
saint,
revered.
Thus
St.
Thomas
of Canterbury,
of
who
really laid
down
his
all
to vindicate the
supremacy
Canterbury over York, was,
over Europe, worshipped as a martyr for the liberties of holy church. The age of the Edwards preferred a saint who had some touch of
and the generation which wished to canonise the quarrelsome Archbishop Winchelsea and the disreputable Thomas of Lancaster, gave the informal honours of sanctity to the king who had
politics in
him,
atoned for the weakness of his

It
life
by the tragedy
of his end.
was
for a time a matter
of dispute, as in the case of
Thomas
of
Lancaster, whether
Edward was
a saint or not.
Many people said
that
105
he died a martyr and did many miracles. But, a cautious chronicler warns us that imprisonment and an opprobrious death make no man a
martyr
love of
zeal.
if
his
it
holiness of
life
correspond not to his fame.
But the
crowd had
over the sceptics,

to
who saw
in the visits to the shrine the
go gadding about rather than the impulse of holy Almost at once king But the doubters were soon silenced.
of
women
Edward's tomb became a place

the
pious pilgrimage.
Before
1337
swarm
of pilgrims
was such
that the
town
of Gloucester could
hardly lodge the multitude that thronged to the martyr's shrine from
all
parts of England.
The
material results of this flow of pilgrims

in the fabric of the
was soon seen
in the
changes wrought
house of
St. Peter's at Gloucester.
At
that
first
their offerings
enabled Abbot
pletely rebuild, from foundations to

is,
Wigmore (1329-37) to com" aisle of St. Andrew," roof, the

This was but the
first
the south transept of his church.
step
in a long process.
Before his death in
1337 Abbot Wigmore had

in the transepts
made
substantial progress
towards the reconstruction of the eastern
half of the
abbey church which resulted
and
choir,
being faced with a romanesque though " perpendicasing of masonry erected in the fashion of building called The mediaeval architect was no archaeologist, but the cular".
retaining their ancient
core,
Gloucester work solved cheaply and effectively the problem how a Norman structure might, without the expense of rebuilding, be converted into the semblance of an up-to-date
modern church.
The
prob-
lem was a general one, and there
is
no wonder
that the solution
begun in the south transept of Gloucester Abbey was imitated far " " and wide. Thus the perpendicular style of building was taken from
its
first
home
of Gloucester
7
and was adapted and popularised by

operations at Winchester
Edington and
W ykeham in their grandiose

It
and elsewhere.
needs resulting which flowed from
should, however, be clearly remembered that the from the cult of Edward of Carnarvon, and the affluence
this, first
started the
its
new
style.
This
fact alone
1
would
give Gloucester a place of
own
in architectural history.
III,
Among
Joan
1
the pilgrims to Gloucester

his wife
came Edward
his son the
Black Prince,
of Scotland.
Philippa of Hainault, and his sister Queen Their lavish offerings increased the luxury of the
in
See for this R. Willis
Arckaological Journal,
xvii.
335-42
(1
860).
106

"
equipment of the minster and found its finest expression in the famous l tomb with its delicate tabernacle work and its striking effigy of the
and sumptuous
right goodly 2 central tower, the exceedingly fair beginnings of the rebuilding of the western part of the nave, all testified that the succeeding generations of Gloucester monks still had the
beautiful but
weak
"
face of the
murdered
king.
The
cloisters,
the
"
"
means and the

church and
period.
taste
to
carry
further
the reconstruction
of
their
cloister after the best fashions of
But the
for long,
cult
of
Edward
is little
of
the "perpendicular" Carnarvon was too artificial to

it
endure
and there
this
evidence that
survived the fifteenth
and so many other popular canonisations failed to century. establish themselves is one of the minor obligations we owe to the
papacy, whose rigid method of inquiry into the claims of candidates for saintship did so much to uphold the gravity of mediaeval worship
That
amidst the flood of superstition and credulity that threatened to over-
whelm
1
it.
For the tomb, see Archaeological Journal, xvil 297-319 (1860). quote the words of Leland, Itinerary, ii. 61.
APPENDIX
AM
indebted to Mr.
A WELSH CONSPIRACY TO RELEASE EDWARD

I
II.
Edward Owen, whose flair for finding out new Welsh history is well known, for the opportunity of studypoints ing the record of the appeal of Howel ap Gruffydd against William of Shalford This is not quite a new discovery, for compassing the death of Edward II.
of mediaeval
l
for the late Mr. T. G. Williams has already published a short paper on the matter in the Cardiff Nationalist, Vol. III., No. 28, pp. 26-30 Quly, 1909). Mr. Williams, however, only knew the story from the Floyd transcripts, now
in the National Library of
Wales, and
in
his interesting
comments are
its
vitiated
setting.
by
his not
being quite
a position to put the incident in

to
partially historical
of
Mr. Edward Owen,

article,
whom
also
owe my knowledge
Mr.
found the record referred to in the Coram Rege Rolls, and made a transcript of it, which he has most kindly allowed me to use for " my paper, and print here. I have "extended to the best of my ability Mr. Owen's transcript, and have compared it with the original manuscript roll. There must, however, always have been some doubt as to the extenIn particular Welsh personal and place-names sion of proper names. open up an abundant source of error, because they were often written out by scribes ignorant and incurious of Welsh. If this be the case sometimes with documents emanating from the chanceries at Carnarvon and Carmarthen, it must be still more the case with a record of the justices coram rege whose clerks are not likely to have had either knowledge or interest in the matter. How much truth there was in Howel's story must remain an open question.
Williams*
%
of Shalford, king's clerk, was a minor member of the bureaudevoted a long career to the royal service in Wales. His activity extended from before 1301 to at least 1337, when he received a grant of lands because he had been employed under Edward I and Edward
William
cracy
who
in repressing sedition and putting down rebels in North Wales (C.P.R., I334--$> P- 399. He was constable of the castles, and therefore mayor of the towns, of Carnarvon and Criccieth, and lieutenant of Mortimer as justice
II
North Wales. Changing his allegiance with each change of government, he was royalist up to 1326, a partisan of Mortimer from 1326-30 and finally became in May, 1331, keeper of Mortimer's forfeited lands in Wales, and in high favour with such personal adherents of Edward III as
of
William Montagu, Earl
of Salisbury.
generation but the same clan,
In 339 he, or a namesake of another was appointed baron and remembrancer of the
1
Our text exchequer of North Wales at Carnarvon (#., 1338-4.0, p. 322). shows that he was a burgess of Carnarvon, in which town he naturally mainly resided.
107
108
But
that there

was some conspiracy in Gwyndod is proved by the wholemade about October, 1327, at Carnarvon of men like Gruffydd
himself,
sale arrests
1
Llwyd and Howel

1331.
who were prominent
in the proceedings
of
side light thrown by the record on the circumstances Carnarvon's death, the document suggests some important subjects of discussion in relation to general Welsh history. I cannot deal with these on this occasion, but I hope some one will be found who is The most striking is the interesting problem of willing to work them up.
Apart from the new
preceding
Edward
of
2 the jurisdiction of the English court in what was substantially a Welsh cause. This point was apparently raised at some of the hearings, but the decision
main issue. Jurisdiction was claimed Berkeley happened in England, but no opinion was expressed either for or against the doctrine that suits from Carnarvon ought not to be brought coram rege by way of appeal. As " the
carefully
evaded an opinion as because what had happened

"
to the
in
Principality
rege
was at the moment in the king's hands, and the justices coram were supposed to be the mere mouthpieces of the king's personal
judgments, it is difficult to see how a decision adverse to their jurisdiction could be compatible with feudal or monarchical tradition. But the strongly claim of Howel that, as a foreigner, he was not amenable to Engexpressed lish courts, is worth noting, if only as an assertion of the nationalist point of
view.
This is the more remarkable because of Howel's connections with Gruffydd Llwyd and the Welsh official class, whose whole-hearted adherence to their English princes is one of the most remarkable features of early
fourteenth century Welsh history. Moreover, as Mr. J. G. Edwards has pointed out to me, Howel is probably the same person as the Howel ap
who represented Anglesea in the parliament of 327 on one of the two occasions before Henry VIII when Welsh members were summoned.
Gruffydd
1
RECORD OF THE APPEAL OF HOWEL AP GRUFFYDD AGAINST

WILLIAM OF SHALFORD.
[From Coram Rege
Rolls, 5 Edw. Ill, Trinity Term, No. 285, 3 corone, M. 9 (towards the end).]
P Licit a
ADHUC DE TERMING SANCTE

WALLIA. Dominus
hec verba
1
TRINITATIS.
rex mandauit justiciario suo Northwallie breue suum in Edwardus Dei gratia rex Anglic, dominus Hibernie et dominus
p.
1
C.C.R., 1327-30,
82.
XXXV,
claims
:{
exemption from the jurisdiction of "the ordinary " courts was raised in 1310 on behalf of the of Chester. English " palatinate See Miss M. Tout's note on "Comitatus Palacii in English Hist. 418-19 (1920). Both in Cheshire and in the Principality these
similar claim to
/
"
They were
released on bail on
26 October.
were made
at
a time
when
the
two great franchises
in question
were
in the king's hands. ln Chancery Miscellanea,
the writ in this case.
names.
It
Bundle 87, File I, No. 21, is a fragment of has supplied some useful corrections of proper should be noted that the proceedings coram rege were at Lincoln.
It

Aquitanie, justiciario
109
Cum Howelus
suo Northwallie vel eius locum tenenti salutem. ap Grimdd appellet coram vobis Willelmum de Shaldeford de
quibusdam sedicionibus, confederacionibus et excessibus, tarn contra dominum Edwardum quondam regem Anglic, ipatrem nostrum, quam contra nos factis, ac appellum illud alibi quam coram nobis terminari non possit, vobis manda-
mus
firmiter
iniungentes
quod appellum predictum cum attachiamentis
et
omnibus adminiculis appellum
illud tangentibus nobis sub sigillo vestro distincte et aperte sine dilacione mittatis, et hoc breue, ut ulterius in hac parte Teste quod iustum fuerit fieri faciamus. ipso, apud Eltham, xxviij die
me
March, anno regm
nostri quinto.
Pretextu cuius breuis predictus justiciarius misit coram domino rege in cancellaria sua appellum predictum in hec verba. Howel ap Griff ud, qe cy est, qe suyt pur nostre seignur le roi qore
appele Willame de Shaldeforde, qe illeoqes est, du consail et de compassement de la mort sire Edward, piere nostre seignur le roi qore est, Et pur qe Dieu garde, felonousement et traiterousement occis et murdretz. ceo du consail et cumpassement qe le lundy procheyn apres la feste de la
est,
Dame, Ian du regne nostre seignur le roi Edward qore est, 2 Dieu gard, premer,' a Rosfeyre en Anglesea, 3 mesme celuy Willame qe ordeina et fist une lettre, et la maunda a sire Rogier de Mortymer a Bergeueny, en la quele lettre fust contenuz qe sire Rees ap Griffud 4 et autres de sa
Natiuite nostre
coueigne assemblerent poer en Southgales et en Northgales, par assent dascuns des grantz de la terre Dengleterre, pur forciblement deliuerer le dit sire
chastiel
Edward, piere nostre dit seignur le roi, qe adunqes fust detenuz en le de Bercleye et luy fist entendre par sa dite lettre qe si le dit sire
;
Edward
le dit
fust deliures
en ascune manere, qe
le dit
sire
Rogier
et touz les
Sur quoi Willame, trayterousement come traytour, par la dite lettre conseilla le dit sire Rogier qil ordinast tiel remedie endroit des choses susdites qe le dit sire Rees ne nul autre Dengleterre ne de Gales aueroient matere de Sur quey le dit sire Rogier monstra la dite penser de sa deliueraunce.
2 28 March, 1331. Monday, 4 September, 1327. Rhosfair, Mr. J. G. Edwards tells me, was the chief vill in the Anglesea cwmwd of Menai, a residence of Llewelyn the Great, and the site
1
seons morreient de male mort, ou serroient destrutz a remenaunt.
borough of Newborough. Rhys ap Gruffydd was a magnate of West Wales, king's yeoman under Edward II and often employed as arrayer of troops from South Wales, lieutenant of the justice of South Wales and keeper of Dynevor and other castles and lands in that district. He was faithful to Edward II to the end (Fadera II, 647) Subsequently pardoned and knighted, he led the revolt of 1327 in South Wales. In February, 1328, he was again pardoned (C.P.R., 1327-30, pp. 238, 242, 256). His offences included disobedience to royal orders, adhering to the Scots and departure from the realm. C.P.R
English
4
,
,
of the later
"
"
ij2f-2{,
West
He stood to 398, throws light upon his family connections. Wales almost in the relation in which Gruffydd Llwyd stood to
p.
North Wales.
10

Willame Docleye,
le dit sire
1
lettre a
et lui
comaunda de porter
;
la dite lettre
a Bercleye
a ceux qauoient
Edward en garde
de
part lui qils soient consaillaunt sur les et qils feisseit hastiue remedie pur greindre peril eschuer.
le dit
chargea qe pointz contenuz deinz
et lui
les
chargeast
lettre
la dite
Le
quel Willame
Docleye enprist la charge, et fist le comandement le dit Willame Docleye et les autres qauoient le dit
sire
sire
Rogier.
Sur quoi
Edward en gard
trayterousement oscirent et murdrirent le dite sire Edward, pier nostre Cel conseil et compassement seignur le roi, en destruction du saunc real.
Willame de Shaldeforde, trayterousement come traitour, encountre sa de real sane nostre dit seignour le roi, par le quel consaill et compassement le dit sire Edward, piere nostre dit seignur le roi, fu trayterousment oscis et murdretz. Et si le dit Willame de Shaldeford le veot dedire, le dit Howel, come liges homme nostre dit seignur le roi, est prest a prouer le, sur lui par son corps, come sur le traitour nostre dit Et a ceo faire le dit Howel ad done son gage en la mayn seignur le roi. monsire Johan de Wysham, justice nostre seignur le roi en Northgales, a e Beaumaroys, le viij jour de mars, et ad troue xij plegges de suyr cest 2 appel, cest asauoir sire Grifhid Thl[oyd], Gronou ap Tuder, et autres.
fist le
dit
ligeaunce, en destruction
Misit eciam predictus justiciarius cancellarie regis predicti manucapPateat uniuersis per presentes quod tionem predicti Howelli in hec verba nos, Griffinus ap Rees, Gronou ap Tuder, loreward ap Griffid, Willyam ap Griffid, Dauid ap Gwyn, Griffid ap Edeneued, Tuder ap Dauid, leuan ap
Edeneued, Lewelin ap Adam, Cadugan ap Rees, Adam Gough ap Adam, loreward ap Eignoun ap loreward, Tegwered ap leuan, loreward Gough ap Howel, Eignon ap Adam ap Mereduk, loreward ap Dauid, leuan ap Keneuth," loreward ap Maddok Thloit, accepimus in ballium die confeccionis presentium de domino Johanne de Wysham, justiciario Northwallie, corpus Howelli ap Griffud ap loreward in castro de Kaernaruan incarcerati, videlicet unusquisque nostrum, corpus pro corpore, sub omni eo quod erga dominum regem forisfacere poterimus, ad habendum corpus suum coram domino rege apud Westmonasterium, xviij die Aprilis proxime future, ad prosequendum appellum suum versus Willelmum de Shaldeford de morte domini Edwardi regis Anglic, patris domini regis mine, unde cum appellauit, et ad faciendum super premissis id quod dominus rex et consilium eius
ordinauerint.
In cuius rei testimonium presentibus sigilla nostra apposuimus.
This person
is
generally called
I
Ogle
in
modern books and sometimes
in the sources.
suspect that William of Ockley was his real name. This text explains for the first time why he was charged with Edward's
But
murder.
a
Gruffydd ap Rhys and Gruffydd Llwyd
are, as
Mr.
1
J.
G. Edwards has
1
Mr. Edwards points out to conclusively shown, one and the same person. me that the fact that Gruffydd Llwyd was at large in 33 tends towards confirming his conjecture as to the date of Gruffydd's second imprisonment.
For
this see
3
"
English Hist. Rev., XXX, 596-98 (1915). " " " is probably the name Keneuth is the clear reading. Cynfrig
clerk.
meant by the

Datum apud Kaernaruan,
1
1 1
die Jovis proximo post diem dominicam in Ramis Palmarum, anno regni regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum quinto. Insuper misit idem justiciarius quandam aliam manucaptionem predict! Willelmi de Shaldeford in cancel laria predicta in hec verba Pateat uniuersis par presentes quod nos, Hugo de Hammton, senior, Rogerus de Acton, Johannes de Hamtton, Ricardus de Monte Gomeri, Philippus de Neuton,* Robertus de Helpeston, Johannes de Baddesleie, Henricus le Taillour, Johannes de Harleye, Radulphus de Neuport, Henricus de Euerdon, et Willelmus Lagheles, burgenses ville de Kaernaruan, Henricus Somer, Willelmus Adynet, Nicholaus de Saredon, Robertus le Porter, Willelmus Sturmy, Petrus de Ouerton, Johannes de Morton, Johannes del Wode et Rogerus de Wolashale, burgenses ville de Conewey, Thomas de Peulesdon, burgensis ville de Bala, Johannes le Colier et Walterus filius Dauid, burgenses ville de Hardelagh, accepimus in ballium die confeccionis presencium, de domino Johanni de Wysham, justiciario North Wallie, corpus Willelmi de Shaldeford, burgensis ville de Kaernaruan, in castro de Kaernaruan, eodem die incarcerati, ad prosecucionem cuiusdam appelli per Howelum ap Griffith ap loreward versus ipsum Willelmum facti, videlicet unusquisque nostrum, corpus pro corpore, et sub omni eo quod erga dominum regem forisfacere poterimus, ad habendum corpus, eius coram domino rege apud Westmonasterium, xviij ^ die Aprilis proxime future, ad faciendum super premissis quod idem dominus rex et eius consilium ordinauerint. In cuius rei testimonium presentibus sigilla nostra opposuimus. Datum apud Caernaruan die Veneris, xxij die Martii, anno regni regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum
quinto.
Quod quidem appellum vna cum manucapcionibus

misit a cancellaria sua justiciariis
suis
predictis dominus rex hie in hec verba Edwardus, Dei
gracia rex Anglic, dominus Hibernie et

suis,
Galfrido
le
Scrope
et sociis suis justiciariis
dux Aquitanie, dilectis et fidelibus ad placita coram nobis tenenda

sigilli
assignatis, salutem.
Mittimus vobis sub pede
Howelus ap
Griffith fecit
coram
justiciario nostro
nostri appellum quod Northwallie versus Willel-
mum
de Shaldeford de quibusdam sedicionibus, confederacionibus et exdominum Edwardum, quondam regem Anglic patrem nostrum, quam contra nos factis. Quod quidem appellum coram nobis in cancellaria nostra certis de causis venire fecimus, ut ulterius in hac parte fieri faciatis quod secundum legem et consuetudinem regni nostri fuerit facienda. Teste Johanne de Eltham, comite Cornubie, fratre nostro, custode regni nostri, apud Eltham, xviij die Aprilis anno regni nostri quinto. Ad quern xviij m diem Aprilis, scilicet anno regni domini regis nunc quinto, venit predictus Willelmus de Shaldeford per manucapcionem supradicEt pretam, et optulit se versus predictum Howel ap Griffith de appello suo. dictus Howell, eodem die et in crastino solempniter vocatus, non venit set Et allocutus de eo quod tercio die sequenti post predictum xviij m diem venit. non venit ad predictum xviij m diem coram rege, sicut mandatum fuit, prosequendus appellum suum predictum, dicit quod ipse in veniendo per viam apud Wigorniam versus curiam, hie infirmabatur per duos dies quod nullo modo
cessibus tarn contra
;
28 March, 1331.
112

etc.
potuit equitare,
curia,
1
Et hoc verificare prout nee ad diem predictum hie interesse. Et super hoc certis de causis datus est dies tarn predicto Howello quam predicto Willelmo coram rege a die sancti Trinitatis in xv Et predictus Howelus interim dimittitur per manudies, ubicumque, etc.
capcionem Griffith Ffloyt militis, Dauid ap Howel, Grone ap Yerwath, Lewelyn ap Griffuth, Griffyn ap Dauid, et Yerwarth ap Adam, omnes de Wallia, qui eum manuceperunt habendum coram domino rege ad prefatum terminum, videlicet corpus pro corpore, etc. Quod Willelmus de Shaldeford similiter dimittitur per manucapcionem Nicholai de Acton clerici, Johannis de OuerBenet de comitatu Somersete, ton, Johannis Stutmere de comitatu Salopie, Dionisii de Wathe de comitatu Lincolnie et Johannis de Housom de comitatu Eboraci, qui eum manuceperunt coram domino rege ad prefatum terminum
. .
ubicunque,
etc., videlicet
corpora pro corpore,

sancte Trinitatis,
1
etc.
anno regni domini regis nunc quinto, venerunt tarn predictus Howelus ap Griffith quam predictus Willelmus de Shaldeford [in] personis suis. Et predictus Willelmus de Shaldeford dicit quod predictus Howelus ap Griffith alias habuit diem, scilicet die Aprilis proximo preterrito, ad prosequendum appellum suum prexviij dictum coram domino rege hie, etc. Ad quern diem idem Howel licet [et et secundo die solempniter vocatus fuerit, non venit, appellum suum primo] Et ex quo appellatores quilibet parati esse predictum prosecuturus, etc. Et predictus Howel debeant, etc., petit iudicium de non secta sua, etc. dicit quod ipse est alienigena natus in principatu Wallie extra regnum Anglic, et licet ipse paratus sit appellum suum prosequi ubi et quando, etc., de appellis tamen seu de aliis placitis emergentibus infra principatum predictum, habet deduci per legem et consuetudinem eiusdem principatus, non per Et super hoc veniunt Griffyn ap Rees, Rees ap legem Anglicanam, etc. Dauid ap Howel, Seroun ap Yerewarth, Yereward Tue, Griffyn ap Griffyn,
Ad
quam quindenam
scilicet
Keghny,- et alii pro se et comunitate tocius principatus predicti et petunt quod de appello predicto quod infra principatum predictum emersit, cuius cognito infra eundem principatum habet deduci et non alibi, quod ipsi non
;
ponantur in placitum in curia hie contra legem et consuetudinem principatus Et super hoc quibusdam certis de causis datus est eis dies predicti, etc. coram domino rege a die sancti Michaelis in tres septimanas,^ uibicumque,
etc.,
Et predictus Howelus interim dimittitur quo nunc, etc. Griffini ap Rees, Rees ap Griffyn, Dauid ap Howel, per manucapcionem Seroun ap Herewarth, Yarward Tue, Griffyn ap Tuder, Dauid ap Rees, Griffyn ap Deuoueyt, Euwan ap Griffith, Dauid ap Kethin, Maddok ap Dauid, et Tuder ap Dauid, qui eum manuceperunt habendum coram domino rege ad prefatum diem, videlicet corpora pro corpore, etc. Et similiter predictus Willelmus de Shaldeford interim dimittitur per manucapcionem Howeli ap Maddok de Nanconewey, Johannis de Hamtone de comitatu de + Caernaruan, Johannis de Housum de comitatu Eboraci, Johanni? de Erewell de comitatu Angleseia, Johannis de Eccleshale de comitatu Staffordie,
statu
1
eodem
10 June, 1331.
4
The
-or Keghuy. reading in C/ianc. Mtsc.
20
is
"
(or 21) October, 1331

".
Eri'well

Ricardi Bagh de Cruk,
1
113
Ricardi de Wymesbury de comitatu Salopie, et Johannis de Ouerton de eodem comitatu, qui eum manuceperunt habendum coram domino rege ad prefatum terminum ubicumque, etc., videlicet corpora
'
veniunt tarn predictus Howelus ap Griffith quam Et inWillelmus de Shaldeford per manucaptores predictos. recordo predicto, compertum est in eodem quod alias in curia hie, specto scilicet ad predictum decimum octauum diem Aprilis, predictus Howelus, primo et secundo die exactus, non venit appellum predictum prosecuturus ubi secundum legem et consuetudinem regni Anglie considerari deberet, quod idem Howelus esset non prosecutus, si appellum illud esset acceptabile secundum legem et consuetudinem regni predicti. Et similiter compertum est in eodem, quod predictus Howelus, appellatus predictum Willelmum de quibusdam contentis in appello, que fieri deberent infra principatum Wallie
predictus
pro corpore, etc. Ad quern diem
de quibusdam que fieri deberent apud Berkele infra regnum Anglie, quod quidem appellum in curia regis hie secundum legem et consuetudinem regni Anglie ad finalem exitum deducendum sine die non potest in forma predicta,
et
per quod dictum est

1
eis
quod
eant inde sine die, etc.
Probably, but not certainly, Criccieth. The MS. reading is " habendi ".
APPENDIX
THERE
Marquis
II.
A POEM ATTRIBUTED TO EDWARD

has
of Bath,
II.
long lurked at Longleat a manuscript, the property of the which includes a French poem described as " De le roi
roi
Edward le fiz known to some
Edward
le
chanson qe
il
fist
mesmes
".
It
has been
extent by reason of a misleading Latin version in Fabyan's
Chronicle (p. 185), and has been shortly described in Hist. MSS. ComIt mission, Third Report, Ap., p. 1 80. purports to be written by the king in his captivity, and describes his emotions and sufferings with some sincerity
Prof. Studer of Oxford tells me that he had transcribed this from the Longleat manuscript and proposes shortly to publish it. The poem manuscript is, Prof. Studer thinks, not later than 1350, so that its definite The ascription of its authorship to the king has some measure of authority. question whether Edward wrote the poem can only be settled, if ever, when
and
feeling.
we have the text before us. Certainly, if Edward II ever took to literature, he would have written in French, and his love of minstrels, play-actors, and music may conceivably have driven him in the leisure of his imprisonment into verse. On the other hand he seems to me to have been unlikely to
It write anything. is, therefore, tempting to suggest that the poem is another part of the case for exciting sympathy with the dethroned king in
his misfortunes
and is likely, numerous and eager partisans to

while
I
therefore, to
be a conscious
effort
of his
effect his release, reinstatement or canonisa-
tion, rather
Meanthan an original outpouring of an illiterate sovereign. add that Prof. Studer, who, unlike myself, knows the poem at first hand, is impressed with the possibility of its having been composed by In any case he will be doing a real service to Edward of Carnarvon.
should
scholarship by printing so interesting a document. I must express my obligation to him for having discussed the matter with me and for affording me the
material on which this note
is
based.
RECENT TENDENCIES
BY
C. H.
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY.
M.A., LiTT.D.,
IN
HERFORD,
PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE MANCHESTER.
THE UNIVERSITY OF
its
WHEN
less
Matthew Arnold declared

its
that every age receives
best interpretation in
poetry, he
was making a remark
hardly conceivable before the century in which it was made. Poetry in the nineteenth century was, on the whole, more charged with meaning, more rooted in the stuff of humanity and the heart of nature,
or unconsciously
a mere province of belles-lettres, than ever before. Consciously it reflected the main currents in the mentality of
reflection
European man, and the

least conscious.
1.
was
often most clear

:
where
it
was
Two
of these
main currents are

of
The
vast
and steady enlargement
compass, the history, the potencies of Man, 2. The growth in our sense of the worth of every part of
ence.
our knowledge of the Nature, the World.

exist-
Certain aspects of these two processes are popularly known as the " advance of science," and But how far the growth of democracy".
"
"
"
science
reaches beyond the laboratory and the philosopher's study,
democracy" beyond political freedom and the ballot-box, is and not least the precisely what poetry compels us to understand
;
and
"
poetry of the last sixty years with which we are to-day concerned. then does the history of poetry in Europe during these sixty On the surface, years stand in relation to these underlying processes ?
How
at least,
it
hardly resembles growth at
all.
In France above
all
the
literary focus of
of poetry has been,
Europe, and its sensitive thermometer the movement on the surface, a succession of pronounced and
in reaction
even fanatical schools, each born

1
from
its
precursor,
and
This lecture has appeared, in a completer form, in Mr. F. S. Marvin's Recent Developments in European Thought (Clarendon Press, 1920).
"5
116

its
succumbing to the triumph of
successor.
Yet a deeper
scrutiny
will perceive that these warring artists were, in fact, groups of successive
discoverers,
of poetry,
who
each added something to the resources and the scope
the past
and also retained and silently adopted the discoveries of while the general line of advance is in the direction marked
currents
so
I
by
the
two main
of
reflect
have described.
clear
Nowhere
France.
else
is
the
succession
phases
sharp and
as in
But since
France does
more
sensitively than
any other country the move-
ment
of the
mind
of
Europe, and since her
own mind
has,
more than
that of
rest of
any other country, radiated ideas and fashions out over the Europe, these phases are in fact traceable also, with all kinds
of local
and national
I
variations,
in
Italy
and Spain, Germany and
England, and
propose to take this fact as the basis of our present
The three phases of the sixty very summary and diagrammatic view. are roughly divided by the years 1 880 and 900. years The first, most clearly seen in the French Parnassians, is in close,
1
if
unconscious, sympathy with the temper of science.
to the limit of expressive
power,
is
Poetry, brought used to express, with the utmost
veracity, precision,
and impersonal
It
self-suppression, the beauty
and the
tragedy of the world.

in the
of
example most familiar Matthew Arnold.
sought Hellenic lucidity and Hellenic calm " " sad lucidity to us, the Stoic calm and
The
second,
best
seen in the French Symbolists,

its
was
directly
hostile to science.
reality in the
But they repelled
confident analysis of material

it
ignored or denied, an immaterial world which they mystically apprehended, which eluded
of a part of reality
name
which
direct description, frustrated rhetoric,
the magical
suggestion
of
colour,
and was only to be come at by is most It music, and symbol.
familiar to us in the
"
Celtic" verse of Mr. Yeats and

us,
"A.
E.".
for final
The
third,
is
still
about
and too various and incomplete
definition, sympathy with science, but, in great part, only because science has itself found accommodation between nature and
in
closer
spirit,
first
new
ideality
born
of,
and growing out

art, in
of,
the real.
If
the
found Beauty, the end of
the
plastic repose of sculpture,
and the second

being, even in
in the mysterious
its
cadences of music, the poetry of the

life,
twentieth century finds

poetry, on
ideal in
in
the creative evolution of
the mere things, the

wills
which our shaping
"prosaic" pariahs of previous know it in are wreaked.
We
RECENT TENDENCIES
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
to our
117
poets unlike one another but yet
more
unlike their predecessors, from
D'Annunzio and Dehmel and Claudel

in the poetry of
Georgian experimenters
paradox and adventure.

I.
POETIC NATURALISM.
third quarter of the nineteenth century opened, in western with a decided set-back for those who lived on dreams, and Europe, The a corresponding complacency among those who throve on facts.
political
The
and
social revolution
which swept the continent

here,
in
1848
and 1849, and found ominous echoes

time,
was everywhere,
for the
defeated.
The
discoveries of science in the third
and fourth
decades, resting on calculation and experiment, were investing it with the formidable prestige which it has never since lost ; and both metaphysics
its
name.
and theology reeled perceptibly under the blows delivered in The world exhibition of 1851 seemed to announce an age
and
progress.
of settled prosperity, peace,
In literature the counterpart of these
phenomena was
the revolt
from Romanticism, a movement, in its origins, of poetic liberation and discovery, which had rejuvenated poetry in Germany and Italy, and
yet
more
signally in
England and
in
France, but
was now
petering
out in emotional incoherence, deified impulse, and irresponsible caprice. In poetry the French Parnassians created the most brilliant poetry
that has, since Milton,
been
built
upon erudition and impeccable
art.
Their leader, Leconte de

1
Lisle, in the preface of his
Po ernes Antiques
( 853), scornfully dismissed Romanticism as a second-hand, incoherent,
and hybrid
art,
compounded
stormy egoism. Sully shade of Alfred de Musset
of German mysticism, reverie, and Byron's Prudhomme addressed a sterner criticism to the
the Oscar
Wilde
of the later
Romantics
poetry
poets
who had
with
never
love
known
the stress of thought,
and had
;
filled his
light,
and laughter and voluptuous despairs

triflers,
the
new
were
to
be no such gay
but workers at a forge, beating the
Carducci, too, glowing metal into shape, and singing as they toiled. " " of Romanticism contrasts the cold and inderisively moonlight fructuous beams, proper for Gothic ruins and graveyards with the
benignant and
the poet
is
fertilizing
sunshine he sought to restore
for him, too,
no indolent
for ladies, but a
and no gardener to grow fragant flowers with muscles of steel. forge-worker Among us, as
caroller,
is less
usual, the divergence
sharply
marked
but
when Browning
calls
118
Byron a
"

flat fish,"
and Arnold
sees the poet of
Prometheus Unbound
the intense inane," they are expressing a appropriately pinnacled in kindred repugnance to a poetry wanting in intellectual substance and
in clear-cut form.
If
"
we
it
turn from the negations of the an ti- romantic revolt to consider
what
a
actually sought
and achieved
in
poetry,
we
find
that
its
posi-
tive ideals, too,
without being derived from science,
reflect the
temper
of
scientific time.
Thus
the supreme
gift of
all
the greater poets of
this
group was a superb vision of beauty, and of beauty pace Hogarth But their view of beauty was partly limited, there is no science.
and enriched, by the sources they discovered and the conditions they imposed, and both the discoveries and the limitations added something to the traditions and resources of poetry.
partly fertilized
In the
first
place, they exploited the aesthetic values to
be had by
knowledge.
dition,
They
and
pursued erudition
and
built their poetry
Augustans, but as Far more truly than Wordsworth's suggestion. this poetry could claim to be the impassioned expression which is in the for Wordsworth's knowledge is a mystic insight wholly face of science
not in the didactic
way
of the
upon erua mine of
poetic material
estranged from erudition
his celandine, his

Lisle,
White Doe, belong
to
no
fauna or
flora.
When
Leconte de
on the other hand, paints the
albatross of the southern sea or the condor of the
Andes, the eye
of a
passionate explorer
sublimity.
and observer has gone
to the
making
of their exotic
The
and
strange regions of humanity, too,
comparative religion
partiality
by and mythology, he explores with cosmopolitan im;
newly
in
disclosed
imaginative penetration
carving,
as
marble,
the
tragedy of Hjalmar's heart and Angentyr's sword, of Cain's doom, and
The Romantics Erinnyes never, like those of Aeschylus, appeased. but the East of Hugo's had loved to play with exotic suggestions
;
Orientates or Moore's Lalla
Rookh
is
merely a veneer
the poet of
Qain has heard

In the three
the wild asses cry
and seen the Syrian sun descend
into the golden foam.
commanding
poets of our English mis-century, learning
becomes no
less evidently
poetry's
Tennyson
felicities of
studies nature like
honoured and indispensable a naturalist, not like a mystic, and
ally.
finds
Man, were, upon delicate observation. too, in Browning, loses the vague aureole of Shelleyan humanity, and becomes the Italian of the Renascence or the Arab doctor or the Gerphrase poised, as
it
RECENT TENDENCIES
man
in
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
19
musician,
all alive
but in their habits as they lived, and fashioned

other,
a brain fed,
like
no
on the Book of the
histories of Souls.
Matthew Arnold more distinctively than either, and both for better and for worse, was the scholar- poet among other things he was, with
;
Heredia and Carducci, a master of the poetry of critical which focusses in a few lines (Sopkodes, Rahel, Heine,
portraiture,
Obermann
Once More)
the meaning of a great career or of a complex age.
Further, in the elaboration of their vision of beauty from these en-
larged sources, Leconte de Lisle and his followers demanded an im" " and a flawless artist are peccable artistry. great poet/* he said,
convertible terms."
that,
with
sufficient
Parnassian precision rested on the postulate resources of vocabulary and phrase, everything can
The
be adequately expressed, the analogue of the contemporary scientific conviction that, with sufficient resources of experiment and calculation, The pursuit of an objective everything can be exhaustively explained.
calm, the repudiation of missionary ardour, of personal emotion, of the
c
n dii
coeur, of individual originality, involved the surrender of some
of the glories of spontaneous song, but

artists
opened the way,
for
consummate
such as these, to a profusion of undiscovered beauty, and to a Leconte's temperapeculiar grandeur not to be attained by the egoist. ment leads him to subjects which are already instinct with tragedy, and
thus in his hands assume this grandeur without effort.
sheer style to ennoble
is
better seen in
" when he unfolds his ideas upon " Justice force of philosophic poetry " or Happiness," for instance, under the form of a debate where
The power of Prudhomme's tours de Sully
a rigorous
"
masterly resources of phrase and image are compelled to the service of " or in the brief cameo-like pieces on logic Memory,"
;
"
Habit,"
paralleled in
Forms," and
similar unpromising abstractions,
English by cameo comparison is still more aptly applied to the marvellouslychiselled sonnets of Heredia monuments of a moment, as sculpture
the
habitually
horizons,
is,
the quatrains of
Mr. William Watson.
most nearly But
but reaching out, as the

to the before
finest sculpture does, to invisible
and
and
after
the old
wooden guardian-god
Actium
recalling his
former career as a scarlet figure-head laughing at the
laughter or fury of the
waves
Antony
seeing the flying ships of
mirrored in the traitorous azure of Cleopatra's eyes. Finally, the Parnassian poetry, like most
contemporary science,
was
in varying
degrees detached from and hostile to religion, and
120

most vibrating notes in contemplating its empty Leconte de Lisle offers the Stoic the last mournful joy of
its
l
found some of
universe.
a heart seven-times steeped in the divine nothingness," or calls him " that city of silence, the sepulchre of the vanished gods, the human to heart, seat of dreams, where eternally ferments and perishes the illusory
universe
"
*V
Here,
too,
Leopardi had anticipated him.

only
all
The supreme
one
figure, not
among
those
who
share in the anti-
romantic reaction but
among
heyday
the European poets of his time,
was
who had
in the
of
youth led the Romantic
vanguardhis master,
Victor Hugo.
Leconte de Lisle never ceased to

1
own him
entered upon a phase and Hugo's genius had since his exile, in 85 in which a poetry such as the Parnassian sought objective, reticent,
1
,
impersonal, technically
consummate
was
at least
one of the
strings of
Three magnificent works the very crown his many-chorded lyre. and flower of Hugo's production belong to this decade, 1850-60 the Chat intents, Contemplations, and Le'gende des Siecles. \
said, advisedly,
Objective reticence is certainly " not the virtue of the terrible indictment of Napoleon the Little".
string in his lyre.
one
On
the other hand, the greatest qualities of Parnassian poetry were
exemplified in
many splendid pieces of the other two works, together with a large benignity which their austere Stoicism rarely permits, and 1 shall take an illustration of the finest achievement of poetry in this
whole
first
phase, the closing stanzas of his famous
Booz Endonni
in
the Le'gende,
whose beauty even

is
translation cannot
wholly disguise.
;
Our
decasyllabic
substituted
is
for the
always
exotic Alexandrine
otherwise the original metre

1
retained.
* La Paix dts Dieux. Midi. For this and the other verse-translations the writer
is
responsible.
While
thus he slumbered, Ruth, a Moabite, at the feet of Boaz, her breast bare, Lay Waiting, she knew not when, she knew not where,
The sudden
mystery of wakening
light.
Boaz knew not that there a woman lay, Nor Ruth what God desired of her could
tell
Fresh rose the perfume of the asphodel, And tender breathed the dusk on Galgala.
Nuptial, august, and solemn was the night, Angels no doubt were passing on the wing,
RECENT TENDENCIES
II.
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
121
DREAM AND SYMBOL.
" French symbolism towards the end of the seventies" was a symptom of a changed temper of thought and feeling traceable in some degree throughout civilized Europe. Roughly, it marked the
The
rise of
passing of the confident

into a
and rather
superficial security of the
"
"
fifties
vague unrest, a kind

bigger,
of troubled
awe.
As if
existence altogether
was a
more mysterious, and
intractable thing than
was assumed,
not so easily to be captured in the formulas of triumphant science, or
mirrored and analysed by the most consummate literary art. Of this changed outlook the growth of Symbolism is the most
significant literary expression.
It
was not confined

of
to
France, or to
poetry.
ulterior
We
know how
the
drama
Ibsen
became charged with
meanings as the fiery iconoclast passed into the poet of in-
soluble
and ineluctable doubt.
pursued as a creed, as a religion.
But by the French symbolists it was If the dominant poetry of the third
idealistic reactions
quarter of the century reflected the prestige of science, the dominant
poetry of the fourth reflected the

Villiers
against
it,
and
that
de Tile Adam,
its
founder,
"
came forward proclaiming

it
Science
was bankrupt
For
".
And
so
might well seem to him, the
now and
it
As
then there floated glimmering might be an azure plume in flight.
The low breathing of Boaz mingled there With the soft murmur of the mossy rills.
It
was
the
The
lilies
month when earth is debonnaire were in flower upon the hills.
Night compassed Boaz' slumber and Ruth's dreams, The sheep-bells vaguely tinkled far and near Infinite love breathed from the starry sphere 'Twas the still hour when lions seek the streams.
; ;
Ur and Jerimedeth were all at rest The stars enamelled the blue vault of sky Amid those flowers of darkness in the west The crescent shone and with half open eye.
;
Ruth wondered, moveless,
in
her veils concealed,

the day
What heavenly reaper, when And harvest gathered in, had

That golden
sickle
was
past
idly cast
on the
starry field.
122
as he did, a world of strange beauty and visionary mystic, inhabiting, The symbolists invisible mystery which science could not unlock.
philosophy but they were all aware of potencies in the world or in themselves which language cannot articulately " " facts which express, and which are yet more vitally real than the
had not
all
an
explicit
we
can grasp and handle, and the "respectable" people whom we Sometimes these potencies are vaguely can measure and reckon with.
mysterious, as impalpable spirit speaking only by hints and tokens sometimes they are felt as the pulsations of an intoxicating beauty, breaking forth in every flower, but which can only be possessed, not
;
described
sometimes they are moods of the
soul,
beyond
analysis,
and yet
full of
wonder and beauty,
visions half created, half perceived.

far as description
Experiences
like these
might have been described, as
would
Verlaine and go, by brilliant artificers like the Parnassians. Mallarme did not discover, but they applied with new daring, the
fact that
an experience
it,
may be communicated by words

it
which, instead
cadences, their
of
representing
their
rhythm,
colour, by verbal echoes and inchoate phrases.
suggest
their
their
All the traditional
artistry of
French poetic speech was condemned as both inadequate and insincere. Take eloquence and wring her neck Nothing but
' !
music and the nuance, "

futile
all
verbosity
that
Literature/ mere writingwas the famous watchword of Verlaine's the rest

is
creed.
The
strength of symbolism lay in this

Its
cerity of utterance.
revolt against science
demand was
for a
complete
sin-
at the
same time a
by shedding
vindication of truth, an effort to get nearer to reality both

off
the incrustations of habitual phrase and by calling into play the ob-
scure affinities
by which
it
can be magically evoked.
In the subtleties
real
of suggestion latent in sensations the symbolists
were
discoverers.
But the way had already been pointed

laire
:
in
famous verses by Baudemazes
Earth
is
a Temple, from
whose
pillared
Murmurs confused
Therein Man That contemplate him with familiar eyes.
of living utterance rise ; thro* a forest of symbols paces,
As
At
prolonged echoes, wandering on and on, one far tenebrous depth unite, Impalpable as darkness, and as light, Scents, sounds, and colours meet in unison.
last in
RECENT TENDENCIES
long
;
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
that
all
123
There Baudelaire had touched a chord

for
was
to
sound loud and
what
else
than
this
thought of
?
the senses meeting in union
inspired the music

ship, as
drama
of
Wagner
only one of his points of kin-
we
shall see,
with symbolism.
In the earlier poetry of
Maurice Maeterlinck, the inner

poet
sits
life
imposes
a more jealous sway.
The
is
it
not before a transforming mirror,
where the outer world

is
disguised, but in a closed chamber,
where
it
only dreamed
of,
and
fades into the incoherence

is
and the
in
its
irrelevance
of a dream.
But the chamber
of rare beauty,
and
hushed and
perfumed
twilight,
dramas
of the spirit are being
silently
and almost
imperceptibly enacted, more
tragic than the loud passion and violence of the stage. He has written an essay on Silence, silence that, like " " treasure holds for him a humility, beyond the reach of eloquence or
of pride
for
it is
the dwelling of our true
self,
the spiritual core of us,

the passions or of
"
more profound and more boundless than the

".
self of
pure reason
And
so there
is
less
matter for drama in
"
a captain
in
who
conquers in battle or a
in his
husband
who
avenges
his
honour than
an old man, seated
arm-chair waiting patiently with his lamp be-
laws that reign about his house, interpreting without comprehending, the silence of door and window, and the quivering voice of the light submitting with bent
side him, giving unconscious ear to all the eternal
;
head
It
to the presence of his soul

is
and
his destiny ".

its
on
this
side
that
symbolism discloses
kinship with the
Russian novel, with the mystic quietism of Tolstoy and the religion
of
and its sharp antagonism to the Dostoievsky Nietzschean gospel of daemonic will and ruthless self-assertion, just then
self-sacrifice
in
being preached in Germany.
The two
faiths
were both
alive
;
and
both responded to deep though diverse needs of the time immediate future, as we shall see, belonged to the second.
their
but the
They had
first resounding encounter when Nietzsche held up his once vener" " ated master Wagner to scorn as the chief of decadents because he
had turned from the superhuman heroism

loveliness of the
of Siegfried
and the boundless

and the
passion of Tristram to glorify the mystic Catholicism of the Grail
"
"
pure fool
Parzifal.
Outside France symbolism found eager response among young poets, but rather as a literary than as an ethical doctrine. In Germany,
Dehmel, the most powerful personality among her recent

as a disciple of Verlaine
;
poets,
began
in Italy,
D'Annunzio wove
esoteric
symbols
124

more than Nietzschean supermanliness
of
his
into the texture of the
supermen and superwomen. was the symbolism of what

land.
More
significant than these, however,
we
call the
Celtic school of poets in Iretheir
For here both
their
artistic
impressionism and
mystic
spirituality found a congenial soil. For that, the French had only the Fauns of a literary neo- classicism. The passion for France was yet indeed to find a voice in poetry.
But
this
was
reserved for the

I
more trumpet- tongued tones

turn.
of the con-
temporary phase to which

"
III.
now
CREATIVE EVOLUTION."
Philosophic Analogies.
the incipient twentieth century than
I.
Nothing
or hostile.
eccentric
is
more symptomatic of
the drawing together of currents of thoughts
and
action before remote
The
Parnassians were an exclusive

;
sect,
the symbolists an
and
often disreputable coterie
Claudel, D'Annunzio,
Rud-
yard Kipling,
national idols,
speak home
to
throngs of
everyday readers, are even
out the least
and our Georgians contrive to be bought and read withsurrender of what is most poetic in their poetry. And
the analogies between philosophic thinking

peculiarly striking.
son,
and poetic
aware
creation
become
Merely and Benedetto Croce is
to
name
Friedrich Nietzsche, Henri Bergvividly

of these analogies
to
become
and
with
of the
common
bent from which they spring.

or iron logic,
All three
whether
use their
brilliant
rhetoric,
or a blend of both
thinking
power
to deride the theorizing intelligence in comparison with
the creative intuition which culminates in poetry.
To
define the scope
and province
/Esthetics,
of this intuition
is
the purport of Croce's epoch-making

of
his
the basis
and
starting-point
illuminating work,
in
Bergson is the dominant French thinkers possessed with the conviction that streaming forth of a creative energy, cannot be caught
Critica, as a literary critic.
of law,
figure in a line of
life,
a perpetual
in the
mechanism
adapted merely physical phenomena, which at best merely the ingives us generalizations and lets the all-important particulars dividual living thing whereas intuition the meshes slip through
to
;
the eye fixed on the object penetrates to the very heart of this individual living thing, and only drops out the skeleton framework of abstract
laws.
Philosophy, in these thinkers,
was deeply imbued with
RECENT TENDENCIES
especially beauty in the
of the
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
"
Beauty," said Ravaisson,
125
"
the analogies of artistic creation.
and
world
".
And
most divine and perfect form, contains the secret Bergson's Creative Evolution embodied a con-
ception of life
poetic temper
and
of the
world profoundly congenial to the
artistic
and
of his time.
The
thought to the inner
idea that aesthetic experience gives a profounder clue in logical It was meaning of things was as old as Plato.
;
one of the crowning thoughts of Kant

physics
of
it
Schelling.
in his
And
Nietzsche
deeply coloured the metadeveloped it with brilliant

scorn-
audacity
fully
when
Birth of Tragedy (1872) he contrasted
with the laboured and ineffectual constructions of the theoretic

of Socrates, the
founder of philosophy, the radiant vision " His book gave the lie to a thousand years of orderly development," wrote the great Hellenist,
man, even
of the artist, the lucid clarity of Apollo.
Wilamowitz, Nietzsche's old schoolfellow, indignant at his rejection of But it affirmed energetically the the labours of scholastic reason. of his own time for immediate and first-hand experience. passion
And
Dionysus
;
it
did more.
Beside and above Apollo,

it,
Nietzsche put
beside vision and above
rage.
Of
the union of these
two Tragedy was born.
And
Nietzsche's glorification of this elemental
creative force also responded to a

chiefly
German.
wider movement in philosophy, here His Dionysiac rage is directly derived from that
which Schopenhauer saw the master faculty of man and the and the beginning of Schopenhauer's hidden secret of the universe
will in
;
fame, about 1850, coincides with a general rehabilitation of will as the dominant faculty in the soul and in the world, at the cost of the
methodic orderly processes of understanding. Nietsche and Bergson thus, with all their obvious and immense
divergences, concurred in this respect, important from our present point
of
view, that their influence tended to transfer authority from the " " elements of mind which reach irrational philosophic reason to those
their highest intensity in the vision
and "rage"
of the poet.
2.
The
New
Freedom.
reader of the poetry of our time can mistake the kinship of its prevailing temper with that which lies at the root of these philosophies.
No
Without
trying to
fit its
infinite variety to
any
finite
formula,
in
we may
yet venture to find
it
in,
as
Mr. McDowall has found
our Georgian
126
poetry in particular, a characteristic union of grip and detachment ; of intense and eager grasp upon actuality as it breaks upon us in the
successive
moments
a refusal
of the stream of time,
ence of
tacit
it,
assumption that secrated, must come before the bar of this
and yet an inner independto be obsessed by its sanctions and authorities, a everything, by whatever length of tradition con-
new
century to be judged
it is
every generation the philistines or Victorians in possession have had occasion The difference in our time is rather that instead to make that remark.
of having to of
by Hilda
its
new mind.
in
'
Youth
is
knocking
at the door," as
said of
the symbolical
Master Builder^ and
doubtless in
work slowly up
to a final
dominance
against the inertia
literary household, it has spontaneously, like Hilda taken possession of the home, finding criticism boundlessly Wrangel,
an established
eulogistic,
the public inexhaustibly responsive,
and philosophy
in
is
interits its
preting the universe, as
we
its
have seen, precisely
sympathy with
writing
own
it
naive intuitions.
No
wonder
that youth at twenty
autobiography or having
biography written,
the pen, like
life
and
"
that at twenty- five
makes a show
one
of laying
down
Max
:
gesture of
rising sated from the feast of
shall write
in
Beerbohm, with the no more ".

the world explains
The
old.
fact that
youth finds
itself
thus at
home
the difference in temper
The
between the new poets of freedom and the wild or wistful cry of Shelley for an ideal state emancipated
from pain and death is as remote from their poetry as his spiritual they can dream and see visions, in Scott's anarchy from their politics
;
"
phrase,
like
of actuality
their poetry
any one going," but their feet are on the solid ground and citizenship, and the actuality comes into and colours
no
less
than their vision.
When
Mr. Drinkwater looks
out of "his town

far-off
window" he dreams of the crocus flaming gold in Warwick woods but he does not repudiate the drab inglorious
;
street
nor the tramway ringing and moaning over the cobbles, and
they
come
into
his
verse.
And
find
it
significant of
the whole
temper of the
new poetry to ordinary life no less than that of ordinary men and women to the new poetry, that he has won a singularly
intimate relationship with a great industrial community.
He
has not
fared like his carver in stone.
But then the eagles

eagle's valour
of his carving,
though capable of
rising, like Shelley's, to the sun,
are the Cromwells
and Lincolns who themselves brought the eye into the stress and turmoil of affairs.
and undimmed
RECENT TENDENCIES
No
some
doubt a
fiercer
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
may be heard
is
127
note of revolt
at times in the
poetry of
contemporary France, and

of
that precisely
where devotion
"
to
parts
the heritage of the past
most impassioned.
The
old
iconoclastic scorn of youth's idealism for the effeteness of the
hunkers," as
Whitman
called them, has rarely rung out
more sharply
ode.
than
the yet
in the closing stanzas of Claudel's great
Palm Sunday
is
All
pomp and
is
splendour of bishops and cardinals

;
idle
:
while victory
in suspense
that must
be
won by
youth
in
arms
the candles and the dais and the bishop with his clergy coped and gold embossed, But to-day the shout like thunder of an equal, unofficered host Who, led and kindled by the flag alone, With one sole spirit swollen, and on one sole thought intent, Are become one cry like the crash of walls shattered and gates rent " " Hosanna unto David's Son
To-morrow
Needless the haughty steeds marble sculptured, or triumphal arches, or

chariots
and
four,
Needless the
and
For
to
flags and the caparisons, the cars that thunder and roar,
moving pyramids and towers,

Christ
;
'Tis but an ass
whereon
sits
make an end of To get home to reality
the nightmare built by the pedants and the pharisees, across the gulf of mendacities,
she-ass
The
first
He
saw
sufficed
Eternal youth is master, the hideous gang of old men is done with, Stand here like children, fanned by the breath of the things to be,
we
But Victory we will have to-day ! Afterwards the corn that like gold gives return, afterwards the gold that
like
corn
is faithful
and
will bear,
The
fruit
we
have henceforth only to gather, the land
we
have henceforth
only to share,
But Victory
In the
we
will
have to-day
like
same
spirit
Charles Peguy
Claude!, be
it
noted, a
student of Bergson at the Ecole

story of the
Normale
found
his ideal in the great
young girl of Domremy who saved France when all the and wisdom of generals had broken down. And in our own pomp poetry has not Mr. Bottomley re- written the Lear story, with the focus
of
power and
interest
transferred from the old
king
left
with not an
inch of king in him
to a glorious young Artemis-Goneril ? But among our English Georgians this tense iconoclastic note is rare. Their detachment from what they repudiate is not fanatical or
128
ascetic
their
:

it
is
conveyed
less
in invective
temper is not that which flies to camel hair, but of mariners putting out to the unknown and bidding a The temper of adventure is not unfriendly good-bye at the shore.
the very word deeply ingrained in the new romance as in the old adventure is saturated with a sentiment very congenial to us both for it better and worse quickens the hero in us and flatters the devil-may;
paradox and irony the wilderness and dresses in

in
;
than
care.
In
its
simplest form the temper of adventure has given us the pro-
fusion of pleasant verses
which
"
on,
all.
dage and has been admirably

"
and
"
the open road ".
we know as the poetry of The point is too familiar
"
to
vagabonbe dwelt
illustrated
and discussed by Mr.
McDow"
Ariel,"
George Borrow, prince

"
of vagabonds, Stevenson, the

:
with his
Vagabond- song
All
I
And
and a few and
less vocal
seek the heaven above, the road below me,

flights
swallows, anticipated the more sustained
melodies of to-day, while

is
Sorrow's wonderful company of vaga-
bond heroes and heroines

and circus-clowns
motive
is
similarly premonitory of the alluring gipsies
of our
Georgian poetry.
;
Sometimes a
traditional
creatively transformed
as
when
Father Time, the solemn
appears in Mr. Hodgson's poem " as an old gipsy pitching his caravan only a moment and off once
shadow with admonitory

again
".
hour-glass,
It is not for Elsewhere a deeper note is sounded. nothing that is the saint of French Catholic democracy, or that Peguy, Jeanne d' Arc " sublime adventure of God's Son ". her poet, calls the Incarnation the
That
adventure of the Dantesque Ulysses beyond the sunset thrills us to-day more than the Odyssean tale of his triumphant home- return,
last
and D'Annunzio,
adventurous
life.
greatly daring,
takes
it
as the
symbol
of his
own
this
And
Meredith,
who
so often profoundly voiced the
the time in spirit of
note in his
which only his ripe old age was passed, struck sublime verse on revolutionary France
:
Soaring France That divinely shook the dead
From
living
man
that stretched
ahead
Her
And
Of
resolute forefinger straight marched toward the gloomy gate
Earth's Untried.
RECENT TENDENCIES
It is
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
affinity
129
of
needless to dwell
upon the
between
this
temper
ad-
That the link is not venture in poetry and the teaching of Bergson. fortuitous is shown by the interesting Art Podtique (1903) of wholly
his
quondam
It
pupil, Clausel, a
little
treatise
pervaded by the idea of
Creative-evolution.
was
itself
natural in such a time to assume that any living art of poetry
must
be new, and,
in fact, the years
the turn of the century are
crowded with announcements

Beside Claudel's
/Estheticism of Grant Allen
immediately before and after " "

of
new
movements
have
the
in
in art of every kind.
Art Pottique we
;
England the
"
principle
New
in
Germany
"
new
in verse of
Arno Holz.
And
here, again, the
English innovators are distinguished by a good-humoured gaiety, if also " by a slighter build of thought, from the French or Nietzschean revaluers ".
Like their predecessors

the
in
the earlier Romantic school, the
new
al-
adventurers have notoriously experimented with poetic form.
France,
home
of the
most
in
rigid
and meticulous metrical
tradition,
had
ready led the
way
substituting for
the strictly measured verse the
more
loosely organized harmonies of rhythmical prose, bound together,
in any sense, solely by the rhyme. "free verse" was an attempt to capture finer modulations of music than the rigid frame of metre allowed. With
and, indeed,
made recognizable as verse,
With
the Symbolosts'
their successors
it
had
rather the value of a plastic
medium
in
which
could be faithfully expressed. But whether called verse or not, the vast, rushing modulations of rhythmic
every variety of matter and of
mood
music in the great pieces of Claudel and others have a magnificence not And the less explicitly poetic form permits matter which to be denied.
would
In
jar
be taken up as
on the poetic instinct if conveyed through a metrical form it were in this larger and looser stride.
carried out, in the school of
to
Germany, on the other hand, the rhythmic emancipation
of
Whitman was
Arno Holz,
with a revolu-
tionary audacity
Holz states beyond the example even of Claudel. " with great clearness and trenchancy what he calls his new principle " abandons all verbal music as an aim, and is one which of lyric"
;
borne solely by a rhythm made

it
to expression ".
Rhyme
vital by the thought struggling through and strophe are given up, only rhythm
remains.
Of
our Georgian poetry,
it
must 9
suffice to
note that here, too, the
130

in
temper of adventure
ally, less
form
is rife.
But
it
shows
itself,
characteristicelicit
in revolutionary innovation than in attempts to
new and
strange effects
and
in
from traditional measures by deploying to the uttermost, bold and extreme combinations, their traditional resources and
blank verse of Mr. Abercrombie and Mr. Bottomley. and much beside in Georgian verse, has moods and moments of This, rare beauty. But, on the whole, verse- form is the region of poetic art
variations, as in the
in
which Georgian poetry, as a whole,

3.
is
least secure.
The
New
Realism.
We
for
see, then,
;
how
it.
actuality
not the dream,
deeply rooted this new freedom is in the passion but the waking and alert experience
throbs and pulses in
We
have
is
now
to look
more
closely into this

it
and other aspects
of
it.
Realism
a hard-worked term, but
may be
taken to imply that the overflowing vitality of which poetry is one expression fastens with peculiar eagerness upon the visible and tangible
world about us and seeks to convey that

only do not scorn
positive friends of the matter-of-fact,
zest in
words.
Our
;
poets not
the earth to lose themselves in the sky
they are
and
that not in spite of poetry,

freely
but for poetry's sake

are
"
and Pegasus
flies
more
because
"
things
"
"in the saddle
That
marks
it
this
off
along with the poet. is loved by poets, for poetry's sake, " " once for all from the photographic or realism of plain
matter-of-factness
it is
Crabbe.
of
But
also clearly distinct from the
no
less poetic realism
Wordsworth.
is
Wordsworth's mind
static
;
is
conservative
and
traditional
his inspiration
by more deeply interfused which does not change nor pass away. Romance, in a high sense, But it is a romance rooted in memory, lies about his greatest poetry.
seeing
its
he
glorifies the primrose on the river brink
transience in the light of something far
not in hope
the
"
"
glory of the grass

in
and splendour
of the flower
which he had seen

;
childhood, and imaginatively re-created in ma-
a romance which change, and especially the intrusion of inturity dustrial man, dispelled and destroyed. Whereas the romance of our
new
realism rests, in
is
vividly gripped
else,
good part, precisely in the sense that the thing so not, or need not be, permanent, may turn into some-
has only a tenancy, not a free-hold, in its conditions of thing " " hold upon existence, as it were, full of space and time, a toss-up the zest of adventurous insecurity. pessimistic philosophy would
RECENT TENDENCIES
dissipate this romance,
IN
it
EUROPEAN POETRY
of
all
131
or strip
glorifies
doom.
Mr. Chesterton
but the mournful poetry of the dust which may become a flower
or a face, against the Reverend Peter Bell for
whom
dust
is
dust and
no more, and Hamlet,

If
who
if
our realism
this
is,
is
buoyant,
it
only remembers that it was once Caesar. had at once the absorbed and the open
temper which finds reality moment is precious and significant, for it a perpetual creation. Every comes with the burden and meaning of something that has never commind,
in large part, in virtue of the
and goes by only equally curious and new.

pletely
been before
to give place to another
moment
Moreover,
but
in
this
incessantly created reality
we
are ourselves in;
cessantly creative.
it
That may seem

Wordsworth.
belief
to follow as a matter of course
corresponds with the most radical of the distinctions between our
realism
and
that of
When
Mr. Wells
is
tells
us that his
it
most comprehensive
is
about the universe
that every part of
ultimately important, he
feels
every part to
is not expressing a mystic pantheism which be divine, but a generous pragmatism which holds
that every part works.
The
idea of shaping
and adapting
will, of
energy
is
in industry, of
mere routine
practicality in office or
;
household,
no longer tabooed, or shyly evaded
not because of any theoretic
exaltation of labour or consecration of the
because to use things, to make them fulfil into touch with our activities, itself throws a kind of halo over even " divine democracy of very humble and homely members of the
things ".
commonplace, but merely our purposes, to bring them
Rupert Brooke draws up a famous catalogue of the things of which he was a "great lover". He loved them, he says, simply as And no doubt, the simple sensations of colour, touch, or smell being.
counted for much.
But compare them with the things that Keats, a
yet greater lover of sensations, loved.
You
feel in
Brooke's
list
that
he liked doing things as well as feasting

" "
plates,"
of iron,
his passive senses
these
holes in the ground,"

forth.
"
washen
stones," the cold graveness

list
and so
One
left
detects in the
the Brooke who, as a
boy, went about with a book of poems in one hand and a cricket-ball
in the other,
and whose
hand well knew what
his right
hand
did.
That
dream of eternal beauty which a Greek urn or a nightingale's song brought to Keats, and the fatal word " The forlorn," bringing back the light of common day, dispelled.
takes us far from the
132

aesthetic
old ethical and
canons are submerged

evil,
*
in a
passion for
life
which
ugliness
finds
more
measured," said D'Annunzio,

explains,
if it
a good beyond good and vital than beauty's self. "
The worth
and a beauty born of a drama
of
is
by
its
fulness of life,"
and the formula
does not
justify,
blooms
of
gave that
eroticism and ferocity, to which he latterly superhuman And we know how Maeterlinck has emerged from name.
"
"
those tropical gardens, rank with the gross
the mystic dreams and silences of his recluse chamber to unfold the
dramatic pugnacities of birds and bees.

In the
work
of Verhaeren,
the
modern
and
industrial city,
its its
with
its
spreading tentacles of devouring grime

its
squalor,
all
clanging factories,
teeming
bazaars and warehouses,

is
and
thronging
human
is
population,
taken up triumphantly into poetry.
Verhaeren
the
tumultuous forces," whether they appear in the roar and " that furnace we call existence," or in the heroic struggles of clash of
poet of
the Flemish nation for freedom.
in
"
a style
its
itself full
he exhibits those surging forces of tumultuous power, Germanic rather than French
of
And
in
violent
the French
"
and stormy splendour, and using the chartered licence " itself with more emphasis than subtlety. free verse
4.
The Cult of Force.
In Verhaeren, indeed,
of
we
are conscious of passing into the presence

civil
power more elemental and unrestrained than the

and
refinement of
tragic
our Georgians, at their wildest, allows us to suspect.

heroic history of his people,
The
has
and
their robust art, the art of
Rembrandt,
and
of Teniers, vibrates in of
the Flemish poet.

if
He
much
of the
or even
temperament aware of them, and with a generous faith in humanity which Nietzsche never knew, he thinks and imagines with a kindred joy in
:
Nietzsche, and
not evidently swayed by his ideas,
violence
force 1 love man and the world, and I adore the Which my force gives and takes from man and the
universe.
no considerable step from him to the poets who in this third phase of our period have unequivocally exulted in power and burnt incense or offered sacrifice before the altar of the strong man.
And
it is
The
joy in creation which,
we
the realism of our time,
now
saw, gives its romance to so much of appears accentuated in the fiercer romance
RECENT TENDENCIES
of conflict
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
largely to Nietzsche, this
133
and overthrow.
Thanks
romance
acquired the status of an authoritative philosophy

country, that of
even, in his
own
an ethical orthodoxy.
In poetry, the contributory forces
were
still
it
more
subtly mingled,
and the Nietzschean
spirit,
which blows where

in cast of of
listeth,
often touched
men wholly
stoutly
alien
to
from Nietzsche
him.
genius
and sometimes
were not
while they
hostile
Several
the
most
illustrious
resist,
Germans
betray,
at all.
spell
Among
is
the younger
men who
his
the most considerable lyric poet of the present
generation in
the outset
resented.
Richard Dehmel's vehement inspiration from provoked comparison with Nietzsche, which he warmly
Germany.
He
fureur
began, in
cf aimer.
fact,
as a desciple of Verlaine,
and we may
detect
in the unrestraint of his early erotics the
example
of the
French poet's
But Dehmers more
strongly-built nature,
and per-
haps the downright vigour of the German language, broke through the It was not the subtle artistry of the Symbolists, tenuities of la nuance.
but the ethical and intellectual force of the
finally
German
the
of
character,
which
drew
into a less anarchic
channel
vehement energy of
superhuman will poet, replied Dehmel, had indeed to know the passion which transcends good and evil, but he had to know no less the good and evil themselves of the world in and by
Dehmel.
Nietzsche
had imagined an
ethic
"beyond good and
evil".
The
which common men

lawless passion, in the
live.
he can cry with the egoism of Erlosungen, I will fathom all pleasure to the
if
And
"
deepest depths of
thirst.
Resign not pleasure,
it
waters power,"
he can add,
"
in
the true spirit of

since
it
Goethe and
of the higher
it
mind
of
Germany,
"
Yet
also
makes
slack, turn
into the stuff of
duty
If
Dehmel, he was
amazing genius
loose
all
Nietzsche provoked into antagonism the sounder elements in largely responsible for destroying such sanity as the
of Gabriele
all
D' Annunzio had ever possessed.

consequently that
;
He
let
the Titan, and
was
least
Hellenic, in
the
fertile
genius of the Italian
his
inexhaustible resources of style
wonderful instinct for beauty, his are employed in creating orgies of

his
like
superhuman valour, lust, and cruelty like some of and hymns intoxicated with the passion for Power,
later
dramas,
the splendid
Ode
in
which the City
of the
Seven Hills
is
prophetically seen once
134

mistress of the world, loosing the knot of all the problems of
more the
humanity.
of
D'Annunzio emulates Nietzsche, the two great militant poets Charles Catholic France would have scorned the comparison.
If
first
Peguy's brief career was shaped from his
entrance, poor
and
of
peasant birth, at a Paris Lycee, to his heroic death in the field, His heroine, September, 1914, by a daemonic force of character.
glorified in his first
book,
it.
was Jeanne d'Arc, who attempted

In writing, his principle
the im-
possible,
and achieved
shocking to
French
literary tradition
was
to speak the brutal truth
brutalement.
As
poet he stood
in the direct
lienage of Corneille,
thought the greatest of the world's tragedies. with naive intensity the unsurpassed inborn heroism of the French race.
whose Polyeucte he As a man, he embodied

at home, we find French sense, brutal
And
them
poetry of
if
we
look for corresponding
phenomena
surely in the masculine, militant, and, in the
W.
it
E. Henley and
life
Rudyard
will,
have conceived
that
faith,
is
in
terms of
If Kipling. any modern poets and penetrated their verse with
the author of "I
am
the Captain of
London Voluntaries," friend and subject Sword," and of the great kindred -minded sculptor Rodin, the poet over whose grave in St. Paul's George Wyndham found the right word when he
Book
of the
"
"
my
Soul," the
said
the past
marking him off from the great contemplative, " His music was not the still sad music
still,
listening poets of
of
humanity
"
it
was never
rarely sad,
always intrepid".
And we know how

East and
strong
his
Kipling, after sanctioning the mischievous superstition that
West can men

*t
.
never meet," refuted
it
by producing
own "two
5.
The
(i)
New
Idealism.
Nationality.
We have now
of
seen something of that power, at once of grip and
what
detachment with which the dominant poetry of this century faces it thinks of as the adventure of experience, its plunge into the
How then, it remains ever-moving and ever-changing stream of life. to ask, has it dealt with those ideal aspirations and beliefs which one " may live intensely and ignore, which in one sense stand above the
battle," but for
which men have
lived
and died
RECENT TENDENCIES
What
is
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
new
135
the distinctive note of this
And
for the
moment
it
poetry of nationality ? May we speak of the years before the War.

is
not say that in
the ideal of country

its
saturated with that imaginative

I
grip of reality in all
concrete energy and vivacity which
have
it
called the
new
realism ?
The
its
nation
is
no
abstraction,
It is
whether
be
;
called
Britannia or
its cities
Deutschland uber Alles.

mountains, in
seen,
and
felt
seen in
as well as in
the workers
it
;
who have
made
it,
as well as in the heroes

its
who have
defended
its
in its roaring
forges as well as in
;
idyllic
woodlands and
tales of battles long
and all these not as separate strands in a woven pattern, but ago as waters of different origin and hue pouring along together in the
same great stream. Emile Verhaeren,
his country, living
it
six
years before the invasion,
had seen and
felt
body and living soul, with an intensity which made He seem unimaginable that she should be permanently subdued. well called his book Toute la Flandre, for all Flanders is there.
Old
a
Flanders,
Artevelde and Charles Temeraire

trees
whose
soul
was
forest of
huge
and dark
thickets,
A wilderness of crossing ways below,

But eagles, over, soaring
to the sun,
Van Eyck and Rubens

the great
cities,
"a
thunder of colossal memories"; then
with their belfries and their foundries, and their ware;
houses and laboratories, their antique customs and modern ambitions
and the
rivers, the
homely
familiar Lys,
where the women wash the

the
Escaut, the
whitest of linen, and the mighty
Scheldt,
"hero
and magnificent," savage and beautiful Escaut," whose companionship had moulded and made the poet, whose rhythms
sombre,
violent
"
had begotten
his
music and his best ideas.
None
quite this
of
of our English poets
supple and
plastic
have rendered England in poetry with Wordsworth wrote magnificently power.

invasion,
England threatened with
and magnificently
of the
Lake
which
Country, Nature's beloved land.
But the
War
sonnets and the lake
and mountain poetry come from

our criticism
apart.
distinct strains in his genius,
may
bring into relation, but our feeling insists

is
on keeping
His Grasmere
a province of Nature
;
her favourite province

of
England Cumberland beggar lives and
rather than of
it
is
in the
;
eye
Nature that the old
dies
England provides the obnoxious
136

to
workhouses to which these destitute vagrants were henceforth

consigned.
his ?
Is it
be
not this that divides our

is
modern
local poetry
;
from
its
Mr.
Belloc's Sussex
tenderly loved for

lies
itself
yet behind
great hills
historic
and
its
old-world harbours
the half mystic presence of
England. shireman Lob, worthy,
And
I
in
Edward Thomas's wonderful old Wiltthink, to be named with the Cumberland
An
And
old man's face, by life and weather cut coloured, rough, brown, sweet as any nut, land face, sea-blue eyed,
of
old,
sterling
you read the whole lineage woodlanders from whom Lob

Sometimes
touch.
this
English yeoman and
springs.
feeling
is
given in a single, intense, concentrated

tells
When
That
Rupert Brooke
is
us of
A
do we not
and
of the
corner of a foreign field There shall be England. In that rich earth a richer dust concealed dust whom England bore, shaped, made aware, Gave, once, her flowers to love, her ways to roam,
for ever
;
Some
feel
that the solidarity of
England with the English

soil, is
folk,
English folk
with the English

distinctive
burnt into our ima-
ginations in a
new and
way
(2)
Democracy.
later
The
growth
of democratic as of national feeling during the
century naturally produced a plentiful harvest of eloquent utterance in With this, merely as such, I am not here concerned, even verse.
though
it
be as
fine as the socialist songs of
William Morris or Edward

Charles Peguy
itself
Carpenter.
original,
But the Catholic socialism

for
of
an
and,
most of his contemporaries, a bewildering combina-
tion
struck at a
no
less original
poetry, a poetry of solidarity.

single-souled
;
Peguy 's
he ignored that beIt was his hind the one was a Party and behind the other a Church. bitterest regret that a vast part of humanity was removed beyond the
socialism, like his Catholicism,
It was his sublimest thought pale of fellowship by eternal damnation. In his first vision of that the solidarity of man includes the damned.
was
the Jeanne
crucified,
d'Arc mystery already
referred to,
he
tells
how
Jesus
RECENT TENDENCIES
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
137
Saw not his Mother in tears at the Cross-foot Below him, saw not Magdalene nor John,
But wept, dying, only for Judas* death.
The
He
It
Saviour loved this Judas, and tho' utterly gave himself, he knew he could not save him.
of
was
the
dogma
damnation which
life
for long
kept Peguy out of

called
it,
its
fold, that barbarous mixture of
and death, he
spirit of
which no
But
man
will accept
who
has
won
the
collective humanity.
;
on the contrary, to he revolted, not because he was tolerant of evil damn sins was for him a weak and unsocial solution evil had not to
;
be fought down. Whether this vision of Christ weeping because he could not save Judas was unchristian, or more but I am Christian than Christianity itself, we need not discuss here
be damned but
to
sure that the spirit of Catholic

of
democracy as transfigured a great poet could not be more nobly rendered.

(3)
in the
mind
Catholicism.
But Peguy's powerful personality set its own stamp upon whatever he believed, and though a close friend of Jaures, he was a Socialist
who
was
rejected almost all
the ideas of the Socialist School.
his Catholicism to the

is
mind
of the Catholic authorities.

off
As little And his
from most of the poetry that burgeoned under the stimulus of the remarkable revival of Catholic ideas
Catholic poetry
in twentieth century
sharply marked
France.
say of Catholic ideas, for sceptical
poets like
Catholic worship,
Rmy de Gounnont, "

made
played delicately with the symbols of

"
of roses,
Litanies
and
offered prayers to
Women saints walking dreamily in the procession of " of Paradise," to fill our hearts with ". The Catholic adoraanger tion of Women- saints is one of the springs of modern At the poetry.
Jeanne
d' Arc,
"
close of the century of
Wordsworth and
and
Shelley, the tender Natureless to
worship of Francis of Assisi contributed not

of Catholic ideas in poetry,
in
the recovered
this chiefly in
the person of
power two poets
France and
in
England, both of
whom
is
played half-mystically with

Francis Jammes.
reflected in
the symbolism of their names, Francis
Thomson and
more
The
lical
childlike naivete of St.
Francis
delicately
Jammes, a Catholic
Pastoral over "
to
W. H.
Davies,
who
"
casts the idyllic light of Bibto

is
modern farm
life,
and prays
for there
"his
friends, the
Asses
of
go with him to Paradise,

"
no
hell in the
land
Bon Dieu
138

But the most powerful creative imagination to-day in the service of At the altar of some great is certainly Paul Claudel.
at noon,
Catholic ideas
French Church
where the
poet, not long after the
first
decisive
check of the invaders on the Marne, finds himself, alone, before the shrine of Marie. Here, too, his devotion finds a speech not borrowed
from the devout or from

It is
their poetry
noon.
see the
Mother
I
I
of Jesus Christ,
Church is open. I do not come
must enter.
to pray.
ask.
came
have nothing to offer, and nothing to only, Mother, to gaze to you.

gaze
I
To
at you, to
weep
for happiness, to
know
That
am
your son and that you are there.

but for a
Nothing
at all
moment when
all is still,
Noon
to
be with you, Marie,
in this place
where you
are.
To To
let
say nothing, to gaze upon your face, the heart sing in its own speech.
nationalist passion of
There the
ligion,
Claudel animates
its
his
Catholic re-
yet does not break through
confines.
But sometimes the
strain of suffering
and
ruin
is
too intense for Christian submission, and
he takes
tract
;
his
we
is
doing his part in the conare his partner in running the world, and see, he is asleep !
to task truculently for not
God
There
We
Our
there is bread no trembling hand have offered you, this wine that we have poured anew, tears that you have gathered, our brothers that you share with us leav-
a great alliance, willy-nilly, between us henceforth
that with
ing the seed in the earth,
There
is this
living sacrifice of
which we
satisfy
!
each day's demand,
This chalice
we
have drunk with you
Yet the devout
passion emerges again, with notes of piercing pathos
LE PREC1EUX SONG.
Lord,
Who
And
If,
We
If If
hast promised us for one glass of water a boundless sea, if thou art not thirsty too ? that this blood, which is all we have, will quench the thirst in Thee,
who
knows
know,
for
is
Thou
hast told us so.

is
indeed, there
a spring in us, well, that this wine of ours is red,
what
it
is
to
be shown.
our blood has virtue, as Thou sayest, Otherwise than by being shed ?
how can
be known
RECENT TENDENCIES
Thus
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
139
the great Catholic poet could sing under the pressure of the
Poetiy at such times may become a great national instrument, a trumpet whence Milton or Words-
supreme national crisis of his country.
worth, Arnold or Whitman, blow soul-animating

of
strains.
The War
1914 was
for all the belligerent peoples far
more than a stupendous
military event.
lish-speaking
psychical upheaval was most violent in the Engfor peoples, where the military shock was least direct
;
The
here a nation of civilians embraced suddenly the

perience of battle.
interpret
life
Here
too, the
new and amazing eximaginatively sensitive minds who
through poetry, and most of all the youngest and freshest among them, themselves shared in the glories and the throes of the fight, as hardly one of the singers of our most stirring battle poetry had
ever done before.
How
did
this
new and amazing

is
experience react
upon
their poetry ?
This, our final question,
perhaps the crucial one
in considering the tendencies of recent
In the
first
place,
it
enormously stimulated
European poetry. and quickened what was
deepest and strongest in the energies and qualities which -had been ap-
parent in our latter-day poetry before.
They had
;
sought to clasp
here, indeed,
life,
to live, not merely to contemplate, experience

life,
and
was
and death, and both to be embraced. Here was adventure, inbut one whose grimness made romance cheap, so that in this war deed,
poetry, for the
first
time in history, the romance and glamour of war,

of military convention,
is
the
pomp and circumstance

bitterest
fall
entirely
away,
and the
scorn of these soldier-poets
bestowed, not on the

its realities
enemy, but on those contemplators

camouflage of the pulpit
who
disguised
with the
I
and the
editorial armchair.
Turn,
will not
say from Campbell or from Tennyson, but from Rudyard Kipling or Sir H. Newbolt to Siegfried Sassoon, and you feel that you have got
away from a
literary convention,
whether conveyed
in the
manners
of
the barrack-room or of the public school, to something intolerably true,
and which holds the poet in so fierce a grip that his song is a cry. But if the War has brought our poets face to face with intense kinds of real experience, which they have fearlessly grasped and
rendered,
its
grim obsession has not
made them
I
cynical, or clogged the
wings
of their faith
and
their
hope.
will not ask

it
how
the
war has
affected
the idealism of others, whether
has
left
the nationalism of
our press or the religion of our pulpits purer or more gross than it found them. But of our poets, at least, that cannot be said. In Rupert
140
" " a cheer as a peril to be faced, greeted the unseen death not with his poetry but as a great consummation, the supreme safety. have reacted to the actual experience of war we can only guess. would
Brooks the inspirations of the call obliterated the last trace of dilettante youth's professions, and he encountered darkness like a bride, and
How
But
in
others,
his
friends
welter of ruin
and pain and
and comrades, the fierce immersion in the filth and horror and death brought only a
of
more superb
faith in the
power
man's soul to
rise
above the hideous

beauty through
life
obsession of his
own
devilries,
to retain the vision of
the riot of foul things,
of love through the tumult of hatreds, of
through the infinity of death.

to
True
this
was not a new power

it.
poetry
in-
be poetry must always
in
some measure possess
What was
it
dividual to the poets
was
that this
along
in
them with the
fierce
power and eager immersion
of mastering actually
in
;
went
of
the
thrill
breathing the
Calm and serene air Above the smoke and stir of this dim Which men call Earth,
with the
thrill of
spot
seeing
*'
canic chaos of this
stir
and painting " and smoke
in all its lurid colouring the volitself.
Thus
the
same
Siegfried
Sassoon
who
renders with so
much
close analytic psychology the
moods
that cross
fugitive, as
and
fluctuate in the dying hospital
patient, or the haunted
he flounders among mire and stumps, to feel at last the strangling clasp of death, can as little as the visionary Shelley overcome the insurgent sense that these dead are for us yet alive, made one with
Nature.
He
visits
the deserted
home
of his
dead
friend
THE LAST MEETING.

Ah,
He
but there was no need was beside me now, as

said,
to call his
name,
.
swift as light
For now, he
my
spirit
Than heaven
has
stars,
has more eyes and they are lit by love.
My
And
Further, this
veracity
body
the magic of the world, dark and sunset flame with my spilt blood.
is
war poetry, while known before, is yet hardly

of hate.
reflecting
military things with a
rarely
militant.
;
We
little
must not
find
look for explicit pacifist of international ideas

jingo patriotism or
of hate
but as
do we
hymns was a much better poet than anyone who
The
author of the
German hymn
an English
tried
RECENT TENDENCIES
hymn
its
IN
EUROPEAN POETRY
141
same key, and the English poets who could have equalled " form were above its spirit. Edith Cavell's dying words Patriotism
in the
"
is
cannot perhaps be paralleled in their poems but they are continually suggested. They do not say, in the phrase of the old cavalier poet, should love England less if we loved not something
not enough
We
else
if
more, or that something
we wrong
these
humanity
in
its
is wanting in our love for our country But the spirit which is embodied name.
;
in
phrases breathes through them

victory, and they know kindred have no fatherland.
it,
heroism matters more to
them than
love of
that death
and sorrow and the
They
in
it
"
stand above the battle"
as well as share in
and they share
without ceasing to stand
above
it.
Finally, the poet himself
glories in his act
he knows that he can

;
beat into music even the crashing discords that fill his ears he knows too that he has a music of his own which they cannot subdue or
debase
keep such music
in
my
brain
;
din this side of death can quell Glory exalting over pain,
No
And
beauty garlanded in
hell.
To
of unflinching veracity
is
have found and kept and interwoven these two musics a language and one of equally unflinching hope and faith
the achievement of our war-poetry.
of these
May we
not say that the

as
possession
two
musics,
of
these
two moods, springing
they do from the blended grip and idealism of English character, warrants hope for the future of English poetry ? For it is rooted in
the greatest
and the most English

to the
of
of the
ways
of poetic experience
which have gone

ultimately, of
making Shakespeare and of Wordsworth.

but
it is
our poetic literature
the way,
in
Beauty abounds
lights,
our
later poets,
a beauty that flashes in broken
not the
enlarge the grasp of poetry over the field of reality, to larger range, is not at once to find con-
full- orbed
radiance of a masterpiece.
To
summate expression
of the Parnassians
for
what
of
is apprehended. The flawless perfection is nowhere Heredia's sonnets approached in
the less aristocratically exclusive poetry of to-day.
But the
future, in
poetry also,
art not
is
with the
exclusion,
upon discovery and
spirit which founds the aristocracy of noble negations, and routine, but upon imaginative
catholic openness of mind.
THE PRESENT
BY
B. P.
POSITION OF PAPYROLOGY.
D.LITT., F.B.A.,
GRENFELL,
OLOGY
IN
PROFESSOR OF PAPYR332
THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.

B.C.
THE
through
conquest of Egypt by Alexander the Great in

its
brought the country of the Pharaohs out of

into the
comparative
isolation
main stream
of
European
culture,
which
the
Greece and
Rome
scientific
extends to our
own
day.
Under
Ptolemies the most brilliant of the Hellenistic kingdoms, with Alexandria

as the literary
and
centre of the civilized world, under the

of the Empire,
Romans
the richest
and most important province

of
under
the earlier Byzantine

Christianity
Emperors foremost in the defence of Trinitarian

Monasticism, Egypt had great
in-
and the foundation
fluence on the history of the
with the invasion of

not to return to the
West for nearly a thousand years, until the Arabs in 640 the country was again isolated, main stream until 1870, when once more, as the
at the
Khedive
Ismail
remarked
opening of the Suez Canal, Egypt

the
in
became part
of Europe.
The
Ptolemies
made Greek
and
official
language, and under the
Romans, who
conquered Egypt
30
B.C.,
in the highest official
in military circles,
but employed Latin only a knowledge of Greek be-
came
general, though ancient Egyptian continued to be spoken
down
to the third century,
when
till
in
a Graecised form
it
became the Coptic
language, which lasted

majority
of
the sixteenth century.
Hence
B.C.
the great
papyri from Egypt, written between 300
and the
middle
of the seventh century, are in
Greek, and though there are

in Latin,
many
written in demotic
and Coptic, and a few
Hebrew,
Syriac,
Aramaic, and Pehlevi, papyrology has come to mean practically the study of Greek papyri, including various substitutes for papyrus as
writing- material, such as ostraca (bits of broken pottery),
wooden
or
wax
1
tablets,
and
after the
second century vellum.
Like epigraphy,
revised edition of a lecture delivered at the John Rylands Library,

142
10 December, 1919.
THE PRESENT
papyrology
point of
is
POSITION OF
PAPYROLOGY
Roman
From
143
its
an aid to the study of Greek and
antiquity in
various departments, not an independent branch of inquiry.
our
view
practically all
narrower than epigraphy, because the evidence is derived from one country. Apart from Egypt the only
it is
place where papyri have been discovered
by excavation
is
Hercu-
works on Epicurean philosophy, which had been burnt by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79, owes its partial survival to its calcined condition. But from another point of view papyrology
library of
is
laneum, where a
much wider than epigraphy, owing

and
literary
to the far greater
range of the
contents of papyri,
especially the presence of
many Greek and
some Latin
whole amount.
A
in
pieces, which together form about one tenth of the good survey of the contribution of Greek papyri to
classical literature
through the recovery of
given by
Sir Frederic
G. Kenyon
in the
I
works has been recently Journal of Hellenic Studies,

lost
1919, where
another article
have sketched the value of Greek
papyri of extant authors for textual criticism.
The
it
history of papyrus discoveries in
Egypt dates from
778
but
was
not until a hundred years later that papyri began to reach

in considerable quantities
Europe
through dealers in
1
antiquities,
and the
systematic search for
Greek papyri dates from
895, when the Egypt
Exploration
view.
Society) began excavations with that object in For some years Professor Hunt and I had the field to ourselves ;
Fund (now
then our example was followed by the French, Germans, and Italians. Some papyri of the Ptolemaic period, and nearly all papyri of the
Roman and
certain large
Byzantine periods come either from the rubbish-mounds of towns in middle Egypt, especially Arsinoe, Hermopolis,
I
and Oxyrhynchus, where Hunt and

from houses
in
made
our chief
finds, or
else
Fayum
villages,
became stranded
tivation until a
in the desert,
which, owing and remained outside the area
to defective irrigation, of cul-
few years ago. Ptolemaic papyri are chiefly found in mummy- cartonnage, where papyrus in the third and second centuries
B.C.
century B.C. occasionally, used as a substitute for cloth, but the Fayum papyri in the later Ptolemaic
frequently,
was
and
in the first
period were sometimes used also in the wrappings of crocodiles, the sacred animals of that district. In rare instances literary papyri, both
classical
and
Christian,
have been discovered
in
tombs, buried beside
their owners.
In the competition
among
various nations during the last thirty
144
years for obtaining papyri, the lion's share of the prizes has fallen to The enterprise of Sir E. A. Wallis Budge secured for Great Britain.
the British
Museum many
Bacchylides,
of the best-preserved
cluding the treatise of Aristotle
new On the Athenian
classical texts, in-
Constitution, the
all
Odes
by
of
and the
Mimes
of
Herondas,
edited
Sir F.
G. Kenyon.
Some minor
literary
fragments in the British
remain for the present unpublished. Of non-literary documents from various sites five stately volumes have been produced by Sir
Museum
F.
G. Kenyon and H. I. Bell, the first three containing mainly Ptolemaic or Roman papyri, the last two Byzantine and there is material
;
for
two more volumes, which
are in preparation.
Bodleian Library possesses in the Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, which I edited in conjunction with the late Sir John
The
Mahaffy in 896, the longest and most important non- literary document of the early Ptolemaic period, and both the Bodleian and British Museums have a number of the best papyri from our excavations at
1
Oxyrhynchus and elsewhere, which among various museums and libraries,
after
publication are distributed
chiefly in
England and America.

;
The
but slight importance unpublished there is a very large collection of ostraca, recently presented by Dr. A. H. Sayce, which are being edited by a promising student of papyrology
papyri in the
Bodleian are of
at
Queen's College,
to
1
J.
G. Tait.
in
corpus of
all
the ostraca
in that year
J.
up
900, over
600
number, was published
known by U.
Wilcken, and some have been published since by others but the Bodleian has about 2500 new ones.
;
G. Milne and
A re-edition of
the various lyric fragments on papyrus
ford
being prepared for the OxClassical Texts series by a sub-librarian of the Bodleian, EL
is
Lobel.
Much
the largest collection of unpublished papyri in this or any

is
other country
in
the
muniment room
of
Queen's College, Oxford,
where are reposing about eighty packing-cases full of papyri from our The Oxyrhynchus excavations, as yet unrolled and unexamined. of various series, which includes the Sayings of Jesus and fragments
uncanonical gospels,
poems of Sappho, Alcaeus, and Pindar, siderable portions of the Ichncuta of Sophocles, and the Hypthe so-called Hellcnica (\\yrhynckia, a sipyle of Euripides, historical work probably composed by Ephorus, dealing with events in 396-5 B.C., and a new Epitome of several of the lost books of
lost
con-
THE PRESENT
Livy, has
POSITION OF
xiv.,
PAPYROLOGY
in
145
1920.
now
reached Part
which appeared
April,
This
consists of non-literary
documents, mainly of the third century,
private letters, contracts
and accounts predominating.

fruit-
No.
farm
in
63
a contract for labour in a vineyard and lease of a
280, gives an unusually elaborate list of operations, which are arranged mainly in chronological order from 28 September onwards,
and includes a number

tion
of
new
technical terms requiring further elucidaIt
from
professional
vine-grower.
runs
as
follows
To
most
Aurelius Serenus son of Agathinus and Taposirias, of the illustrious and illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, from the Aurelii Ctistus son of
Rufus and Dionysia, and his son Ptolemy, whose mother is Tauris, both of Oxyrhynchus, and Peloius son of Heracleus and Tapontheus, from the village of Tanais. voluntarily undertake to lease for one
We
year more from 28 September

operations in the vineyard
Tanai's
of the present year all the vine-tending
owned by you in the area of the village of and the adjoining reed-plantation, whatever be the extent of each, a half share being assigned to us, the party of Aur. Ctistus, and the remaining half to me, Peloius which operations are, concerning
;
the vineyard, plucking of reeds, collection and transport of them, proper
wood, making into bundles, pruning (?), transport of leaves and throwing them outside the mud walls, planting as many vine-stems
cutting of
as are necessary, digging, hoeing
round the
vines,
and surrounding them
with trenches, you, the landlord, being responsible for the arrangement
of the reeds,
and we
for tendering
you
assistance in this,
we
being re-
sponsible for the remaining

consisting of breaking
operations after those mentioned above,

off
up the ground, picking
shoots, keeping the
vines well tended, disposition of them, removal (?) of shoots, needful
and concerning the reed-plantations, digging up both reed-plantations, watering, and continual weeding and further we agree to superintend together with you in the vineyard and the
thinnings of foliage
;
;
reed- plantation the asses which bring earth, in order that the earth
may
be thrown
and will put these, when they have with wine, in the open-air shed, and oil them, move them, and strain the wine from one jar into another, and watch over them as
been
filled
proper places the jars employed for the wine,
in the
and we
will
perform the testing of
long as they are stored in the open-air shed, the pay for
said operations being
all
the afore-
4500 drachmae
10
of
silver,
10 bushels of wheat,
and 4
jars of
wine
at the vat,
which payments
we
are to receive in
146

And we like-
instalments according to the progress of the operations.
and
will
wise undertake to lease for one year the produce of the date-palms all the fruit-trees which are in the old vineyard, for which we
pay as a
dates,
special
1
rent
\ bushels of fresh dates,

i
1 -i
bushels of
pressed
bushels of walnut-dates,
1
bushel of black olives,

figs
500
tion,
selected peaches,
5 citrons,
fat
400 summer
melons.
before the inundawill, in
500 winter
figs,
4 white
Moreover we
con-
sideration of the aforesaid wages, plough the adjoining fruit-garden
on
all
the south of the vineyard, and will
do the
irrigation,
weeding, and
the other operations required from season to season, only the arrange-
ment
of reeds in
it
and the strewing
of earth being
done by you, the
landlord, the rent being secured against all risks," etc.
The following letter (No. 666) affords an interesting sidelight on Roman recruiting methods in the third century Pausanias to his
1
*'
brother Heraclides, greeting.
think that
my
brother
Sarapammon
and
I
has told you the reason

a legion.
why
went down
little
to Alexandria,
have
previously written to you about
Pausanias becoming a soldier of
Since however he no longer wished to join a legion but a

this
I
squadron of cavalry, on learning

him, although
I
was
after
I
obliged to go
down
from
to
his
did not want
to.
So
many
entreaties
mother and
sister to transfer
him
to
and employed many methods

at
I
squadron on the upward voyage, Coptos. but we were limited by the furlough granted to the boy by the most If illustrious praefect, and for this reason I was unable to visit you.
desired then to
until
Coptos he was transferred

visit
went down
to Alexandria,
to the
pay you a
the gods will,
will
therefore
try to
come
to
you
for the
feast of
it
Amesysia.
Please, brother, see to the deed of mortgage,

I
that
is
prepared customary way. about your safety, for 1 heard at Antinob'polis that there had been
in the
urge you, brother, to write to
me
Do not neglect this, that 1 may rest plague in your neighbourhood. more assured about you. Many salutations to my lady mother and
my
sister
and
our
children,
I
whom
the
evil
eye shall not

all
harm.
Pausanias salutes
household."
you.
pray for the health of you and
your
the
:
The
"
following
letter,
also of the third century
(No. 1676),
is
most sentimental that

Flavius Herculanus to
has
appeared among published papyri the sweetest and most honoured Aplonarion,
yet
very
many
greetings.
rejoiced greatly
on receiving your
letter,
whi
THE PRESENT
POSITION OF
;
PAPYROLOGY
147
have not however received the one I was given me by the cutler But I was which you say you sent me by Plato, the dancer's son.
very
much
grieved that you did not

for
come
for
my
boy's birthday, both
you and your husband,
you would have been able to have many But you doubtless had better things to days' enjoyment with him. do that was why you neglected us. I wish you to be happy always,
;
as
wish
If
it
for
myself
not
I
but yet
am
grieved that you are
away from
me.
you are
;
happiness
but
still
unhappy away from me, 1 rejoice for your am vexed at not seeing you. Do what suits
to see us always,
you
for
when you wish

in
we
shall receive
you with
the greatest pleasure.
August,
order that
You will therefore do well to come to us in we may really see you. Salute your mother
and
father
and
Callias.
My
son salutes you and

serves
his
mother and
all
Dionysius
my
fellow-worker,
who
I your friends. pray for your " the back Deliver to Aplonarion from her patron Herculanus. Flavius Herculanus."
me at the stable. Salute The letter is addressed health."
on
From
Part occupied with Parts xv. and xvi. xv., which is due to appear in 1921, will be devoted entirely to while Part xvi., destined for 1922, will consist of literary papyri,
I
Hunt and
are
now
non- literary documents of the Byzantine period, which, so far as Oxyrhynchus is concerned, has hitherto been rather neglected by us. The lyric section in Part xv. includes some new fragments of Sappho,
Alcaeus,
Pindar,
and an author (Ibycus
?)
who
at
the
end
of
poem concerning the Trojan grandiloquently comthe fame of Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, to his own. All these pares
mythological
are in a very imperfect condition, as are
War
some
elegiacs
by Callimachus,
which mention Berenice but seem

Sosibius.
to belong to the epinician
poem
to
In
trees,
better
preservation
series
are
some hexameters describing

four lines
each,
Egyptian
and a
of
epigrams of
the
poems beginning with

is
successive letters of the alphabet.
The
metre
a variation of the hexameter, with an iambus in the
last foot.
They
were apparently meant to be sung to the accompaniment of the flute, like No. 15 of the Oxyrkywkus Papyri, a small fragment of the
same or
which
about
is
of a similar series.
In
;
one poem
life is
compared
to a loan,
repaid with reluctance
another deprecates troubling oneself
ultimate
;
garlands
problems instead of the purchase of perfume and a third is a request to place the poet's flute on his tomb.
148

fragments of
lost
Among
prose works are some of a historian
of
Alexander, describing the victory over the Persians at Issus in 333 The account is shorter than those of Diodorus and Arrian, B.C.
but adds some
new
details
there
is
no obvious clue
famous
to the authorship.
literary characters,
There are
also parts of a series of lives of
Sappho, Simonides, /Esop, Thucydides, Lysias, Demosthenes, and /Eschines, and some interesting glossaries of rare words with references
to
passages
in
lost
works.
Among
extant
works Sophocles
of
of
is
re-
presented by some much broken fragments of the third century, and Theocritus by part
first
the
Tnuliiniac,
century, this being the earliest papyrus of that
Idyl 22, of the There are poet.

Isocrates of
two papyri of Plato {Republic and Pkaedo\ two of (Nicocles and Demonicus), and two of Demosthenes, one
also
which
has portions of
five
speeches.
Latin
I
juristic
papyrus, giving a
supplies
summary some
list
of edicts in
details
part of
Book
of the
Codex
Justinianus,
which are missing
in the
MSS.
In the theological
section there are
two very
early fragments (third century) of St. John's

in
Gospel, another fragment of that very popular work

of
Egypt, the
Hermas, and one of the Teaching of the Shepherd Ipostles, which has not previously been represented in Egyptian
finds.
A special interest attaches to a

original of the
leaf of a
Apology
of Aristides.
is
codex containing the Greek That work, which is one of

primarily
from a Syriac but the version discovered at Mount Sinai by Dr. Rendel Harris Greek text in a somewhat modified form is incorporated in a much
the earliest
Christian
apologies,
known
later Christian
work, the story of
Barlaam and Jotaphat.

not later than 300,
is
short
of
a choir-slip, written liturgical papyrus, of the nature of a third century document, and
itself
on the back
remarkable
not only on account of

notation,
its
early date, but from the presence of musical
which resembles, but is not identical with, that found in a somewhat earlier papyrus at Vienna in connexion with a few lines of
Euripides*
Orestes.
This constitutes the oldest specimen
of
Church
of
music.
(e.g.
In all there are fifty literary pieces in Part xv.,
some
them
the Callimachus, epigrams, and
having been obtained by
me
last
choir-slip with musical notation) winter in Egypt together with other
Oxyrhynchus
America.
papyri,
which
are
now
in
the
British
Museum
In th
or
Part xvl will consist of
fifth
to seventh centuiy
documents.
THE PRESENT
POSITION OF
PAPYROLOGY
149
period the administration of Egypt, as of other parts of the Byzantine
Empire, tended to pass out of the hands of a highly-centralized hierarchy of

officials into
those of the large landowners,
who became
the Apions,
semi-
independent, thus leading
up
to the feudal system of the
Middle Ages.
one
At Oxyrhynchus
member
mainly
of
the
leading
family
was
that of
in
which attained the consulship

to
were fortunate enough

of sixth century
539, and in 1897 we discover the remains of an archive consisting

that
family.
documents connected with
For
two days
the stream of papyri
became such a
torrent that there

all
were
hardly enough baskets in the village to

choicest of these
cany away
the
rolls.
Apion papyri were retained by the Cairo Government is entitled to half the finds of an excavator, (the Egyptian but since 899 has allowed us to bring all our papyri to England and
1
The Museum
divide
them
after
publication).
One
i.
instalment
of
our Byzantine
papyri at Cairo was edited in Part
January last, papyri for Part xv., I went to Cairo for two and a half months to prepare the remainder of the Oxyrhynchus texts there for publication
later seasons.
is
and
in
while Professor
of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Hunt was working upon the literary
with a number of contemporaneous papyri from the excavations of In this volume H. I. Bell is collaborating with us, and
writing most of the commentary.
In
1905-6 we made our
largest find of literary papyri,
consisting
lite-
of the debris of three libraries of classical works.
The
principal
rary papyri in Parts v.-xv.
belong to the
first
two
of these finds,
and
with Part xv. the publication of them, apart from very small fragments, will be nearing completion. hope, in 1921, to unroll
We
and examine the

its
third of these large finds of literary texts.
Concerning
precise nature and importance

at
;
we
are
still
in the dark, for the papyri
were found
decipherable
a considerable depth, slightly damp, and not readily but some interesting discoveries may be expected.
There are
also
many
literary pieces in the other
unopened boxes from
Oxyrhynchus, but Part xv. probably carries us more than half-way through the publication of the total finds of literary texts from that site.
regard to non-literary papyri, however, we are not yet nearly half-way through the publication, and, in fact, with the exception of
With
the
1897
season's finds, have
made
comparatively
little
progress in un-
rolling
them, so that the Oxyrhynchus
series is likely to
exceed thirty
volumes.
150

While very few
of the
in
1 ,
our finds of papyri
Oxyrhynchus papyri are earlier than A.D. the Fayum were to a large extent of the
the
first
Ptolemaic period.
The
results of
two
seasons,
which were
not particularly successful, were issued in
Fay fun
Toivus
and
their
Papyri.
of
The
the
third season,
for the University of
when we were excavating at Tebtunis Two California, was much the most productive.
Papyri
is
',
parts
Tebtnnis
containing those
from
crocodile-
mummies
Euergetes
(chief of
II),
which
a series of forty- six decrees of Ptolemy
and the town
ruins respectively,
have been published.
regard to Part iii., containing third and second century B.C. papyri from mummy-cartonnage, the long and difficult process of extricating the individual 'papyri was undertaken for the most part by J. G. Smyly,
With
and the decipherment begun by him and continued by E. Lobel was Professor M. Rostovtseff, nearly completed by myself in 1916-17.
1918, has devoted much time to writing a commentary upon the most important of the 500 texts in this Part a long letter from the dioecetes or finance- minister at Alexandria toto
who came
Oxford
in
wards the end

in
of
the third century B.C. to a newly appointed
official
charge of
the revenues of the
Fayum,
giving elaborate directions
concerning his multifarious duties and affording a comprehensive picture of the working of the Ptolemaic administration of Egypt. Part iii.,
which on account
expected to
of
in
its
size will
be divided into two volumes,
may be
in
appear
1922-3.
fourth
The
results
of our
and
fifth
seasons'
excavations
the
Fayum have hardly been examined. They consist mainly of a large quantity of Greek and demotic third and second century B.C. papyruscartonnage, and a collection of
first
century B.C. papyri (chiefly demotic,
but with some Greek) from crocodile-mummies. Besides Oxyrhynchus and the Fayum, we excavated at Hibeh, situated between the two, where we found much early Ptolemaic cartonnage, about half of which
When we gave up excavating in 907, our has not yet been opened. work was continued until the war by J. de M. Johnson, who excavated
1
various Ptolemaic cemeteries between the
Fayum and Minia

1 1
with rather
;
bad luck, the papyrus-cartonnage having been mostly spoiled by damp but in the town ruins of Antinoopolis he found in 9 4 a long papyrus
containing several of the later idylls of Theocritus, which he
in editing.
is
engaged
The
best collection of Ptolemaic papyri from cartonnage
which has
THE PRESENT
yet been published
is
POSITION OF
now
PAPYROLOGY
mostly
in
151
the Petrie papyri,
Trinity College,
Dublin, edited
J.
G. Smyly.
by John Mahaffy, and more completely by These were discovered in 1890 at Gurob in the Fayum
the late Sir
by Professor Flinders Petrie. In 1895 I excavated there for a couple of weeks, and found a few more bits of cartonnage, which Smyly has
recently opened.
in the
is now about to publish about thirty new texts Memoirs of the Royal Irish Academy. They Cunningham
He
include a remarkable fragment of an Orphic ritual of the third century

B.C.,
and by a curious chance a

In the
fair
iii.
copy
of the
important, but very
difficult juristic
papyrus, P. Petrie,
23 (g).
Manchester
is
John Rylands
Library at
a large collection
bought by Hunt and me in Egypt, of which two volumes, comprising literary texts and documents prior to A.D. 284,
of papyri, mostly
have been published by Hunt, Johnson, and V. Martin. There are numerous papyri of the Byzantine period which remain to be edited. Recently the Manchester collection has been increased by some
papyri acquired
in
Egypt partly by Dr. Rendel Harris
in
1917,
and partly by me in 1920. In the former group are a fragment of (apparently) an early uncanonical gospel, mentioning St. Andrew, and several third century B.C. papyri belonging to the Zeno find (cf.
p.
1
54), while the latter group includes a

thirty
number
of literary fragments,
about
several
Ptolemaic or
Latin papyri.
Some
B.C.
Augustan papyri from the Fayum, and pieces of a lost historical work dealing
is itself
with events in
century
B.C.
339
from a papyrus which

to
of the third
(Theopompus, ûXurTriKa'), are of considerable interest,

not yet
but
we have
had time
work
at these
newest
texts.
Apart from London, Oxford, Manchester, and Dublin, most of

the papyri in British public libraries or
museums
consist of published
specimens from our excavations.
A small
by
collection of very fragmentJ.
ary texts at Aberdeen
is
being edited
G. Tait.
There are but
few papyri
in private
ownership
in this country.
A collection of about
200
Egypt for the late Lord Amherst of and published in two volumes, of which the first contains Hackney, the unique Greek original of part of an interesting Jewish apocryphal
papyri, purchased by us in
work,
Ascension of Isaiah, was subsequently acquired for small group of twenty-one America by Mr. Pierpoint Morgan. Mr. E. P. Warren, among which is a papyri recently acquired by gnostic magical text of some interest, will shortly be published by us.
the
152

Next
in
importance to the British collections of papyri come the
German, which were obtained mainly by purchase, partly by excavations at Elephantine, which produced the earliest dated Greek papyrus,
a marriage contract of 31
1
B.C., at Busiris in
the Heracleopolite norae,
written at Alexandria,
where many valuable documents of the Augustan age, which had been were discovered in mummy-cartonnage, and at
Hermopolis.
thorities of the
The principal Museum have
collection
is
at
Berlin,
where the au-
issued the
Persae
in
of Timotheus, a cele-
brated fourth century B.C. lyric
poem on
the Battle of Salamis, of which
an incomplete copy was found buried

served literary papyri,
ethical treatise
first
a tomb, and
six parts of
the
Berliner Klassikertexte, including three very long and well pretwo of the nature of commentaries, the third an
three volumes of the
by Hierocles, a Stoic contemporary of Epictetus. The Berliner Griechische Urkunden constitute
the chief publication of

fourth
Fayum papyri of the Roman period, while the devoted to the Alexandrian papyri from Busiris. mainly In 1919 the Berlin Museum began the publication of Vol. with a most
volume
is
important
Fay am
papyrus written about A.D.
abstract the official rules

fied in later reigns, for
(Gnomon)
laid
50, which contains in down by Augustus, and modi1
guiding one of the leading

In over
officials,
the Idios
Logos, in the performance of his duties.
100
regulations pre-
served almost entire the principal subjects dealt with are wills and inheritances, with especial reference to the claims of the Imperial Treasury,
marriage, registration, and the position of priests.

ministration of Egypt,
For the
Roman
ad-
and, above
all, for
the relation to each other of
the different classes of the population,
Roman and
this
Alexandrian
is
citizens,
Greeks,
Egyptians, freedmen, and slaves,
document
of
primary
importance.
The
;
text
and
translation alone
juristic
so far been issued
but historical and
Schubart) have (by commentaries by Schubart
W.
and A.
edited in
Sickel are in preparation.

is
There
also at
Berlin a minor collection of papyri and ostraca

there are important partly-edited
; ;
1915 by P. M. Meyer, and
ed. L. Mitteis) collections at Leipzig (largely fourth century papyri Giessen (edd. E. Kornemann and P. M. Meyer), where is a copy of the celebrated decree of the Emperor Caracalla in 2 5 conferring
1
Roman citizenship upon

;
the provincials
and G. A. Gerhard), which has a long in the Septuagint Halle (ed. Graeca Halensis), which possesses one
Heidelberg (edd. A. Deissmann papyrus of the Minor Prophets
THE PRESENT
of the
POSITION OF
PAPYROLOGY
;
153
most important early Ptolemaic papyri, containing extracts from Munich the laws of Alexandria Hamburg (ed. P. M. Meyer)
;
(edd.
U. Wilcken and A. Heisenberg and
L.
Wenger)
ii.)
1
Strassburg
(edd. F. Preisigke,
who
is
now engaged
a recent
with Part
Freiburg,
and
the
Bremen.
total of
According
to
official
estimate
about half
;
an
article
Greek papyri in Germany has yet to be published by U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorff (SiiSHHgsber. der
but from
Preuss. Akad., 1918), publishing a number of literary fragments, including one of Tyrtaeus, it appears that not much more is to be
expected
in the way of new classical texts. The Austrian collection at Vienna was the
;
first
very large collection
of
but unfortunately the Archduke papyri to be made in Europe who obtained it, made no adequate provision for its publication, Rainer,
editing
of
and the
the
Greek
texts
has been confined to a single
scholar, C. Wessely, who, in spite of great industry, has hardly been One able to cope with the mass of both Greek aud Coptic material.
volume
of a Corpus, containing chiefly contracts of the

in
Roman
period,
appeared
papyri,
1895
since
then only certain classes of the Greek

municipal
affairs
those
dealing
with
at
Hermopolis
and
The
topography and Byzantine tax-receipts, have been published in full. Austrian collection is poor in literary texts, except Biblical quantity of Ptolemaic fragments, and has no Ptolemaic papyri.
papyrus-cartonnage, discovered in 1908 at Gamhud (in the Heracleopolite nome) by a young Polish archaeologist, T. Smolenski, who died
shortly afterwards,
Budapest, but has not since been heard of. In France the Louvre has not in recent years taken part in the
to
went
competition for Greek papyri, though a papyrus of the first century B.c. containing the oration of Hyperides Against Athenogenes was
published
of
late
volume, consisting chiefly Ptolemaic contracts from Acoris, which were obtained by
issued
by E. Revillout
in
1892.
T. Reinach, was
by him
in
903.
The
headquarters of French
papyrology has hitherto been at Lille, where is a large collection of early Ptolemaic papyri from the Fay urn, discovered in 1900-3 by P. Jouguet, who has been assisted by J. Lesquier and P. Collart in the This collection, which has fortunately not been publication of them.
injured
by the war,
1
is
likely to
be removed soon to Paris, Jouguet
W.
Schubart, Eiiifiihniug in die Papyrusknnde.
154

Another volume
of the
is
having been transferred to the Sorbonne.

publication
Italy,
in progress.
which has the
credit of
having started Graeco- Egyptian
papyrology with
of
Amadeo
who,
Peyron, and has

years after
papyrologists,
fifty
G. Lumbroso the doyen the issue of his well-known

in les
Reciterc he s sur le'conotnie politique de I Egypt e sous

is
Lagidcs.
comprehensive dictionary of everything bearing upon ancient Alexandria, continues to show an active interest in the subject.
engaged
in a
At Naples
the difficult process of unrolling
and deciphering the burnt
At papyri from Herculaneum has been resumed with much success. Florence the two leading Italian Hellenists, D. Comparetti and
G.
Vitelli,
have obtained and edited a large collection

a large
society
of
documents,
including a group of about
manager
century.
of
250 papyri concerning a certain Heroninus, estate in the Fayum in the middle of the third called the Societii I taliana per la rice re a del
in
papiri was formed

the direction of
press.
1909,
which,
partly
partly
from
excavations
is
at
Oxyrhynchus and Hermopolis,

Vitelli
by purchases,
issuing
is
under
in
a series of which the sixth volume
the
iv.
Parts
i.-iii.
contain
many
literary
fragments, while Parts
and
v.
are mainly devoted to the
Florentine section of a large find

natives in a
of third century B.C. papyri

village
made about 1912 by

all
Fayum
(Philadelphia).
These
finance
concern a certain Zeno, a suband, unlike papyri obtained
ordinate of the chief
minister,
in
from mummy-cartonnage, are mostly
good condition.
Many
of
them are
official
letters,
and add
in
much
Ptolemaic administration
Egypt.
Palestine
to our knowledge of the and Asia Minor as well as in
At Milan
there has been founded recently a school of papyr-
ology, directed by
i
A.
Calderini,
which has issued three volumes
of
Stud (1917-20) but has not yet had much opportunity of editing new texts. A noteworthy feature of both the Florentine and the
Milanese schools
is
the considerable share in editing and commenting

ladies.
upon
that
will
the papyri
which has been taken by
the excellent example set by Medea be followed by some of the ladies in this country. Switzerland has one good collection of papyri at Geneva,
be hoped Norsa and Teresa Lodi

It is
to
of
which
a volume of documents and several valuable literary fragments have been

edited by
J.
Nicole.
His place has now been taken by V. Martin,
who
is
preparing another volume.
small collection at Bale, edited
THE PRESENT
POSITION OF
PAPYROLOGY
155
Holland has only a few by E. Rabel in 1917, is unimportant. which were edited long ago. There Ptolemaic and magical papyri are very few papyri in Belgium and the Scandinavian countries, but more in Russia, which are largely Ptolemaic and nearly all inedited.
America
by E.
J.
edited possesses a small collection of papyri at Chicago,
Goodspeed, and at Detroit a number of Biblical MSS. on vellum, which were found in Upper Egypt in 1906, the most ima curious portant being an early MS. of the Gospels, which has
interpolation near the
end
of St.
Mark's Gospel.
Shortly before
war Mr. Pierpoint Morgan obtained a collection of over 100 Coptic MSS., which were found in the ruins of an old monastic These are temporarily at the library at Hamuli in the Fayum.
the
Vatican, being repaired under the direction of Pere Hyvernat,

will
who
to
edit
in
them.
1
few accessions
to
this
find
were brought
Rome
920 by
Kelsey,
Professor F.
W.
Kelsey, of Michigan University,
besides a complete and early papyrus codex of the

Professor
Minor Prophets.
also
while
in
Egypt
last
winter,
obtained
the
collection of about
400 well-preserved documents from
Fayum
and Oxyrhynchus, together with a long treatise concerning omens (second century) and several hundred lines of a Homeric papyrus
(I/tad,
of
xviii.).
These
texts
have been divided between the Universities
Michigan (which obtains the larger part)

Lastly, while the
and Wisconsin.
Alexandrian
Museum
is
importance,
at
the
Cairo
Museum
(1)
possesses few papyri of a very valuable collection of
Greek
papyri, consisting of
two
of
the chief literary finds, five

of Peter,
plays of
an early rival of the canonical gospels, (2) the Oxyrhynchus documents mentioned on
part of the
Menander and
Gospel
149, (3) a large and particularly important group of Byzantine documents from Aphrodito in Upper Egypt, edited by J. Maspero,
p.
whose death in the war was an irreparable loss to papyrology, (4) some miscellaneous texts, mostly published by various scholars, (5)
the largest- section of the
by C. C. Edgar
accession
to
in
the
Zeno find (cf. p. 154), now being edited Annales dn service dcs antiqnitcs. An
section,
the last-named the
including a papyrus of
special
importance
for
Macedonian Calendar, was made through
my
agency
in
1920.
up, about sixty volumes of papyri or ostraca, with nearly
To sum
10,000
texts,
have been published, representing probably
less
than
156
half of the

whole material which has been recovered.
of
The minor
collected
in
publications
non-literary
texts
have
been
usefully
F. Preisigke's
Sammclbuch Griechischer
all
Urkunden aus
Aegyptcii.
Greek and Latin papyri and ostraca published up to 1920, arranged according to subject, date, and provenance, has been compiled by me, and may appear in 92
classification of
1 1 .
With
Kenyon
and
in
regard to the palaeography of

1
Greek
is still
papyri,
Sir
Frederic
900
published a book which
the standard authority,
although for the dating of uncials

cursive writing
is
treated rather briefly.
much new evidence is now available, Sir Edward Maunde
Thompson has valuable chapters dealing with papyri in the second edition of his Greek and Roman Paleography (1912), but has not The subject will, I hope, some day be treated space for many details.
by Hunt. I have begun a comprehensive work on the geography Graeco- Roman Egypt, for which the papyri provide an immense mass of evidence but this will take some years to finish. While the
fully
of
new
material has been so largely provided

it
by Englishmen, the
utiliza-
through the composition of books showing the bearing of papyri upon the various branches of history, law, and philology has hitherto been left almost entirely to foreign scholars, principally German
tion of
or
French.
to
The
best
introduction
is
to
papyrology,
paying especial
in die
attention
literary
papyri,
W.
in
Schubart's
Einfiihntng
is
rapyruskiinde, which appeared

clearly arranged.
1918 and
very accurate and
Sir
John Mahaffy's
Empire of
the Ptolcmic*
(1897)
is
not very systematic, and Bouche
Leclercq's Ilistoirc
completed in 1907, of which the first two volumes are devoted to dynastic and foreign history, the last two to the mainly
Liioidcs,
internal
condition of
the country,
is
the best general
history of the
Ptolemaic period.
the
But
is
for
the administration of
Ptolemaic Egypt
principal authority
,/r,
accompanied by 500
U. Wilcken's Grn.mhngc der selected texts, and covering
Papynathe
whole
from Alexander to the eighth century. This work of the issued in 1912, has laid a firm historical leading papyrologist, foundation for future researches connected with Graeco- Roman Egypt.
period
German
A
in
brilliant
sketch of the
is
Ptolemaic regime
in
the light of the most
recent discoveries
Arch. (1920),
Egypt
given by M. Rostovtseff in Jo urn. of Egypt. Of the Roman and Byzantine periods 161-178. pp. there is no satisfactory general account. J. G. Milne's
THE PRESENT
out of date.
POSITION OF
PAPYROLOGY
is
157
History of Egypt under kotnau Rule (1899)
rather slight
and
The
leading authority
outlines.
is
again Wilcken's Grvndzttge,

is,
which gives the main

besides
For the Byzantine period there

account of
the
administration
Wilcken's book, a
good
by
Bel!
M.
in
Gelzer, and an excellent sketch of the same subject by
H.
I.
Jouni. of Egypt. Arch. (1918). There is a great opening for books dealing with the five main subdivisions of the period from
Augustus
to
Heraclius.
There
is
(1) the period from Augustus to
the conquerors to the developed

ally interesting to
Nero, with the transition from the Ptolemaic system taken over by Roman system. It would be especi-
examine
in detail
how
far
the
Romans
altered the
Ptolemaic regime,
the conquest of
were themselves influenced by it, since with its highly- organised and centralised adEgypt
far they
how
ministration coincided with the establishment of
the principate.
(2)
at
There
is
the period from Vespasian

its
to Severus, with the
Empire
the height of
of Severus,
prosperity.
(3)
A new epoch begins with the reforms
introduced the Greek system of the city-state into Alexandria and the principal towns, and with the bestowal of Roman
who
by Caracalla upon the provincials. (4) There is the end of the third century and the fourth, with the reorganisation of Egypt under Diocletian and Constantine, and the general adoption of Chriscitizenship
tianity
leading
up
to
(5)
Egypt from the
fifth
to
the
seventh
centuries as a
Byzantine province, with a quite new outlook, system of government, and culture, having by this time lost many of its
peculiarities
and becoming
the gap
assimilated to the other parts of the Eastern
Empire.
Here
of a posthumous
being edited
On
the
is likely to be soon filled by the publication work by J. Maspero on Byzantine Egypt which is by Mr. Fortescue. economic side there are two very good books, M.
RostovtsefFs
deals largely with Graeco- Roman Egypt,
Geschichte des rb'miscken Kolonates (1910), which and Vol. i. of U. Wilcken's
Griechische
Ostraka (1900), which

chief authority
is
primarily concerned
with
H. Maspero's taxation, Les finances de C gypte sous les Lagides (1900) and A. Steiner's Der Fisk2is der Ptolemder (1902) are unsatisfactory, and most
and remains the on
that subject.
questions concerning
for
finance
and
taxation in
which there
is
now
a vast quantity of
new
Graeco- Roman Egypt, evidence available, soon

(cf. p.
to
be increased by the publication of the Bodleian ostraca
144),
158
In Leipzig before the war statistics urgently require to be rehandled. of prices found in the papyri were being collected, and it is to be
hoped
that this valuable piece of
work may be soon completed.
To
now
the
Graeco- Roman Egypt.

the
French are due the principal works on military affairs in The Ptolemaic army in Egypt (1910), and
(1919),
are the
subjects
of
Roman
J.
elaborate
and most
accurate books by
well treated by
the chief
J. Lesquier, while the Byzantine army has been Frenchman has also produced Maspero (1912).
work on municipal organisation, P. Jouguet's La vie nninic ipale dans f hgypte romainc (1909), which, though somewhat
lacking in clearness,
is
very useful.
Both
this
and a recent German

<
work, F. Oertel's
but
hcllcnistischcu Ii^yptcn (1919, which partly covers the same ground, 1914), composed have been supplemented by two publications which appeared during
before
Die Liturgic im
the war, P.
Ry lands,
ii.,
and P. Oxyrhynchus,
xii.,
containing imthe end
portant minutes of the proceedings of a council of

of the second century
officials at
and
of a local senate in the third.
There are some good studies of particular officials, especially by G. Plaumann, the ablest of the younger German papyrologists, who was killed in the last days of the war, on the Idios Logos, and that
by V. Martin on the main subdivisions of
papyrus, were
studies
of
Epistrategi, the chief administrators of the three
Roman
Ptolemaic
e.g.,
Egypt, who, as is shown by a Tebtunis But there is great need of similar origin.
dealing,
with the dioecetes,
who was
less
the head of
in
the
Ptolemaic finance administration but of

times, with the praefect,
consequence
Roman
in
who was
the head of the
whole province
Roman
The Roman
times,
and with the
strategus,
who
under both the Ptolemies
and the Romans was the
chief local official.

in
system of credit and banking was highly developed

this
Graeco-
Egypt, which was conspicuously modern in comprehensive treatise on this subject, Das Girowcscn
respect.
A
not
im ^
but
is
sEgypten (1910), has been composed by
F.
Preisigke,
very satisfactory, and some rather fundamental questions are still in Agriculture, for which the extant evidence is particularly dispute.
comprehensive, and the various industries, also require a

studies.
series of special
With
priesthood
regard to religion, the organization of the Graeco- Egyptian
was
dealt with in detail
by
W.
Otto
in
1902-5, but much
THE PRESENT
new
Idios
POSITION OF
available,
PAPYROLOGY
Gnomon
159
of the
information
is
now
I
especially from the
and
I sis
Logos (cf. p. 52). Pagan and that curious mixture of Greek, Egyptian,
religions illustrated
beliefs, especially the cults of Sarapis
Persian, Jewish,
and Christian
by
the magical papyri, have not yet
been adequately handled.

jected
in
corpus of the magical papyri
was pro-
Germany by K. Preisendanz before the war, and a Czech

Hopfner,
is
scholar, Dr.
engaged upon the

Isis
difficult task of elucidating
them.
is
published in P. Oxyrhynchus, xi. the subject of a forthcoming work by a young Dutch scholar. On
The
interesting litany of
the Christian side the chief
work
is
A. Deissmann's
illuminating
Licht
vom Osten (2nd ed., 1910), which has been (Light from the Ancient East). The juristic side of papyrology, which is
which the importance and
interest
translated into English
rather technical,
and
of
have hitherto remained unappreciated is too a subject to be discussed here. in this country, The standlarge ard general work on it is L. Mitteis's Grundziige (1912), with 382 selected texts, a companion to Wilcken's work mentioned on p. 56,
1
but
much more
abstruse.
A new selection of ninety- three of the chief
juristic texts,
1
with a commentary, has just been issued by P. M. Meyer There are many books or monographs on particular points ( 920). Mitteis, O. Gradenwitz, L. Wenger, P. M. Meyer, J. Partsch, by
and other German or Austrian

but almost the only English
subject
is
jurists,
and some by
at
Italian
and French,
jurist
who
has displayed any interest in the
the
new
Professor of Civil
Law
Oxford,
F. de Zulueta,
who
has published a useful essay on Patronage in the Later Empire. turn from History and Law to Philology, a good grammar of the Ptolemaic papyri by A. Mayser was issued in 1 906, and one of
To
the
Herculaneum papyri by
works
of
W.
Crbnert
in
903.
subject of the relation of payyri to the Septuagint
and
On the fertile New Testament,

:
besides the standard

translated as
A. Deissmann, Bibelstudien (1902
Bible Studies} and Licht
vom Osten
(cf. p.
59), good
work
the
is
being done by British scholars, especially the
Testament begun by J. H. Moulton, who fell a victim to German submarine warfare, and now being continued by W. Howard, and the Vocabulary of the Greek Testament Illustrated from the Papyri, begun by Moulton and G. Milligan and continued by the
scholar alone, which has reached nearly halfway through the In the forthcoming revised edition of Liddell and Scott's alphabet.
latter
New
Grammar of
160

is
Lexicon, which
under the direction of
H.
Stuart Jones, Ptolemaic
papyri are being looked after by E. Lobel and
P. Jouguet with his
The papyri by V. Martin, Byzantine by H. I. Bell. pupils, corresponding German lexicon of Passow was being re- edited by a papyrologist, W. Crb'nert, but in 1914 had only reached ay, and the editor, who was taken prisoner early in the war, has not yet recovered
Roman
all his materials.
F.
Preisigke in
1915
issued a vocabulary of techni-
cal terms in papyri concerning the administration,
which
is
useful so far
as
it
goes.
The same
Greek
papyri.
indefatigable researcher has also planned dicis
tionaries, not
only of personal names, of which there

In the
a great variety,
his
but of
all
meantime Heft
iii.
of
Berichti-
gungcn, a
collection of all the corrections

is
which have been made upon
the original editions of papyri,
about to be issued.
The
chief periodical relating to papyri, the
Archiv fur l yap\

resumed
publication,
forschung, edited by U.
Wilcken,
has
just
which, under the editorship of A. Moret and P. Jouguet, is now partly devoted the Italians have started a similar periodical, to papyrology sgyptttst and of C. Wessely's StwKen zur Palczoedited by A. Calderini
gyptologiqiie>
; ;
while the French have revived the
Revue
graphic ntid
has recently appeared. The lack of an English papyrological journal is more conspicuous than ever.
Papyruskunde, Heft
to
xix.
what papyrologists in different countries have achieved during the last generation and are now doing, I conclude with some practical remarks about the future of papyrology
Having endeavoured
sketch
in this country.
Fortune has been kind
to British
workers
in this field,
who
and
have secured the best part of the material in respect of both quantity
quality
;
but the small band of
British
papyrologists has been

in the fullness of
thinned recently by the death of Sir

years, the absorption of Sir Frederic
John Mahaffy
Kenyon
in his duties as Principal
Librarian of the
British
staff
who
has joined the
Museum, and the loss of J. de M. Johnson, of the Clarendon Press and has little time for
primary business of Hunt and myself is, of course, the publication of the mass of papyri at Oxford, which has been called " the Mecca of papyrologists ". should, of course, be glad of the
papyrology.
The
We
assistance of younger researchers to help us

us.
and some day

if
to
succeed
whole
great advantage unexamined portion of our collection unrolled or extricated from cartonnage, and find out what is there, thus rendering it all availparticular
it
In
would be a
we
could get the
of the
THE PRESENT
papyri than
is
POSITION OF
more
PAPYROLOGY
definite
161
able for study and for publication in

possible at present.
groups of cognate
very unsatisfactory that we are still quite ignorant of the nature of so many of our unpublished finds, especially those of the Ptolemaic period, and the larger documents of
It is
the
present conditions
at
Under Oxyrhynchus. can only deal with comparatively small sections a time, and these not necessarily the most important.
early Byzantine periods from
Roman and
we
Secondly, the contrast between the predominance of

in the discovery
this
country
and
editing of
papyrus
texts,
by
is
it
in the utilization of the material for
and the small part taken historical and juristic purposes

1
hardly creditable.
of Schubart's
In the
list
of the chief editions of papyri at the
end
entries, including the
Einfilkrung (cf. p. 56), there two largest series, compared

but in Schubart's
list
are fifteen British

to forty- five of all
other nationalities
of
It
only two out of

of enterprise, for
fifty entries
are British.
books dealing with papyri is to be hoped that this lack
which
editors occupied with
new
texts
can hardly be
blamed,
will not continue
much
longer.
Papyrology, a creation of the

of the high state of organiis
last forty years,
has been able to avail
itself
zation already attained
by Roman epigraphy, and

;
well systematized
There are plenty
of bibliographies
editions of texts are elaborately
indexed, and, in most cases, provided with notes and translations, while there are excellent introductions to the subject and selections. Several
of the
more important
;
topics
which require discussion or further

is
inquiries
have been indicated

studies, e.g.
but there
also a great opening for less ambitious
combining the information derived from groups of papyri The lead which has concerning particular persons, localities, or items. been given by Oxford and Dublin ought to be followed by other Universities.
Lastly, there
My
visit
the question of further search for papyri in Egypt. last winter led me to the conclusion that the present time is
is
more
propitious for buying papyri found
by native diggers
for nitrous
earth than for digging at one's
America, owing to the expense. favourable exchange, seems to be the only country which is just now in a position to face the heavy outlay for excavations in search of papyri
a town
site.
own
in
The Egypt
its
the coming winter with

to
Exploration Society is fully occupied for excavations at El Amarna, which are about
commence, and promise results of exceptional interest for EgyptoloBut that Society has by no means abandoned the idea of gists.
ii
162
resuming excavations on a Graeco- Roman site, and, if a successor to us and Johnson is forthcoming in the near future, I shall be happy to assist
him
in starting
work
in
Egypt
The
next few years will probably see
the disappearance of the rapidly dwindling rubbish-mounds or houseruins at the various town-sites in
;
middle Egypt which have yielded
be some time before the chances of obtaining papyri papyrus-cartonnage are diminished up to the point of excluding the need of further research in Ptolemaic tombs, and tombs of any date within
but
it
will
the Graeco- Roman period will continue to present the possibility of

discovering complete literary
rolls, either classical
or theological.
CELSUS
BY
J.
AND
ARISTIDES.
RENDEL HARRIS,
M.A., Lirr.D., D.THEOL., ETC., HON.
FELLOW OF CLARE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
THE
of
will
discovery of a fragment of the

the
"
Apology
is
of Aristides"
among
ance
Oxyrhyncus Papyri
a fact of some importthe

first
in the Patristic literature.
It is
dona fide piece

It
Greek evidence
for the text of this
famous Christian document.

"
be remembered that the
preservation of a single
discoveries
;
Apology is known to us, apart from the fragment in Armenian, by two phenomenal
"
by myself in the Monastery Dr. Armitage Robinson's discovery of Mt. 889 second, that the lost Greek text had been incorporated, with some modifica" tions, in the famous Christian romance known as the History of Barlaam and Joasaph," which was supposed to have been written by
first,
that of the Syriac text

;
Sinai in
St.
John
of
Damascus
in the
monastery of
St.
Saba, near the
Dead
Sea.
11
great convents united to give us back the missing one finding us a Syriac translation, the other a Greek Apology/'
It is
Thus two
incorporation or adaptation.
this
natural, then, that the discovery of
precious fragment from the sands of Egypt should re-open a number of questions, which could not be settled at the time of the
publication.
first
Of
two
in
these the principal points for further discussion
and debate
are
number.
The one
relates to the question of

;
the other priority and preference, where the Greek and Syriac differ to a non-textual question, but one of no less importance, the enquiry " " whether the Apology was referred to by Celsus in his attack on
Christianity in the second century, to
skill
which Origen replied with such
and
in such detail in the following century.
We may,
with ad-
vantage, review the situation from these
two
points of view.
we
Let us begin with the question of Celsus and Aristides, and so can proceed to discuss the involved question of the comparative
texts.
163
value of the Greek and Syriac
164
The Celsus and Aristides problem arose out of a series of observations made by myself as to the coincidences which could be traced between the polemic of Celsus and the statements made by Aristides. The parallels were not exhaustively treated, but were sufficient to
show a connection
would
both of
either
and language expressing those ideas, which prove Celsus dependent on Aristides, as I supposed, or
of ideas to
be dependent upon a third document. It was at this point that the difficulty arose, for it was maintained by Dr. Armitage Robinson in his exposition of the Greek text which he had so brilliantly
them
recovered, that the coincidences between Celsus and Aristides were " due to a common employment of the lost Preaching of Peter ".
Accordingly, he collected from the fragments of the Preaching a series

of agreements
bilities
on
five
principal points
:
plus
six
supplementary possi-
of
dependence, as follows
stated that
(1) (2)
all
That That
is
the Preaching called the Deity TravTOKparvp.
"
it
God
created the heaven and earth and
that
therein."
all
(3)
That That
That
things
were made
"
for the sake of
man
"
and placed
in subjection to him.
(4)
it
contained a reference to the folly of guarding the Deity,
as in the case of carefully
watched
statues of gold, silver, etc.
(5)
it
maintained that
God
has no need of
sacrifices.
To these five points he added more hesitatingly the

(6)
following six
give the power to speak rightly of Himself. contained a reference to the superstitions of the Jews with regard to circumcision and clean and unclean meats. (8)^That Christians maintain and sustain the world.
That God must

it
(7) That
(9)
That they have God's commandments (10) It also had a reasoned condemnation
fire
fixed in their hearts.
of the
worship of the
elements, such as
and water,
(11)
volence.
And
a statement that
God was
to
be worshipped by bene*'
From
these
parallels
it
was concluded
that
most of the co-
incidences (between Celsus and Aristides) which had been pointed out would be accounted for by the supposition that it was not
our
Jason Apology/ but the Preaching of Peter/ which, like and Papiscus/ and other apocryphal writings, supplied the materials
of hs attack."
'
'
CELSUS
As we
we do
was
shall
AND
ARISTIDES
165
not at
examine the question presently, de novo and ab initio, Dr. Robinson this point discuss the parallels in detail.
;
evidently not quite satisfied with his result
for,
at the risk
of
repetition,
he made a fresh collection
of
the supposed
loans [from
Aristides in the pages of Celsus, enumerating eight passages which
contained
striking
coincidences of thought
or language.
He
then
made an
that Celsus was, sometimes, as
observation (the value of which he did not sufficiently estimate^ it would seem, retorting upon Christians
language which had been employed by themselves (the tu quoque
argument)
as, for instance,
when he
says that Jesus in
His Passion,
had no help from His Father, nor was enabled to help Himself. This would be a very natural reply to the language of Aristides about
the gods
who could not help others nor help themselves, and it would be decisive as to the dependence of Celsus or Aristides, or "almost will examine the point more closely presently. Dr. decisive.
We
Robinson seems to have been so much impressed with these suggested Celsian retorts that he finally concluded that it "is not easy to say
whether
Preaching of Peter or the Apology of Aristides which lay before Celsus, but we can hardly doubt that it must have So he left the matter in suspense, as was been one or the other."
it
was
'
the
not unnatural thirty years ago, and in dealing with a newly found document let us see whether, on reviewing the evidence to-day, we
;
can come to a more definite conclusion.
We begin,
in Origen, side
then,
by reading the arguments
of Celsus, as represented
whether one
of
by side with the arguments them is replying to the

Celsus
is
of Aristides in order to see
other.
We
if
should easily
satisfy ourselves that
replying to something or somebody, to

living
put ourselves as far as possible, in Celsus* position, and, so to speak, identify ourselves with him, we can reconstruct his adversary by a study of the
some written statement or some
people
and
we
If it is a book that is being blows that are being aimed at him. the critic will have been reading the book with an annotademolished,
ting
and underscoring
pencil
what
his antagonist, or the person
he will point out by his annotation, too, whom he has elected to antagonise,
He will has emphasised or underlined in his own speech or treatise. concentrate his attention on those points which are vital and must be
replied
ridicule.
to, or
those which are vulnerable

for
and must be held up
to
Let us try
awhile to acquire a
Celsus-consciousness.
166

we
are writing a book in which, after a brief introduction on
assemblies,
We find
illicit
which
is
really addressed
to the
Government
(iton
licet vos esse\ and so is an evidence that the appeal which we are trying to counter was itself an appeal to the Government, that is, to
the Emperor,
of barbarians.
we
begin by pointing out that Christianity is a religion The reason why we introduce this abrupt form of
that the Apologist whose scalp we are after, has been using " the term "barbarian in his address, and has either made the Greek
attack
is
world into a world

door to barbarians.
of barbarian
ideas,
or has put the Greeks next

is
The
natural answer to this

;
the
///
qitoque
which Dr. Robinson detected

dear
sir ?
what do you mean by
barbarians,
Are you
not in your religion an off-shoot of Judaism and

?
are not the
Jews barbarians
So we have by our
retort reconstructed
the world of four religions, to wit the Greeks (ourselves and Celsus) the barbarians
you quote and to whom both Christians, belong, and your twain selves.
ftdpftapov
(frijariv
whom
of you,
Jews and
avutOev TO Soy/Aa,
77X0 z><m TOT
'lovSaivfjubv
ov XpiaTiavio-pbs ^prtjraL. "
c.
Celsum,"
of
i.
2.
Here then we have
the suggestion of a world
four religions.
Now
it
will
be remembered that the Syriac Aristides divides manof Barlaam and Joasaph has three only, and the first class three and Christians Jews Chaldeans, Greeks, and Egyptians. Upon this Dr.
kind into four races, the Barbarians, the Greeks, the Jews, and the
Christians, while the
Greek
viz., idol worshippers,
subdivisions,
Robinson remarks
that
.
.
"
the
fourfold
division of the Syriac

;
and
Armenian
versions
it
we
examine
the less primitive
comes under grave suspicion and the more it For to the Greek mind ?ppears.
. . .
the Jews were themselves barbarians. Moreover, there seems to be no parallel to this fourfold classification of races in early Christian
literature."
Precisely
is
the
what Celsus
trying to say
Jews were themselves barbarians that is and it requires the Syriac Aristides for
:
an antecedent.
Returning to our Celsus, we find that the next point is that, so as Christianity is a philosophy it is common with other philosophies
has nothing
far
:
it
new about
it.
We
are attacking
someone
in a
philo-
sopher's garb.
He
appears to have a wallet labelled
"novelties'*
If
but
it is
stuffed with matters
borrowed from other
schools.
he poses
CELSUS
as a philosopher,
fresh,
It
if
AND
ARISTIDES
167
and prates
of philosophy, let
religion.
him produce something
he wishes to make a fresh

this
need hardly be said that
attempt to discount the philosophy
if the opponent or opposed " had begun by saying, I am a person philosopher from Athens, and had produced a string of Stoic sentences about the Divine Nature and
of
an opponent was extremely natural,
the Cosmos.
chapter.
He
Evidently Celsus has read the prologue and the first annotates it, "no novelty"; as he goes on he finds
that manufactured goods are said not to
be gods
he puts on the
margin the words
"
nihil novi : confer Heraclitum, 0eoi ai/aôi"-
He
find
will
do
in
this
be found
in
more emphatically if the claim for novelty should the volume to which he is replying. Well, we actually
the
the
that,
"Apology
a
of Aristides"
the statement
made
to
the
Emperor
Truly
it.
this is
new
Take now
their writings
people, and there and read.
is
something divine mingled with
We notice that
whom
sopher
this assertion of
novelty and appeal for attention
is
in
the Syriac text, and not in the Greek.
Celsus, then, disposes rapidly enough of the philosophy of the
man
he
!
is criticising,
as
if
What
"
of that ?
the Divine Nature, and catches sight of the statement that

all
it were one more philoenough to say, but as he runs his eye over the section on "
"
God
made
things for the sake of
this
man," he cannot refrain from an attack on ridiculous Stoic doctrine, and as it is clearly one of the special
it
beliefs of Aristides,
It is
must be reserved
for a special refutation.

is
:
interesting to observe
how
careful Celsus
to confute the
since Aris-
emphatic and repeated statements

addressing a jury, Celsus
feels
of his adversary
and
tides has the trick of saying things several times over,
like a counsel
bound
his
to take
him on
his repetitions.
for the sake of
Most
of his references to the

in
for
making
of the
world
man
by Origen world was no more made

or shrubs, ants
are given
fourth book, to the effect that the
man
than for brute beasts, or for plants
and dolphins. He laughs zoologically and botanically, he will even set the sun, moon, and stars laughing at the pigmy pride of man. The world is not anthropocentric for Celsus,
and
bees, lions
any more than
it
is
melittocentric
or even heliocentric.
On
the
'"c.Celsum/'iv.
74,
75,99.
168

in
surface of the argument the Epicurean wins easily, but surface argu-
ments are
two dimensions, the
true philosopher has to
work
is
in three.
The
next step in the evolution of the attack of Celsus
a rapid
lunge at the Jews, in order to detach
them from the
Christians, with
he had previously coupled them, followed by a decision to take the Christians first and the Jews later. know, says Celsus, that The Jews worship angels and are devoted to sorcery of which Moses was their teacher (779 o Mft>u<7?}<? avrols yeyovev egrjyiJTrjs).
whom
We
"
but
we will show
presently that they are deceived "

:
and have stumbled
through ignorance
7rayye\\erai e &t,SdJ;iv ef^9, TTW? real 'lovSaioi VTTO a/j,a0ia<; eff<^d\r)cav eâTrarca/jievoi.
"c. Celsum,"
In
:
i.
26.
making these statements we may observe two things first that " " the reply of Celsus does what the Apology itself suggests it re;
fers to
the
Jews and postpones them

.
.
next, the language of Celsus
anticipates the statement of Aristides that the

.
Jews have gone astray their service is to angels and not to from accurate knowledge In both respects Celsus runs parallel to the Syriac version, God."
differs
"
which
its
from the Greek, both
in the
order of the material and in
content.
According
to the
same Syriac
version,
we
have the defence of the

:
Christian faith introduced by a brief study of origins
The
Barbarians reckon the head

. .
.
of their religion
from
and the
Greeks from.
from
The Jews reckon
whom was
it is
The
the head of their race from Abraham, who begat Isaac, born Jacob, etc. Christians reckon the beginning of their religion from Jesus Christ.
Now
clear that
this
repeated expression stands for an original
Greek yeveaXoyovvrai.
We can
He
see this as regards the Jews,

:
if
we
turn to the
fifth
book
against Celsus
(Celsus) did not wish to appear ignorant of a fact not easily to be

it is clear that the Jews reckon their racial origin from the Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob (on KCL\ ycveaXoyovvrcu T&V rpi&v Trarepwv, rov \^padfi Kal TOV 'lo-ad/c, teal
'
For neglected. three patriarchs,

luv&aioi ajro
rov
33, and compare v. 35, "the genealogy which he hare so shamelessly arrogated in boasting of Abraham Jews " " and his descendants those names from which the Jews derive their
1
"c. Celsum,"
the
Y.
deemed
to
genealogies."
CELSUS
The Greek
the form
ol 8e
AND
ARISTIDES
169
text preserves the
same statement
for the Christians in
XpKTTiavol yeveaXoyovvTtu UTTO rov K.vpiov 'IrjGov Xpt<7ro{).
we
If, however, this fragment had been missing from the Greek text, could have divined it from the statement of Celsus, who, after
postponing the study of Judaism, first of all makes his discourse concerning our Saviour, inasmuch as he was our leader, so far as we are
Christians
a)?
by race
(irp^rov iroieirai TOP \6yov Trepl TOV

Trj
crcjT-Yjpos
yivopcvov TIJÔVO^
KaOo Xptcrrtai/ot
statements of
eV/xei/ yej>eVei
It
is
clear that these successive
where the Syriac

the Oration
:
"
"
Apology
genealogy belong has placed them, and not at the end of

first
Celsus will speak
of
what comes
;
first
in the book,
his actual
the origin of the Christians
and
their beliefs
and these are
words
"
:
" being regarded by the Christians as the Son of God : (OLVTQV irpo 7rdvv oKiyfov ercui/ rrjs Si8a<T/caXta,5 raur^s /ca^y^'cracr^cu, i/o/ucr2 64vTd VTTO Xpiorrtaâii/ vibv ttva.1 TOV Oeov).
In quite recent times he
became the leader
of this teaching,
Clearly Celsus
is
following Aristides very carefully at this point,

its
not only as regards the order of the argument, but as to

for here
says,
content
we
are at the centre of the Christian confession.
The
Syriac
The Christians reckon the beginning of who is named the Son of God most High, and the Greek says,
their religion
from Jesus Christ,
Who
The Greek
"
is
confessed to be the Son of
God
most High.
;
"
confessed
is
later theological
language than the Syriac

to
vofjucrOevTa was not strong enough but the Syriac appears misread a Greek i>o/xtera(, as 6*>o/*aeTcu.
have
And now
it is said that first of all, heavily on his opponent " from heaven Greek indulges in expansions, as that (the
: ;
Celsus scrutinises every word, and rains "
down his blows God came down
He
came
down by
the
Holy
Spirit,
and
that
it
was
for us
men and
:
our salva-
tion, as the early
Creeds
say).
Now
out with
this his
Epicurean philosophy would not allow
he breaks
lM
c.
Cclsum/'i. 21.
*Ibid.
170

Jews and
Christians,
:
no
God
or
Son
of
God
has ever descended nor
ever
may descend
it
and
was
natural that Origen should, in his

first
fifth
book, convict him
of impiety in the
case, as denying either the descent from
Heaven
Apollo and /Esculapius, or as forsaking the of his own Epicurean doctrine, which he had hitherto camouflage See how the fellow, says Origen, in his zeal to judiciously practised.
or the actual divinity, of
make wreckage of us, though he never admitted throughout his work that he was an Epicurean, is now caught sneaking off to Epicurus.
1
he going to accept the doctrine of Providence which we Christians affirm with the Stoics ? He had better take another turn at the
Is
Christian Scriptures,
and learn accurately the care
of
God
for
man.
The same contradiction of Celsus to the doctrine of a descending God is in the opening of Origen's fourth book, where Celsus is reported
as saying, that certain Christians
and the Jews maintain, some that
God has descended,

has a further
others that
God or the Son of God will descend
to a certain land, but this
fling at the idea that the

fulfil
does not require a serious refutation. Celsus of God could be foretold. coming
"
Anyone
could
such prophecies,
some
is
fanatically,
and others
making which Origen
collections, say that the
Son
of
God
come from above."
To
replies that
we
have no trace of such
self -divinising in
the Jewish records.
We notice that
or the
the language of Celsus about the descent of

is
God,
tells
Son
of
God
suggested by the Syriac

is
"
Aristides," which
it is
us that Jesus Christ
the
;
Son of God and

the point
is
that
in
said that
God
comes down from heaven
missed
the Greek.
Celsus
did not miss the variation in the language.

heart of the
Birth,
By
this
time
we
are in the
Creed
when we come
text varying
to the
statement of the Virgin
we
find the
Greek
from the Syriac, chiefly by the
addition of later theological language.
came down from heaven and from a

himself with flesh,
and
in a
God."
/ecu
1
The Greek
"
says,
flesh
He
d(f)06pa)<;
and took
daughter was born of a holy Virgin, d(j7rd/3&>9 Here there is and appeared to men."
'
The Syriac says that God Hebrew Virgin took and clad of man there dwelt the Son of
"
"c. Celsum," v. 1. " " That the term Hebrew Virgin is genuine Aristides, and has been " " replaced by Holy Virgin in the Greek, appears from a fragment of a lost " He work of Aristides preserved in the Armenian. It runs as follows
J
:
CELSUS
appear by
AND
ARISTIDES
is
171
correct will
(i.
only a trace of the Syriac form, but that the latter

turning to another passage in
said
rjjjias
Barlaam and Joasaph

17/1019
3)
where
uKTja-t
it
is
that Christ
ojcftOrj
Ka0'
/ecu
trapOevov
is
oY
where the dwelling
of Christ in the Virgin
clearly
taken from the Syriac. The next sentence in the Syriac It should run thus princefs.
:
is
mistranslated in the editio
This
is
learned from the Gospel, which, they say, has been preached a
short time ago.
Celsus
is
directed to the Virgin Birth

:
and the Gospel, and he accepts
the challenge vigorously he had already picked up the admission that " it was a short time ago" (777)0 irdvv oXiycov iruv TTJS 'SiSacr/coAtas
returns) and
tion
now he
hits out
hard with the story of the
illicit
connec-
between the Virgin and the soldier Panther, employing a second
camouflage
for his own personal opinions, by the introduction of a Jew who is now the protagonist, an Epicurean converted for the nonce. The battle is a long one and we do not follow it in detail all that we are concerned with is the proof that everything of importance in
;
the Syriac
is
taken over by Celsus, and every vital statement has an

it.
arrow
sticking in
Returning to the Syriac text It should read got wrong.

:
we
notice that the punctuation has
In order that a certain oiKovoîa might
be
fulfilled,
he was pierced by
the Jews, etc.
The
allusion to the olKovopia

(c.
will
:
be found reflected on Barlaam
and Joasaph
"
61), as follows
Do you ask me how we came to hear the words of the incarnate God ? Know that it was through the holy Gospels that we learnt
The dependence of this about the Divine-human pucoi'OfUa." " " passage on the Apology is clear, and it is one more illustration of the extent to which the Barlaam and Joasaph story is saturated with
all
Aristides.
The Greek now becomes

of
interesting
crucifixion,
it
connects
the
completion
reference
the
economy with the

Jews
:
but
without any
to
,
reXecras rrjv OavfiacrT^v avrov Sia crravpov Oavdrov eyeucraro, e/covcria ftovXrj. /car*
the
/ecu
united to Himself the flesh from a

this is
suggests to us that the " to the primitive draft of the Apology **.
it
Aristides
Hebrew Virgin the Holy Maiy ". If " " Hebrew Virgin should belong
172

But
this
completion of the economy
will also
:
be found
/cal
in
Barlaam and Joasaph in the opening chapter as follows

rrjv
iraaav pev
Bid aapicos VTrep TJ/MWV reXeo-a? " B. and J./' 4.
He Celsus continues his examination of the Christian Creed. " was crucified by the Jews/' but the statement that our Lord accepts
" punished him says the Jew representative say the same. Celsus says a second time that he paid the penalty among the Jews
*
says that
it
was on account
of his crimes,
and makes
his
camouflaged
:
We
'
for his offences.
We both
no
"
found him guilty and condemned him as

2
deserving death
says the Jew.
So
there need be
hesitation in believing that Celsus

at the
had before
Jews, even
him a statement
though there
Robinson.
is
that Jesus suffered
hands
of the
nothing to that effect in the
Greek
text as edited
by
next point that Celsus has to face is the question whether gods, of whom images are made, can be trusted to take care of themand if not, how they can take care of their worshippers ? selves
;
The
As
this is a special
theme with
Aristides,
on which he enlarges and
which he repeats over and over, we will look somewhat more closely at the section in which it first appears, which is headed in Syriac as
the Folly of the Barbarians, but in
Greek
as the Aberrations of the

is
Chaldeans.
We have already
explained that Chaldean

tradition of Aristides.
secondary
section
and Barbarian primary in the which we are engaged on has a
The
special interest, since both the

first
Greek
:
and the Syriac make Aristides quote the

1
chapter of
Romans
is
The expression re\elv olxovoplav becomes almost classical. Here " a very curious early case in the Life of Abercios," which runs parallel
:
to Aristides
$vKv Bui a? 6 0eo

d7T(7Tl\V,
It
L
rrj<f
dyias TrapOevov
dplV KOL
fJLIJ
TIVO,
is
a translation or transference from the

rei
"Acts
of
Peter"
(c.
7,
p.
53):"
Cujus
yirginem ficeret"
J
causa deus filium suum misit in saeculo aut cujus

protulit,
si
rei
per
Mariam
non aliquam gratiam aut procurationem pro-
"c. Celsum/'ii.
4, 5, 10.
CELSUS
"
AND
ARISTIDES
l
173
they began to serve created things rather than the Creator," and the Greek text has made its mark on one or two other places in
Barlaam and Joasaph, showing once more how saturated the monk St. Saba is with his favourite book. For example we have
e'7/eXetVaz/Te? ev vaols Trpoa-e/cvvrjorav, ry KTLcret Trapa TO> Kriffavn.
of
\arpvoi>T$
B. and J.,"
vii.
48.
fjiop(f)cafjLara
dvTVTTo)(TavTo
teal
TOVTOVS deov? etcdXearav.

Ibid.,
vii.
49.
Trjpovvres avra ev
.
da(f>a\eia, rov
prj VTTO /c\7rra)v
/cal ro firj yivoMT/cciv on ovtc (rv\r)0rivai, eâpicovvrai KOI /SoyOeZv, 7TW9 a\\oi<$ yevoivro (frvXatcts xal acorfjpes
.
.
Ibid.,*. 81.
As we
have
said,
Aristides harps on this theme again and again.
How
when
was
can Asclepios be a god

struck
by
lightning, or
when he was unable Dionysus, who could
to help himself,
not save himself
from being
sad,
?
slain
be able
to help others ?
Or
Herakles, whose end
to respond to an appeal for a goddess when she could not help Adonis, help or Adonis be a god when he could not help himself ? Or Rhea when she could not help Attis ? Or Kore* who was carried off to
and bad, and mad, be able
Or Aphrodite be
Hades
Or
Isis
be a goddess and unable
And
of
speaking generally any use ? They are too
how
can gods
weak
to help Osiris her lord ? cannot help themselves be for their own salvation. It seems
who
all
that the
humour
refute
of the discussion
is
not
on one
side.
Aristides
long.
is
really laughing,
shall
and some
will say laughing too loud
and
How
we
him
Obviously the tu quoque argument is the simplest. Say the same of the other man's god. Ask him if God saved Jesus, or if things
Jesus
was
able to save Himself.

Isis
That
Osiris,
will dispose very neatly of
Aphrodite and Adonis, or
and
and the
rest.
Accordingly
Celsus reproaches the Saviour because of His sufferings, says that received no assistance from His Father, nor was in a position to help
He
Himself
1
ws
/AT)
/SorjOevn VTTO rov iraTpbs
r)
/XT)
Swrjff&Tl eavro>
is a suspicion also of a quotation from Ephesians by Aristides : 7th chapter he tells the Emperor that there are things recorded in pagan literature which it is not proper to speak of, but they are not only said but actually done; the language is very like Eph. v. 12, "It is a shame even to speak of the disgraceful things done by them in secret ".
There
1
for in the
174

is
Celsus
curiously the history of unbelief repeats itself standing with the priests at the Cross and saying the same
: *
How
thing as they
Himself
to
He
more
'
cannot save
detail
But
let
us
come
of divine disgrace.
You
have
mirth of gods who are bound, as Kronos talked, was or Ares, or taken captive or who ran away, as Dionysus did, but
sir
philosopher, in
tell
us plainly whether Jesus

hither
was not taken

his
prisoner.
Did he not run

had he
to
away
and
2
thither,
with
disciples ?
carried as a
babe into Egypt
for safety ?
Why
be
god ought not to be
afraid of death.
In this
way
If
Celsus counters, or thinks to counter, the mirth of
Aristides.
their living, as
the latter makes merriment over gods that have to get Hephaestus in his smithy, or Apollo taking fees for his
oracular advice,
his disciples
we
of the Celsus party
went about
3
collecting their daily
must point out that Jesus and food in a shameful and
importunate manner.
Are
?
these friars so very different from the gods
whom
Celsus'
they denounce
'
It is
'
clear, then, that Aristides*
"
"
True
4
Word
"
;
Apology
is
the background of
the one
is
necessary to the understanding of
the other.
Moreover we have shown, not only

argument of Aristides point by
that
Celsus
is
following the
it
point, but that
he
is
It
following
is
in
a text that agrees closely with the Syriac

necessary to pursue the matter further.
MS.
surely hardly
Whatever may be
"
meaning
"
of
the coincidences with the
Preaching
of
Peter
the ultimate " or the
Epistle to
Diognetus" they can only serve as
illustrations,
they candis-
not be treated as sources.
The
attempt so to treat
them may be
carded.
We have
of Aristides
is
also learnt another important lesson, viz.
that the text
much more widely

first
diffused through the story of
Barlaam
"
is
and Joasaph than the

1
editions supposed.
2
The
"
Apology
not
Celsum," i. 54. Ibid., \. 65, 66. &e rbv 'lij&ovv fjuera TWV fjLaOrjr&v alffxpws (f>rj(rl teal 7\tVty3&>9 Ta? rpocfras crv\\eyovTa 7Tpie\7)\v0ei>ai.
c.
"
-//;/,/.,
4
i.
66.
of
ically Heraclitus: el 0eoi eiatv 'u-a TL Bp-nveere at
It
is
curious to note that Aristides
is
expanding an argument
e
fifteen Tovrnvi ijyecvtfe Oeovs.
mann,
"
"
Heraklitea
See Buresch, " Klaros," XV. 60. Hermes,
Oprjveer^ p. 118.
Neu-
CELSUS
merely borrowed en bloc,
of the story.
It
AND
of
ARISTIDES
first
175
page
its
use can be traced from the very
was
in the
mind
John
of
gan
to write.
Its
outcrop
is
everywhere.
Damascus when he beStray words and phrases
are constantly occurring which betray their origin.
Another thing which we shall need to bear in mind, when we do work in the text, is that the Syriac has almost everywhere the Dr. Robinson presented an ingenious argument from right of way.
further
the case of a parallel Syriac Apology,

brosius," of
"
The Hypomnemata
in
of
Amto
which portions are contained

It
Ps. Justin's
"
Address
the Greeks."
was
possible to
show
that the Syriac of the Greek.
was
frequently
an abbreviation or a misunderstanding
inferred that all Syriac translators
translator's lapses
:
Dr. Robinson
may be
will
expected to show similar
no doubt there
translation in all versions, but as far as

tides will not require very
we
be some errors of reading and can judge our Syriac Arisfor his
much
of
an apology
"
Apology."
A SUMMARY OF RECENT
BY
CRITICISM
OF "THE
ODES OF SOLOMON."
ALPHONSE MINGANA,
MANUSCRIPTS
IN
ASSISTANT KEEPER OF D.D., THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY.
THE
one
is
among scholars concerning the Odes of Solomon seems so far to follow the usual course adopted by them in 1910-1916, that is, each at them from the angle of vision still endeavouring to look
character of the
is
present trend of opinion
which
best
adapted
to his
own way
first
of thinking.
So Dr. M.
Gaster finds that the
Odes
are thoroughly Jewish in origin, emanating
from some
Israelitish
mystics of the
Christian era.
passages, the
He
whole
says in effect
"
:
or second century of the
With
the elimination of a few
collection has a typical Jewish aspect,

It is
.
and
is
un-
questionably of Jewish origin.

ancient Jewish
thus an important contribution to
Hymnology.
The Psalms of Solomon now
form part of the collection in which the Odes are also included, and That the it is an idle attempt to separate one from the other."
Odes, however, are thoroughly Christian (or at the most JudaeoChristian) in character may now be considered as established, in spite of the isolated opinion of a few dissentient critics.
The
best review that has appeared of the edition of the
Odes
is
recently published under the auspices of the
John Rylands Library

Dublin."
role
in
undoubtedly that of the Provost of Trinity College,
Dr.
Bernard
is
man who
be
it
is
to
be reckoned with
any
he assumes
in discussions,
that of a protagonist or an antagonist.
Whether
one agrees with

strike
his views or not, one is bound to say that they always a note of originality, especially in the domain of Patristics and
Liturgiology.
1
So with regard
to the puzzling
w. 8-9
of
Ode XIX
for September, 1920, p. 6. 1920, pp. 288-98, and in C/i:<r. Theology, 1920, PP 163-67.
-
The Jewish Guardian,

.
In
crly
Review,
176
RECENT CRITICISM OF ODES OF SOLOMON

And
For
it
177
she travailed and brought forth a son without incurring pain did not happen without purpose
;
And she had not required a midwife For He (God) delivered her
Bernard
its
refers us to a very appropriate saying of
Origen and to
ultimate source, which

;
"
is
Isa.
Ixvi.
7,
Before she travailed, she
brought forth
child ".
The
had
before her pain came she was delivered of a man value of this prophetical sentence would have increased
it
tenfold
Isaiah written
in
v.
English, because
it
might also have
served to throw some light on

forth, as a
10
of the
Ode,
"
And
she brought
man, by
"
(God's) will ".
ing in English as
man
"
Unfortunately the
that
words appear-
child
are a free translation of the
Hebrew
ZKR,
meaning simply
is
male.
However
may
be,
Bernard's
reference
certainly valuable.
In his review Bernard has expressed
in a rather strong
the matter.
to disagree,
cinctly
language disapproval of some of our own views on With a few of the theories adopted by him we venture
for
and the reasons
our disagreement will be very sucof the rubrics of the
exposed
ff.
in the following lines for his consideration.
On
office in
288-89 Bernard quotes one
morning
:
the Syriac
Testamentum Domini
to the following effect

;
one by Moses, and of Solomon and of the other prophets," and adds that in this rubric a distinction is drawn between psalms and hymns of praise
of praise
"
Let them sing psalms, and four hymns
of
Moses, and of Solomon and the prophets i.e. between the Canonical psalter and the wScu of the Eastern Church, and concludes " It seems to me fairly certain that we have here a trace of the use of
the
Odes
in public
worship in the Syrian Church
*'.
That the Odes
were probably in use in the West Syrian Church we have demonstrated by a more direct evidence in our own book (p. 32), but we
1
question Bernard's
"
"
fairly certain
opinion that the above quotation

breviaries of the Syrian
can lead us to the same conclusion.
The words
to express
used in the
rites
and
Church
psalms are
in case
mazmora
(very common), tuhbokta?

is
and
Zmirta* and
a distinction
drawn between psalms

is
of
David
and any other psalms, the word mazmora the psalter, and the word tishbohia (hymn
1
retained exclusively for

is
of praise)
used for any

1
See Wright's Brit. Mus. Cat. of Syr. 1bid. p. 132, etc.

t
MSS.,
I,
pp.
16, 119, etc
12
178
other

hymn
;
now
every psalter of the Syrian Church contains the

1
to 12 hymns of praise among 150 psalms of David, and from which is always one by Moses (Exod. xv. 1-21, and Deut. xxxii. 1-43), and very often one by Isaiah (xxvi. 9-19, and xliii. IO-13).
1
In the public libraries of
East and
West we have
any
Syriac psalters
written about a century before the date of the translation of the Syriac
Testamentum and none

of praise that
scripts of the
it
of
them
ascribes
of the twelve
kymns
contains to Solomon.
Further, the
word used to express Odes in both the Syriac manuOdes and Psalms of Solomon is Zmirta, which is never
"
used in the terminology of the Syrian Church to express hymn of " in the contrast established with the Davidic psalms. The praise " " word used in the Testamentum Domini to render hymn of praise
is
tishbohta and not Zmirta, and
this
word cannot
refer to
any Odes
of
Solomon.
It is,
therefore,
technically improbable that the
hymns
our
ofpraise spoken
of in the Syriac
Testamentum should
refer to
Odes
of
Solomon.
is,
What
Solomon
"
then,
used in
meaning of the words "and of 2 the Testamentum ? Cooper and Maclean have
the
precise
conjectured that they refer to the
Song of Songs ". In favour of " their opinion we may state that the book of the Salomonic Song of " is sometimes to the four Gospels for use in Church Songs appended
8
"
services,
but against their view
may be
urged the fact that, to our
knowledge, no extant Syriac psalter couples any pericope of the Salomonic canticles with the hymns of praise spoken of in the preceding
lines.
In our edition of the
Odes we
1 ,
followed Mgr.
I.
EL Rahmani,
'*
Testamentum, who believes that the words and of Solomon refer to Psalm 7 which is generally ascribed to Solomon, In carefully examining the Syriac text of the even in Hebrew. Testamentum b I became convinced that one may say more in refutathe editor of the "
tion of Bernard's interpretation, but the matter
is
really
from our present

in
subject.
point, however, that

is
mind
1
is
that the
Testtimentwm
speaking here of
Bernard "
a digression will bear
Laudatio
See Wright's Brit. Mus. Cat. of Syr. MSS., I, pp. 119-21, etc. The Testament of Our Lord, 1902, p. 180. See Wright and Cook, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts (of CamI,
bridge),
4
'
p. 5.
p.
Testamentum Domini Xostri, 1899,

i
208.
54 (Rahm.
edit.).

"
179
Aurorae d orum
If
.
and not
of
"
Praecepta
et
canones circa ordinem baptizan-
was any strong probability that the rubric found in the Testamentum referred to our Odes, we should gladly have availed ourselves of it to corroborate some of the views that we have expressed
there
on
liturgical points dealing
Salomonic
Odes,
but
with the history and interpretation of the the technical reasons given above militated
against such a probability, and,

to
much
to our regret,
we were
obliged
abandon the theory now repeated by Bernard. On p. 295 Bernard objects to our using the Romanized Syrian offices instead of Denzinger's Ritus Orientalium in our search for
illustrations to the
Odes.
of
This,
we
beg to
say,
is
a great inadvert-
ence on
the
part
the Provost of Trinity College.

1
We
were
speaking in our book (p.

of the Syrian
32) of the Breviaries and not of the Rites
difference
Church, and surely Bernard is aware of the immense So far as the Oriental rites are existing between the two.
concerned
we
read them
all
in their original texts,
and Bernard may

in
find traces of our reading in
some pages
preferred
of our book, but for special
reasons
of
our
own we
to
to read
them
their original
It
languages rather than in the translation

will
interest
recommended by Bernard.
I
him
learn
of the
that
from 1902-1910
edited
of the
all
the
Oriental
rites of
;
one
most important branches
Syrian
surely, then, Bernard will be prepared to give me the credit As to the Breviaries of of some knowledge of the Oriental rites.
Church
the Syrian Churches, they are so insufficiently
known
in
Europe
that
we
venture to state that no Western scholar has ever attempted to read

in their totality.
them
We
had
right, therefore,
to expect a
word
of
appreciation from
Dr. Bernard for having perused such cumbrous but highly instructive books in order to find possible parallels illustrating the Salomonic Odes.
On
p.
295 Bernard
is
finding fault with .us for having translated
the v. 3 of
Ode
XXXVI
"
:
as follows
"
:
(The
Spirit)
brought
of
me
was
forth before the face of the
Lord
and although a Son
man,
named
the Luminary, the

I
lation to the effect
Son of God ". Bernard prefers a trans" was named the illuminated one in order to
refer the
sentence to
the
new
birth of the baptized (illuminati).

if
have been very glad to adopt Bernard's translation but unhappily Syriac text had allowed such an interpretation
;
We would
the
it
did
180
not,

and so
we
must
reject his
saying
"I submit
that this
in
is
a case
of
it
wiiere the old
translation,
which places the

".
Ode
the
mouth
the illuminatus, must
stand
As
rule
Bernard may take
for granted that, unless there
are explicit indications to the contrary,
the translation
which
we
probable one that

the text.
It is
may
have adopted for a given verse is the only safely be adopted without doing violence to
at
not merely the translation which Bernard prefers that
is
fault.
if
His
interpretation
is,
on
his
own
showing, improbable.
For
are not to be taxed with unorthodoxy (and he challenges us for actually doing so) (p. 295) what are we to say of an interpreter
the
Odes
who makes
a baptized Christian speak of himself in a single breath as

(a)
(b)
(c)
Son
of
Man,
God,
for Jesus Christ to use
The Luminary,
Son
of
all of
which
we
have shown to be proper terms
of himself ?
And
again, with regard to the orthodoxy of the

to safeguard (a point
Odes, which Dr.
Bernard wishes
we who is made, on Bernard's theory, to declare that the J possessed me from the beginning (p. 292), that is, "I (the speaker) " am the Divine Sophia ? All this certainly points to pre-Nicene
matic position), what are
Christian
.
not take a dogto say of the orthodoxy of a baptized
on which
we do
theology, but did any early Christian, baptized or not, ever say such
a thing
One word more

lation of the
I
in this connection
Bernard challenges our trans-
words which
was the most
we
render
glorified
among
And
scholars (and
lation
if
I
the greatest
among
the glorious ones the great ones.
For the translation
we
will abide
by the judgment
1
know any
Syriac at all
of competent Syriac can assert that the trans;
for the interpretation, adopted by Bernard is improbable) " notable Bernard tells us that it relates to the spiritual rebirth of
i.e.
Christians,"
singular,
of a
"
notable Christian,"
who
recites the
Ode
in the
and
is
so convinced of his
own
"notability" that he equates
himself with the greatness of the
Most High.
of the character
We
of the
come now Odes and of
to
the
more important question
the approximate date of their composition.
Ber-

nard
still
181
clings to his old opinion that the forty-two
Odes
are baptismal
in character, or written with
an eye fixed on the sacrament of baptism,
and asks us again
to reconsider the simple theory that the
Odes
are
hymns of the Catholic Church having special reference to the hopes and rejoicings of the catechumens or the newly baptized. This theory " the advantage of interpreting all the Odes in the same has, he adds,
way
i
.
In our edition
we have conceded
the possibility of some baptismal
references in the Odes, but found ourselves unable to subscribe to
Bernard's opinion that they were baptismal on any extended scale.
We
examined the whole theory de novo, and endeavoured
to state
both sides of the case without prejudice. controversialist might that we were giving our case away, and even Bernard has imagine
misunderstood our attempt at impartiality.

that
Few
scholars will
deny
Ode
XXIV
contains allusions to baptism,

of
that the
dove which flew over the head
fully agree our Lord the Messiah, and

all
and we
the teiTor which overtook the abysses
and
"
the creeping things,
do
refer to our Lord's presence in the waters of the Jordan.
We agree
also that
Ode
life
VI, which has the verse,

"
is
and they
lived
by the water
an eternal
ference, but
we
probably veneered at the close with a baptismal recannot accept that the mysterious letter and wheel of
Ode XXIII have anything to do with aspersion immersion or affusion, nor can we believe that the cosmographical Ode XVI has many things
in
common
with the catechumens or the newly baptized.
It is
pre-
cisely the discontinuity of thought in the
Odes
that
impedes us from
holding that they are all directed to a single and undivided aim, and in our judgment it would be as difficult to assign a single aim to the
forty-two
Odes
as
it
would be arduous
to refer the
first
42 Canonical
psalms to a single object.
The
task
is
hopeless and would overburden
the shoulders even of a Bernard.
We are
proud
to say that
if,
we
shall
be the
future,
champions " he shows himself able to interpret all the Odes in the same In the meantime, we shall wait way," whatever that way may be.
first
of Bernard's baptismal theory
in
a contingent
and
see.
final
word must be
It is
said about the date of the composition of

all
the Odes.
admitted on
1
hands that the Odes, because

1
of their
Church Quarterly
>
p.
67.
182
being quoted in the Pistis Sophia^ cannot be later than A.D. 210, and, because of their exclusively Christian colouring, cannot be ascribed
to a date preceding A.D.
70
but to
fix
on a precise date within these

If
two
limits
is
strictly
speaking
impossible.
(if
we
exclude the two

the
temple-verses of
Odes IV and VI
of
taken
literally),
Odes
are
landmarks, and the question any of their date depends almost entirely on internal evidence. By a long process of investigation we came to ascribe them to a period not remote from the borders of the first century. To arrive at this conclusion we
devotional
hymns devoid
historical
were
at
some pains not

of the style,
to omit
any
essential
factors
we
tried
the
argument
we
explored the evidence of the Biblical semi-
quotations,
we adduced
the
in his
the
new
factor of the
Targums, and
of
we
ex-
amined
beliefs.
in detail
somewhat archaic savour
many
of the Odist's
review has neglected all these factors (with the exception of some words that he writes on Wisdom Christology), and has assigned to the Odes the somewhat narrow limits of 1 50- 70.
1
Bernard
has not given us a shred of evidence why he thinks so. On our part we did not feel justified to be dogmatic in our conclusions, and
He
we
did not even discard the possibility that Bardaisan might have had
something to do with the Odes.
Would it be asking
too
much
to
beg
the Provost of Trinity College always to set forth the reasons for his
patronization of one opinion rather than another ?
Having
set aside
all
the internal factors that
we
investigated for
the fixing of an approximate date to the composition of the Odes,
Bernard took
evidence that
for the line of
his
offensive the
adequate
for
we adduced, and this " I hold that the he writes attempt

"
first
ground of the external seemed to him to be totally into place
them on the
borders of the
century has failed

fact
(p.
297).
In this juncture
we
are
wish to draw attention to the
that
in
the texts of the Fathers on
which
we drew
for
our conclusions
connection with the
Odes
considered by us as illustrations to the thought of the Odist, and not

necessarily as direct quotations, except
one or two passages
of
Ephrem,
which seem
to
be more
in the
domain
of direct quotations.
Had we
in
believed them to be direct quotations we would have printed them the first volume, alongside of the passages of Lactantius and /
Sophia.
In our researches
we
did not want to leave any stone un-
turned in connection with the time, the approximate date, and the country of the Odist
We thought
that
if
many uncommon
ideas of

the
183
Odes could be
localities
if
paralleled in the writings of a Father of the second
century
living, say, in
Edessa or
in
Antioch, there would be
in these
two
walked,
a somewhat firm ground on which the Odist might have not physically at least morally and intellectually. can-
We
is
not here repeat and bring under review
all
the evidence that
found
in the last edition of the Odes, but there are two passages from Bardaisan which need some explanation, because, in our judgment, Bernard
is
has not attached to them the importance that they deserve. The first the queer belief attributed by Ephrem to Manichaeans and to
Bardaisan
(whom he
calls teacher of
Mani)
to the effect that the sun
and the moon "receive from each other".
The
*
'
passages are worded in the following terms
Ode XVI,
".
7,
:
Their reception (sun and night) one from the other They (sun and moon) receive one from the other ".
In the original Syriac the
Bardaisan
above words are
in
every respect identical.
Now
the idea that the sun and the

is
moon
or the sun
and the night
receive from each other

across anything like
it
I
not very common, and I have not come in books written in any language, either Oriental
have perused, not even in the domain of folk-lore. The existence, therefore, of such an idea in two distinct works referring to astronomical beliefs of the second century of our era is certainly
or Occidental, that
remarkable, and
it.
think
we were
fully justified in calling
attention to
"
it
Bernard, however, would have nothing of it because, as he says, " is quite untrustworthy to build on so slight a verbal parallel (p.
With the kind of evidence that Bernard requires we are not 290). here concerned, but when he writes that we cannot get the above
meaning without
meaning the Odes.
is
altering the text of the
Odes,
we
will reply that this
precisely the one
we
can get without altering the text of
The
second passage quoted in illustration of the belief of Bar-
daisan in relation to the
Odes
l
bears on
v.
of
Ode
XXV
And And
It is
I I
was covered with

removed
from
me
the covering of the Spirit, the raiments of skins.
skin
obvious that Bernard would immediately think of the coats of of Gen. iii. 21, which some Fathers interpreted mystically as
referring to ê/cpwo-i? or liability to

1
death which the
human
nature
Or, thou hast removed.
184

the baptized were supposed to lay
It is
incurred at the Fall, and which

aside at baptism.
possible that
Gen.
;
iii.
1 ,
might be the
ulti-
mate source
of the
of the Odist's inspiration
we
to
say nothing either for or
against this view, except that in the
mind
of the writer or the translator
Odes
there
was no indebtedness
any known version
of the
different
Bible (certainly not the Peshitta), where the word for coats is utterly from that used in the Odes for raiment. Let us now exto
amine the question with reference
some other passages
of the
Odes.
Ode XXI,
3,
has :-
And And
I put off darkness clothed myself with
light.
Ode XXIII,
And
12 has:-
they who have put Shall not be injured.
me on
on
(the perfect virgin)
The
idea, therefore, of putting
with the Odist's
way
of thinking,
the notion of putting on a virgin
harmony however strange we may consider to be. Gen. iii. 21 is obviously of

light
and a
virgin
is
in
with the above and To square v. 8 of Ode avail here. with some other passages of the Odes we appealed to other quarters. In the doctrine of Bardaisan, as exposed by Ephrem, we found many
no
XXV
of
allusions
to the putting
on
of
"raiment
skin," side
by side with
of light and putting off of darkness, both reinforced by The identity of ideas and even of on and off of a virgin. putting phraseology between the Odist and Bardaisan was so striking that we
putting on
deemed
it
more than
useful to refer to the latter's theory
on the subject
to
of raiment of skin.
Why
Bernard takes objection to our reference to
Bardaisan
is
a mystery to
me
still
more
inexplicable
is
me
his re-
proach in this connection that we did not quote anything to show that Bardaisan or the Manichaeans made use of the phrase "coats of skin"
from Gen.
iii.
1 ,
which
to
him
is
the real point at issue (p. 296).

is
Does he mean
Gen.
iii.
21
not explicitly naming as the source of his doctrine concerning the raiment of
the putting on and
is
to say that as long as Bardaisan
skin, the virgin-light,
off of light
and darkness, and
of the virgin, his testimony
of no value in the matter ?
The above are some

the
field
specimens of Bernard's recent investigations in

I
of
the Odes.
think that
if
he had started
to study the
subject afresh, not in the light of his ancient views
on the matter, but

translation,
independently, and
if
he had made use
of the
new
and

especially of the concordance placed at the
185
end
of our
second volume,
he would have been convinced

refer to baptism.
His ancient
Odes does not comparative apparatus of the Odes and

that everything in the
Ephrem's baptismal hymns seems also to me to be in some places overfledged and arbitrary, and it will certainly so appear to all those who have learned Ephrem's baptismal hymns by heart from their school
If Bernard has the days. courage to waive the absolutely inadmissible claim that everything in the Odes refers to baptism, and if he limits it to its right dimensions, viz. that the Odes contain some baptismal
allusions,
be able to meet him half-way, and then a great step towards the right understanding of the Odes will have been made.
will
we
Will Bernard have that courage ? In a future number of the BULLETIN

discussion of the current criticism of the
we
propose to continue our

other scholars.
Odes by
HAND-LIST OF ADDITIONS TO THE COLLECTION OF LATIN MANUSCRIPTS IN THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY, 1908-1920.
BY
ROBERT FAWTIER, AGRGE
D'HISTOIRE, ANCIEN MEMBRE DE L'EcoLE FRANCHISE DE ROME, ASSISTANT KEEPER OF MANUSCRIPTS IN THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY.
THE
More
with in the present hand-list to the number of 149, represent the additions to the Latin section
manuscripts dealt
of the
Western Manuscripts
since 1908.
in
the John
Ry lands
Library
which have been acquired
elaborate descriptions of the items included are in active
preparation,
and
will furnish the subject matter of the third
volume
of
the Descriptive Catalogue

first
of Latin Manuscripts ...
of
which the
two volumes, compiled by Dr. M. R. James, will be published It is feared, however, that some time must elapse before the shortly.
third
volume can be placed
in the
hands
of the printer, in
consequence
it
of the constantly increasing cost of printing,
and
for that reason
has
been thought desirable, in the meantime, to issue in the present form some brief description of the contents of the various volumes, for the
information of scholars
research.
who may be
interested in
this
department of
Although many
of these
MSS. have
agencies,
it
medium
(a)
of the trade
and other
been acquired through the has been possible to ascribe

:
a great part of them to the following sources
The
library of Sir
[Ph. 599], 213 [Ph. 13567], 214 3874 and 13556], 215 [Ph. 8139], 219 [Ph. 6478], 220-221 [Ph. [Ph. 8135], 222 [Ph. 6478], 223 [Ph. 21708], 227 [Ph. 15734 and 16909], 228 [Ph. 25136], 229 [Ph. 31957], 242 [Ph. 1317], 243 [Ph. 20098], 249 [Ph. 26076], 250 [Ph. 25387], 253 [Ph. 29791], 255 [Ph. 9617].
[Ph. 1245], 194 [Ph.
186
Thomas 765], 200
Phillipps
Nos. 188 [Ph. 445], 189
ADDITIONS TO LATIN MANUSCRIPTS

(b)
187
The
library of
Mr. George Dunn,

190,
193,
of
Woolley Hall, near
Maidenhead, Bucks: Nos.
199, 203, 204, 206,211,
216,217.
(c)
(<f)
The Library of Lord Vernon Nos. The royal account-books contained

:
198, 209.
in
Nos. 230-241 were
acquired from Major Heneage, Coker Court, near Yeovil, Somerset.
Evidently they came into

through
either
the
possession
of the
Thomas Heneage,
and a
vice-chamberlain
Heneage family of Queen
Elizabeth's household
his brother,
Keepers
(e)
of
treasurer of the Queen's chamber, or Michael Heneage, both having been at the same time the Records in the Tower of London.
The
group which
we
designate as the
in
Squire
MSS.
(Nos.
224, 252, 258-332) was found

Lincoln's Inn.
the vault of a
fall
solicitor's
office in
The
fact that
they
into three series of 22, 28,
and 26 MSS.
records preserved at the time in the

find
that
many transcripts of Tower and other repositories we such early manuscripts as Nos. 224 and 252, seems to indicate we have here a collection, and very likely a complete one, made
respectively,
and
that amidst
by some antiquary.
The
covers of seven
MSS. (No.
289, 290, 291, 294, 316, 317,
322) bear the coat of arms of the Squire family, two of these add to the coat of arms the initials S.S., various other MSS. of the collection
contain sundry notes concerning Scipio Squire, his house in
Long
Acre,
if
his wife Elizabeth, etc.
We are
justified therefore in ascribing
not the whole, at least the original nucleus of this collection to Scipio Squire, a vice- chamberlain of the Treasury of the Exchequer in the
time of Kings James
and Charles
1
I,
who
some fame
access to the
as
a genealogist,
but whose
name
seems to have acquired will be remembered
chiefly as that of the
man
through
whom
William Dugdale obtained
Domesday Book and

is
to other records such as the Fines
and the Plea- Rolls.

Scipio Squire
not well known.

his
The Dictionary of National
Biography does not record

have been able
to collect does not
name, and the little information we throw great light on his life. May
we hope
1
that the hint

is
we
are able to give will induce
some scholar
to
He
quoted
in a
et Heraldica, ed.
p.
W.
B. Bannerman, 4th series, TO!. T.
note on the Doddridges in Miscellanea Genealogic London, 1914, 8vo
263.
188
look into

the records of the
Exchequer and give us some account
of his public career.
He
Squire
was born
of
in
1
1
579,
very likely in
Devon
at King's
Nympton,
the son of
Edmund
Squire of King's
(co.
Staffs.),
Leyhall Slader of Bath (co. his family home, and with the blessing of both his parents started for He entered New Inn and was a student there for four London.
Mark
George and Martha, second daughter of When eighteen years old he left Devon)."
Nympton,
third son of
years.
In
603 he was introduced

this
to Sir
countrymen, and when

tended at
lawyer, whose
John Doddridge, one of lectures he had perhaps

of the King's
his
atin
New
Inn,
was appointed a Judge

his
Bench
1612, young Squire became

1
Marshal.
In
November, 1620, he
Lat.
MS.
306,
1
fo.
2.
December
597.
1
Memorandum
of
that the 7th of

I
December
597 being
Thursday and in the 8th yeare and mother's blessing and came
mine age
took
my
leave with
my
father
that night to Exeter whence I departed on Saterdaie the nynte of December and came to London on Fridaie the 1 5th of the same December and was entertained in Essex House the 18th of
December followeng a. 1597 being Mondaie and remayned

25th of November
1
there untill the

till
598 being
Satterdaie.
And
so
remained of myself
Fridaie the 16th of January 1598 [n.s. 1599J when I came to Neu Inne where I remained foure yeares and from thence, in the first yeare of King James, I was presented to Mr. Justice Doddridge with whom I remayned his
marshall
till
he died which was
to serve the
in September 1628. King James about November 1620.
Notwystanding
came
He
suffred
me
to enjoy
the marshallship in a most free waie. Lat. MS. 313, fo. 140. Pedigree of the Slader family.
Mark Slader
of
Bath
in
comitatu Devonense f Katherinc, daughter of Alexander

of
Wood
Aihrudge
in
Nathtawton.
Eamund Lc Squyer
of
in
Martha, 2nd daughter and coheire
Kings
Nympton
of
Devon, 3rd son Georg Squyer
of Leyhall in comitatu Staffordiac Esq.
Scipio
Le Squyer, +
Frauncis, 3rd daughter of Si
Hugh
to
eldest son.
Vicechamberien of
the Exchequer.
Brawne
>tu
of
Newington
BuM
Surrcyae. Knight, and
of
Alescote
siiter of
in comitatu Gloucestriae. Sir Richard Brawne.
JoSn Squycr.
eldest son. died
etatis unius anni
et amplius.
""George Squyer.
.mcis
1st
son etatis 3 anni 1623, of the Inner
daughter
Squycr and BdhsbebT" 2nd daughter
Temple,
etatis 21.
died young.
an o 1641.
189
entered the King's service, very likely in the Exchequer office, but retained the Marshal ship of Mr. Justice Doddridge till the latter's death
in
1
628.
In
63
we
find
him called before the Commissioners
for
Buildings in connection with a house he was erecting to dwell in in " 2 In Long Acre on the north side over against Covent Garden ".
April, 1632, the house was built and Scipio Squire moved in, at least, was the time at which he moved his books and put them on the
shelves of his
this
new
study, writing at the

in
which
is
preserved
one of our
MSS. 3
same time a catalogue of them, The catalogue shows us
that Scipio Squire
On
the shelves of his study the poets
was a very broad-minded man of many interests. were neighbours of the philo-
sophers and of the old chronicles as well as of divines and mathema-
Shakespeare quartos were there, of which one (not in the catalogue) has survived, the Pericles, Prince of Tyre, which was for some time in the Huth Library, and which bears on the
ticians.
Some
of the
title-page the
name
of Scipio Squire
Some
time before this
and the date, 3 May, removal Squire had suffered a
609.
loss in
the
person of his wife Francis, daughter of Sir

1
Hugh Brawne
of
Newington
See page
88, note
State Papers, Domestic Series, Charles /, 1631-1633. P. 44. Information of Edward Corbett, respecting a large building of bricks begun to be erected in Long Acre, on the north side over against
Covent Garden by Scipio Squire of St. Martin's-in-the-field, upon a new foundation contrary to the proclamation (14 May, 1631). P. 58. Certificate delivered to the Commissioners for Buildings to be
erection,
presented to the Council, describing certain new buildings now in process of one in Long Acre by Scipio Squire, the other ... (25 May,
1631). P. 75. Sir
of
Henry
in
Peace
for
Middlesex
Spiller, Lawrence to the Council.

states
newly erected
It is
Long Acre, he
Whitaker, and Inigo Jones, Justices The building of Mr. Scipio Squire to be built for himself to dwell in.
and contains 24 feet by 32, there being a piece of ground inclosed with a brick wall and planted with fruit trees containing an acre adfor a person of quality. joining, whereby the same is made a fit habitation Squire denies that it is built on a new foundation (13 June, 1631). State Papers, Domestic Series, Charles /, 1633-1634. P. 434. Notes by Sec. Windebank of proceedings before the Commisbuilt of bricks
sioners for Buildings. 3 Lat. MS. 319,
Mr. Squire submits (27
fol.
103-110.
"A
Jan., 1634).
kalender of
my
bookes taken the
4th of Aprill, 1632, when I sett them up in my study in Longacre." 4 The Huth Library. Catalogue of the Printed Books, ManuLondon, 1880, 8vo, t. iv., p. 1339. scripts.
190

:
Butts (co. Surrey) and Alescott (co. Gloucester), whose books he 1 Of this marriage he had issues John, catalogued in a separate part. when a little more than a year old, George, who entered who died
Scipio Squire married again, for we know that in August, 1 656, he bought " " a diamond knot, 60 diamonds for for his wife Elizabeth 38, and
3 That he could spend such a large sum for jewels some other jewels. would suffice to show that he was wealthy, even if we did not know 4 that Sir Hugh Pollard owed to him in 1650 the sum of 2000.
the Inner
2 Temple, and two daughters Francis and Bethsheba.
His name appears twice

correspondence 6 Vernonn, another in
:
in
1
what
in
is
published of William Dugdale's

letter
once
1
in
650
in
of
653
letter of
Sir
Dugdale to William Symon Archer to Dug-
dale.
The
to
latter, in
his autobiography,
has recorded the kindness
showed
1
him by Scipio Squire,

fol.
to
whom
"
he had been introduced by

that
Lat MS. 319,

Latin
103b, col.
2.
2.
1.
Books
1557.
my dead
wife
left."
See page 188, note
directed to
MS. 306, my wife.'*
fol.
"
25 Feb
A copy of Mr.
LOGS' note
38
-,
Sold to Mrs. Squire a diamond knot, 60 diamonds for 12, 1656. be paid within 3 months. Added more to the penlock with the rosse 6*Feb. 28, 656. Eliz. Squire. Rd. XI1- in payment of XX'12, 1656. Aug. Rd. part of this bill V>- More No. 10th 56. Octob. 6, 1656. Stafc Papers, Calendar of the Proceedings of the Committee for
Aug.
to
Compounding,
Sir
etc.,
1643-1660.
Claimants on the Estate 28 Aug., 1650. Scipio le Squire begs to compound for debts of 2000, " " borne him in hand that he him by Sir H. Pollard, who has long owing
:
Hugh
Pollard, Bart.,
128/. King's Nympton, Devon.

II.,
Part.
p.
for his delinquency and pay petitioner his debt. Cf. The Visitation Pollard and the Squire families were related. Exeter, 1881. of the County of Devon in the year 1564, ed. F. T.Colby 190-191. 8vo, PP
would compound
The
.
Life, Diary, and Correspondence of Sir William Dugdalt, ed. Hamper. London, 1827, 4to. P. 237 (Letter LV), June 22, 1650. ..." perceive that you imagine your copye of Domesday not perfect, but if you did know as much as I, you would not impute the faulte to Mr. Squyer, for carefully examined it
6
The
W.
with him.
<0/>.
."
cit.,
p.
273 (Letter
LXXXl),
Nov. 28, 1653.
"You may
doe well and then
to respit the searching of Catisby's writinges untill the vacation, if Mr. Squyer will not be reasonable, I will endevour to have a of
copy out
Mr. Greene's indenture."

Mr.
Roper,
in
191
giving
1
him access
to the records
preserved in the
Exchequer and of which, we may presume, Scipio Treasury We do not know when he became a viceSquire was the keeper.
of the
The fact that in 656 we find a chamberlain of the Exchequer. Justice of Peace of the City of Westminster acting in two weddings in
1
the parish of St. Paul, Covent
Garden
(the church of an inhabitant of
Long Acre), bearing the name of Scipio le Squire allows us to invest 2 our antiquary with this new dignity. This is the last information we can find concerning him. That a letter addressed to a Mr. Scipio le
Squire at his house in Long Acre in June, 1 682, is to be found in one 3 of our MSS. can scarcely lead us to believe that our Scipio Squire was still living. prefer to advance the theory that of his second
We
marriage he had a son

It is difficult
named
after him.
to state in this collection

is
and how much

like
derived from
how much is Scipio Squire's some other source. Some manuscripts
No. 330 are matters
of serious difficulty.
;
We shall endeavour to
for
deal with them in the fuller catalogue
all
we have attempted to do
original
the present
is
to
throw some
light
on the
owner
of a rather
large section of the
new
accessions.
The
in the
manuscripts have been classified according to their contents.
For each manuscript
we
manuscript given, we have assigned one to indicate their content as briefly as possible. The number [R is the accession number, the second number is the Latin MSS. number.
itself.
is
. .
have given the When no title
title,
when
there
is
one, found
.]
When
was
made.
a further number
is
given in brackets
],
it is
the
number
that
any attempt at classification was have been included in case scholars who particulars have had access to the collection already may have quoted them by
assigned to the manuscript before
These
their old
1
number.
cit.,
Op.
p. 12.
"So
likewise
was he [W. Dugdale] introduced by
the sayd Mr. Roper into the acquaintance of Mr. Scipio Squyer, then one of the vice- chamberlains of the Exchequer, through whose kindness, and favour he had accesse to that venerable Record called Domesday Booke, as
also to the Fines,
Plea-rolls,
and sundry other records remayning
in the
Treasury there."
T/te Registers of St. Paul's Churchy Covent Garden, London. II. London, 1907, 8vo. Marriages, 1653-1837, ed. W. H. Hunt. (Harleian Society, vol. xxx.), pp. 37-38.
""
Inserted in Latin
MS.
319.
192

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Veil.
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45
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xii- xiiith

[R.
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;
12
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fidei
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eumdem Johannem
Waldeby
Quinque omiliae super quinque verba salutationis angelicae secundum fratrem Johannem ordinis heremitarum beati Augustini [) onn Waldeby] Liber exemplorum magistri Jacobi de Vitriaco Tractatus de vitiis et virtutibus qui dicitur scrutator viciorum et de
;
;
remedio contra peccata mortalia [Robert Grosseteste] Tractatus de 10 mandatis.
The MS.
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veil.
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25011.
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13
194
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203.
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in
. .
De
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ponuntur
ponitur
fundamento
.
des
celestis Jerusalem. Inc. Christum filium Dei et
Jaspis primus Sanctum Ste-
phanum.
Crisostomus.
Victor's
De
Filia
naturis
Hugh
of St.
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duodecim
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170 x
cent.
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cent.
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fortunae (St. Bonaventure).

319
bron).
II.
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xii-xvth
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(Abbaye de Cam-
xvth
French binding.
[R. 33818/21
204.
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Sermones (Geoffrey Babion,

Victor).
clesiae.
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Hildebert de Lavardin, Hugh of St. Honore d'Autun. Speculum Ec-
de Rochefort)
De Trinitate. Sermones (Gamier Magister Hugo. Glosae hebraicae-latinae. S. Salonii. Expositio in Salomonis parabola. mystica dialogue between Nature and Inc. des Providence. et sulCongeries in-formis An imperfect (at the beginning) treatise on phuris recognovit. transformabilis ex usiis Moon, Man, and the World, des
substantialibus.
Veil.
266
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GENERAL LITERATURE.
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A fragment of
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[R. 33827]
Veil.
De
The legend of Adam's purgatorio S. Patricii. Summary explanation of the Origin of Tithes.
206.
46
II.
Alexander de Villa Dei.

279 x 200 mm.
xvth cent.
Doctrinale.
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207.
6511.
Ebrardus
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217 x 142 ram.
[R. 44247]
Pap.
208.
126
II.
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Nonius Marcellus.
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Veil.
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136
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1
Aurora.
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74
II.
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[R. 33825]
195
211.
Miscellanea.
Oratio Ysocratis quomodo rex se habebit penes subditos, ex graeco in latino traducta (by Leonardo Giustiniani of Venice). Plutarchus. De liberis educandis (translated by Guarino of Verona). St.
Basil.
IIPO2 TOTS
21
NKOTS
1445.
(latin
translation
by Leonardo
Werken de
Bruni of Arezzo).
Veil.
4211.
5x145 mm.
Oxford
Theodoric the son
of Nicholas
Abbenbroek.
(?) xvth cent, binding (covers only).
[R.
26223]
212
[251].
(Phillipps.
8099.)
Catalogus librorum
totius pro-
vinciae.
A collection of catalogues of franciscan libraries in Austria in

Pap.
22911.
191 x
151
1647.
mm.
1647.
Austria.
HISTORY.
[R.
26226]
Veil.
213
7911.
[254].
(Phillipps.
13567.)
France.
Martinus Polonus.
Chronicon.
229x1 68 mm.
xivth cent.
[R.
26227]
3874. [255]. (Phillipps. Alemaniae, Regis Franciae peratoris

16011.
214
et
Itinerarium Im13556.) Ricardi Regis Angliae.
Veil.
178x1
12
mm.
xiii-xivth cent.
England.
[R. 26231]
215 [259]. (Phillipps. 8139.) Annales WigemorensesChronicon Angliae (Latin Brut). 7011. 259x1 84 mm. 13821437. England. Veil.
216.
7511.
[R. 33822].
Veil.
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21
Historia
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7x142 mm.
xiiith cent.
England.
[R.
33824]
Veil.
217.
21011.
Ranulphus Higden. 263 x 203mm. circa
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et ante
hanum Lawles, suppriorem

[R. 33823]
Veil.
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218.
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Polychronicon.
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1%
[R. 38978]
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224.
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are preserved in the British
which two
Museum.
Cotton. Tib. C. XII and

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Add. 37770.)
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Chartularium de Tockwith (Yorks). [R. 32959] collection of transcripts concerning the cell of Skewkirke in the township of Tockwith and the chapel of All Souls, a dependance
225.
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Willelmus Bateman, Norwicensis Episcopus. 226. [R. 32547] tiones ad clericos.

Veil.
1011.
Injunc-
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[R
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Miscellanea. 15734-16909). Anonymous treatise or speech and an answer to it on the divorce of King Henry VIII and Katharine of Aragon. Letters patent of King Henry VIII reconstituting the late monastery of Christ-
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(Phillipps.
Grant by King Henry VIII to the dean church, Canterbury. and chapter of Canterbury of lands, rents and pensions. May
23,
1541.
A collection of
mm.
(Phillipps.
charters (1426, 1427, 1454) being a

England.
book
Pap.
of forms.
31
6911.
2x21 5
xvith cent.
[R. 26213]
228
[246].
25136.)
Miscellanea.
John
of Kirkby's Inquest for the Honour of Richmond (Yorks.). Poetical fragments and goliardic verses. Extracts of patristic Itineraries to Palestine. literature. commentary of the
prophecy ascribed to John of

accountancy.
Veil,
A treatise of pharmacopea (in

215 x 140 mm.
xvth cent.
Bridlington.
form-book
of
English).
and Pap.
14211.
England.
[R. 26220]
229.
(Phillipps.
et
31957.)
Wardrobe Book
Querle,
clericis,
of
Edward
I.
Wilhelmo de Meltone
ipsos solutis
Thomae de
pro denariis per
de denanis receptis in Garderoba anno present! septimo diversis hominibus subscripts, pro denariis debitis eisdem in eadem Garderoba, de compoto ejusdem Garderobae reddito ad Scaccarium de annis regni regis E. De quibus denanis sic so XXI V', XXV<, XXVI'o nulla fit mentio in libro de debitis Garderobae de eodem compoto nee etiam de eisdem sic debitis pro eo quod ante predictum compotum clausum ad Scaccarium, iidem denarii subtrahebantur penes eosdem quibus debebantur, et tamen in libris Garderobae cotidianis de tempore predicto fit mentio de eisdem denarii b
vicesimo
solutis et subtractis suis locis videlicet.
Veil.
811.
.
327x2 19 mm.
:
1298.
England.
sui
[R. 47998]
Veil.
230.
6ll.
Recepta Garderobae regis Edwardi de anno regni
vicesimo secundo
XXII
Recepta.
Anno XXIl do
324x198 mm.
1293-1294.

[R
47999]
197
23
1 .
regni regis
Veil.
Liber contrarotulatoris de recepta Garderobae de anno Edwardi filii regis Henrici XXVIII tempore domini
Johannis de Droken[ford] custodis ejusdem. 81!. 31 7x207 mm. 1299-1300.

232.
I
[R. 48000]
Fragment
of an account
book
of the
Household
of
King
concerning advances of money and payments of wages to various persons, probably in the 30th year of his reign. 1211. 326 x 214 mm. 1302 (?). Veil.
[R.
Edward
48001]
fragment of account book of the royal household the expenses of William Cope buyer for the Great concerning Kitchen in the 10th year of the reign (of Edward III ?). Veil. 2 11. 386 x 272 mm. xivth cent.
233.
234. Compotus Thomae de Tettebur, clerici magnae Garderobae reginae Philippae [Philippa of Hainault, Queen of Edward III] de anno quarto. 339x250 mm. 1330-1331. Veil. 3511.
[R. 48002]
Liber necessariorum domini Johannis de Amewell, 235. [R. 48003] contrarotulatoris hospicii dominae reginae Philippae [Philippa of
Veil.
Hainault] de anno quinto. 5611. 339x236 mm. 1331-1332.
236. Compotus Willelmi de Fferiby, cofferarii dominae {R. 48004] Philippae [Philippa of Hainault] reginae Angliae, onerati in capite de omnibus receptis et expensis dicti hospicii pro domino Johanne Coke, thesaurario prefatae reginae, ac etiam de omnibus jocalibus,
aliis proficiis ad dictum hospicium quovismodo pertinentibus, a primo die Aprilis anno regni regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum Angliae tricesimo primo usque primum diem Aprilis anno XXXII per unum annum integrum, per contrarotulamentum domini Roberti de Greyk, contrarotulatoris ejusdem.
,
vessellamentis et omnibus
Veil.
1211.
328x249 mm.
1357-1358.
[R. 48005]
237.
Part of an account-book of the household of

1
Queen
3 st year of Edward III, giving the Nomina creditorum panetriae. Nomina credifollowing items torum cervisiae. Nomina creditorum coquinae. Nomina creditorum pulletriae. Nomina creditorum scutilliriae. Nomina creditorum salseriae. Nomina creditorum aulae et camerae. Nomina creditorum marescalsciae.
Philippa of Hainault for the
:
Veil.
3611.
321x247 mm.
1357-1358.
[R. 48006]
Account Book of the household (in form of a diary) of Joan of Navarre (widow of King Henry IV) at Leeds Queen Castle (Kent), from Sunday, the 7th of March, 420, to Friday,
238.
1 1
the 7th of March, 1421.

Veil.
2811.
370x263 mm.
1420-1421.
198
[R. 48007]

239.
of
Necessaries for the
Queene Consort [Katharine
of
Aragon,
Queen
Mary]
VIII.
VIII] and the Princess, her daughter [Princess delivered out of the Wardrobe anno XI and XII of H.
Henry
Two
account books or parts of them bound under the same cover, the first being the accounts of Elys Hylton, the second of Richard Justice. 1520. Pap. 20 II. (Fol. 1-6) 310 x 216 mm. (Fol. 7-20) 347 x 245 mm.
240.
[R. 48008]
Account Book
King
in Calais,
of the receipts
and expenses
[Ardres],
of the officers
of the
Guines,
Arde
Merk
[Marck],
for the
Oye, Oudrewyk [Audruicq] and Bradenard [Bredenarde] 45th and 46th years of King Edward III. Veil. 350x246 mm. 1371-1372. 1411.
[R. 48009]
241. Compotus Hugonis Conwey, militis, thesaurarii villae et marchiae Calisiae, computus a ffesto sancti Michaelis Archangeli anno regni rcgis nunc Henrici VII mi XXI usque ffestum sancti Michaelis Archangeli anno ejusdem regis XXII per unum annum integrum ut infra.
,
Hunc
librum continentem
IIII
XXXIII
folia,
et
non sunt
scriptae, liberavit
quarum XXIX sunt scriptae Hugo Conway, miles thesaurarius
Johanni Clerk et Roberto Cliff, auditoribus domini mo die Maii Anno Regis, in previgilia Pentecostis, accidente XXII do regis Henrici VII mi et in presentia Roberti Southwell
villae Calisiae,
XXI
militis, et presritit
Veil.
sacramentum.
1506.
3311.
483 x 333mm.
[R.
45953]
Compotus Thesauri domini Regis Domini anno MCCCIIII" IIII to parisius, videlicet a prima die Julii CCCIIII XX Illl to usque ad ultimam diem Decembris post inclusive, per thesaurarios Philippum de Sancto Petro, Reginaldum de Capella, Nicolaum de Mauregart et Nicolaum de Fontenayo, clericum Thesauri Robertum de Acheriis, ac campsorem ibi Petrum de Suessione. Veil. 310x264 mm. 1384. France. 4711.
242.
(Phillipps.
1317.)
de termino
Nativitatis
[R.
23214]
collection
Fines and Sheriff's precipes. 20098.) (Phillipps. of 183 original precipes on vellum relating to various counties, for the greatest part from Henry VI to Elizabeth, sewn
243.
on paper
Pap.
leaves.
32
II.
335 x 204 mm.
[R. 38460.
44]
244.
Hibernia.
Conatia
et
Ultonia provinciae.
Omcium
Clerici Pellium.
Liber omnium
reddituum, revencionum,
wardorum,
compoationum,
casualitatum et pro licentia vendendae allae cumque subsidio, receptorum in scaccario Hiberniae predicto ex provinces predictis per spatium dimidii anni finitum ad festum Paschae anno Domini 1622,
regni Regis Jacob i
XX
'.
Pp.
5411.
292x189 mm.
1622.
England.

[R.
199
38460
Hibemia. 245. 4/1] Officium clerici Pellium.

casualitatum
Conatia
et
Ultonia provinciae.
Liber omnium
reddituum, revencionum, wardorum, com position um, et auxiliorum receptorum in Scaccario Hiberniae
predicto ex provinciis predictis per spatium dimidii anni finilum ad festam sancti Michaelis Archangeli in annis videlicet Domini
1622
Pap.
1
et
16
11.
Regni Regis Jacobi XX'i. 292x189 mm. 1622. England.

Hibernia.
[R.
38460 4/2]
Officium
246.
Lagenia
et
Momonia
provinciae.
clerici Pellium.
Liber
omnium reddituum, revencionum, wardorum, compositionum,
casualitatum et pro licentia vendendae allae, receptorum in Scaccario Hiberniae predicto ex provinciis predictis per spatium dimidii anni
finitum
ad festum Paschae anno Domini 1622, recni recis Jacobi
XX*.
Pap.
10111.
292x189 mm.
Hibernia.
1622.
England.
et
[R.
38460
4/3]
247.
Lagenia
Momonia
provincie.
Officium
clerici Pellium.
Liber omnium
casualitatum
reddituum, revencionum, wardorum, compositionum, et auxiliorum receptorum in Scaccario Hiberniae
predicto per spatium dimidii anni finitum ad festam sancti Michaelis Archangeli in annis videlicet Domini 1622 et regni Regis
Jacobi XX'i.
Pap.
11611.
292x189 mm.
of
1622.
England.
[R. 28513]
248.
Statuta Ecclesiae S. Pauli Londinensis.

transcript
modern
Pap.
MS. W.D. 20
1870.
of
St.
Paul's Cathedral
Library, London.
22511.
332x203 mm.
England.
[R.
249. Saviliana. 45389] (Phillipps. 26076.) book of transcripts chiefly concerning the manor
of
Methley (Yorks),
seat of the Savile Family.

Veil.
9411.
285x1 63 mm.
xvith cent.
England.
IR. 45390]
(Phillipps. A collection of transcripts concerning
250.
25387.)
Saviliana.
the Savile Family amongst which a biographical notice on Sir John Savile, Baron of the Exchequer. Vll..and pap. 102 11. 371 x 274 mm. xvi-xviith cent. England, xvith cent.
binding (English).
[R. 32959]
251.
12111.
Yorkshire deeds.
lands of the Wilstrop Family.
England.
A collection of transcripts concerning the

Pap.
312 x 210 mm.
xvth-xvith cent.
Ill,
[R.
38961]
Veil.
252.
28111.
(Squire. 250 x 161 mm.
Ser.
vol. 11.)
Statuta vetera et nova.
xvth cent.
England.
[R. 26219]
Veil.
253
5111.
Statuta Angliae. [249]. (Phillipps. 29791.) 247 x 169mm. xiii-xivth cent. England.
[R.
33893]
Veil.
254.
7111.
Statuta Angliae.
114x83 mm.
xivth cent.
England.
200
[R.

45949]
255.
1.
(Phillipps.
24011.
9617.)
Statuta
et
registrum
Brcvium
Edwardi
256.
Veil, and pap.
220x1 38 mm.
xivth cent.
England.
[R. 37270]
Veil.
Statuta Angliae. 20011. 153x1 05 mm. xiv-xvith
cent.
England.
I.
[R. 32958] 257.

Veil.
65
11.
Placita parlamentaria et 334 x 248 mm. xivth cent.
Coronae Edwardi
England.
SQUIRE MSS.
[R. 38903]
258. (Ser. I. vol. 1.) Buckinghamshire. Anno warranto, de juris et assisis et Coronae. 370 x 230 mm. Pap. 94 11.
259.
1
Placita
1
de quo
I.
4.
Edw.
[R. 38904]
Pap.
(Ser.
I.
vol.
2.)
III.
Devonshire and Cornwall.
Close
Rolls.
John-35 H.
I.
390
II.
348 x 220 mm.

(Ser.
vol.
[R.
38905]
Pap.
260.
1
3.)
Devonshire and Cornwall.
Fines
rolls.
R. 1-23 E. IV.
12811.
352x21 5 mm.
[R.
261. Devonshire. (Ser. I. vol. 4.) 38906] Inquisitiones post mortem et ad quod damnum. 2 R. 11-10 H. V.
Pap.
18411.
346 x
234mm.
I.
[R.
38907]
Pap.
262.
et
21911.
(Ser.
vol.
5.)
I
Devonshire.
Inquisitiones
III.
post
mortem
263.
ad quod damnum. 331 x 210mm.

(Ser.
I.
H. VI-3. R.
[R.
38908]
12
Pap.
vol.
6.)
Devonshire.
Calendar
of records.
H.
97
III-2
II.
R.
III.
304 x 200.
[R.
38909]
264. Soca de Edulfesnane, in comitatu (Ser. I. vol. 7.) Essexensi, nuper dicta soca sancti Pauli, London, modo honor viri
abilis
Thome
domini Darcye, domini Darcy de Chiche
in
comitatu predicta.
Supervisio Thorpe, Kyrkeby et Walton infra socam predictam inchoata

peracta per diligentem visum et perambulationem Johannis Madison, supervisoris ibidem per mandatum prefati honorabilis Thome domini Darcy, modo domini maneriorum et socae predictae, et per sacramentum tenentium maneriorum predictorum ad hoc ordinatorum et juratorum quorum nomina postea recensentur, hinc et ibidem existentium, et cum prefato supervisore quotidie per vices simul circumambulantium, incepta quinta die Augusti, anno regni dominae Elizabethae, Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae et Hiberniae reginae, fidei defensoris, etc., tricesimo nono, annoque
et
Domini 1597.
Pap.
524
II.
307
(Ser.
206 mm.
1.
[R. 38910]
Pap.
265.
et
9811.
vol.
1
8.)
Gloucestershire.
II.
Inquisitiones post
mortem
Eschaeta.
332 x 210 mm.
E. 11-20 E.

266. Dutchy of Lancaster. (Ser. I. vol. 9.) [R. 3891 1] collection of transcripts concerning the Duchy. 121 11. 309 x 196mm. Pap.
201
[R.
38912]
267.
(Ser.
I.
vol. 10.)
London.
lands in
A collection of transcripts of grants of

1535-1540.
Pap.
28611.
London by Henry VIII
294 x 180mm.
[R.
268. 38913] London.

Pap.
4011.
(Ser.
I.
vol.
11.)
Statutes of the
Savoy Hospital,
1523.
208 x 159mm.
I.
I.
[R.
38914]
31
Pap.
269.
H.
(Ser. 111-35 E.
II.
vol.
12.)
Northamptonshire.
Estreats.
258
306 x 200 mm.
[R.
38915]
1
270.
302
(Ser.
III.
I.
vol.
13.)
Northamptonshire.
Eschaeta.
E. 1-17 E.
11.
Pap.
306 x 200 mm.
[R.
3891
Readinge and declaration of the Authorities, liberties and officer of a fforeste made upon a certeine statute called carta de Foresta by one Triherne (in English).
Pap.
6]
271.
(Ser.
I.
vol.
4.)
De
Forestis.
76
11.
304 x 203 mm.

(Ser.
31
I.
[R. 38917]
Pap.
272.
of
34311.
vol.
15.)
Oxfordshire.
Inquisition (1279).
Hundreds
Ewelme, Bolenden, Wootton.
Ox
200 mm.
I.
[R. 38918]
273.
(Ser.
vol. 16.)
Oxfordshire.
Inquisition (1279).
Hundreds of Poghedelowe, Bampton, Langtree, Lewknor, Chadling" extra porta boreale". ton, Oxford
Pap.
37511.
31
Ox
200 mm.
274. [R. 38919] (Ser. I. vol. 17.) the town of Oswestry. Pap. 41011. 277 x 196mm.
Oswestry.
Rentals and surveys of
IR
275. Miscellanea. 38920] (Ser. I. vol. 18.) Perambulationes Forestarum. 29 E. I. Carta Monachorum de Monte Acuto.
Pap.
225
11.
305 x 203 mm.

I.
276. [R. 38921] (Ser. 13 R. III.

Pap.
vol. 19.)
Staffordshire.
Eschaeta.
E.
III-
337
11.
306 x 200 mm.

(Ser.
I.
[R. 38922]
Pap.
277.
66
vol.
20.)
Staffordshire.
Visitation of Robert
Glover.
11.
1583.
340 x 222 mm.
(Ser.
I.
278. [R. 38923] Grants.

Pap.
vol.
21.)
Surrey and Essex.
Abstracts of
27-37 H. VIII. 291 x 194mm 27711.
202
[R.

38924]
(Ser.
I.
vol. 22.)
II.
See Records.
Charta antiqua tempore Johannis
et
[R. 38925]
279. (Ser. Henrici HI.

rolls
vol. 1.)
Charter
Joh.-H.
III.
Office
(Tower?).
305 x
Charter
Inventary of some presses in a Record rolls 5 E. I. Charter rolls 1-4
H. IV.
Pap.
48711.
194mm.
Charters.
[R.
38926]
Pap.
280.
363
11.
(Ser. II. vol. 2.) 306 x 200 mm.
21-35 E.
I.
[R.
38927]
Pap.
281.
406
11.
(Ser. II. vol. 3.) 306 x 200 mm.
Close
rolls.
14 Joh.-37 H.
1-5
III.
[R. 38928]
Pap.
282.
39211.
(Ser. II. vol. 4.) 290 x 175mm.

(Ser. II. vol. 5.) 298 x 192mm.
(Ser. II. vol. 6.) 300 x 198mm.
Close
rolls.
H.
III.
[R. 38929]
Pap.
283.
37211.
Close
rolls.
19-24 H.
III.
[R. 38930]
Pap.
284.
51011.
Close
rolls.
24-33 H.
III.
[R
38931]
Pap.
285.
34511.
(Ser. II. vol. 7.) 294 x 184mm.

(Ser. II. vol. 8.) 299 x 188 mm.
(Ser.
311 x
II.
Fines
rolls.
1-12
H.
III.
[R. 38932]
Pap.
286.
342
11.
Fines
rolls.
13-20 H.
III.
[R
38933]
Pap.
287.
591
vol.
9.)
Dorsetshire,
Suffolk,
Berkshire,
Northamptonshire.
II.
Eschaeta.
H.
III-R.
II.
208mm.
II.
[R
38934]
288.
III-R.
37411.
(Ser.
III.
vol.
shire, Hertfordshire,
Sussex, Surrey, Kent, Leicester10.) Buckinghamshire, Worcestershire. Eschaeta.
H.
Pap.
311 x
209mm.
II.
[R. 38935]
Pap.
289.
II.
II.
(Ser.
vol.
11.)
Abstracts
of
patents.
Joh.-
20 E.
202
340 x 210 mm.

(Ser.
347 x
II.
[R.
38936]
Pap.
290.
III.
vol.
12.)
Abstracts of patents.
E.
III-
51 E.
19611.
219mm.
18-30
[R. 38937]
Pap.
291.
-Abstracts
Placita ad parlamentum (Ser. II. vol. 13.) of patents 1 R. 11-38 H. VI. 27811. 357 x 219mm.
(Ser. II. vol. 14.) 305 x 201 mm.
I.
[R 38938]
Pap.
292.
427
II.
Patent
rolls.
32 H. VIII.
IR.
38939]
293.
VIII.
545
II.
(Ser.
II.
vol.
15).
Patent
rolls.
29,
30, 32,
34
H.
Pap.
308 x 192 mm.

[R. 38940]
203
294.
et
(Ser.
II.
vol.
16.)
Placita
III.
coram Rege, coram concilio
de Banco. 3-56 H. Regis 350 x 224mm. 15811. Pap.

[R. 38941]
Pap.
295.
11811.
(Ser.
II.
vol. 17.)
Placita parlamentaria.
18-23 E.
I.
368x235 mm.
(Ser. II. vol. 18.) 302 x 195mm.
(Ser.
II.
[R. 38942]
Pap.
296.
39011.
Placita parlamentaria.
18-35 E.
I.
[R. 38943].
297.
vol. 19.)
II.
Miscellanea.
Ex
rotulo
Ex rotulo parlamenti Memoranda de parlamentaria 8 E. II. 9 E. II. Processus Hugonis de Courtnay. 8 El I. mento regis, 9 E. I.
ordinationum 5 E.
Placita
272
II.
8 El
II.
parlamento
De
parla-
Pap.
308 x 205 mm.
IR 38944]
Pap.
298.
345
11.
(Ser. II. vol. 20.) 284 x 185 mm.

(Ser. II. vol. 21.) 290 x 184mm.
II.
Rotuli parlamenti.
1-5
II.
[R. 38945]
Pap.
299.
27311.
Rotuli parlamenti.
14-21 R.
II.
[R.
38946]
300. (Ser. E. I-R. II.

303
11.
vol.
22.)
Law
precedents being
placita.
Pap.
308 x 204 mm.
[R. 38947]
Pap.
301.
467
(Ser.
305 x
II.
vol.
23.)
Rotuli parlamenti.
5 H. V.-
6 H. VI.
11.
196mm.
rolls
[R.
38948]
302. Abstracts from patent (Ser. II. vol. 24.) 3 H. Ill- 17 R. II. red book of Exchequer.
13611.
II.
and the
Pap.
317 x
212mm.
Missing, perhaps to identify with
(Ser.
vol.
25.)
MS. 314
1-14
or
315.
[R.
38949]
Pap.
303.
21311.
(Ser.
II.
vol. 26).
Placita
coram Rege,
E
I.
I.
310x203 mm
(Ser. II. vol. 27.) 342 x 220mm.
[R
38950]
Pap.
304.
18911.
Placita
de Banco.
9-34 E.
[R. 38951]
Pap.
305.
33511.
(Ser.
II.
vol. 28.)
Placita
coram Rege.
4-26 E.
II.
315 x
205mm.
vol.
1
[R
38952]
306.
(Ser.
III.
.)
Miscellanea.
note of the books in the cheste at
Westminster.
religiosis
De
Angliae per comitatus et domibus Modus tenendi parlamentum.

Pap.
11711.
in eis
partitione contentis.
348x225 mm.
(Ser. III. vol. 2.) 310 x 204mm.
[R. 38953]
Pap.
307.
13911.
Knight
fees.
R. IH-4 James
I.
204

[Sir
Miscellanea. 308. (Ser. III. vol. 3.) [R. 38954] Gervasii Tilberiensis de necessariis Scaccarii observationibus dialogus.
John Doddridge]
touchinge the
The
quaries
antiquitie,
severall opinions of sundry antipower, order, state, manner,
persons and proceedinges of the High Court of Parliament of England (in English). De baronibus in parlamento (collected for the
Lords
of the
Upper House
of Parliament
20
Jacobi).
England's
Epinomis ... by John Selden. Leges Henrici I transcriptae ex Pap. 23411. 307 x 212mm.
[R. 38955]
Modus
tenendi parlamentum.
libro rubro Scaccarii, etc.
309.
8911.
(Ser.
III.
vol. 4.)
comitatu Norfolcensi.
Pap
[R.
Liber omnium feodorum militum 2-13 E. I. Knight fees.
in
286x21 5 mm.
(Ser.
vol. 5.) tenent. ipsi 425 x 275 mm.
III.
III.
38956]
et
310.
55
Com. Derby. Tenentes feoda militum
de quibus
11.
Pap.
[R. 38957]
311.
(Ser.
electorum
burgensium ad
vol. 6.) Nomina militum, comitatum, civitatum, et villarum, et baronum quinque portuum, burgorum
apud
Pap.
serviendum in Parlamento incipiendo et tenendo civitatem Westmonasterii, decimo nono die Maii anno regni
regis domini Jacobi secundi primo, 34 11. 329 x 219 mm.
annoque Domini 1685.
[R. 38958]
Pap.
312.
276
11.
(Ser.
III.
vol. 7.)
Miscellanea Genealogica.
355 x 226 mm.
[R. 38959]
Pap.
313.
18211.
(Ser. III. vol. 8.) 465 x 367mm.

(Ser.
III.
Ancient pedigrees.
Rights and Jurisdictions of London.
[R. 38960]
Pap.
314.
421
II.
vol. 9.)
310x202 mm.
III.
(Ser.
(Ser.
III.
vol. 10.) vol. 11.)
See MS. 221. See MS. 237.
[R
38962]
315. (Ser. III. vol. 12.) the Forest (in law- French).
16511.
course of lectures on the
Laws
of
Pap.
373x268 mm.
(Ser. HI. vol. 13.)
[R. 38963]
316.
Abstracts from parliamentary
rolls,
49 H.
Pap.
III-5
II.
H. VI.
375 x 225 mm.
242
[R. 38964]
317.
HI,
341
H.
Pap.
E
II.
(Ser. HI. vol. 14.)

I,
Placita
coram
justiciis itinerantibus
H.-Patent
x
rolls
E. IV.
346
223 mm.
vol.
318. (Ser. III. [R. 38965] various charters, rolls

Pap.
231
II.
15.)
Miscellanea.
Abstracts from
and MSS. concerning the

mm.
16.)
history of England.
292
187
[R. 38966]
of
Pap.
319.
(Ser. HI. vol.
Miscellanea.
Abstracts from various charters,
rolls
England.
14311.
349
Catalogue < 222 mm.
of the library of
and MSS. concerning the history Mr. Scipio Squire.

[R. 38967]
205
320.
Abstracts of
Miscellanea. (Ser. III. vol. 17.) various records concerning Wales,
Cornwall and the
county of Chester. Pap. 3811. 342 x 198mm.

[R. 38968]
Pap.
321.
1336.
Earls and Barons from 1066 to (Ser. III. vol. 18.) Dukes, Earls and Barons from 1336 to 1514. 280 x 185 mm. 17411.
(Ser.
III.
[R. 38969]
322.
vol. 19.)
de Banco, H.
Pap.
14111.
III-H.
V.
Calendar of Placita coram Rege et Calendar of the records in the receipt
of the Exchequer.
346x220 mm.
(Ser.
III.
[R. 38970]
323.
vol.
20.)
A A
custody
Pap.
41
11.
of
the
chamberlaynes
of
repertory of the records in the the Receipt in the Pallace
Treasury.
310 x 195mm.
book of Offices as well of His 324. (Ser. III. vol. 21.) [R. 38971] Majesties courtes of records as of His Highnes most honourable househoulde, the counsell of the North, of Wales and the Marches,
of
the Admiraltye, the Armorye and the Minte, His Majesties Townes Warres, Castles, Bulwarkes and fortresses, the Islandes, His Majesties hewses, parkes, forrests and chases with the havens and
Harbours
Pap.
4711.
of
England collected
III.
in
603.
287 x 197mm.
(Ser.
vol.
[R. 38972]
325.
22.)
offices of
Englande with
. . .
their fees
and allowances
generall collection of all the in the Queenes
[Elizabeth] gift. Pap. 5211. 213 x 165mm.
[R. 38973]
Pap.
326.
state
Questions of (Ser. HI. vol. 23.) concernyng the Kingdome of Ireland. 13811. 297 x 200mm.
(Ser.
III.
Lawe and
affaires of
[R. 38974]
327.
vol.
24.)
Dominium maris
et
Britannici assertum
ex
archiviis,
historiis
ac
municipalibus
etc.
Regni
Johannem de Burgo, equitem auratum

Pap.
legibus, per D. archiviorum Regni in
Turri Londinensi custodem, 38 11. 309 x 202 mm.

(Ser.
III.
vol.
25.)
Missing.
Very
likely
one
of the
four
[R.
MSS. No.
329-332.
38975]
Miscellanea. 328. (Ser. III. Vol. 26.) Abstracts of Littleton, Donat, etc. Transcripts of some rolls. Fragments of a correspondence of C. Parkin concerning his History of the Antiquities of the county of Norfolk.
This
the true coppie taken by S in the Tower of London of

is
"
Symon Dewes out

all
of antient
records
Earles,
the Dukes, Marquesses,
Viscounts, Barons, Knights and gentlemen that were with King Henry the third in France, with King Edward the second at the
206

siege of Caerlaveroke in Scotland,
and with King Henry the

all
fifth
at the siege of Roan in France bundle of 3 quires of various sizes.

1
with
their coats of arms.
[R. 38976]
1
Coats 329. 190 to 1659.

6311.
of
arms of the mayors and
sheriffs of
London from
Pap.
323 x 199mm.
[R. 38977]
330.
Honours magazine or a briefe chronologic
of the ancient
Danes, Saxons and Norman Kings with their different supporters and badges of Regality as aho of severall with some observadegrees of all the nobility of this nation tions of their severall places and offices of Honor and Trust and what else is most remarkeable concerning them. Pap. 21911. 387 x 267mm.
armes
of the Brittaines,
[R. 38979]
331. Rotulus parlamenti tend apud Westmonasterium vicesiino quinto Ffebruarii anno regni regis Henrici sexti post conquestum
204
11.
XXIII.
Pap. (not bound).
328 x 21
rolls.
mm.
I,
IR. 38980]
332.
Parliamentary
424
11.
12, 13, 14, E.
IV.
Pap. (not bound).
330 x 210 mm.
SOME NOTES ON THE PREPARATION AND USE OF THE GENERAL CATALOGUE OF PRINTED BOOKS IN THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY.
BY
GUTHRIE VINE,
is
M.A.,
SUB-LIBRARIAN
OF THE JOHN
RYLANDS LIBRARY.
THERE
a more adequate recognition to-day of the difficulties incidental to the construction of a detailed catalogue of a
large collection than prevailed seventy years ago
when
the
Report of the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the constitution " and management of the British Museum was published. This is due in part no doubt to the appearance of that monument of scholarship
the catalogue of the printed books in this national institution.
construction of that vast guide to the world of literature,
its
"
The
which owes
inception primarily to Sir
Anthony
Panizzi, provided a visible
demonstration of the scope and effective powers of a catalogue.

catalogue having any
No
pretensions to importance published subsequently
can
fail to
be under great obligations to that of the British Museum,

not.
whether the debt be openly admitted or

series of printed
The whole
of the long
volumes, comprising that great bibliographical work,
was already published, when in 1900 the preparation of the supplementary catalogue of the John Ry lands Library was on the point of commencement. The original author catalogue of this Library was
issued in three volumes in 1899.
New
added
to the Library for

of the
which
fresh entries
works were constantly being were required. With the
whole
British
Museum
catalogue
now
available
it
became a
question whether the style of cataloguing should not be approximated more closely than had been possible hitherto to the methods adopted
in that authoritative
work.
It
was decided
and the decision has
never been regretted forth be the standard for the

that the code
that the British
Museum catalogue should hencecompilation of our own catalogue, and

its
of rules governing
construction should, with certain
207
208
exceptions and modifications, form the guide to our own practice. The catalogue of the British Museum, together with the code of rules,
has not always being exempt from criticism, but

ably superior to
of
it
remains immeasuris
any other yet published.

truly be said
:
Cataloguing
aisee,
a subject
Tart est
which
it
may
"La
critique est
et
difficile ".
Reference has already been
made
to the difficulties attendant

It
on
the compilation of the catalogue of any great library.
may be
that
some
indications
of
few
of
more frequent occurrence may be
welcome.
The
catalogue of any important collection will be used by
specialists in
fore to
tion
It must be every branch of knowledge. adequate thereThe bibliographical informameet the requirements of each. must be exact, whilst, subject to the limitations inherent in its
form, a catalogue cannot ignore the latest views on any question of
disputed authorship.
The
extent of the bibliographical details sup-
plied will vary according to circumstances, but in

tion
any case the informamust be unimpeachable in point of accuracy. few examples drawn from the catalogue may serve to illustrate the method of its compilation, and so prove useful to readers in
consulting
it.
1
In this library,
)
the supplementary catalogue
is in
two
portions
authors, (2) subjects.
This arrangement has been preas the dictionary catalogue
ferred to that style of catalogue

(in
known
which both are combined

is
in
a single alphabet) in the belief that
shall average reader. draw attention then first to a few points connected with the author catalogue, and afterwards touch briefly on the subject index.
the dual form
more
intelligible to the
We
The primary rule is that a book is entered under the name of the Under this apauthor (or authors), or some substitute for the same. parently simple rule arise numberless questions which are of almost
daily occurrence, occasioned for the most part by uncertainty as to what constitutes the correct form of the name for cataloguing purposes.
In the case of writers of the later middle ages,
for instance,
it
is
constant source of perplexity whether a man has a real surname or only attaches an appellative of some kind to his Christian name for purposes
of distinction.
Robertus Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, and John de In the Sandale, Bishop of Winchester, might be cited as examples. to decide the case of well-known people it is comparatively easy
question, but in dealing with persons less notable there
is
often so
lit
NOTES ON THE GENERAL CATALOGUE

definite information available that
209
one
is
frequently at a loss as to the
correct course to be pursued.

arising
in
Of
of
a similar kind are the difficulties

early
saints,
the
in
identification
the
such as
may be
mentioned
It
a series like the Studi e Testi of the Vatican Library.

in
must be borne
mind
that the writer of an article
may
hesitate to
is
express an opinion on the identity of a particular martyr

to state his reasons at length for
and
able
such indecision.
The
compiler of a
catalogue
question
;
is
his opinion
prevented by the form of it from any discussion of the has to be expressed in the definite formula of a
its
heading which gives no indication of the reasons that have led to
same name may appear in the adoption. catalogue, or the same person may be referred to under different One has merely to suggest these possibilities forms of the name.
Other individuals
of
the
for
it
to
be seen
how many and

alone.
varied are
the problems that
may
arise in this
way
As we
under
have spoken of the
saints,
it
may be
useful to point out
that saints, popes, sovereigns,

their Christian
and princes
of ruling houses are entered

of
re-
name, or forename, as well as members
ligious orders
who by
the constitution of the order discard their secular
names.
FRANCIS [Xavier] Saint. Xavier. By Henry

[Quarterly Series 4].
The
life
and
letters
. . .
of
St.
Francis
Third edition. James Coleridge. 902. 2 vols. 8vo. London, Louis I [de Bourbon] Prince de Conde Declaration made the prince of Conde, for to shew and declare the causes, that by haue constrained him to take vpon him the defence of the Kinges
\
1
authoritie of the
gouernement of the Queene, and

. . .
of the quietnes
of this
Realme.
Printed at London by Roulande Hall,
for
Edwarde
Sutton.
...
562.
for
8vo.
In cases
where an author wishes
some reason or other

his
to dis-
guise his identity,
and consequently publishes

initials,
work under
a pseu-
donym, or under
the principal entry will be found under the
pseudonym when it is known,

as
or initials, whilst a cross reference under the author's

will direct the reader to the
is
name
heading where
full in-
formation about the book
to
be obtained.
of
Gentleman
etc.,
of
Cambridge, Clergyman
Such vague designations the Church of England,

and books on
Lady,
are not regarded as proper pseudonyms,
210
the
title

page of which the author
is
so described are treated as an-
onymous.
HOPE
S.
(Laurence) pseud,
[i.e.
Adela Florence
Nicolson].
Stars of
the desert.
[New
impression.]
London, [1915].
;
8vo.
N.
concordance to the Holy Scriptures

.
together with the
books of the Apocrypha.
By
S.
;
N.
[i.e.
Samuel Newman].
Fol.
The
fourth edition.
Cambridge
1698.
Anonymous books have been
responsible for
more
difficulties,
probably, both to the compilers of catalogues and to their users, than any other form of literature. The treatment of them has varied considerably in different libraries
;
in
their
ideas of readers as to the style of heading

librarians
endeavours to anticipate the which should be adopted,

resulting
have
sacrificed consistency of
all,
method with a
com-
plexity that has only been, after

public.
In
it
productive of bewilderment in the
framing the rules on this subject for the John

to
Rylands
Library,
was decided
have a very limited number, and that these
should be of as natural a character as possible.
One
classes
;
:
can divide anonymous books conveniently into two main (a) those relating to a person, or place, mentioned on the title
(b) all books not relating to a person, or place. page Books belonging to the first class are entered under the name of the person, or place, mentioned on the title page. For all others the
first
it
word
of the title
is
taken as the heading

first
if it is
be a substantive
it.
if
should be an adjective, the
substantive
combined with
On
differs
If
one important point our definition of an anonymous book from that of the British Museum and some other authorities.
the author's
title
name does
not appear on the

is
title
page proper, or some
secondary
page, the volume
selection of the heading for the
main entry
regarded as anonymous as far as the is concerned, even though
the preface
may happen
to be signed
by the
writer.
Experience has,
we
believe, abundantly justified this definition of the term.
HUGH
St.
Metrical life of [of Ava/on] Sain/, ttishop of Lincoln. of Lincoln. Printed from ms. copies in the Hugh, Bishop
.
British
J.
Museum and
.
.
.
Bodleian
Lincoln.
libraries.
Edited
... by ...
F.
Dimock.
1860.
8vo.
LucKNOW.
daily
The
defence of
Lucknow.
diary recording the
events during the siege of the European residency,
from

25th September, 1857. Thomas Fourness Wilson]. With a
31st
211
[i.e.
May
to
By
plan
staff
officer
of
the
residency.
London, 1858. 8vo. Memoirs of the late war ASIA.
in Asia.
With a
narrative of the
;
by an imprisonment and sufferings of our officers and soldiers officer of Colonel Baillie's detachment [i.e. William Thomson].
London, DISCOURSE.
edition.
788.
vols.
8vo.
against
transubstantiation.
of
discourse
The
fifth
Canterbury.] [By John Tillotson, Archbishop London, 1685. 4to. Fifth NATURAL HISTORY. Natural history of enthusiasm.
. .
edition.
[By Isaac Taylor.]
London, 1831.
8vo.
Whilst the compiler of a catalogue is expected to be familiar with the latest views on questions of authorship, it is obvious that the
the evidence catalogue cannot give endorsement to such opinions unless The practice of our catalogue appears to be more or less conclusive.
is
threefold in this respect, according as the evidence for the authorship
of
an anonymous book
is
regarded as
of assent
satisfactory, (2)
probable,
or (3) a less tenable opinion.
These varying degrees
accorded by the catalogue

:
may
be exhibited by the following entries

(1)
MARIANNE. [By Thomas
La
belle
Marianne
a tale of truth and woe.

8vo.
Frognall Dibdin.]
London, 1824.
(2)
QuiNZE JoiES. de La Sale ?]
Les quinze joies de mariage. 16mo. Paris, 1837.

is
[By Antoine
In this case the authorship
less
certain than in the preceding
one, although highly probable.
(3)
PEDLAR.
The
pedlar's
prophecy.
1595.
[Attributed
to
Robert Wilson.] [The Malone Society 1914. 4to. printed]
Reprints.]
[Oxford
In this instance the ascription of authorship to R.
Wilson may be
regarded as more doubtful than
in the
previous case.
is
The
question of corporate authorship
one on which a few ob-
servations
may be
useful.
Public bodies and associations are conor under their
sidered as the authors of works issued in their name,

authority.
By
this rule
the laws and other
official
documents
of a
of
country are catalogued under the
name
of the country, the
bye-laws
212

name
of the city,
a city under the

the
title
the proceedings of a society under
of the society, the calendar of a university
under the designa-
This rule includes too such cases as parish tion of the university. entered under the name of the town or village to registers, which are
which they belong.
PORTUGAL.
Portugaliae [Laws and other Public Documents.] monumenta historica a saeculo octavo post Christum usque ad quintum decimum iussu Academiae scientiarum Olisiponensis edita. 2vols. Fol. Oluiponc, 1856 [-97].
SOUTHAMPTON. The charters of the borough of Southampton. Edited ... by H. W. Gidden. [Southampton Record
Society.]
Southampton, 1909-10.
vols.
8vo.
BoLNEY,
Sussex.
The
parish
registers of
Bolney, Sussex.
[Sussex
1541-
1812.
15.]
Edited by
Edward Huth.
8vo.
Record Society,
(London, 1912.)
the
Under
name
of
any
of the greater countries, or of a large city,
there will naturally be a a large
necessary in
It becomes assemblage of entries. such cases to provide minute subdivisions to render the It
heading easier to consult.

for the
may be
useful
to give the
main
divisions
heading England
for
all
in
the author catalogue.
This serves as a
model
the
other countries, with such variations as
may be
found necessary. It should be added that there are numerous subdivisions to each of the divisions here given. The division Appendix
is
reserved for collections of works and

of
anonymous books which

of
are
not
an
it
official
is
character.
fitting
For the arrangement
the
heading
England
1 1
only
that our indebtedness to the catalogue of
ir
British
Museum
Laws and
should be acknowledged.
Statutes.
Year Books.
Proclamations.
Treaties and Negotiations with
Foreign Poweri. Solemn League and Covenant, 1643. Miscellaneous Public Document
Parliament.
Departments of State and Official Bodi' Churches and Religious Bodies.

Miscellaneous Subheadings.
pencHx

Numerous
in
213
treatises of the greatest

;
separate volumes
importance have never appeared they are only to be found in some great collec-
tion
where they
is
will
lie
unknown and
extent
to
inaccessible unless their exist-
ence
revealed through the agency of the catalogue by

entries.
means
analysis
of
is
analytical
The
which the practice
of
carried out
may
well form the
test of
may be
of
accepted as a general principle that all

;
It the quality of a catalogue. works of the nature of
a Thesaurus require such treatment
similarly, all
number
of
papers, essays,
etc.,
will
need
volumes composed to be analysed.
Such a Analysis will be found in author and subject catalogue alike. " set of volumes as the Bibliotheca veterum patrum antiquorumque " of Gallandius will not be of much use to scriptorum ecclesiasticorum
the ordinary reader
writer until separate
for
who may want a treatise of some slips have been made and inserted in
ecclesiastical
the catalogue
each author whose work appears in the collection. Likewise, in the subject catalogue the composite volumes of an essayist such as M.
Maeterlinck will need entries under each separate topic if readers are not to miss many valuable articles through the failure of the catalogue
to divulge their existence.
We give
(a)
below two examples
of
analytical entries (a) from the
author catalogue, (6) from the subject catalogue.
SCALA (Rudolf von). The Greeks after Alexander the Great. See Helmolt (H. F.). The world's history a survey of man's record. Edited by ... H. F. Helmolt. With plates and maps. Vol. 5, pp.
:
1-119.
(^)
1907.
;
London, 1901-07.
Treatises
;
vols.
8vo.
PAL/EOGRAPHY
Shakespeare.]
English.
Particular Topics.
Shakespeare (W.)
[Appendix.
Times
of the
of
Shakespeare's England.
[Vol.
. .
An account
1
life
&
manners
Sir E.
of his age.
pp. 284-3 0.
Handwriting.
illustrations.]
By
M. Thompson.
2
vols.
.]
[With
plates
and
Oxford, 1916
8vo.
The problems
with
biographical
of the subject portion of the catalogue are entirely
distinct in character
from those
of the author part.
The
latter deals
title,
and bibliographical questions
authorship,
format, editions, etc.
The subject
index
is
contents of a
book and its intrinsic qualities.
concerned with the literary The headings of the author

title
catalogue are decided to a great extent
by the
of a work.
Anyone
214
should attempt to rely merely on the titles of books in constructing the subject index would simply be misleading readers at every turn. The headings of the subject index are arranged like those of the
author catalogue in alphabetical sequence.
present the result of prolonged
In
who
many
cases they re-
and
careful consideration.
Alternative
forms of heading have been duly examined, and the one which seemed the most correct, or the most inclusive, as the case may seem to require,
has at length been selected.
In all such instances cross references are
provided from the forms which have been rejected to the one eventually chosen, as in
analogous cases occurring in the author catalogue.

rule of specific entry
is is
In
some catalogues the

In this library
followed, that
is
to
say, the
term of smallest denomination
selected
on principle as the
no such rule has been adopted. Where it heading. has seemed advisable, there has been no hesitation in admitting class
entry.
tions,
In the subject catalogue utility outweighs all other considera-
but a knowledge of what constitutes utility is only gained by experience based on a wide knowledge of the character of the literature
in
any given subject. point more clearly

:
One
:
or
two examples
:
will help to illustrate this
(a) Architecture
(6)
Particular Topics
:
Towers.
Inscriptions
:
Dead,
Disposal of
Sepulchral
Monuments and
Brasses.
(f)
Orders and Ordination

:
Episcopacy.
:
(d) Psychology
Particular Topics
Laughter.
Some headings,
such as Philosophy and (General) Theology, which
are of great size on account of the
number
of entries
under them, do
not readily admit of division, except chronologically.
This form
of
all
arrangement, although
historical divisions,
it
partakes necessarily of the arbitrariness of

in
its
cases,
and may
has been found to answer very satisfactorily be defended on the grounds that each age has
such
own
methods
of stating
problems which
it
solves in
its
own way.
Thi
Many
article
other points will naturally suggest themselves arising out of
the foregoing
remarks to which no reference has been made.
have been
rules.
does not profess to treat exhaustively any of the questions which raised, much less to provide the semblance of a code of
The
writer,
however,
will
be well content
little
if
it
should prove
helpful to readers desirous of
understanding a
better the
methods
and
structure of the catalogue in the
John Rylands Libra
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uidde
fuoe fpalle
'ttc
gia derag2;i del
paneta
T?:U dr:do altrji pcrogni callc llor fu la paura un pocbo cbeta

nrllaco del cor mcra durata
!a
no^lc cbio pafTi contanta pieta.
DANTE: "COMN: FOLIONO, (From the copy in the John Rylands
1472. Library.)
MANCHESTER
VOL. 6
JULY,
1921
LIBRARIAN
No.
LIBRARY NOTES AND NEWS.
A RRANGEMENTS
j^V.
1921-22.
have been made
for the delivery of the
following lectures during the ensuing session of
OM!NG
PUBLIC
TURES.
This
is
the twentieth annual series of
public lectures to be so arranged.
EVENING LECTURES
Wednesday,
4
(7.30 p.m.).
12th
October,
1921.
"Autobiography
in
the
Divina Commedia'."
By Edmund G.
Gardner, Litt.D., Professor
of Italian Studies in the University of
Manchester.
Wednesday, 9th November, 1921. "The Study of Mediaeval Chronicles." By T. F. Tout, M.A., Litt.D., F.B.A., Professor of and Director of Advanced Studies in History in the History
University of Manchester.
Wednesday,
Apocalyptic."
14th December,
1921.
"The
Roots of Jewish
Professor of
By A.
S. Peake,
M.A., D.D., Rylands
Biblical Exegesis in the University of Manchester.
Wednesday, llth January, 1922. "The Portrait of a Roman Gentleman from Livy." By R. S. Conway, LittD., F.B.A., Hulme
Professor of Latin in the University of Manchester. " Wednesday, 8th February, 1922. Lessing."
By
C.
H.
Herford, M.A., Litt.D., Emeritus Professor of English Literature in the University of Manchester.
Wednesday, 8th March,

Interpretative Recital."
By
1922. "Euripides' 'Alcestis': an Richard G. Moulton, M.A., Ph.D.,
Emeritus Professor of
University of Chicago.
Literary
Theory and
Interpretation in
the
216
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY AFTERNOON LECTURES (3 p.m.).
for the
"House Moving: a Tract Tuesday, 15th November, 1921. Rendel Harris, M.A., Litt.D., D.Theol, etc., Times." By J. Hon. Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge.
1
7th January, 1922. "Consider the Tuesday, Rendel Harris, M.A., Litt.D., D.Theol., etc.
Lilies/'
By
J.
Tuesday,
etc.
4th February,
922.
'
The
Reversal of Erroneous
Litt.D., D.Theol.,
World-Judgments."
Tuesday,
its
By
J.
Rendel Harris, M.A.,

1922.
7th March,
Traditional Misinterpretation."
"Shakespeare's 'Macbeth' and By Richard G. Moulton, M.A.,

in
Ph.D., Emeritus Professor of Literary Theory and Interpretation

the University of Chicago.
Since the publication of our
last report of progress
regarding the
Louvain Library Scheme

in
of
Reconstruction,
which ap- LOUVA1N
consignment of 2363 January last, peared volumes has been dispatched, making an aggregate total of STRUG38,002 volumes actually transferred to Louvain, to the great
a further
joy
and
relief
of the Rector, the Staff,
and the Students
of the
Uni-
versity.
In their name,
we
take this opportunity of again thanking

for
the donors,
their
whose names are included in the accompanying list, generous and welcome gifts which have made possible
this result.
the
achievement of
(The
figures
in
,
brackets
represent
the
number
of
LIST
OF
volumes contributed.)
CONTRiBUTORS.
(1)
ANONYMOUS. The FREE PUBLIC LIBRARY, Auckland. The Right Honourable Earl BEAUCHAMP,
Court, Malvern.
(7)
K.G., Madresfield
(1)
Mrs. C. P. FlGGIS.
(In
memory
of her son
Lenox Paton
Figgis).
(7)
G. H. FOWLER, Esq., Aspley Guise. Mrs. J. N. FoRSYTH, Tobermory. Mrs. GALLIATA, Perugia, Italy.
(128)
(31)
(1) (9)
HENRY GUPPY,
The
Dr.
Esq., M.A., Manchester.
Rev. Dr.
J.
B.
ARCHER-HOUBLON, London. HURRY, Reading.
(13)
(8)
Mrs. H. JONES, Aspley Guise.
(53

The The
Mrs.
217
(79)
Governors
of the
Governors of the
of the late
JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY. JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY.

Surrey.
(In
memory
(839)
(15)
(13)
(8)
Dr. D. Lloyd Roberts.)
M. KlNG, Kew,
Esq.,
A. D. LINDSAY,
Mrs.
M.A., Oxford.
W.
Luscombe, Clevedon. K. MARRIOTT, Esq., Great Baddow.
MAUD,
The WARDEN AND FELLOWS OF MERTON J. MURRAY, Esq., London. The NATIONAL LIBERAL CLUB, Whitehall.
son, Esq.,
(288) Oxford. (43) COLLEGE,

(1) (C. R. Sander-
B.A., Librarian.)
(37)
The
NORFOLK AND NORWICH SUBSCRIPTION LIBRARY.

(108)
(12)
(Per Mrs. Bates, O.B.E., Norwich'.) Dr. R. L. POOLE, Oxford.
The ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE.

tindell, Esq.,
(K.
M. Mar(70)
Hon.
Secretary.)
Messrs.
In
SHERRATT AND HUGHES,

of
Manchester.
Smith,
Esq.,
(93)
memory
the late William
Henry
M.P.,
(8)
186 Strand, and Bournemouth. His MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE.

Director of Publications.)
(L.
W.
Hill,
Esq.,
(207)
(10)
(2)
Lord TENNYSON, Farringford, Freshwater. Miss D. THOMAS, Llandudno.
H. WAITE,
H.
Esq.,
Ackworth School.
(In
memory
of
Fielden
Thorp, Esq., York.) WELSH, Esq., Woodchester.
(172)
(12)
(3)
L. C.
WHARTON,
Esq.,
London.
D. WILLIAMS,
Esq., Australia.
(Per the Leyton Literary Club.) (1)
We are
the
glad to be able to announce that the foundation stone of
new
library building,
which
is
to replace the
in
one so poUNDAbe
laid
TiSJjJjE
wantonly destroyed by the
Germans
1914,
is
to
on Thursday, the 28th

Majesty, the
of July, in the
presence of His
OF
NEW
-
King Belgians, and Monsieur Ray- TO BE mond Poincare, Ex- President of the French Republic. LAID
of the
The
writer hopes to assist at this interesting ceremony, as the representative, not only of the Governors of the John Rylands Library,
but also of the
many
contributors in
all
parts of the world,
who
so
218

We
readily co-operated with us in our efforts to assist the authorities of
University of Louvain in their heavy task of making good the ruin wrought by the war. shall take the opportunity of congratuthe Rector, Monsignor Ladeuze, in their name, upon what we lating " venture to describe as this happy issue out of all their afflictions,"
the
and
also of expressing to
University
past.
may be
still
him the hope that the future history of the richer and more glorious than its memorable
Singularly appropriate, and even prophetic, were the words which stood inscribed over the principal entrance to the University Halls
:
44
SAPIENTIA /EDIFICAVIT
words embodying
SIBI
DOMUM," and
it is
to
be hoped that
the same
as they
do a confession
of the faith
which
sustained our friends throughout the years of their exile, will be given a prominent place over the main portal of the new library. The six-hundredth anniversary of the death of Dante, which
took place at
Ravenna on
the
14th September, 1321,
is
being commemorated
this year,
with appropriate veneration

letters.
throughout the entire world of
In Manchester, the
OF
commemoration has taken the form

poet's
of
an exhibition
of this library.
of the
It is
DEATH
work
in the
main reading-room
intended to serve the two-fold purpose of rendering homage to the most eminent of Italy's sons, and at the same time of directing attention
to the wealth of material
which
it
is
here available for the study of his

five
immortal works, comprising as 6000 printed volumes.
does
manuscripts and upwards of
44
the five manuscripts, three are exhibited a copy of the " Canzoni written in the latter part of the fourteenth century, which
:
Of
is
ornamented with large initial letters and illuminated borders enclosing 44 a copy of the Divina Cornportraits of Dante and his inamorata media," with the date 1416, containing a number of variants from the
;
common
text,
made by
of the
44
B. Landi de Landis, of Prato
and a sixteenth
44
century copy other poems at the end, which at one time
Divina Commedia," with the
Credo" and
was
in
the possession of
Cavaliere S. Kirkup.
Of
14
the printed editions there are the three earliest folios of the
at
Divina Commedia," printed in the same year (1472)

Jesi respectively.
Foligno,
Mantua, and
is
The
only serious
gap
in the collection
the fourth
folio,
undated, which issued from the press of Francesco del

Tuppo,
is
219
of
This edition at Naples, between the years 1473 and 1475. extreme rarity, not more than three or four copies having survived.
this
With
critical
exception, the entire range of the early
and the
principal
editions of the text of Dante's
poem
is
represented,
those of
outstanding importance being included in the exhibition. Of the first illustrated edition, which has also the distinction of
being the only one printed in Florence during the fifteenth century, there are two copies shown, one containing twenty of the engravings,
said to
have been executed by Baccio Baldini

illustrated editions there
is
after Botticelli.
Of
the
Venetian
of
full
range commencing with that
small
March, 1491. On many of the illustrations of this edition the same " " b is found, which occurs in several other Venetian books, in"
Hypnerotomachia," printed by Aldus in 1499, and which may stand for the name of the designer, the engraver, or for the workshop in which they were engraved.
cluding the famous
Amongst
in
1
the
many
other editions exhibited
is
that printed at
Venice
the epithet
555, which has the distinction of being the first edition in which " " " Divina is applied to the Commedia". Dante himself
of as
was spoken
the
"
divino poeta
Fiorentino," long before
the
epithet "divina" was applied to his poem. One of the outstanding volumes in the exhibition
is
the
monu-
Dante, printed on vellum at the Ashendene Press of Mr. St. John Hornby, in 1909. The occasion was further marked by the holding of a combined
folio edition
mental
of
the
entire
"
"
Opere
of
meeting of the British-Italian League and the Manchester Dante Society, in the conference room of the Library, on Wednesday the 20th
of April.
In the unavoidable absence of the President (the Bishop
of Salford) Professor
presided over a gathering of upwards of a hundred Dante enthusiasts, and an address was given by the " Librarian on Dante as viewed from the bibliographer's standpoint ".
C.
H. Her ford
The
tember,
exhibition will remain
when
it
will
on view until the beginning of Sepbe replaced by one of a more general character, and printed books.
with the object of conveying some idea of the range and importance
of the library's collections of manuscripts
It
should be stated, however, that the primary purpose of the prois
jected exhibition
of the
to signalize the visit to the library of
members
Library Association, on the occasion
of the holding of their
annual conference in Manchester.
220

Twenty-two
its
held
years have elapsed since the Library Association conference in this city, in September, 1899, just
the
last
a month before
public use,
formal dedication of
this
library to
T1ON
which took place on the 6th
of October.
At ENCE.
the time
for
it
was
greatly regretted that the building could not be ready
opening
until
month
after
the
Library Association's annual
meeting had taken place.

It is
true that
many members
of the Association
honoured us by
assisting at
the dedication ceremony, but the Association as a
body
has not hitherto been formally welcomed to the library.
Arrangements are being made, however,

ference to be received
for
members
of the con-
by
the
Chairman
(Sir
Henry
Miers, F.R.S.)
and the Governors

the
1
of the Library, during the afternoon of
Tuesday,
3th of September,
when
every facility will

its
be given
to
them
for
inspecting the
building and
equipment,
steel
including
the
recently
erected
exhibition
be arranged for the occasion. In the present issue Dr. Rend el Harris makes another of identifications in the region of lost literature connected with DR
is
wing which
with
its
enamelled
stack,
and
also the special
to
his
the early Christian Church.
Dry bones
as
are his speciality,
but
this
time they are resurrected
well as dry.
live,
Dr.
^ ARRJS* ON
CION OF
Harris,
whose
art
is
to
make dry bones
thinks that he
has found a great fragment of the work of Marcion of Pontus (the Pontic wolf of the early fathers) in which he showed the
inconsistency between the
of
hit
Old and
New Testaments,
Christ.
between the
If
God
Law
the
and the Father
of our
Lord Jesus
Dr. Harris has
mark
the wolf
is
not such a bad wolf as he has traditionally
been represented.
We
may
look for some more discoveries before long from the same
diligent excavator.
We desire
of
to associate ourselves
recently in the columns of
"The
with the appeal which was made Times," by the secretaries PROHIBIthe
Early English Text Society, and other kindred learned societies, together with
the
Historical
Association,
COST OF
PRODUC-
the librarians of great libraries which are unsupported by state

funds, to the printing
and publishing
trade, urging
them
to bring
down
the cost of book-production so that valuable contributions to scholarship
may
not be starved out of existence.

It is
221
admitted on
it is
all
hands that the general economic conditions are

cost of book-production.
improving, and
not unreasonable therefore to ask that the improve-
ment may be reflected in the It must be quite obvious

are no longer issued.
that the printing

if
themselves will be the sufferers
books of
real scholarship
and publishing trades and research
To our
personal knowledge the committee of one of the University
Presses have been compelled reluctantly to decline, or indefinitely to
postpone, the publication of works embodying results of scholarship of

far-reaching importance,
simply on account of the prohibitive cost of
production.
The remedy
there
is
lies
with the trade, both masters and men, and unless

in prices, the result
is
an immediate and a substantial reduction
likely to
be disastrous to them.
long
At
valuable
the best of times books embodying the result of
and
work in
and
scientific
and
historical research
have been very costly
do not make any popular appeal they have comparatively few purchasers. It is none the less of importance that they
to produce,
as they
should be published in order to preserve the results of such research for the world.
DAiNTE ALIGHIERI.
1321-1921.
AN APPRECIATION: IN COMMEMORATION OF THE SIX-HUNDREDTH ANNIVERSARY OF THE POET'S DEATH.

BY THE EDITOR.
IT
4th day of September, 1321, that Dante rendered up to his Creator his toilworn spirit," in the fifty- seventh year of his age.
at
1
was
Ravenna, on the
"
He was buried with great honour in the Franciscan Church of San Pier Maggiore (now the Chiesa di San Francesco), by his friend, a noble knight named Guido Novello da Polenta, nephew of Francesca da Rimini, whose intention it was to erect a sumptuous tomb to his
memory. Unfortunately, Dante's patron and admirer was soon afterwards betrayed and driven from Ravenna, losing thereby his estates and his life, so that his project was for the time defeated.
A century
Pietro
and a half
later,
however,
in
1483
to
be exact, Bereffect to the
nardo Bembo, the father of the celebrated cardinal, gave

design by commissioning a superb monument, the
work
of the artist
said to have been dictated
Lombardi bearing the following inscription, by some authorities by Dante on his death-bed, or to be based
earlier epitaph,
upon some
perhaps the original one referred

is
to.
(The accompanying paraphrase
by James Russell Lowell.)
Jvra monarchiae Svperos Phlegethonta lacvsqre
Lvstrando cecini voUervnt Fata qvovsqve
Sed qvia pars cessit melioribvs hospita castris Avctoremqve srvm petiit felicior astris Hie clavdor Dantes patriis extorris ab oris
Qvem
The
rights of
In vision seen,
genvit parvi Florentia mater amoris.

Life, the Pit,
;
Monarchy, the Heavens, the Stream of I sang as far as to the Fates seemed fit
soul,
But since
an alien here, hath flown to nobler wars, And, happier now, hath gone to seek its Maker 'mid the stars, Here am I Dante shut, exiled from the ancestral shore,
my
Whom
Florence, the of
all leastloving
mother, bore.
DANT1S ALICE 15.11 TOETAE

FLOR-ENTlNi iNH-U Nl CAiPlTVLVM PR IMVM INCIPIT.
fi
uolfc indricto arirrirar
i\
paflo
laflb
chc non lafcjo fit mai per ""on* uiiu
Foi chcbbi npoTjto

rijn.fi uia per
fi
lj
il
chorpo
i\
piagia difcrta
chcl pic fcrmo fetnpcr

(jiufi
piu bafTo
echo
al
chomincur
dellerta
chc
una Iconza legiera cpreffa mclro di pel machulato era chopcrta

nemifi partia dinanci aluolto
jrzi inpcdiua tanto ilmio chatntno

cHi fui
per ritornarc piu uoltc uolto

(tcllc
_Tcropo era del principle del matino

cl fcl
nx^ntjua in fu choncjucllc
thcran chollui cjiundo lamer dioino N'.cHe dijrirm quclle chcfc bdle
ficha bcnc fpcrar
mcra chagionc
delchamin dinoftra uita

miritrouai per una fclua fchura
cheila diritta uia era fmarita
di<jucila ficra lagaicta pcllc Lcra del tempo clla dolac ftagjone
roa
Ah quanto adir qual era

Tanto
cchofa dura
la uilta
rcn fi cbe paura non midcfic chc rnjâruc dun licnc
e forte qucfta felua feltugia afpra chc nel penficr rinuoua la paura carrara che poco c p:u m^rte ma per tracl.ir delben chio ui rroiui diro de!altrc chofe chio uofchortc
Q_uefti parca cl-c chontro jme ucniffe cholla tefta alta cchonrabiofa fame
ficbc parca chela ire netcmcflc duna lupa cl-cditutcbramc
fcrobuiu charcha nclb fua magrcza
nonfo ben ridirechomio uentrai

rantc or
i
emoltc gienti fc gia uiucr grame

Qûtfra mi potfc tanto digrauoza
cholla paura
pien di fonno in fuquel puntro

fi'i
chella ueracic uia ab.indonii
chu ciua
di'fua uiffa
Ma
la
poi chio
alpie duncho'lc giunto

tulle OjUclla
ouc tcrminaua
chio pcrdd' lafperanza dcllaltcza E cjualc cquel chc uolootieri accjuilfa
che mauca di paura ilchuor chompunto

1
egiungic iltcn>po che pcrdcr lofacic

thentutt
in alto cuidi lefue fpallc
oeftite gia di ragi del pianeta chc mcna dritto altrui per ogni challc
Tal mi
fcci'r
fuoi pcnficr piangiccfatrifta Ja bcfria fanza pacie
Allor.fu
paura umpocho chctj chenelLigho del chuor mera durata

la
che ucncndomi ichontro apocho apocho mi ripingica la dooc il fol tacic

N!cntr(_ chip riiuinaua imbaflo locho
ci
la
note chi paflai chontanta picta chcmc que chc conlcna affanata
.il.icqua
che
pc-r lur.go
aîcchi mtfifu ofcrto filcnz/o parca fiocho

cJ-oftui ncl
or del pclagho ala riua c guata perigliofa n-o rnio chanchor fu^'ua
Q_uar.dio uidi
n-ifircre
gran difcrto
dime
gridai
.illui
ual chi tu fia
oombra ohcnx> cierto
DANTE: "COMMEDIA".
(From the copy
in the
MANTUA,
1472.
John Rylands Library.)
cliTjf-odclcamin
dt
ncllrautta
rniritronatpcrun.ifelnaou.tira chela tJiridla uu era fmaw t.i
cpatoa tiirq1cracdfachira
e forte rfta f clua feluaîa afpra
ckenclpcnfterrenoualapaur.i Tant? amar.i cK- poc o pmmortr
mapcrtradlarclcl l^cncln uttrou.n

I
cl>i no Icorte non foticn ndir come ucntrai
Hiro del altrc cofr
tantrrapirtK^clonnoirnûclpiinto d>elaueracrttui nl>amlon:u
Mapinckc tui apic dun collcîuto ladoue termmaua auclla ualle chcmauca di paura cl cor compunto Guardai inalto uiJo Icftw (pallc urfHt* gia dc ragi Jrl u, eta pi ckcmena driclo altrui perogni callc
Allor fu lapaura nn
poco chrta cbconlacoaej cor mera Jurat*
?rcl->topallat cot;it.i|'
lit
come tjun
to
tin-.
'
tuordelpclagoala
ûoljrnl.i.
Colilanimomioanco'
fi iiolli-
arirtroarimi'
ujtia
,\(atounpotociiorpol
reprefi tiiaporlrfi
civlpicrfrmo^CTnproraiIpinHaf?o
tcct
>^"arta!cominctar Jci
ôlto
DANTE: "COMMBDIA".
(From the copy
in the
JKSI, 1472.
)
DANTE ALIGHIERI
These Latin
lines
223
have been regarded by some writers as un-
worthy of Dante, just as Shakespeare's doggerel English epitaph has On the other hand, the rudeness of been thought unworthy of him.
the verses has been put forward as a proof of their authenticity in both
cases.
The Bembo tomb was restored by

the Papal Legate in
1
Cardinal Domenico Maria Corsi,

rebuilt in
its
692, and finally Cardinal Gonzaga, in 1780, each of
present form
whom
in
turn
by commemorated
It is a little shrine covered with a themselves in Latin inscriptions. dome, not unlike the tomb of a Mohammedan Saint, and is now the
chief
It
Mecca which
follows
attracts pilgrims to
Ravenna.
1921, marks the
six-
then,
that
the
present year,
hundredth anniversary of this outstanding event, and by reason of the prominent and honoured place which Dante occupies upon the shelves
claim the privilege of collaborating with Italy in commemorating the death of the most eminent of her many brilliant sons, by adding our modest tribute of homage to the countless number
of this library, of similar tributes of
we
more enduring worth which
will
be offered
at the
shrine of his genius during this anniversary year.

In the course of the six centuries that have elapsed since Dante's
death
to
and enduring talent of all nationalities have helped swell his praise and to immortalize his fame. In this country, especially during the last hundred years, the study
of great
men
and appreciation
his
of
Dante has been second only
to the
homage
of
own
countrymen.
Two
of our greatest poets, the
one
living in
the fourteenth and the other in the seventeenth century, both exercising an enormous influence on their
own and
succeeding generations,
into their
were
diligent students of
Dante and transfused
work much
of the form
and
"
spirit of the
"Commedia".
In the
"Canterbury
passages which would have been impossible but for the influence of Dante. It was a proof " of Chaucer's critical judgment that he calls Dante the great poet
Tales," and in
Paradise Lost," there are
many
were, by Chaucer and by Milton, Dante was allowed to sink into an oblivion of forof Itaille ".
yet, after being canonized, as
it
And
by the neglect of almost all Tuscan literature among English It is true readers, down to some hundred and twenty years ago. that he was mentioned from time to time, but mostly from hearsay
getfulness,
only
Spenser shows that he read
his
works
closely
Sackville
may
224

"
"
have read the
had done
John Harington however, a noble revenge Shelley, Byron and Tennyson have led him back with chants of recognition Carlyle and Ruskin have set forth his praise in impassioned prose Boyd,
;
Inferno
and
it is
certain that Sir
so.
He has had,
Longfellow, Okey, Plumptre, Stanley, Shadwell, Wright and Wicksteed have translated him whilst a host of other scholars such as Coleridge, Vernon, Moore, Gardner, and Toynbee have made Dante more widely known to English readers by com-
Gary,
Norton,
;
menting upon and elucidating the works of the poet. To Ruskin Dante was the " central man of all the world, as representing in perfect balance the imaginative, moral, and intellectual
faculties, all at their highest ".
To
Carlyle his book
was
the sincerest
;
of
all
poems
"he was
the spokesman of the middle ages

' ;
the
his Divine thought they lived by stands here in everlasting music * is the most remarkable of all modern books and one need Comedy
;
not
were predicted that his poem might be the most enour Europe has yet made ". during thing Among the more recent of the offerings at the shrine of Dante's
if it
wonder
genius
we
at the request of the Florentines in
cannot refrain from quoting the ode written by Tennyson 1865, on the six-hundredth anni:
versary of his birth
King
In
that has reign'd six hundred years, and grown power, and ever growest, since thine own Fair Florence, honouring thy nativity, Hath sought the tribute of a verse from me,
I, wearing but the garland of a day, Cast at thy feet one flower that fades away.
What was
extent.
true in
865 has become more

still
true to-day, for the realm
of the poetic
monarch has grown
greater both in
power and
in
Many attempts have been made to account for this supremacy of what may be termed the Dante cult, and to determine what were the abiding qualities of genius which have secured for Dante the fame he has won and worn for six hundred years, and which give him to-day
a claim for such study as only a few world classics deserve.
James Russell Lowell, in that remarkable essay of his entitled Dante," written in 1872, which Dr. Wicksteed describes as: "a sufficient introduction to the study of Dante, and by far the best thing
44
DANTE ALIGHIER1
"
225
also
on the subject
refers
to
*
in
English
the
and which Professor C. E. Norton

to
as
"
:
best introduction
the study of the
Divine
Almost Comedy, which should be read and re-read/* asserts that all poets have their seasons, but Dante penetrates to the moral core of
:
"
those
who
once
fairly
come within
students,
his
sphere,
wholly.
His readers turn
his
and possesses them students zealots, and what

if
was
a taste becomes a religion/'

intellect,
"
...
Shakespeare be the most
comprehensive
expressed
Dante
is
the highest spiritual nature that has
itself in
rhythmical form.
Had
of
he made us
each
the ambitions, sorrows,
and vexations
how petty appear when looked

feel
down on from the heights of our own character and the seclusion of our own genius, or from the region where we commune with God, he
had done much.
the
.
But he has done
far
more
he has shown us
way by which that country far beyond the stars may be reached, may become the habitual dwelling place and fortress of our nature,
its
instead of being the object of
vague aspiration
"
in
moments
of in-
dolence."
In another passage
Lowell declares that
among
literary
fames
Dante
finds only
two
that for
growth and immortality can

".
parallel his
own
Homer and
Shakespeare
And
it
was evident
to all scholars,
as soon as comparison
by the critical
method was attempted,
that the
Florentine must be given rank with
Homer who
chanted the heroic
world
Hellas in Iliad and Odyssey, and with our own pre-eminent poet who held the mirror up to nature in such a way that he promised to be the universal poet of mankind.
of
Italian singer apparently yields the palm neither to nor to Shakespeare when he is judged from the bibliographer's standard, in other words, by the number of literary accretions which
But the great
Homer
have surrounded the creations

as one writer has described
of these three
:
most immortal
three, chief
of poets, or
them
"the
first
among
the
captains of
world song
".
writer,
Dante's reputation and influence, like those of every other great have not been without their periods of decline.
a young
As
poet.
man he was
after his
Immediately
recognized quite early as a scholar and a death he was lauded by such judges as
as a master of thought
Villani, Boccaccio,
and Petrarch
and
style,
and
as a marvellous artist in the use of the hardly
formed
Italian language.
Indeed,
it is
proof of the natural instinct of Dante, and of his confidence
226
in his

own
in
genius, that he should
have chosen
to write all his greatest
more than a what was deemed by patois," but which he, more than any other man, raised to the dignity In other words, he is not only the first great of a classical language.
works
41
scholars to be nothing
poet but the

to literature.
first
great prose writer to use a language not yet subdued
Dante was the

quote Boccaccio
us Italians,
:
first
influential poet in the
"
lingua rustica".
To
"he was
it
the
first
to elevate vulgar poetry
among
and
to raise
to a position of honour, just as
Homer and
Vergil did with theirs among the Greeks and Latins ". It is true that the work of popularization, in the true sense of the
term, can be effected only
language, and that " "
by speaking
to the people in their
own
was Dante's work.

was
"it required
all
His aim, as he
tells
us in the
Conveto
(i.
8),
:
to give useful things to
of
Dean Milman
Dante
words many, and, the courage, firmness, and prophetic

in the
sagacity of
to
throw aside the
inflexible
bondage
of the established
hierarchical Latin of
Europe".
all
Not
content with proving to
the world the fitness of the Italian
language as a literary vehicle by the practical example of his " Dante planned a theoretical exposition of this fact in his
eloquentia ".
special
own
work,
De
vulgari
The modern
student of
Romance
which
philology must feel a
satisfaction in being able to date the
commencement
is
of his
science from the appearance of his work,
conceived and extelling
ecuted in
the
modern
scientific
first
spirit.
Dante begins by
his
readers that he
It
was
the
to treat the subject.
should be noted, however, that whilst Dante recognized the importance of a national language and literature, he was at the same time
keenly alive to the necessity of classical studies for all who would attain He chose for his models of composiproficiency in their own tongue.
tion the
learned
Roman
poets.
Indeed, Vergil,
who was
his
master
of the
and guide on the unearthly pilgrimage, taught him in the sixth book " " Aeneid what that supernatural world was like. His references to ancient literature have been collected and
classified,
and
it
will help us to appreciate the extent of his indebtedif
ness to these classical writers,
we show
approximately the number of

:
times each of the respective works or authors are cited by Dante " the Vulgate" 500, Aristotle 300, Vergil 200, Ovid 100, Cicero 50,
Statius
and Boethius 30
to 40,
Horace
7,
Livy and Orosius 10 to
DANTE ALIGHIERI
20.
227
in
Dante knew
practically nothing of
Greek, so that he was
bondage
to the Latin translations,

is
and when he quotes Aristotle

all
it is
the Latin Aristotle he
The
perfection of the
employing. "
Commedia," and above

It
the style, which

fruits of
Macaulay
studies in
describes as
"
unmatched," are the
first first
classical
modern Europe.
first
was Dante who
aroused a general
fittingly
taste for classical learning,
and
for that reason
he may be
described as the
humanist.
was a born student and on the authority of Professor Norton we have it, that if Dante had never written a single poem, he would
still
He
have been famous as the most profound scholar of his times. Within two generations of Dante's death no fewer than eleven
"
commentaries on the
Commedia
to
its
"
had not only sketched designs

written sonnets in praise of
had appeared, and Michael Angelo illustrate the divine poem, but had
author.
As
time passed, however, the
atmosphere changed, and the glory faded, but it was only like nature's sleep before spring, the winter rest, which causes the shoot to be
greener and the blossom to be more fragrant. With the Florence of Michel Angelo he seemed to die, and
when
He rose by the Risorgimento dawned, he, too, rose from the grave. reason of .some divine power persisting within his works, defeated
but unconquerable.
to die.
First,
however,
like
the corn of wheat, he seemed
Whereas, twenty editions of the "Commedia" were printed and published in Italy between the years 1472 and 500, and forty editions
1
in the sixteenth century, there
were but three
editions printed in the
seventeenth century.
This was due, no doubt, to the persecution by
the Jesuits of the poet's works,
and the writings they
called forth.
One
they
of their
felt
principal aims was to make all literature Latin, and that their plans must needs be thwarted, if they allowed so
mighty a work in the vulgar tongue to run the land unchallenged. But all these schemes and machinations were of no avail. voice so
mighty as that of Dante,

of intrigue
was
its
sure to
make
itself
heard, and no sort
powerful note for any length of time. The eighteenth century was not quite so barren of interest as the but it was not until the beginning of the nineteenth preceding one
able to
stifle
;
was
century that a real revival of interest for
tween the years
800 and
Dante was noticeable. Be865 upwards of one hundred editions of
228
the

Commedia
"
"
are recorded as having been published in Italy alone,
and
since that date the increase of
Dante
literature has
been quite
phenomenal. In our own country the light of the genius which had impressed Chaucer and Milton burned but dimly in the eighteenth century.
Appreciation of Dante was immensely advanced, however, by the
publication in
1
805
"
of
Henry
Francis Gary's translation of the
first
seventeen
cantos of the "Inferno," and in
translation of the
Commedia,"
of
of
1814 by which numerous

1
his
complete
editions
were
called for
between the year
its first
of the translator's death.
Critics
appearance and 844, the date are unanimous in its praise. Macaulay
version of a great
that the translator
went
so far as to say he
so fully
knew no
showed
holds
its
and none which

of poetic genius.
poem so faithful, was himself a man
It still
place in our literature, and Gary's
well-deserved niche in the Poets' Corner of Westminster

"
its
Abbey
with
simple inscription
of this
Translator of Dante," will remain as a lasting

revival in England.
monument
In
Dante
an
earlier
paragraph
we
have ventured
to
quote the opinion ex-
pressed by Professor Willard Fiske, in that very suggestive and scholarly " " which he introduction to the Catalogue of the Dante Collection
himself presented
to Cornell University Library, that
Dante
to
yields
place neither to
Homer
nor to Shakespeare
when judged from
the
bibliographer's standard, and it may not be out of place the considerations which led Mr. Fiske to arrive at such a
examine
conclusion,
and
to
It
endeavour
is
to justify
it.
true that in point of bulk the achievements of
Dante are
greatly exceeded by those of the two older writers.
claims pride of place in this respect with
10,237
lines,
Shakespeare even when
the doubtful plays assigned to him are deducted, as
compared with
of
27,793 verses
in the
two
"
epics with
which the name
Homer
is
as-
sociated (15,693 in the " Divina 14,333 in the
Iliad" and 12,100 in the
"Odyssey"), and
seek to
Commedia".
When, however, we
to hold his
estimate the
number of
their readers
by the frequency with which their
writings have been reproduced

is
Dante appears
own.
This
the
more
surprising
when we
consider that Shakespeare in his verna-
cular appeals to a
world
far vaster
than that which Dante addresses
in his natural tongue.
Another point
to
which Mr. Fiske
calls
attention
and which
is
DANTE ALIGHIERI
certainly
229
worthy
of notice
its
is
possesses over the epic in
the advantage which the dramatic art methods of giving publicity to a produc-
tion. Epics are no longer recited in public, and were never recited with the attractive accompaniments of moving figures and varied
costumes.
The dramatist on the other hand, speaks to and through double audiences, one of readers, the other of hearers. This is no
slight
advantage, and
it
becomes a question whether the general ac-
quaintance with Shakespeare would not be greatly diminished were his Furthermore, this two-fold character of plays never acted.
dramatic poetry increases
its literature,
for the theatre
demands frequent
separate reprints of the texts of popular plays.

In the case of
studies, his
Homer,
since the days of the revival of classical
works
in the original
Greek have been
in constant
educa-
tional use, such as the
two other
writers can hardly claim for theirs.
and
His epics are repeatedly printed as school texts in every civilized land, in great editions, with more or less of comment and other literary
apparatus.
Even
so, it is
the world's epics have appeared in
doubtful whether the two most popular of more versions than has the immortal
poem
of
Dante.
real test of a
is
But the
pointed out,
man's universality as Willard Fiske has decided by a man's standing outside his own country,
or in the case of a writer beyond the limits of his
own
speech.
The
breadth of a writer's renown
is
translations of his creations into other languages.

it
measured by the reproductions or In the case of Dante

he has be-
may be
said that since the
end
of the eighteenth century
come
the most passionate study on the part of the master poets of
similes,
style, his manifold exquisite images and have become a never-failing source of inspiration. Let us now see how Dante stands in this respect when compared with his two peers.
Europe.
His marvellous
In
English,
commencing with the version

"
"
in
blank verse by C.
782, there are twenty separate and " distinct translations of the Divina Commedia," one of which, Gary's,
in
1
Rogers of the
Inferno
has appeared in no less than thirty editions, as compared with about twelve of Homer, from that of Chapman appearing in 1 598, down
to the present
day
Shakespeare.
This
is
whilst Italy has but three complete renderings of the more noteworthy because of the Italian
origin of Shakespeare's finest creations.
230
In

French the
"
Divina
has been fully rendered by sixteen different translators, commencing with that of Grangier, which appeared in 1 596, but the study of Dante struck no root in French
soil until
Commedia
"
the latter part of the eighteenth century.
It
Inferno in 1 783, who was the first to attract " " to the Commedia in that country, and Chateaugeneral attention briand, though far from appreciating the work at its true value, made
his translation of the
"
"
was
Rivarol,
by
the cult general.
Hugo
only
evil in
its
high places.
regarded Dante as having hated all evil, not And if we turn to French literature to-day,
with
various schools, symbolists and others,

they,
too, continue
we
are struck with the
fact, that
to derive
much
of their inspiration
and
support from Dante's work.

tions of
Dante
into
French,
As compared with the sixteen translawe find only twelve versions of Homer,
and
eight of Shakespeare.
It is
surprising that for so many centuries Dante should have been more than a name in Germany, especially when we consider the little close relations in which that country stood to Italy at repeated intervals
in her history.
The
first
German
translation of the
"
Commedia
1
"
767 and Bachenschwanz, which appeared between Versions of Kannegiesser, Streckfuss, Kopisch and Prince 1769. John of Saxony followed. Goethe seems never to have given that attention to Dante which might have been expected. Schlegel speaks
was
that of
of
Dante
as his favourite poet,
and from the date
of the
in
appearance
1791,
of Schlegel's translation of parts of the
"Commedia"
we
may trace the influence of the form and spirit of Dante's poetry on " German literature. Against nineteen versions of the Commedia,"
in
German, we can only

In Spanish
set
ten of
Homer, and
eight
of
Shake-
speare.
Dante's masterpiece has been translated
six
times as
against half that
it
very first has been rendered four times, a
The Shakespeare. Dutch In translation of Dante was into Catalan in 1428.

number
of versions of
Homer and
Homer
to
or
of
one
number not equalled either by In modern Greek there are two renderings by Shakespeare. Russia boasts of two Shakespeare, and two of Homer.
versions, whilst
have each
Hungary, Portugal, and its linguistic daughter Brazil, and there is a single interpretation in just as many Not all the Bohemian, in Polish, in Roumanian, and in Swedish.
;
last-named languages have versions of either
Homer
or Shakespeare.
DANTE ALIGHIERI
In Latin the
231
"
Divina
Commedia
Divina
"
has been printed in four different
renderings,
Homer
Translations of the
only in two. "
Commedia"
and
either in
whole or
in
part have appeared in twenty- six languages,

of Italy, a figure
in eleven of the dialects
which
is
not reached either by Shakespeare or
by
Homer.
It is
of the
"
computed that since Divina Commedia'*
800
the average annual issue of editions
in the original has
been more than
four,
and
it
is
doubtful whether during
the nineteenth century anything
approaching four hundred editions of Shakespeare were issued. In the Italian lands, throughout which Dante enjoys an immortality
both of affection and acquaintanceship, such as no other of the great intellects of the modern world has succeeded in gaining among his
countrymen, the number of independent Dante publications yearly If to these are added the exceeds one hundred and twenty-five. privately printed monographs, and the really important contributions to
reviews,
and
transactions of
various societies, the annual total will
probably exceed two hundred. many important publications reference to our own master poet can we reckon up every having twelve months among English-speaking peoples, who out-number the
Italians
How
by There
at least four to
is little
one
doubt that the sources
of this literary flood are to
be
found in the encyclopaedic character of the great poem. If we examine " " Dr. Paget Toynbee's Dante Dictionary we shall find that the has touched upon, or treated, a surprising number of themes. poet
and places, and his references to scenes and which may be numbered by the hundred, have served as so many pegs upon which students of research have been enabled to hang His mysticism and symbolism, his allegories scholarly dissertations.
allusions to persons
His
events,
and the many fascinating problems scattered through have not only challenged the faculties of the more speculative of the scholars, but have quickened the fancy of the poet, the novelist
and
analogies,
his text
and the
dramatist.
Scientific
in his astronomical features,
minds also find subjects for meditation and in the topographical word pictures of
for us.
the circles of Hell, the terraces of Purgatory, and the planetary spheres
of Paradise,
which he has sketched
Such are only a few
of the topics
critics,
which constantly seem
to de-
mand
the investigation of
quite apart from the ambitious attempts 16
232
to

"
expound the
Divina
Commedia
"
as a whole, the interpretation of
relations to
;
its loftier
meanings, the estimate of
its
its
author, to his age,
to his
fellowmen, and
to spiritual things
intellects,
aspirations
which have
as the
evoked the labour of so many must always admire.
and such learning
world
Turning now
to a
more
"
detailed consideration of the printed edition
of the original text of the
Divina Commedia,"
first
it is
a matter of strange
in the
coincidence that the three

;
editions should
have appeared
same year (1472) and still more surprising is it that two of them were printed in the comparatively unimportant towns of Foligno, and Jesi, whilst the third appeared in Mantua.
1
The
number
city.
natal place of the poet, Florence, holds the
first
rank as to the
of a single
of editions
produced from
first
to last
by the printers
Naples
These have reached the

fifty-five,
figure of eighty, whilst those printed at
Venice number only ten, and Rome ten.

Outside
text
;
Mantua
fifty,
thirty-five,
Turin
Italy,
Paris
is
easily first
like
with thirty editions of the
Italian
London has something

than
first
1
a dozen to her credit, the
first
no
earlier
778.
Florentine edition appeared in
;
1
The
edition
48
and was the
first
illustrated edition
but
it
was a
(
1
quarter of a century before a
second
was
printed there
in
1
506), and
sixty-six years elapsed before
the third appeared

fourth appeared in
1572, yet again twenty-three years before the
595.
Throughout
this
period Venice
was
issuing
a
1
new
596.
edition every five years,
twenty-five in all
1
between 1477 and
peared being a period of a century and three-quarters, and that remained the only edition issued from the poet's natal place in the eighteenth centui y.
In 1813 the text again accompanied by the commentary of Venturi appeared with a Florentine imprint, but these years of dearth came to an end in 1817 with the first of the four pretentious and profusely illustrated folios, of the so-called
until
Subsequent to the edition of 595 no Florentine edition apthat with the commentary of Venturi in 1771-1774,
"
Anchor
edition,"
which ap-
peared between 1817 and been the result.
1819.
Since then one yearly edition has
This appreciation
1
of
Dante would be obviously incomplete without
Facsimiles of the
copies in the
first page of each of these three editions, from the Rylands Library, are published with this article. John
DANTE ALIGHIERI
some reference
us in his
It is
233
for
to the touching love story

".
which he has enshrined
"
Vita Nuova
generally
admitted
unequalled.
that
in
the
domain
of love literature
Petrarch's
inspirer of
sway
is
It is
claimed for him that he was the

;
and yet it must most of the love poetry of modern Europe " " Canzoniere would have been impossible if be said that Petrarch's
Dante's love for Beatrice had not been there to serve him as guide. " Life of Dante," quoting from Dr. According to Boccaccio's " While his [Dante's] tears were still flowing Wicksteed's translation
:
for the
death of
little
together in a
twenty-sixth year, he put " volume which he called the Vita Nuova," certain
Beatrice,
about
in
his
small things as sonnets
and odes, which he had made
in
rhyme
head
at
of
divers seasons theretofore, marvellously beautiful, placing at the
each severally and

it,
in order the occasions that
had moved him
to write
and adding the divisions of the poems after them." Dante without doubt idealized Beatrice, and in the end employed
her as a symbol, but that does not imply that she was not, in the origin, a real creature of flesh and blood, and the object of his genuine love.
In her loveliness
of the
and
purity the heroine
becomes an image upon earth

is
Divine Beauty and Goodness, and the poet's love to her
the
stepping-stone to love of the supreme God. It is suggested that by the title "Vita
Nuova" Dante
his life
probably
his love
meant
to intimate the
renewal or transfiguration of
by
for Beatrice.
tells us that he acquired the greater part of his learndeath of Beatrice, with the purpose of composing a work honour of his beloved, in which he was to say things, which had
He
himself
ing after the

in
never before been said of any woman. " " It was a preparation for the Commedia inasmuch as
it
tells
us
his
how
the singer
became
poet,
and how the woman, who was

all things,
to
be
spiritual pilot over the ocean, crossed his path.
Dante regarded love

sets
as the origin of
good and
evil,
and
forth his theory at full length

".
in the seventeenth
canto of the
This elevating influence of love had formed one of the Purgatorio of the troubadours and their disciples when Dante came chief themes
"
and
set
the stamp of immortality upon the conception.
This
is
the
love that the best
and
greatest of our poets
still
hold up as the ideal to
which
all
must
strive,
the love
which
is
found in Shelley, the Brown-
234
ings,
of
and Tennyson. It may be said, therefore, that these minor poems Dante served as a land mark between mediaeval and modern love
Professor Gardner describes the
poetry.
"Vita Nuova"
its
as
is
the
most
spiritual
and ethereal romance ever written, but
purity
such that
;
comes not from innocent
simplicity of soul, but from self-suppression
and suggests that
we
should take the
"
New
life" not as
merely mean-
ing the poet's youth, but as referring to the new life that with the dawn of love, the regeneration of the soul.
commenced
Dante tangled various threads in his enchanted web, seizing hints He was not merely a singer of love songs, from all he came across. or a weaver of dreams, but a seer of things hidden from mortal sight.
His utterances are the utterances
those aspects of
life
of
one
who
has himself been close to
of
which he speaks.
He
has looked at them with
his own eyes, by the keenness of his vision and by the strength of his insight he has seen more deeply into things, and has appreciated their meaning more powerfully than the common race of men. Above all
he possessed the wonderful faculty of making us see and feel with him. " De vulgari All his works with the possible exception of the
are component parts of a whole duty of man mutually and interpreting one another. completing His spiritual message is love, but love tested and sanctified by the
"
eloquentia
grace of Christ the Redeemer. can but admire the miracles of construction which make his " " Vita Nuova correspond after a way of its own to St. Augustine's " " Divina Commedia," where the strange Confessions," and his
We
title
conceals a resemblance of design and of treatment, to the

infinite detail,
"
Civitate
Dei," each a design of

Cathedral.
complex and opulent as a Gothic

his
Dante
will
be always the greatest of dramatic poets, by
blend-
ing into a single

natural,
work
of the
of
charm
of nature, the
and the pathos
human
joy
power and sorrow, with justice over
of the superall
;
and we may
Truly
perish.
safely predict that he will never again pass under eclipse
as long as our civilization endures.
may
it
be said that the nation that had a Dante could not
THE PLACE OF
IN
ST.
HISTORY.
BY
T. F.
THOMAS OF CANTERBURY A CENTENARY STUDY.

1
TOUT, M.A.,
Litt.D.,
F.B.A.
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND DIRECTOR OF ADVANCED STUDIES IN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.
is
IT
genial
St.
now just seven centuries since the feast of Thomas the Martyr was first celebrated
For three centuries every return
the translation of
in the
church of
Canterbury.
July summer saw the
of the long and stream of pilgrims swell to the perennial
recurrent
For those same three centuries every dimensions of a mighty river. witnessed the abnormal crowds of the faithful that fifty years
the celebrations of the jubilee of that transference of the
witness which, the great Stephen Langton had sum1
attended
sacred
relics, to
moned
the whole world to Canterbury, on 7 July,
220.
Nearly four centuries after the Reformation, Canterbury once
more
commemorated Thomas'
centenary of
his
jubilee
on the occasion
July,
of
the
seventh
translation
on 7
1920.
It
could hardly be
celebrated better than by interrogating historical science as to

place in history.
Thomas*
Let us make
this
enquiry
in the spirit of a science
which should be neither

anticlerical, neither
sceptical nor credulous,
neither clerical nor
Anglican nor Roman, neither Catholic nor antiCatholic, but should aim simply at the sympathetic yet critical study For this the first requisite is to get at the of facts as they happened.
facts
themselves and to try and appreciate them in due proportion. In our search for the truth we must distinguish between the mass of
irrelevant detail
and the
principles
which the
flood of detail almost
overwhelms.
We
stood for in his lifetime

1
must distinguish also between what St. Thomas and what men believed him to have stood for
This paper is based on a lecture delivered in the chapter house of Canterbury Cathedral on 7 July, 1920, on the occasion of the seventh It was repeated on 8 centenary of the translation of St. Thomas. December, 1920, at the John Rylands Library, and on 25 January, 1921, before the Durham branch of the Historical Association.
235
236

succeeded his death.
in the generations that
To do this we
must under-
stand and sympathise with

point of view, in
the mediaeval mind and
the mediaeval
some ways so different, in others perhaps not so widely And of one thing at least we may feel asseparated from our own. that both St. Thomas and his enemies shared in this mediaeval sured,
point
of
view.
modern
anti-clericalism
of to
any element
It
was only
against
fight, as some have imagined, between and aggressive priestcraft. Still less was there a national movement, whether ecclesiastical or civil. a certain extent a contest between the state ecclesiIt
was no
astical
and the
state political.
There were
were
But
his
if
as
many good
churchstrife
men
him
after
Thomas
as there
for
him
in the six years'
that preceded his catastrophe.

in his
his
life,
Thomas'
detractors persecuted
they joined with
disciples in venerating his

of
martyrdom.
The
rights
and wrongs
the living
memory Thomas
divided his contemporaries, but friends and foes agreed in Bitter lifelong antagonists went worshipping the saint and martyr.
fiercely
on
pilgrimage
to
his shrine,
joining
with his
faithful
disciples in
his sacred
testifying
relics
to his high character

It
and
to the
wonders which
St.
remarkable consensus of opinion that gave wrought. Thomas of Canterbury his undoubted position as the most famous
this
was
of English mediaeval saints.
The
study of the lives of the saints takes us over
difficult
and
thorny ground.
But the problem as
to
what the main
facts
were, so
little
insoluble in the case of those early saints as to
whom we
have
or
no authentic or contemporary testimony, does not concern the historians More is known about St. Thomas' life than about of St. Thomas.
that of almost
any one
of his contemporaries.
St.
He had
good contemporary biographers as

self.
Bernard or
Had we
to attempt the detailed study of his
many and as as Henry II himacts, we should be

as
appalled by the mass of evidence through which we have to wade. might also be well discouraged by the inadequacy of the exposition and
interpretation of the facts
We
shown by most
of the writers
who have in
later
times attempted to deal with the question.
There
is
no such problem
historical
here as there
existence
is
is
in dealing
with those ancient saints whose

for
chiefly
vouched
by the
names
of the churches
which
they have founded, and whose records are to be found in biographies, written in later ages either from the motive of edification, or with the
less
praiseworthy though very
human
object of writing
up a famous
ST.
THOMAS OF CANTERBURY
IN
HISTORY
237
church and proclaiming the wonders wrought by the local saint to a It would be too much to say that either public bent on pilgrimages.
the motive of edification or the motive of advertisement are absent from
the lives of St.
writers
Thomas.
But with
all
allowance
made
for this these

;
they
knew their man. They were contemporaries, and eye-witnesses knew the facts and had little motive for distorting them. The most
of the record
;
deny the main features question the wisdom or the impartiality

sceptical cannot
for us neither the
they can only
of the interpretation.
Fortu-
nately biography nor the character of St. Thomas is Our business is with opinion rather than with our direct concern. Let us in this spirit with generalities rather than with details. events,
ask ourselves
what
St.
Thomas
stood
for,
why
:
did his contemporaries

after his
uphold him or denounce him

did
all alike join
in his lifetime
and why
?
death
together in cherishing his
memory
In discussing St.
Thomas' place
in history,
we
it
shall
have mainly
to
examine
his place in the history of the church. his career are so obvious,
But because the ecwill
clesiastical aspects of
be well
if,
before
we
approach
these,
we concern
was a
ourselves for a
of
place in civil history.

liberties of
For the career
moment with St. Thomas' Thomas as a champion of the

His early career
is
the church
brief one.
only ac-
cidentally that of a
churchman.
The young and
promising Londoner,
of
who began
work at the court of Archbishop Theobald fame and advancement, rather than the functions Canterbury, sought
his
life's
of
all
a Christian minister.
He was
a clerk because in the twelfth century
educated men,
all
who
sought to
win
their
in
way by
their brains,
were
an archbishop's household, and therefore incidentally served the church of Canterbury, yet he was no more a clerk than if he had attached himself to the service of the
necessarily clerks.
Though he worked
crown
or of a great secular lord.

secretarial,
His
functions
were administrative,
diplomatic,
If
he had
his
reward
in
anything but those of the servant of the altar. livings, prebends, provostships, it would ha ve
been the same had he joined the household of a lay magnate. For the greater part of his service in the archbishop's household
It was only was, though a clerk, yet not in holy orders. after some twelve years of such service that he was ordained deac on
Thomas
on
his
And in these da ys appointment as archdeacon of Canterbury. the archdeacon was a personal servant of his bishop, the oculu s episcopi, a member of his household or familia, the judge of the
238

first
ecclesiastical court of
instance, the administrator.
Such an
officer
was, as his
name
now, a
priest
normally in deacon's orders, and not, as And a small diocese, like that of senior standing.
suggests,
still kept up the primitive fashion of one archdeacon Nor did Thomas as archwhose sphere was the whole diocese.
of Canterbury,
deacon remain attached

almost
to
the archbishop's household
for
a long
immediately period ; goodwill, transferred from his household to that of the king, though
retaining his office as archdeacon.
1
afterwards
he was,
with
Theobald's
As
royal chancellor between
155
and
62, he
was
1 1
as
much
1 1
the household servant of a great lord, as

of
when between
as clerk
43 and
55 he had been Ai& familiaris
Theobald
and archdeacon.
From
the household clerk as from the house-
hold knight, mediaeval morality required above all things unlimited and Just as the comes of unquestioned devotion to the will of his lord.
the primitive princeps fought not for victory but for his master, so did
of the mediaeval
kefamiliaris
magnate regard the absolute and unIt
questioning subordination of himself, soul and body, to his lord's interests,
as the primary duty of his station.
was
all of
a piece
when Thomas,
as the archbishop's familiaris, sought
uphold church of Canterbury as when, as the king's chancellor, he strove with all his might to promote the interests of the Angevin monarchy.
to
the interests of the
The
secular absorption, the

in the
"
"
unclerical
acts,
such as appearing in
armour
war
of Toulouse, the hot zeal with
which Thomas ex-
tracted from the clergy the uttermost farthing of their
means
to
promote
the king's campaigns in Southern

of his loyal
France, were
to
all
the natural results

the time being.
in
and unbounded devotion

precisians,
his lord
little
for
Save a few
contemporaries saw
If
unseemly
them
in a
clerk in deacon's orders.

excessive,
it
the
pomp
of the chancellor
was
criticised as
was assumed
to originate in his desire to impress
upon the
world the greatness of
his master
the king.
It
was a suggestion of
highmindedness, a premonition of future sanctity, that this brilliantly garbed and lavishly attended servant of the crown lived a life of blameless chastity
and
self-restraint.
In all this devotion to his personal lord

of
Thomas
the clerk
his
was but obeying the same standard
which inspired
1
duty as that junior contemporary, William the Marshal, to con1
It
was
not until
163
that
Thomas,
at
the archdeaconry to his clerk, Geoffrey Ridel,
the king's request, transferred who soon became his un-
compromising
foe.
ST.
and unblemished career
IN
HISTORY
Henry
II
239
and
for
secrate a long
his sons.
to the service of
The
questionable acts that resulted from such devotion

If
were
taken as a matter of course.
Thomas
fleeced the church to
pay
the war of Toulouse, William Marshal's personal devotion to his lord
compelled him to remain faithful to King John against Stephen Langton shall see that the and the barons who upheld the Great Charter. same principle of devoted service to his lord made Thomas as arch-
We
bishop the protagonist of ecclesiastical freedom and led him straight on

to his
martyrdom.
position for the
first
twenty years of his public career was then that of the exemplary household clerk, obliged as his first duty to devote himself to the service of the immediate lord whose bread he ate.
Thomas'
In this he
was a
pattern to his age of the faithful familiaris.

of exceptional character, ability,
But
Thomas' two masters were men

resourcefulness.
and
no
Membership
of their households involved
no common
obligations or privileges.
line
In the twelfth century, as in earlier ages,
was drawn between

to govern his
the private
a lay or an ecclesiastical magnate.
and the public activities of either Both the prince and the prelate
them, clothe them, and
had
huge
train of followers, feed
for the
house them, and to administer the estates which provided the resources Modems would regard this as a matter expenditure involved.
of private estate
management.
But the early middle ages confused
with
fell
domestic economy the management of the public charges which upon the dignity of state or church. Accordingly, the pope ruled
this
the church universal, the archbishop ruled his province, the emperor
governed the vaguely defined Roman empire, the king ruled his kingdom, the baron his barony by the same persons and by the same machinery as those through which he ruled his own domestic establishment.
Moreover, by
this
feudal chaos.
the
feudal
Nowhere was
time law and sound rule were emerging from this more the case than in England where
reign involved
anarchy of Stephen's
reactions.
In the absence of effective state control, the church,
two contradictory headed
by Theobald, perforce undertook many

After Stephen's death the
itself
of the functions of the state.
to
work
to restore the strong rule of
and
his sons.
by Henry II, set William the Conqueror Both archbishop and king worked to this end through
state,
now
controlled
their organised household.
Thomas'
early
experience
as
Theobald's clerk
and
his
later
240
experience as

Henry
IFs chancellor gave
him a
full
experience of both
sides of this process.

politics, of
The
household of Theobald was the centre of

Part of Thomas'
government, of learning, and of piety.
Bologna, but part legal lore from attending the lectures given by the famous Lombard
his studies at
came from
may have come

jurist,
Vacarius,
not at Oxford, as
of Canterbury.
was once thought, but in the court of His political and ecclesiastical ideas
of
the archbishop
certainly
came
from a brother clerk
Theobald's household, John of Salisbury. His first diplomatic mission was when, as Theobald's agent, he persuaded the pope not to perpetuate anarchy by allowing Stephen's son to be
This service to the house of Anjou made natural king. Thomas' appointment as chancellor. In the seven years (1 155-1 162) in which he held that office, the Angevin chancery became the most
crowned
machinery that Europe had yet known. The mediaeval chancery was, we must always remember, not a law an administrative office, It was court, like our modern chancery.
perfect piece of administrative
the branch of the royal household devoted
to
drafting
and
sealing
documents, issuing orders in the king's name, and not seldom suggestIt itinerated with the ing the policy which those orders involved.
court of an ever wandering king.
call
Its
sphere
was not England
to
was
to
Its sphere Chancellor of England is an elementary error. wide as the mighty Angevin empire that ranged from Scotland The the Pyrenees, and included a third of modern France.
Thomas
as
chancellor
was the
king's chancellor, not the chancellor of the kingdom.

in
Like
his master,
he spent more time
Normandy and Anjou
than
in
England, and, wherever he was, he and his clerks issued which the king's lay officers made it their business to enforce.
as
their writs
He
was
much London
the chancellor at
or
Rouen,
at
Poitiers or at Bordeaux, as at
York.
function
of the king's
of writs.
The
famous
immediate
chancery
was
formal
the issuing
for
and
classification
Those
their
writs, or letters,
were
their
their
in
precision
of
form,
businesslike brevity,
effectiveness
expressing
their
meaning.
So anxious was
"
the "
Henricus chancery to spare words and parchment that instead of " " was used to represent the king's name, and the the initial
traditional formula
"
King by the grace
of
God
"
was
cut out
by omitt-
ing the reference to divine favour.

Delisle, has
shown
that the excision of
The great French scholar, Leopold Dei gratia was characteristic of
ST.
II's
IN
1
HISTORY
241
Henry
plished
writs from his accession to
73.
It still
remains for the
historian of St.
Thomas to point the moral that this omission was accomand continued when the future martyr of ecclesiastical liberty
It is
was
the king's chancellor, his most powerful, beloved, and influential

true that there
minister.
was no
possible
profanity
at such
no suggestion
It
of antijust to
clericalism or secularism
was
a time.
was
save trouble with unnecessary forms.
The king ruled The chancellor was

he was
his
whole dominions through

;
his
one household.
fact,
his secretary
not yet in
name
but already in
his secretary of state for all departments.
We might even
men
call
him the
king's private secretary, only
we
have already
to the
learnt that the
contrast of private
and public was meaningless
of that age.
But a good secretary always has power
to suggest policy.
Though
I
Henry
had,
it
II
was eminently capable

more
of ruling for himself,
and possessed,
feel sure,
is
originality, breadth,
and
insight than his chancellor ever
inconceivable that so active and so useful a servant did not
do something towards determining the current of the royal wishes. He perhaps did this the more effectively since his attitude was just that of
the good private secretary of a
to
modern statesman.
His mission was

his
do
his master's bidding,
to efface himself,
and get
master the
credit for his acts.
This work he did so well that Henry became on
the most intimate and cordial terms with his minister.
Thomas
then
was
the
first
of
our great chancellors.
He
raised an important but
unassuming court office into

political status.
official of
It is
something approaching an independent clear that even the king's justiciar, the only great
those days,
is
was becoming comparatively
effaced.
The
best
proof of this
that,
posed Thomas on
of
the Christ
of
when, a year after Theobald's death, Henry imChurch monks as their new archbishop,
combining the see of Canterbury with the
earlier
he had every intention

office
days the chancellor, like Thomas, seldom held higher church preferment than an archdeaconry. When he became a bishop, he left the chancery and the court and devoted
chancellor.
In
It
himself to ecclesiastical work.
was a rude shock

archbishop, insisted
to the
masterful
king
when Thomas, on becoming

With
1
on resigning the
office of chancellor.
this great renunciation
we
pass to the ecclesiastical side of
See for this Delisle's Introduction to his monumental Recueil desactes de Henri II concernant la France.
242
Thomas'

career.
But
it
is
worth while
in insisting
on what may seem
disproportionate length on the administrative aspect of Thomas' work. It gives him another niche of his own in history, as one of the first house-
hold clerks of a great archbishop, and a greater king. In this capacity he stood out from among a class just struggling into importance by
reason of his superior efficiency, competence, and
faithful
absorption in the
execution of
his
lord's
work.
chancellor,
was more than

Salisbury, in the
this.
He
But Thomas, on becoming did for the chancery what
Roger
of
days
of the king's grandfather,

it
Henry
it
I,
did for the exchequer.
He
prepared
for the
position
later
gained as the great administrative
office of
the state, just as
Roger
prepared the
office of
way
for the
the state.
:
going out of court
Angevin exchequer becoming the financial Only the exchequer was more advanced it was it was becoming English, localised, sedentary at
:
Westminster, even
in
a sense national.
the case with the chancery also.
was in time But Thomas here was only a

All
this
to be
fore-
runner.
The
events after his resignation cured
Henry
its
of
any wish to
virtual
make
office
the chancery
of state,
what
the exchequer
had already become, a
independent
of the household, with
own
rules
and
traditions strong
It
is
enough
to
temper even the personal
will
of the king.
little
because the position of
Thomas
the chancellor has been so
recognised by historians, indifferent to the history of administration, that
a student of administration
feels in private
to overstress, this aspect of his work.

strative history
duty bound to stress, perhaps Yet he who neglects admini-
can hardly understand aright the process by which the two great machines of church and state, often at variance, but even more often in fairly friendly co-operation, restored law and order to
Europe,
arts,
overthrew
feudal
anarchy,
possible.
and made peace,
civilisation,
and
science once
more
We next come to the second

that lasts from
sition is
1 1
great stage in
in
1
1
Thomas'
career, a stage
62
to his
death
70.
The
abruptness of the tran-
emphasised by the fact that he was only ordained priest on the eve of his consecration as bishop, and that he said his first mass as effective primate of all
eight years he belongs
During these an even wider, and much more generally recognised type, a type with which the middle ages were only too
England
to
in his
metropolitan cathedral.
familiar, the
type of the political ecclesiastic.
By
this
we mean
that
it
church
interests
were uppermost
in
his
mind,
that he conceived
ST.
duty to
fight for the church,
IN
HISTORY
243
and make himself its champion. church remains a quasi- political conception. He regarded the church as a great organised society, a sort of state over against the state, a super-state if you will, with a higher mission,
his chief
But
his
conception of the
a greater right to control men's minds, but nevertheless as a

essence
body whose
was
political rather than spiritual, a machine, an organisation,
a something concrete
and
tangible,
whose
function indeed
was
to pro-
mote God's
was was
to
glory, sound doctrine, and the good life, but whose method watch the lower organisation, that state which, though of God,
relegated to a lower
and
limited plane,
which
man,
in effect
it
was only
as
too often to be envisaged as the
work
of sinful
may even be
the creation of
the devil.
It
was the
business
of this organic
and
militant church to save the
world from the overgrown might of the under strong and ambitious kings, was ever encroaching on state, which, the sphere of the church so that the zealous churchman was forced to
stand, as
it
were, upon the defensive, to safeguard

believing that in so doing he
its
privileges,
to
uphold
its liberties,
was
best promoting
the welfare of humanity, the glory of his Maker, and the prevalence
of the things of
the
mind and
soul
over
the things
of
the body.
There were hundreds

it is
of conspicuous prelates of this sort, so
many
that
hard to decide
who were
the most zealous,

If
who
the most char-
acteristic of this
mighty band.
this
Thomas be
regarded, as well he
striking
may,
as the sublimation of
still
type,
he remains a
and ex-
traordinary but
not a unique figure in history.

1
What then did Thomas stand for in the years between 162, when he became archbishop, and the year 70, when he became Thomas the martyr ? From 62 to 64 he remained in England but even in those early years of his new dignity he was involved in all
1 1
1
sorts
of different disputes
faithful to his
Thomas,
lord,
On becoming archbishop, with the king. tradition of whole-hearted allegiance to his long
all his
threw himself with

called.
had now been
might into the new service to which he Henceforth he was the servant neither of
archbishop nor of the king but of Holy Church, and he devoted himself with heart and soul to safeguarding the interests of his new mistress.
Henry
II
was
by
bitterly
disappointed.
He
regarded
ties.
Thomas
Resenting
as
bound
to himself
personal as well as
by
official
his
new
attitude, the king took no pains to avoid the conflict
which was soon
imminent between him and the primate.
The
occasions of dispute
244
multiplied.

Their immediate grounds are too trivial to detain us here, all based on the incompatibility of interests and the
of the
but they were

similarity of
in
temperament
the
two
to
protagonists.
Soon they were
all
great merged " " ancient customs what Henry's lawyers professed to be the regarding the relations of church and state which were embodied in
dispute as
whether or not Thomas would
accept
the Constitutions of Clarendon.
To
these constitutions
assent.
Thomas
for
moment gave a grudging and

almost immediately of
this
reluctant
unworthy concession
authorities.
to
But he repented the secular arm, and
from the moment of

ciliation
his
repentance there
between the
to
rival
was no chance of a reconSoon Thomas sought in exile
But the dispute was no mere English dispute. Henry was as much at home in France as in his island kingdom, and Thomas was more at home in his monastic retreats at Pontigny and Sens than he could have been in any spot
freedom
uphold the liberties of the church.
that yielded civil obedience to

conflict of
Henry.
The
conflict
was
the world
for
church and
It
state that distracted western
Christendom
centuries.
was
in vain that
localise
strove to isolate
and
pope Alexander III and Henry himself the dispute. Alexander threw floods of
;
cold water over the over-eager exile

solid support given
but the pope's attitude, like the
by the English bishops to the king, only convinced Thomas the more that he was waging, alone and unaided, the good
fight for
freedom.
It
was equally
or foul.
every
effort
to involve others in
fair
no purpose that both sides used the controversy and fight out their
to
fight alike
by
means
By
stopping
all
supplies from the
resources of the church of Canterbury,
Henry
strove to starve out his
enemies.
By
driving
Thomas'
kinsfolk into exile,
he sought
to
make
the dispute as bitter and as cruel as he
knew how.
It
By
coercing the
Cistercian order, afraid to quarrel with the mighty Angevin,
deprived
Thomas
of his quiet refuge at Pontigny.
Henry was only through

live in
the support of the English
king's
political
enemies, notably Louis
VII
of France, that
Thomas
could obtain a
home
to
and the
means
for a precarious subsistence.
As
time went on
Thomas' prospects grew

to return to
felt
brighter, notably
Alexander was able

back up Thomas
position,
Italy, though not to
when Rome, from his
long exile in France, and therefore

in
himself in a stronger position to
But new disputes complicated the and especially the unwarrantable intrusion by Henry on the
his efforts.
ST.
Canterbury
IN
HISTORY
of
245
York,
rights of
when he encouraged Roger, Archbishop
Thomas' most malignant enemy among the English episcopate, to crown his son, the younger Henry, as joint King of England, on
Whitsunday,
1
1
70, in Westminster
Abbey,
despite the protests of the
and the stern prohibition of the pope. But by this time both protagonists had grown weary of the struggle, and there followed This was the sudden the strangest turn of all in the long controversy.
exiled archbishop
and altogether
either
unsatisfactory reconciliation in
which no word was
said
about the disputed customs or about the new offence of Roger's So imperfect was the patching aggression in the southern province. up of the feud that there was no real attempt at a renewal of personal
friendship.
Nevertheless,
Thomas was
suffered to return to Canterbury,
only to find
that his sequestered estates
were
still
administered by
access to
brutal knights in the king's service
and
that he
was denied
the young king Henry, who was nominally governing England during Driven back to Canterbury, his father's absence in Normandy. Thomas at once took up the challenge thrown down by archbishop
Roger, and fulminated excommunication against in the irregular coronation of the young king.
all
who had
taken part
Thomas'
person
action,
however
the
injudicious,
was only what any

anticipated
intelligent
who knew
when
his character must have
from
him.
Nevertheless,
news
that
of
fit
it
king burst into a characteristic

uttered
passed over the seas to Henry, the of temper in the course of which he
the rash
words
encouraged four over-zealous knights,
attached to his household service, to hurry over the channel,

their
make
and murder the archbishop in his cathedral. way the tragedy of that dark winter day, 29 December, With 70, Thomas ceased to be the hot-headed and quarrelsome ecclesiastic, fighting for
to Canterbury,
1
1
the privileges of his church.
He became the saint and martyr. With his

more powerful enemy
it
death he became an
ever he
of
infinitely
to his king than
had been
of
Thomas
Before
After begins that posthumous history which alone has given the martyr his unique Canterbury
in his life.
place in history.
we
begin to consider the
last
and most important stage
of
Thomas'
must
influence,
we
must pause to ask ourselves what he was
fight-
ing for during these eight years of conflict.

try
To do
this
properly
we
and enter sympathetically

not easy, since
all
into the archbishop's point of view.
To
do
this is
the voluminous correspondence and
246

from the controversy, though
is
literature, arising
full of
strong language
and
vituperation,
singularly unhelpful in
material to enable us to
narrow down the points

himself does
little
of dispute into a definite shape.
Thomas
to put his views clearly.
He
was
neither a scholar
nor a
thinker.
He
acted on impulse and on instinct rather than
on reason, and he seldom presented a reasoned case either to himself He was above all things an administrator, a man of or to others.
action, a
man
of practical
affairs.
He
had
little
imagination or sym-
pathy,
little
originality,
and not much sense

it
of
humour.
His culture
have attended
court.
was
limited,
and
so far as
went was
legal.
He may
for
the lectures of Vacarius on
Roman law
in
Theobald's
He
when
certainly frequented the schools of
Bologna
a short season,
released
by Theobald from the

fit
service of the court of Canterbury, in
order that he might
himself for his
work
his
as archdeacon
still
by studying
canon law
at a time
when
the famous Gratian

after
taught at Bologna.
He
was no
theologian.
Though
consecration he
wore the
black robe of an Austin canon and macerated his body by severe asceticism, his piety was that of the ordinary monk whose ideal was
personal salvation for himself rather than ministerial service to the com-
munity.
The
was
still
very
simplicity
of
Thomas'
lord.
point of view prevented
occasion from breaking from his old principles.

loyalty to his
immediate
any His mainspring of duty This in no wise stood in the
way
and former relations to others. abandoning His early friendship from the days of his membership of Theobald's household he still kept up, just as he did his ancient enmities, notably
of his
his ancient habits
his feud
with Roger of Pont L'Eveque, who,

clerks
like
him, had been one
of
Theobald's
bury, releasing that
and had preceded him as archdeacon of Canterpost for him only on his nomination to the see of
in
York.
Another old colleague

interest for us.
the court of Canterbury

the
is
of especial
Conspicuous among
band
of scholars
who
frequented
the household of
Theobald was John
of Salisbury, the greatest English
man
of letters of the time, with of intimacy.
whom Thomas
was
established
life-long
relations
There was a
John
great contrast of
temperament
of letters, the
between the two
friends.
of Salisbury
man
chief classical scholar of his age, the greatest product of the humanistic
school of Chartres, moderate, balancing, tactful,
and diplomatic, a
sort
ST.
of
and the
IN
HISTORY
marked the
247
Erasmus
of the twelfth century, but quite free
from the humorous

great
scepticism
restless spirit of investigation that
Renaissance scholar
until the rash violence of
a Luther drove him into
the conservatism of his old age.
John
of Salisbury
was not only
man
of letters
and a
scholar.
Though hardly an original thinker, he was
deeply interested in speculation, and beguiled a prolonged leisure of

half disgrace in writing a
the PolicraticuSi in
huge treatise on political philosophy called which he laid down the approved twelfth century
doctrine of the relations of church
and
state.
churchman,
too,
and had entered the household
of
was a Theobald on
to
He
strong
the re-
commendation
ship
of the great St.
Bernard of Clairvaux
whom scholar-
the service of the church.

together this mighty
principles
and philosophy were anathema, except when wholly devoted to The leisure which enabled John to put
tome had been secured because
brought him
into conflict with
his hierarchical
had
early
for a season the court of
The
reason of the dispute
Henry II, so that was an unsafe place for him. Canterbury seems to have been that John had denounced
Henry had financed the war of Toulouse, and for which Thomas, when the king's chanBut the trouble was cellor, had been, as we have seen, responsible.
soon patched up
;
too freely those spoliations of the church by which
John returned
to the archbishop's household
and
was continued
rest of
allies.
Thomas had succeeded Theobald. For the his life the scholar and the new archbishop were the closest It was to Thomas that John dedicated his Policraticus,
there after
in print
and we can now read
an edition
of that work, edited with
admirable scholarship from the very copy which John presented to his This manuscript was preserved in the church of Canterbury patron.
until in Elizabeth's
time Archbishop Parker probably saved

it
it
from
1
by including he bequeathed to Corpus College at Cambridge, his own old college. From this time onwards John of Salisbury made himself the brain of
Archbishop Thomas. John the scholar stood to Thomas, the man of affairs, as John Locke stood to the first Earl of Shaftesbury or as
destruction
in the great collection of manuscripts
which
Edmund Burke
inspiration,
1
stood to the
Rockingham Whigs, the source

of
of their
the fountain of their ideas
general
principle.
I.
From
Webb,
The
best
and most recent edition
is
that edited
by Mr. C. C.
Policratici sive de nugis curiaiium et vestigiis philosophorum libri VIII.
(2 vols., Oxford, 1909).
17
248
him,
if

from any one,
we can
learn
what Thomas* theory
of church
and
state really was.
Like Thomas, John of Salisbury was not
original.
His Poll-
craliens
In
it
is
the
he lays
king,
down
accepted doctrine, great learning. the time-honoured distinction between the consti-
illustrated
with
tutional
the rex politicus,
who
reigns
his
by law and the tyrant
who
overrides the
law
in the
interest of
own
individual caprice.
For the law-abiding king John has the utmost respect. His power comes from God, for all lawful authority is from on High. He who resists the prince resists God Himself. But the prince,
though the servant of law and equity, is himself released from the trammels of law because he represents the public authority. Even when, like Attila, he is the scourge of God, his rod is to be endured,
for
whomsoever the Lord

thus wielded
loveth,
He
chasteneth.
But the sword
of of
justice,
by
of
the righteous prince,
comes from the hand
the church.
The
in
church hands over the secular sword to the prince,

spiritual
reserving the
is,
sword
justice
to the bishops.
The
prince
therefore,
a sense the minister of the priesthood, because he

its
exercises that part of
sacred
office
which
it
regards as unfitting to be
is
discharged by priestly hands.

that of the priest because
it
Thus
the secular office
lower than
involves the punishment of crime and, after

of a butcher.
a fashion, resembles the
work
Conscious of
his limited
sphere the Emperor Constantine, though he summoned the Council to Nicaea, did not take the first seat in it but the
first
General
last,
and
re-
garded the decisions of its fathers as sacrosanct. examples, evoked from the scholar's learning,
A crowd of
now
ancient
darkens John's
It is enough for us if we remember his primary general principles. doctrine of the regnum as the minister of the saccrdotinm, of the
prince as the executive officer of the church.
For
if it
who
are to
know
the
law, to ascertain justice, and the divine will,
be not the
priests of
the
Lord
It
was from the
point of view thus expressed
by John
II
of Salisbury
that
Thomas
regarded the secular power.
Henry
was
so
little
trammelled by the divine law that he was a tyrant rather than a lawIt was in vain that Henry pleaded that the customs abiding prince.
formulated at Clarendon represented the traditions of his grandfather,
Henry
I,
and
of
his
great-grandfather,
this
Much
might be said for and against
William the Conqueror. But to Thomas contention.
ST.
IN
HISTORY
249
was a
the historical question of
the truth of the king's allegations
If the customs were really customs, then matter of no importance. showed not only that It so much the worse for the customs.
tyrant, but that the imputation of tyranny could extended to William the Conqueror and his two sons. rightly be good archbishop was bound to set his face against so wicked a
Henry
II
was a
tradition.
In resisting the customs
he was
fighting for the liberties of
holy church.
that
And
was
it
was
as the upholder of the

It
freedom
of the
church
Thomas
regarded himself.
to
was
intolerable to
him
that a prince,
whose
function
it
church what
could do and what

suits
be the sword of the church, should tell the it The church had might not do.
might upon occasion be brought beof this
ordained that ecclesiastical

fore the papal curia.
Could a prince
world
instruct
God's
people that they could not lay their causes before the vicar of Christ without his permission ? Could a king check the flood of pious
pilgrimage to the threshold of the apostles by forbidding the higher
clergy from leaving the realm, save with the royal consent?
all,
Above
could God's ordained ministers be dragged before secular tribunals, when the courts of the church were specially appointed to deal with
them
And
this
plea for clerical immunity from the
civil
courts
its
was
the stronger since every special class
had
in those
days
tried
special
exemptions from the ordinary law.
When barons
were
by barons,
townsmen by
their fellow- townsmen,
brought before a court of his submitted to the unsympathetic judgment of the royal courts
so
and even the misbelieving Jew co-religionists, was the clerk alone to be
? this plea that
Henry II himself so far felt the force of much as ask that clerks should be treated
in
he did not
exclusively judged
secular
courts.
To
just like laymen and be have made this request
would have put the king hopelessly in the wrong with all serious contemporary opinion, and Henry was much too shrewd to have
made
the "
so fatal a blunder.
"
ancient custom
Accordingly he cloaked
his statement of
admit of
it is still
terms so ambiguous that they different interpretations. The result has been that very
of the land in
a question of probabilities and likelihood as to what

sufficiently clear
was
really
One thing, however, is required. point seems to me to be at the root

clerks accused of
and
this
definite
of the matter.
Henry
insisted that
court of
any misdeed should on summons appear before the the king's justice, and thus recognise the royal supremacy.
250
His motive here seems to have been very much that which inspired the Reformation sovereigns to describe themselves as "over all persons and in all causes supreme". It was in effect a demand that clerks
liable to judicial proceedings should recognise the king's authority over
all his subjects.
In the
same way
it
was
insisted that,
if
the clerk, arraigned before
the royal court, pleaded his clergy as a reason
why
the king's justice
had no
his
jurisdiction over him,
it
was
it
left to
the court to decide whether
plea
was
to
valid or not.
If
court
was
be sent to the
ecclesiastical
were recognised, some officer of the tribunal, and if the clerical
offender confessed or
to
was
convicted, the protection of the church

in the
its
was
be withheld from him

it
future.
Save But
its
for
this,
the church
punishment of the criminous cleric was to involve degradation from his orders so that he had no claim to clerical immunity for a second offence. The effect
could do what
liked with
own.
was
that for a
first
offence the cleric
was
let off
with the mild punishhis
ments which a sympathetic tribunal of men of empowered to mete out to the erring cleric.
This
is all
own
profession
was
that the plain text of the Assize of
of the clerical offender.
But
it is
very possible that
Clarendon requires Henry may have

have demanded
his
civil
indirectly
asked for more than

after
this.
He may
also
that the criminous clerk,
conviction
and degradation from
orders in the ecclesiastical court, should be brought back to the

court and then be
condemned
to the barbarous punishments
which the
insisted
middle ages
inflicted
is
upon the peccant layman.
That
1
this
was
upon by
the king
the weighty judgment of the late F.
W.
Maitland,
Moreover, the supported by texts and analogies from canon law. view is supported by the statement of two chronicles, not very far removed in time and both written by men who had no ill will to Henry
II."
It
is
also borne out
by
the argument used
by Thomas
himself
against the king that

1
God
himself does not punish a
man
twice for the
Maitland, Collected Papers, iii. 232-250, the most illuminating essay dealing with the problem of the criminous clerk. " Rex decreverat ... ut ... curiae traderet punienDiceto i. 3 3
F.
1 :
W.
In contrarium sentiebant episcopi, quos enim exauctorauent a judicali contendebant protegere, alioquin bis judicatur in idipsum."
dos.
manu
Com-
i. 219-20: "Rex volebat presbyteros, diaconos, subpare Hoveden, diaconos et alias ecclesiarum rectores ducere ad secularia examina et
punire sicut in laicos."
ST.
same
1
IN
HISTORY
251
offence.
life
affecting
church courts could not deal out punishment or limb. But, besides degradation, they could inflict
The
penance,
How
If
imprisonment, fines, and other fairly adequate penalties. far they did so for ordinary civil offences is another matter.
Henry made
this claim,
he went too
far.
It is
significant that,
Thomas' murder, we hear no more about it. It may well have been that under these circumstances the king had to draw in his horns.
after
Anyhow
the latter mediaeval practice of benefit of clergy
knew
nothing
of such reference
back to the secular court
for
punishment, though in the

his clergy, in the
appearance of the clerk before the king's court to plead

remittance of proved clerks to the ecclesiastical court,
it
secured exactly
what Henry had

But
certainly asked for in the constitutions of Clarendon.

of the church court
in later times the action
was from
this point
An offender relegated to \keforum ecclesiasticum was normally final. left to expiate his misdeeds by such punishment as bishop or archdeacon
inflicted
in
accordance with the canon law.
It
cases of heresy that the church
courts invoked the secular
was mainly arm
in
to
carry out the death sentence

It
is
which the canons forbade them
to impose.
important to grasp the line taken
up
fail
by the high-flying ecto appreciate the point
clesiastic of the period.
Otherwise
we may
of
view
of
men
like
Thomas
or
John
of Salisbury.
There
is
little
danger of the modem reader being equally unsympathetic to the king's attitude. This is simply the claim of the state to control all its
It was put on behalf of the king because the twelfth century subjects. could conceive no other form of state than monarchy, and for that " " reason when it claimed for kings, it did not exalt divine right
monarchy
state.
at the
expense of republicanism.
It
simply asserted
the
divine origin
and
sanction, the naturalness, as the
Greeks put
it,
of the
polity
But monarchical authority, though the only conceivable form of in the twelfth century, was in practice exceedingly greedy and
were pretty unscrupulous tyrants the petty feudal prince was often very much worse than the more responsible lord of a great state. But the great monarchs of the twelfth
oppressive.
best of kings
:
The
century, with
possible
1
all their brutalities,
and
so
were making an orderly state of society were promoting the course of civilisation. Moreover,
"
;
"
i.
28.
Non enim Deus judicat bis in idipsum The same phrase, perhaps borrowed, is
Will. Cant, in Materials,
in Diceto, as above.
William
was
the earlier writer.
252

it
they were so powerful that
needed a rare courage

himself
in a
man
with no
armed
force behind
him
to set
up
against the king's pleasure.

:
The
late
lay lord might rely
had
little
to
fall
upon following back upon except moral force.

in the
his
own armed
but the prethere

force
is
And
always something respectable by moral force. Already by the twelfth century public opinion had its From this aspect of the weight even against the strong man armed.
case St.
resistance to physical
Thomas deserves, at least, respect. Thomas has been sometimes regarded as

had nothing
to
the champion of
It is
all sorts
of causes with which he
do.
easy, however, to
No man now believes with Thierry say what he was not fighting for. that he was the champion of Englishmen against Normans, and we must now dismiss the notion that he was an early example of resistance " " to unconstitutional taxation, a doctrine which attracted Stubbs,
though that prudent scholar never really committed himself to
nationality, like taxation
it.
But
all
by consent, representative assemblies, and
the paraphernalia of later constitutionalism,
was not
yet in existence.
twelfth century man must be judged by twelfth century standards. These standards were universal, cosmopolitan, international however
you
if
like to
put
all
secured for
there
The strong international bent of the western Roman Christendom a common standard of ideals.
it.
church
And
with
were no national
futile
state,
still
less
could there be a national church.

bickerings of
It
would be
III
to regard
the
little
Thomas
Alexander
as a protest of the
head
of the English church against a
foreign ecclesiastic.
To
Thomas,
as to all
was
the supreme head of the church
men of his time, the pope whose ex cathedra utterances Thomas

believed himself to be
no good Christian might gainsay.

This, then,
fighting.
It
was
the cause for which
was
the battle of ecclesiastical

soul
liberty, the
supremacy
of
things of the
mind and
over things of the world and the body.
What
fine
the liberty of the church quite meant, he did not so
much
de-
as assume.
This battle
for
ecclesiastical
freedom he
it
fought,
strenuously indeed and with

tactlessly, intemperately,
all his
might.
But he fought
violently,
unscrupulously even, playing for his
own hand
much recklessness as Henry II showed in the conflict was this impolitic rashness that tended to withdraw against from Thomas much support on which he believed he could have counted. It was his trouble that he got so little sympathy even among
with almost as
him.
It
ST.
his fellow metropolitan,
IN
of
HISTORY
York, was
his
253
worst
churchmen, that
Roger
enemy, that most of the bishops were on the king's side, that even the pope and the austere Cistercians feared to incur the king's anger by
felt his
Thomas upholding the self-appointed champion of the church's cause. loneliness exceedingly, but he fiercely resented the cowardice,
serving,
and time
warmness
men.
of his brethren.
which, as he imagined, stood at the back of the lukeHe was the more convinced that he was
fighting the cause of
God
because he found so
little
sympathy among
Besides
astics to
the
obvious tendency which impelled worldly ecclesithe
make themselves friends with
mammon
of unrighteousness,
there
were other reasons why public opinion was so nicely divided. Some of the bishops opposed to Thomas, Gilbert Foliotof London, for
were
in their
instance,
way
as high
minded
as the archbishop himself.
But the
chief factor in the situation
was
that there
was no
clear cut
line of division
between the policy

himself
in essentials
state.
of the king
and
that of the arch-
bishop.
Henry
century, have accepted

relations of church
would probably, like most men of the twelfth Thomas' general doctrine of the
Neither
and
Thomas nor
his literary
mentor
showed any
disposition to preach resistance to the divine right of the

It
political state.
was not
so
It
much
is
if
the clash of opposite principles as
of opposite temperaments.
not very likely that
Henry had
very clear theory of the state, but
he had,
practice
feel sure that
have been
of
hard
to
It
fit
it
in
in
with
or
it would Thomas' theory
the
church.
is
for
the
true.
philosopher
the
divine
to
say
which
all
of their theories
was
But the
historian
must record that
through the middle ages the champions of the regnum and the sacerdotium went on stating their own side without much reference to
their enemies' position.
And
nobody even seemed a penny the worse

each asserted inde-
for these incompatibilities.
The two doctrines were
Neither then nor later pendently and out of relation to each other. did church and state fight out a square issue of principle. The points in dispute were intricate, personal, historical, and practical details.
William the Conqueror and Lanfranc doubtless differed in principle much as Henry II and Thomas. But their personal friendliness and their practical good sense enabled each to keep his principles in
as
his
pocket and
live
on good terms with
his rival.
Thomas and Henry
were
so similar in their
eagerness, their self will, their violence of
254
language, and their blind forgetfulness of the situation as a whole that Had they quarrelled on broad they were bound to be at variance.
issues,
which
it is
left all
they could hardly have even those issues untouched.
pretended to a reconciliation
unlikely that in his lifetime
However these things may be, Thomas could have won his posthua fine phrase but a vague one, too
it
mous
reputation as the protagonist of ecclesiastical liberty.

liberty of
The
holy church
is
vague even the most obstinate
to stir
men
to join issues unless

of
be more closely defined. Not mediaeval kings would have denied the
principle of ecclesiastical freedom,

practice.
however much he over-ruled

I
it
in
Every monarch, from Henry
to
Edward
article
I,
who
issued
a charter of liberties wrote
down
this
its
as the
"
first
Ecclesia Angli-
cana libera
farther ?
sit
".
But did
broad platitude take anybody any

definition,
All'
depended on
that the
most detailed of
and the only definition the charters gave to it was that illusory
freedom of election to bishoprics and abbeys, always conceded in theory, always denied in practice. There was nothing in such an issue to
stir
something But we have no reason vague abstraction. for not believing that to Thomas the freedom of the church meant But he went into exile, not to uphold something very real and living.
men's blood.
martyr must lay
down
his life for
more concrete than
this
this
abstraction,
but because the king and he were incompatible in

detail.
temper and disagreed upon very concrete questions of
The same
attitude from
issue
1 1 1
vagueness of position that

1
marked Thomas'
controversial
64
to
70 did not extend
to the definite point of
which he took up when he got back to Canterbury in December, This was the defence of the rights of the see of Canterbury 70.
against the encroachments of Archbishop

this
Roger
to
of
York.
It
was
it
for
is
Thomas, a commonplace with his modern

a cause worth dying
for.
It is
limited cause that
as a matter of
critics
fact, died,
it
and
say that
true that the trivial disputes of the
was hardly two
archbishops as to the right of each to bear his cross erect in the province
of his rival are
among
the most ridiculous of the long quarrels about
very
there
little
that are so characteristic of the litigious middle ages.
But
rights
was something more than
personal rivalry involved.
The
of the
church of Canterbury seemed to
Thomas and
It
to
many more
strife
thoughtful
ill
men
a thing worth fighting
for.
was
not only the personal

of
will
between two old enemies that so
far
embittered the
ST.
the
!
IN
HISTORY
255
northern and southern metropolitans.
Remember how much
How Lanfranc had Canterbury had lost within living memory been forced to recognise the Archbishop of York, a mere titular metropolitan before this period, as an equal, though less dignified, How Roger, with sharer in the ecclesiastical government of England.
the king's connivance,
of papal legate,
had
striven to filch
an
effort the
more alarming
away from Thomas the position since Henry of Winchester,
another aspirant to the pallium of a metropolitan, had usurped the Moreover, Gilbert Foliot apostolic legation in Theobald's early days.
was contemplating a new, and Gerald of Wales was

St. David's.
or reviving an old, archbishopric of
London,
before long to put
down
a similar claim for

its
recent
pope had taken away from Canterbury
vague jurisdiction over the Danish bishops of the Irish coast towns by All providing Ireland with four up-to-date metropolitans of its own.
make Thomas alarmed for the rights of the Here at least he had the pope strongly on church of Canterbury. his side, for the attack on Canterbury was also an attack on the We could forgive Thomas the more easily but for the curia. rancour which he threw into his assault. But Roger was personal cruelly revenged when the swords of the four knights made Thomas the archbishop Thomas the martyr. We must now go on to what I have called the posthumous history
these things might well
away more important than his personal This is what gave Thomas his real place in history. So long life. as he lived, he was one angry man quarrelling with others. His opponents seemed to many wise men to have just as good a cause as the hot-headed Archbishop of Canterbury. The moment of his cruel death there was but one opinion about him. The king, whom he had
of St.
Thomas.
This
is
out and
withstood to his
face,
repudiated
all
complicity in his murder.
He
deed by a
atoned for the rash words that had incited his knights to perpetrate the signal penance and severe chastisement in the crypt beneath
the Trinity Chapel where the martyr's bones then lay.
The
murderers
sought by penitence, crusadings, and pilgrimage, to wipe out the stain The monks of Christ Church dedicated to the of the martyr's blood.
king the great collection of
1
William,
feeling
Thomas' miracles by their brother monk confident that it would be a pleasing offering to the
royal majesty.
1
Materials for the History of
T/ios. Becket,
i.,
137
et seq.
256

The
very ministers of the baffled tyrant were foremost among the Richard of Lucy, the justiciar, who had champions of the martyr.
been involved
the world and
in
Thomas' broadcast sentences
retired to a
of anathema, renounced house of Austin canons, founded by him in
honour of
there at
St.
Mary and Thomas of

in
Canterbury, saint and martyr, and
Lesnes he died
that black habit
which Thomas had worn
Lukewarm friends become eager partisans. all his later years. The half-hearted pope made the man he had snubbed in life a canonised saint within three years of his death. The timid bishops of the who had checked him at every stage, were now the most loyal province, of the worshippers of the new saint. Gilbert Foliot of London, one of
during
the most inveterate of
Thomas' episcopal enemies, recovered from a grievous sickness by vowing that if he recovered he would visit the The few faithful friends rejoiced in tomb of the martyred Thomas.
1
his fame,
and
glorified his sufferings.
John
of Salisbury, called within
a few years to become ruler of the church of Chartres, styled himself " bishop by the grace of God and the favour of St. Thomas the Martyr ".
There were no two opinions now about Thomas' merits and sanctity. He was now in very truth the martyr who had laid down his life for
the freedom of
Holy Church.
to his
shrine.
All England worshipped
believed in the countless cures
worked by
live
his relics,
memory, and went forth

his
his
on pilgrimage
The
Thomas had ploughed

all sides
lonely furrow amidst the indifference or hostility of the mass of English-
men.
The dead Thomas was

Yet
acclaimed on
a martyr.
the substantial continuance of the protested
"
as a saint and " customs against
which
Thomas had
showed
that
even
the
saint
and
The only important martyr was not omnipotent. stitutions of Clarendon which altogether missed
forbidding appeals to
here, at
article of the
fire
Conone
But
was
the
Rome
without the sanction of the crown.
least, the king
was the
all his
innovator, and so trenchant an attack

failed
on the
liberty of
the church universal
because every
Christian
believed with
heart that the supreme

in
good and unlimited
ecclesiastical
power was inherent

universal ordinary
".
the pope, the vicar of Christ on
earth, the
in
"
Accordingly while Henry evaded
submission to the pope any formal renunciation of the Constitutions of Clarendon, he was constrained to agree that appeals
making
his
to the
pope should be allowed.

1
Miracuta
S.
Thomae
in
Materials,
i.
251-252.
ST.
results
IN
HISTORY
following on
257
the
The
ages.
tion,
of the swift revolution of feeling
martyrdom
of St.
Thomas were
conspicuous for the rest of the
middle
At last England had produced a saint of world-wide reputawhose tomb rivalled the shrine of the three kings and the eleven
thousand virgins of Cologne, or the burial place of St. James the Apostle at Compostella in Spain. The most holy of pilgrim resorts, the threshold of the apostles Peter and Paul in Rome, nay, the sepulchre of the Lord in Jerusalem itself, could hardly boast of a greater affluence of
the faithful than that which sought help from, or returned thanks to
St.
Thomas
of Canterbury.
Not only did

shire's
the
pilgrims throng, as
Chaucer
tells us,
from
"
every
end
of
rush of pilgrims from beyond sea compensated in
England ". The steady some fashion for the
outflow of British pilgrims to foreign sanctuaries.
They came
high
and low,
shrine
gentle
and
simple.
The
pilgrim records of three centuries
include kings of France, such as Louis
VII and John, who
visited the
from captivity in 1360. Kings and princes deemed it a privilege to lay their bones hard by the sacred dust of the Edward the Black Prince ordered his burial at Canterarchbishop. " true martyr". bury in a space adjacent to the tomb of Thomas the the clerically minded king, chose the same place of sepulHenry IV,
on
his
release
ture.
Neither of these princes thought that they were in anywise abdicating their sovereign claims in this association with St. Thomas.
saint of all good Englishmen. And not of Englishmen Western emperors, like Sigismund of Luxemburg and Charles V, only. eastern emperors, like Manuel, could not complete a visit to England without the Canterbury pilgrimage. There is no need to labour these
He
was the
points.
The
literature,
the social
life,
the language, the very oaths o*
Englishmen
reflect the
power
of
the dead
Thomas
over the mind of
splendour of St. Thomas* shrine, with jewels and precious stones, bore silver, glittering testimony enough to the mightiness of the saint whose bones were thus so honourably interred. All over Christendom relics of St. Thomas
the everyday man.
The extraordinary
with gold and
were
in the highest request.

illustrations
Three
of St.
may be
briefly given of the
one
local to his
Thomas upon the western church. Two own church of Canterbury. The
to
posthumous influence shall be general, and

general illustrations
are founded on the extent of territory over
were reputed
which his miraculous powers be exercised, and the wide diffusion of the dedication
258
of churches

and monasteries
in
honour
of his
memory.
St.
lustration shall
be the extent to which the imitation of

his successors in the
The local ilThomas was
an abiding principle to
church of Canterbury.
The Thomas
reading.
long catalogues of miracles
wrought by the intercession of St. are for the most part rather monotonous and unprofitable But they have their value, and that a many-sided one. For
saint.
us their interest must be limited to the proof they afford of the wide-
marvels happened, naturally enough, at Kent, and notably at Canterbury. But if we turn over the two lists of miracles, drawn up within a few years of Thomas' martyrdom by
spread cult of the
first
The
we shall see how own locality. We read of cures wrought on a clerk of Orleans and how a blasphemous clerk of Nantes was condignly punished. The burgesses of Bedford send to
Benedict and William, both monks of Canterbury,
the saint's
little
wonders were
limited to his
the church of Canterbury a well-attested

St.
list
of miracles
Thomas
life
;
in their midst.
wrought by
a
knight of Pontefract has his son restored
to
a moribund canon of
Beverley was restored to health
Warwickshire nun was cured
of epilepsy.
There were cures

Hainault and
in
Wales
and
in
in Ireland, in
Normandy and
in Poitou, in
in Artois,
Flanders and in Perigord, at Piacenza and at Genoa, in Slesvig

in
Germany and in Russia, in the Holy Land and on Not only men and women, but brute beasts St. Thomas restored to life a profited by his potent intercession. near Canterbury, and a sucking pig, drowned in Norfolk, was gander
and
Sweden,
in
the Mediterranean.
brought to
saints
life
on being devoted to
St.
Thomas.
Nay, well-established
showed a
rare delicacy of feeling in declining to perform their

in advising
accustomed miracles and

the
the afflicted to give a chance to
new
saint.
Thus
patients to
whom
our
Lady
of
Rocamadour
afford
in
Quercy and the
great Saint Denis of France
would
no
relief,
obtained the hoped-for cure by St. Thomas* mighty intercession. For all these benefits a pilgrimage to Canterbury was not a necessary preliminary.
Many
already received.
pilgrimages were in recognition of favours " water of St. general means of cure was the
Thomas," a fluid which contained some of the martyr's blood. It was taken away from Canterbury by pjlgrims in small leaden bottles, the
bearing of which became the characteristic mark of the pilgrim of St.
Thomas.
Dedications to St.
Thomas
soon became very frequent.
One
ST.
the
was Richard
of Lucy's
IN
HISTORY
259
first
been mentioned already.
abbey of Lesnes in Erith, which has Other religious houses dedicated to St.
Thomas
include Beauchief near Sheffield,
Woodspring near Weston

to
in Somerset,
Bee
in Norfolk,
on the pilgrim's road
our
Lady
of
Walsingham, and the Eastbridge hospital in Canterbury, sometimes All these were convents of said to be founded by Thomas himself. sort of regular canons, mainly of Austin canons, whose black some
habit St.
Thomas
himself wore, though never formally a
member
of
any order. They were largely devoted to eleemosynary and hospital work, a circumstance which enabled the most famous hospital, dedicated to St.
beneficent
at St.
Thomas, to survive the Reformation and continue its work to our own day. This is the great London hospital
"
Thomas, "refounded
by Henry VIII
after his
unique fashion
still
of getting glory
its
from other people's money, but luckily
preserving
to
original dedication, though few Londoners know that it is dedicated St. Thomas of Canterbury and not to St. Thomas the Apostle.
is
The same
the case with a great multitude of parish churches,
now
simply called after St. Thomas, and sometimes specifically called from St. Thomas the Apostle by reason of a change of dedication in the
reign
of
Henry
for
VIII.
Indeed
it
may
well be true of the great

favourite
in
majority,
the doubting apostle
was no
mediaeval
England, and apart from post mediaeval dedications we may claim the mass of early Thomas churches for the saint of Canterbury. Besides
individual dedications a
invocation.
whole order was
established under
Thomas'
;
the order of
This was the only English order of crusading knights St. Thomas of Acre, founded in the Holy Land when
still
the saints'
memory was
on the
first
fresh.
Its
London house
in
Cheapside
was
established
site of
the
It
Thomas
Thomas'
lost
its
saw the
light.
home of the saint's parents, where was conveyed to the order by St.
It
sister.
raison
dtre when
But the community never greatly flourished. in 1291 Acre fell to the infidel.
It
To dragged on only an obscure existence until the Reformation. these dedications we must add altars, chapels, commemorative pictures
like, rare now in England, thanks to Henry VIII, but still found abroad where Thomas* memory was almost as famous as at
and the
home.
There
is
an early mosaic of
set
St.
Thomas
in the cathedral of
Monreale, near Palermo,
up by
William, the good king of Sicily,
who
married a daughter of
Henry
II.
260

cult of St.
Its
Canterbury naturally remained the focus of the
Thomas.
cathedral
it
Let us therefore revert again to our
local illustrations.
was
in
popular belief
it
"
the church of St.
certain that
Thomas had
predecessors
was always officially Just as braced himself up to martyrdom by the example of his
though styled Christ Church.
Thomas,"
seems
found
dom
so his successors at Canterbury an incentive to duty, notably to stand for the freeof the church and especially for the church of Canterbury. This
in his career
Alphege and Anselm,
did not prevent archbishops
quarrelling with
the
monks
of
Christ
their
Church, where excessive privileges made them almost independent of diocesan and nominal abbot. But the wealth that St. Thomas
brought to Christ Church made the monks' position against the Archbishop even more impregnable than ever. This Archbishop Baldwin found to his cost when compelled to desist from his attempt to set up
a
rival
secular
college,
at
Hackington, then
2
which might become his cathedral, Lambeth. There was little that smacked
first
at
of truth
Rome that St. Thomas had initiated St. Thomas, who quarrelled with all men, never this undertaking. with the monks of Christ Church. And of how few quarrelled
in the allegation of his proctor at
mediaeval archbishops could
this
be said
The
influence of St.
the case of
Thomas on his successors came out first Stephen Langton, who when involved, like St. Thomas,
himself for his exclusion from
in
in
England by seeking a refuge at Pontigny amidst the scenes hallowed by Thomas' Returned to England, Langton procured that famous abode in exile.
translation of 7 July,
1
hostility to the king, consoled
220, whose seventh centenary has recently been

,
celebrated.
by the
The vast concourse of the faithful their lavish entertainment archbishop and his own sermon on that occasion afford the best
Thomas'
career on the
of testimonies to the influence of
mind
the
of his
distinguished successor.
very different
archbishop
to
great
theologian and statesman was the pious and gentle Edmund of Abingdon, who, finding the business of ruling the English church in troublous times too much for his sensitive and scrupulous temper,
to Erasmus, in describing his famous peregrinatio religionis ergo " divo Tnomae does not scruple to call Christchurcn templum Canterbury, sanctum" and "quod nunc appellatur sancti Thomae," Colloguia, p. 312
1
"
"
(Amsterdam, 1754).
Gerrase,
ii.
401.
ST.
in despair,
IN
HISTORY
261
abandoning his charge tating on the example

practices.
ended
his life at
Pontigny, medi-
of
his
He
had
his
reward
in the
predecessor and emulating his ascetic honours of sanctity, being the only
into the canon.
in
archbishop since
altar of the great
Thomas admitted
sanctified
Behind the high
church of Pontigny,
had prayed, the

shrined,
body
of
St.
which Thomas and Stephen Edmund can still be seen enof sixteenth
having
escaped the iconoclasm alike
century
Calvinism and of modern Jacobinism. The example of a fighting saint like
more
force to archbishops of
St.
Thomas appealed with even combative instincts than to a man of the
type of
Franciscan
Edmund of Abingdon. Archbishop John Peckham, the friar, who was always on the verge of a great conflict with
but whose prudence, combined with that of the king, prehour more than the mere preliminaries of strife,
Edward
vented
I,
at the eleventh
declared that
when he came
to
Canterbury he
set before himself to
follow in the footsteps of the glorious
martyr Thomas and
to
defend
with
all his
in his
days more trodden under
might the freedom of the Church, which was, he believed, foot by the world than had even been
laid
the case
less
when Thomas
down
his
life
in that sacred cause.
Far
saintly archbishops than the high-minded and excellent
Peckham
Peckham's successor, Robert Winchelsea, followed the same policy. for the freedom of the baronage as well as of the church, who fought and succeeded in imposing real checks on the power of Edward I
by wresting from him the most complete confirmation of the Great And worst Charter, was inspired by the same examplar of devotion.
of all, a self-seeking worldling like
office in the
John
Stratford,
who had won
high
history
office,
is
church by the most questionable means and whose place in purely that of a statesman, when driven by Edward III from
shut himself
up
in
Christ Church,
Canterbury, and preached
against his
enemy
the king in a series of sermons in which he
com-
pared himself with St. Thomas. mediaeval ideal.
There is some declension here from the
Mediaeval traditions were

minds.
Thirty
tell
years later
now rapidly losing their hold over men's another archbishop, Simon of Sudbury,
Canterbury pilgrims
dared to
their
1
throng
of
who were making
way
;
to the jubilee of
1370
"
that the plenary indulgence they
Peckham's Letters, i. 22, proponens gloriosi martyris Thomae sequi " " cf. i. 243, martyrem non facit poena sed causa ". vestigia
262
sought for

was
of
little
avail to
those that did not

heart.
approach
the
shrine with clean hands
and a pure
the vested interests of the

profited
Not only the piety but Kentish inn-keepers and shop-keepers that
bitterly resented
in
this saying.
by the pilgrimages, death of Archbishop Simon

that followed
of St.
The
cruel
1381, at the hands of the Kentish
mob
Wat
Tyler
to
London, was looked upon
as the vengeance
Thomas upon
the impious archbishop that spoke lightly of the
spiritual benefits of the Canterbury pilgrimage.
Yet
the poet
of
prosily
compares the death
of
Simon and the death

manet
et
Gower Thomas
:
Disparilis causa
mors una duobus.
Immerito patitur Justus uterque tamen. 1
Worse was now
to
come.
The
gentle
satire
that
underlies
Chaucer's immortal framework of the Canterbury pilgrimage shows how the journey to St. Thomas' shrine was now to most men a holi-
day junketing rather than a week of earnest piety. The famous pilgrimage of Erasmus and Colet, which Erasmus has so brilliantly
described,
showed both
in the scoffing of the
humanist
sceptic,
and
in
the hot indignation of the earnest theologian

that St.
who
accompanied him,
end.
Thomas'
reign over men's minds

spoilt the jubilee
huckstering
spirit that
was coming to an of 520 because

1
The
the
the Christ
Church monks and the Roman
curia
could
not
agree
upon
sharing of the spoils shows a further stage of declension.
The
final act
came when Henry VIII destroyed Thomas*

the service books, and bade
all
shrine, erased his
name from
men
cease to worship
"
Bishop Becket,"
because he
traitor.
was
neither a saint nor a martyr,
but a false knave and a
Then
to the scandal of all old believers,
feast of the
Archbishop Cranmer, most famous
openly ate
of
meat
in
his palace
It
Henry's creature, on the eve of the
Canterbury
saints.
remains for us to
draw
the balance between the blind enthusiasms of the twelfth century
and the vulgar iconoclasm of the sixteenth. Nowadays there is no need to dwell upon the
credulity, imposture,
in all
strain of superstition,
St.
money-making, and mere holiday junketing that had their share in the cult of a popular mediaeval saint like ages Thomas. There is as little occasion to overstress the fanaticism,
one-sidedness, and mere greed for worldly wealth and

spired
much
1
of
the imitation of St.

in
power that inwere not altogether Thomas, and

i.
Vox Clamant is
ITorks,
52, ed. Macaulay.
ST.
Thomas
and
himself.
it
IN
HISTORY
mark
to treat
263
absent in the career of
But these excesses lay outthese
side the root of the matter,

if
is
beside the
exuberances as they were the essence of the whole thing. all his faults Thomas was a great, an appealing, and a human
With
figure,
and if his posthumous worship soon smothered up the man, and to ecclesiastical replaced him by an abstract image of devotion
Thomas, as he not an appeared to be to posterity, have their place in history, and that or discreditable one. Unshrinking courage and altogether unhonoured
liberty,
both
St.
Thomas,
as he really was,
and
St.
devotion to an ideal are none too common, whether in St. Thomas'
days or since
for
it.
It
century Englishmen to
was no ungenerous instinct that led twelfth the worship of St. Thomas, for the cause, as it
seemed, of freedom against tyranny, right against might, the spiritual and moral law against the forces of the world. There was not only
sympathy Rude and
for
his
cause.
There was genuine
pity for his sufferings.
cruel as mediaeval
man commonly
was, he was capable of
nothing moved him more profoundly than a tale of a piteous end, and of a great career cut short by profane violence. Many worse men than St. Thomas excited
great outbursts of genuine emotion.
And
compassion
by reason of the tragedy of their fall from greatness. There was a cry for the canonisation of such men as Thomas, Earl of Lancaster and his cousin and rival King Edward II, men whose lives
evil, selfish,
were
little
and
purposeless,
and whose enmities were based on
save personal animosities of a low kind.
There were pilgrimages
to the chapel outside
Pontefract
lay buried,
and
the tomb of
when Earl Thomas* headless corpse King Edward in Gloucester Abbey
threatened to attract a confluence of votaries as lucrative to St. Peter's

at
Gloucester as the cult of

at Canterbury.
Church
saved
St. Thomas was to the convent of Christ The good sense and moderation of the papacy
England from the scandal of the canonisation of such men. Alexander III had shown politic moderation in mitigating the tempestuous violence of
the
Thomas
in his lifetime.
He
was swept
off his feet
wave
of feeling excited
by
the cruel deed of the four knights,
by and
canonised
a haste only paralleled by the canonisation of St. Francis within two years of his death. Thomas was no beautiful
Thomas with
character,
as
of
no pervading
spiritual influence,
no
faithful imitator of Christ,
was
his
Francis.
times,
He
was, however, a
18
much more
to say,
characteristic
man
a
and because he was, so
a glorification of
264

type,
common
somewhat
as
the easier for his claims to sanctity to satisfy the It is almost exacting yet rigid standards of the papal curia.
it
was
as difficult to regard
power
it is
for
him merely as an ambitious priest grasping after most moderns to believe in the miracles wrought at his
shrine, well attested as
many
of
them
are.
is
Whatever be Thomas'
claims to sanctity, there
no doubt as
to
the great part he played in history.
The
first
of our great chancellors,
the most famous, though not the greatest, of our archbishops of Canterbury, the most strenuous of vindicators of the freedom which the middle
ages best knew, the freedom of the church, the most piteous of victims
of a cruel
deed
of blood,
and
of
finally,
by
far
the most universally
reputed and widely famous
English
saints, St.
Thomas
of Canter-
bury claims a high place not only as among the conspicuous figures of his own age, but as one who made his influence felt and strongly felt
in
English history.
If
his
power has passed away
for centuries, there

felt
is still
still
one
little
abiding influence of
Thomas
It
that can be
by
all
who
date the
latter
season of the Christian year by Trinity
the innumerable Sundays after Trinity.
Sunday and was Archbishop Thomas,

the
we
are told,
who
first
in
England
set
apart the octave of Pentecost for

1
the special worship of the
Holy Trinity, choosing
day not
so
because
the
it
was
the date of his episcopal consecration, but because

first
much it was
day
sung.
mass which the newly priested primate had ever England from his example at once took up the new feast. It only
of the
last
gradually became general, but at
Thomas' device
of
a Trinity
1
Sunday was
years
later,
ratified for the
church universal by Pope John

after
XXII,
70
when
the
Sunday
Whitsunday was
universally ap-
But to this day pointed as the day for the celebration of this feast. the Roman calendar reckons the Sundays between Whitsunday and
Advent
still
as
Sundays
all
after
Pentecost.
Post Reformation England

as
in
describing the
is,
summer and autumn Sundays

some
Sundays
after
Trinity
unconsciously, showing that the will of St.

exercises
Thomas
of
Canterbury
still
special sort of influence in St.
Thomas'
own
1
land.
Gervase Cant. Cont.,
i.
171
"
(1162)
consecratus autem
Cantuet
ariensis archiepiscopus instituit festivitatem principalem sanctae Trinitatis singulis
annis in perpetuum die octavarum eadem die missam celebravit."
Pentecostes celebrandam, unde
ipse
ST.
IN
HISTORY
265
NOTE ON THE AUTHORITIES.

The chief original sources for the history of St. Thomas are collected by Canon Robertson and Dr. Sheppard in the seven Yolumes of Materials for the History of Archbishop Thomas Becket, published in the Rolls Series.
This collection includes the chief biographies, the contemporary accounts of the miracles reputed to be worked by his remains, and a large collection of
his letters.
The modern
its
literature
devoted
of
it
to the subject is
more conspicuous
for
its
bulk than for
value,
much
being inspired by controversial rather
than historical motives.
second edition,
Perhaps the best of the formal biographies is the written from the Catholic point of view, by the Rev. Canon J.
Morris, styled Life

is also
and Martyrdom
of St.
Thomas Becket
(1885).
There
a good account of his early life in the Rev. L. B. Radford's Thomas of London before his Consecration. Among the not very edifying controversial literature
produced by Thomas' career
is
the polemic of E.
J.
against the well written but unsatisfactory studies of

in his
A. Freeman A. Froude, reprinted

-,
Short Studies, vol. iv. Stubbs* Constitutional History vol. i., and Pollock and Maitland's History of English Law, vol. i., expound with great
moderation and scholarship two rather different points of view. To these Maitland's article on Henry II and the Criminous Clerks, already referred
to,
must be added. There is a good short biography by the late Miss Kate Norgate under Thomas in vol. Ivi. of the Dictionary of National Biography. glimpse into some of the contemporary records can be obtained from
English Canon A. J. Mason's What History from the Contemporary Writers. became of the Bones of St. Thomas (Cambridge, 920) is an interesting and
1
W.
H. Mutton's
St.
Thomas of Canterbury
in the series called
valuable contribution to the saint's fifteenth jubilee, and also includes a study of the narratives of the passion, a history of the tomb and shrine, as well as
of the
supposed discovery of the bones

sources.
in 1888, copiously illustrated
from
original
The
late
Dean
Stanley's
Memorials of Canterbury
Cathedral give a vivid and picturesque but not too scholarly an account of Thomas' last days and posthumous reputation.
GIAMBATTISTA VICO AN EIGHTEENTH:
CENTURY PIONEER.
BY
C. E.
VAUGHAN,
M.A., LiTT.D.
IN
EMERITUS PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH LITERATURE VERSITY OF LEEDS.
THE
UNI-
THE
the
first
about to speak, Giambattista Vico, was born in 1668, the year after the publication of Par.'
of
I
man
whom
am
He 744, the year of the death of Pope. was almost unknown during his life he remained unknown for nearly a century after his death. Michelet, the great French historian, was
Lost, and died
in
1
;
scholar to form any just estimate of his importance
to
com-
prehend, even remotely, the significance of the ideas which he flung upon the world, of the vast fabric of learning and criticism which he
built
Close on a century has passed since Michelet ( 828) rediscovered the man who already had lain for nearly a century in his
upon them.
and
I
grave
scholars,
doubt whether, even now, more than a handful of beyond the bounds of Italy, are aware of what the world owes
of the manifold directions in
to
him
fruitful
developments of
criticism
which he anticipated the most modern thought, the most pregnant results of
modern
and research.
all
He opened a new page in things a pioneer. and incidentally in the study of Greek and Roman political philosophy, He founded the study of Comparative Mythology and the History. He was the first to attempt what has since been kindred subjects.
He
was above
called a Philosophy of History.
He
was
the herald of that move-
ment which,
birth to
in the last quarter of the eighteenth century,
gave a
new
European poetry.
in the short
How,
mate
? to
time before
us,
can
hope
to justify this esti-
convey
his
to
you
?
any notion of the vast field which this obscure
scholar
1
made
own
A lecture delivered in the John Rylands

266
Library,
9 March, 1921.
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
Let
267
me
:
begin by recalling to your
and
feeling in
Western Europe
at
mind the general trend of thought the time when he was growing to
life
first
manhood
the broad outlines which the inner world, the world of
thought and imagination, presented to a man whose last third of the seventeenth century and nearly the
eighteenth.
In the field of poetry, of imaginative thought
covered the
half of the
and temper,
we
It
all
know
the main features, the prevailing atmosphere, of the time.

;
was
of Boileau and his dearly the age of Dryden and Pope, in England " " of a legislation of Parnassus," in France good sense," his prized tribe of forgotten poetasters who feebly followed in the tracks laid
;
down by Pope or Boileau, in Germany, Italy and Spain. It was an age, that is, when Poetry was coming more and more to renounce its " own nature to forget its true task which is to create, to body forth
;
"
the forms of things unseen
with reproducing, still more with analyzing, material avowedly given to it from without in a word, an age when Poetry, in the higher and nobler sense of the
;
and
to content itself
word, was
for the
moment sunk
in
a deep sleep.
Turn
to the field of speculative thought,

;
and
we
can trace the
though, for reasons which will working of much the same forces It was the themselves to every one, with far less fatal results. suggest
age of Hobbes and Locke, leading on, with inexorable logic, to the age of Hume and the sceptics, of Voltaire and the Encyclopedists.
It
was an
age, once again, in
which reason came more and more

its
to
renounce, or rather
to resign
itself
flatly to deny,
creative faculty
of registering
:
more and more

therefore, of
to the
humbler task
and analyzing the

and scope
material given through the senses from without

materialism,
of
first
an age,
veiled then exultant, as regards the sources

;
man's knowledge
of pure
hedonism or
utilitarianism, as regards his
active existence, his motives
and purposes as a moral

have
it.
being.
It
Now,
is
against all this
Vico was, by
to
instinct, in stark rebellion.
his historical
importance
raised, to
have been the
first
to raise,
the standard of revolt against

in
Others, no doubt, eventually followed

all
his
steps
some
of them, perhaps, of a genius yet greater,
of
them with an
But the
influence
much more powerful and
far-reaching, than his.
Rousseau, did not begin to write until five years after Vice's death ; he did not reach the full height of his
earliest of these,
powers
until
a dozen years later
762).
In other words, Vico,
whose
268
chief

work (La Scienza Nuovd) was
by
first
published in
1
1
725,
foreif
stalled the earliest of his followers
at least a generation.
And
we
take the
more
special achievements of his genius, his work as
pioneer in Comparative Mythology, his
work
as interpreter of early
Roman
stalled
History, his
work
in
Homeric
criticism,
we
see that he fore-
Niebuhr by
at least three-quarters of a century,
Wolf by much the

All these
same
interval,
and Jakob Grimm by more than a century.

in
complete ignorance of their forerunner, were enin exploring the mines of thought and learning which Vico had gaged laid open a hundred years, more or less, before they entered on their
men, apparently
task.
In the
whole history
of
literature
know
of
nothing
quite
parallel to this.
anything could increase our surprise at so strange a portent, it is the surroundings in which Vico was born and bred. He was an
If
Italian
an
Italian
of the
days when
Italy,
thought and imaginative
creation,
had sunk
to
once in the vanguard of compete with Spain for

of
the place of the most corrupt
and nerveless race

;
Western Europe.
More
than that
he was a Neapolitan
its
and
of all the Italian States,
Naples
of alien
overrun by brigands,
sovereignty divided between a race
degenerates, the Spanish Bourbons, and a native rabble of
sturdy beggars
was
the worst governed
and the most backward.

capable of giving
Who could have supposed that such a community was
birth to the most independent thinker of his time ? to the man whose mission it was, as we can now see, to revolutionize the intellectual and
imaginative temper of
all
Europe
reris,
?
salutis,
Via prima
Quod minime
Graia pandetur ab urbe.
Yes, here, in the very backwash of an outworn civilization, lived and Science : an obscure professor of Rhetoric, died the author of the
New
eking out his scanty pittance by giving private lessons in grammar and composing fulsome eulogies of Popes, Cardinals and Arch- Duchesses.
I.
to see
Such were the surroundings of the worker. Let us now turn him at work. And first for that is the main purpose of the
at
New
1
Science
work
as reformer of Political Philosophy.
W hat
The Second
;
730.
A revision of
it
(1744)
is
this
is an entirely new book, was published in Version was published in the year of Vice's death which forms the text of the Second Version in Ferrari's
Version, which
this
Edition (6 Vols.. Milan, 1854).
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
269
had been the leading ideas, what the outstanding results, of those who had toiled in this field during the century or so before Vico ? of Hobbes of Spinoza, on the other ? and Locke, on the one hand
;
The
practical conclusions
of
at
these
least
men were widely

one point
:
different.
All, however,
were agreed on
they
all
the theory of a Social Contract.
They
all
assumed, that
is,
accepted an original
"state of nature'*
a state in which
;
every individual
was wholly
civil society
independent
dividuals
:
of all the rest
then a contract between these isolated in-
a contract providing for the establisment of
government. most other theories which for a time find general acwas a theory which lent itself to the most motley interpretaceptance, tions. It was a blank form, which could adapt itself to the most
of Contract, like
and a
settled
But, as
you are doubtless aware, the theory
diverse assumptions
clusions.
and be made
of
to yield the
it
In the
hands
Hobbes,
most contradictory conled to pure despotism, the most
unmitigated despotism that the wit of

the hands of Locke,
it
man
has ever conceived.
In
was a
charter of freedom, of freedom based

In the
upon
the natural rights of the individual.

it
hands
of Spinoza,
finally,
regards
civil
became the pure gospel of utilitarianism, the theory which society as formed and sustained solely by the play of
these theories have one assumption in
individual interests.
Yet
all
common
the asisolation.
sumption that the natural state of man is a state of individual All of them, therefore, are at bottom markedly individualist.
so even with
This
is
Hobbes whose
isolated
individuals are, in the state of nature,
more completely
from
indeed,
more
hostile to
;
each other
than in any other form of this Protean theory and for whom, even after civil society, the great Leviathan, has taken shape, they still remain equally isolated herded, rather than held, together only by
:
common
succumb
It is
terror of the tyrant's

all
sword and, because
isolated, destined to
the
more
helplessly before the tyrant's unlimited power.

:
so
still
more obviously with Locke and Spinoza

individual
rights
with the one,
in
virtue
of
;
his
the fountain-head of
of his insistence
modern
indiall-
vidualism
with
the
other, in virtue
upon the
sufficiency of individual interests.
Now
it,
to all these theories, alike to their
form and to
their matter,
alike to their
Contract machinery and to the ideas which lay behind
Vico was
in violent hostility.
And
his
main ground
of complaint
270
is

machinery, ideas, assumptions
the machinery. are flagrantly un-
that all alike
historical.
And
cluded by
to
firstly for
The
state of nature,
with
all
its
apparatus of natural rights
and individual
isolation
the contract con-
men who, from the nature of have known what a promise means
fiction
:
the case, cannot be supposed

:
all
these things manifestly

realities
belong to the realm of

of history or to
they have no relation to the
They
any thing remotely resembling the realities of history. are not only against all the evidence available, but against all
probability.
We may
go further
we may
say that they are not only
improbable, but impossible. And what about the ideas behind the machinery ? At this point we part company with Hobbes. His conclusions were too extravagant
;
and Vico, very

on
wisely, does not hold
He
concerns himself solely
them worth powder and shot. with Locke and Spinoza, assailing them, as
his theory of natural rights his disciples, but
It is
is
before, mainly
historical grounds.
We begin with
that
Locke and
that theory
which did not die with Locke and

of popular philosophy at
still
the theory
the present day.

to
fight
true,
Vico admits,
if
men
are often
moved
for
their rights.
But,
you ask
what
those rights were
in the early ages of recorded history, you will
find that they are precisely not the rights of the individual
rights the
:
same always, everywhere and

rights, for instance, of
for
all
but the rights of a class
the
the Patricians as against the Plebeians, of the
Plebeians as against the Patricians.
And
even
in
our
own
day,
we
add, are things so very different ? Now, the rights of classes So far stand in the sharpest contrast with the rights of individuals. from being the same for all, they necessarily involve a conflict of claims
may
and the wrongs

is
rights of
one
class are often, truly or falsely, taken to
be the
"
of another.
It is is not in any sense a part of man's original heritage. not a spontaneous outgrowth of man's instincts, of his practical reason It is not the gift of what Vico it is the creation of the philosophers.
;
The " man
truth
is
that the idea of natural rights,
common
to
man
as he
calls
sapienza volgare, the wisdom of the crowd, but of saph

v/fl,
the recondite
wisdom
influence
of
the sages.
It
It
was
first
invented by
in
the Stoics
affairs,
it
and the Roman
Jurists.
played no large part
human
the ap-
had no wide
upon human
conduct, until
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
proach of the seventeenth century.
until, at
It
271
itself
did not finally establish

crystallized
the
end
by
of
that
century,
it
was
by Locke and
made
current
his great authority.
We pass now to
to Vico,
Spinoza, whose political treatises were well

target
known
whole-
and whose theory was a predestined

the
for his arrows.
Rejecting
doctrine
of
Rights, Spinoza
:
threw
out,
himself
heartedly upon
that of interests
working
with
extraordinary
power and thoroughness,
that utilitarian theory of Politics which,
from
three-quarters of a century to a century later,
was
to
be restated by
" Helvetius and Bentham. company of shop-keepers, a " is Vico's of hucksters contemptuous verdict upon this conception city And I am afraid we must say it was well merited. of the State.
Hume,
experience shows anything governed by their interests, they are

if
For
it
is
this
that,
if
men
are often
much more
often,
and much more
tyrannously, governed by
tions
social,
their passions,
moral and
religious
in
and which,
subject to modification in
by by the tradiwhich they have been nurtured the present, have come down to
their duties,
them, doubtless with

utilitarian theory,
stract,
many changes, from an incalculable past. The when you come to consider it, is hardly less abunhistorical,
The theory of Rights. world is peopled not by calculating machines, but by men of flesh and blood.
hardly
less
than
the
Against both these theories, therefore against the champions of the utility hardly less than against the champions of natural Rights
weapon employed by Vico
is
the appeal to History

;
the appeal to
the history of ideas in the one case
the appeal to the universal ex-
perience of civil communities in the other.
And when we
story.
It is
turn, as
we
now
do, to consider the rival

it
and more tenable theory which he

still
built
up method
for himself,
is
once more the same
the historical
that
the historical
method
more
rigorously
applied
he follows.
Philosophy
;
In so doing, he gives an entirely
new
turn to Political
to
he opens the vein
of inquiry
which was afterwards
be
deepened and widened by Montesquieu and Burke. Pioneer as he was, it was only to be expected that he should have
occasional relapses
:
that
he should sink back
now and
again into the
realm
blemishes are rare and,
from which he was struggling to escape. But these when he is once fairly started on his way, they are a thing of the past. In the sketch that I am now about to give of
of fiction
272
his
left

political
;
theory,
you
it
will doubtless recognize the

to
marks they have
and
will leave
you
to discount them, as
you think
fit.
What, he
tion,
asks, are the facts that
meet us
in the early history of
the race with which
we
are most familiar ? in the political organizalife,
and
in the
Family
of primitive
Rome
On
the one hand,
we
are confronted with
two
alien races, a race

:
a superior race, of masters and a race of dependents, almost of thralls with exclusive powers, exclusive customs, exclusive gods of its own and a subject race, more than half conscious of its own inferiority, with
;
no Family organization such as the dominant race saw fit to recognize, with no powers and no rights as against their masters, and either excluded from the religion and worship of their betters, or admitted only
upon
sufferance.
And
a like state of things
is
revealed by
what we
and
side,
know
of the early history of
Greece
by
the Helots of Sparta

;
the vast slave population of Attica, on the one side
on the other
by the existence of Families

cians,
all
who
called themselves Eupatridae, Patri-
who,
in
like the Patricians of
Rome, held
the
monoply
of all
at
first
of
the offices,
and
until
comparatively
late times
the priestly
It is
offices,
these
all
and other States

probability,
of
of primitive Greece.
to
be
:
paralleled, in
by
the early records of the
Hebrews
by the herdsmen
Lot and Abraham, by the retainers
who
followed
the wanderings of Jacob
"With my
staff
passed over Jordan, and

the Gibeon-
now
ites,
of Israel,
admitted as hewers of "
am become two bands "and, at a later age, by wood and drawers of water to
and by
the stranger that
is
the Children
"
of the
within thy gates
Ten
Commandments.
On
of
the other hand,
we
are confronted with a very startling form
Family life, reproducing on a small scale that sharp conflict of alien To each elements which was exhibited on a large scale by the State.
of the
dominant Families, that
is,
was attached a
large
number
of de-
pendents, or Clients,
whom Vico
were
of
at
appears to identify with the Plebeians,
or subject race, of the State considered as a whole.

identified
Whether
as
so
or no, these the
any
rate for
many
purposes under the
jurisdiction of
Head
the Family
and were regarded
making
up, together with the Patrician element, the Family in that wide sense which, as the wordyW/v/////^ shows, it habitually bore to the Romans.
There
is
the further peculiarity that,
as
is
implied
in
the
above
statement, each Family
was
largely
independent of the community and
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
laws accepted by the community, as is shown potestas, the right of life and death possessed by the
of the
273
Head
of the
Family over
its
members
one
of the strangest
It
phenomena,
surely, in
be paralleled possibly by the sacrifice of Iphigenia among the primitive Greeks and of Jephthah's certainly by the Phoenician practice daughter among the Hebrews
is
the early history of mankind.
to
of
making
:
their
sons
and
their
daughters pass through the
fire
to
Moloch
Et Pcenei
in the
solitei sos sacrificare puellos,
indignant cry of Ennius.

these undoubted facts of historical ages
From
to
Vico argues back

in
is
:
two
successive stages
are, as
which must,
in his view,
have preceded them

the prehistoric
that
which
development
us the
first
of
he holds, presupposed by them man. The earlier of these stages

utter savagery
which gives
rude be-
emergence of man from
the
first
ginnings of what, for
want
of a better term,
we may
call civilization.
The
those
latter gives us the period,

first
long or short,
which intervened between

communities
:
origins
and the foundation
of civil
that
is,
of
the historical State.
His account
idle to follow
if
of the former stage, like all

is
other attempts to solve

;
the riddle of origins,
necessarily a
all his
web
:
of fictions
and
it
would be
enough
him through
labyrinth of surmises.
It is
we
pick out his most salient results
those which have the closest
bearing upon the vital problems of Political Philosophy.

infers, then, that the dominant race of early Roman and other records must have been descendants of those who first tore themselves " " from the life of lawless vagrancy,*' the bestial communism of goods
He
and women," which he assumes to have been the during the age which immediately followed the Flood
save for his outward form, there
lot
:
of
mankind
which,
differed
life in
was nothing
to
show
that
man
from the
beasts.
These
earliest
ancestors of the dominant race, these
subsequent progress, must, Vico supposes, have been more delicately framed, more sensitively organized, than the common herd of mankind. Thanks to this favoured nature, they were capable
pioneers of all
of feeling
awe and shame

lie
before the manifestations of a higher
Power
capable of recoiling in horror
allowed themselves to
selves
from the degradation in which they had sunk capable, therefore, of wrenching them;
from
it
and becoming
or rather, of taking the step
which would
274

become
for the
first
eventually lead them to
time reasonable beings and
Accordingly, each of them, as the new light was flashed upon him, withdrew from the state of lawless vagrancy, to live apart from his former miserable companions, each with his own chosen woman, in
men.
some cave
or clearing of the primeval forest
leaving the rest to
wallow
in the slough of bestiality
from which he had escaped. This was the first beginning of the Family and, with it, of all that upon which the This subsequent progress of mankind has been providentially built. " " state of nature for man this, too, according to Vico, is the true
:
and not the
life
of
promiscuous wandering which he had shared
in
common
stage of
with the beasts.
With
this, therefore,
we
pass to the second

is
man's prehistoric existence, as conceived by Vico, which

age of the Family.
ask, are the characteristic
it
es-
sentially the
What, we
established.
in
itself,
marks
;
of the
it
Family thus
first
Outwardly
was monogamous
was
a complete unit
utterly unconnected with any other Family and, still more, with any larger, more inclusive, community such as the Tribe, the City,
or the State.
monastic, Cyclomonarchic ". this is yet more importantand Inwardly pean and with a strict code of religious observances, with a it was bound up both of them enforced by the Head of the strict code of moral duties
it
:
In Vice's emphatic language,
was
"
Family, the Father,

sacrifices
who
declared the will of the Gods, conducted the

not
to say cruelly,
and
rigorously,
punished
all
offences
:
whether against the

was,
in
religious,
or against the moral, tradition
who
the
short, to
his
use Vice's language, at once Prophet, Priest and
King
tive
of
own
household.
It
is
upon the moral
discipline of
primitive Family,
upon
the essentially religious character of the primi;
and that for reasons Family, that Vico never ceases to insist which will at once suggest themselves to you and which, moreover,
will
Relics of this state of things, it abundantly appear in the sequel. must be added, are to be found on the one hand in the patriapotestas, on the other, in the Family Gods, of which I have already spoken
;
the Lares and Penates, of historical

of
Rome
or again in the conception
Jehovah, as the
is.
God
of
Abraham,
said,
it
of Isaac
and
of
Jacob
in
do-
and
From what has been
is
clear that, in the beginning, the
"monastic" Family rested purely upon ties of blood: it was the Head of the household and his blood-descendants, and it was nothing
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
else.
275
But the
Rome and
was
at least in Family, as we have seen, included an alien element an element of elsewhere also perhaps
historic
:
dependents,
clients,
serfs or thralls,
?
as the case
may
be.
Whence
?
this alien
element drawn
and
first
in
what manner was it incorporated
As
manner
urges,
is
for the
answer
to the
of these questions, there can be
no
of doubt.
only possible source of such dependents, Vico " " lawless vagrants who were left to wander profrom the
The
"
miscuously through
the vast forest of the earth," after their betters
had escaped. But how were they brought to heel ? In the abstract, either by conquest or by voluntary there are two possible ways The former must at once be rejected. The war between surrender.
:
the settled Families

to the knife
sacrificed
;
and the lawless vagrants must have been a war
any prisoners taken by the settlers must have been Saturni hostice, according to the on the spot in cold blood There remains nothing but the way of grim phrase of Plautus. surrender sporadic surrender on the part of these selfvoluntary
: :
accused outcasts to those

terms dictated solely
whom
they
felt
to
be
their betters,
and on
masters.
by So accepted, they were gradually embodied as an integral part of the Cyclopean Family but, once more it must be insisted, on conditions
:
the pride or avarice of their
new
of utter
What
thesis
:
dependence and subjection. facts, we ask, can be brought
in confirmation of this
hypo-
of
its
the hypothesis of the independent Family, on the one hand ? two distinct elements, a dominant race and a subject race, upon
In support of the former,
the other ?
firstly to
we
what the Old Testament actually records

:
might appeal to two things of the Fathers of

:
the Jewish race

prehistoric
which, though not
(in the strict sense of
the term)
for there are the records
refers at least to the period
before the foundation of the Jewish State.

of
Abraham and
his
household, the
like
speak of the wanderings wanderings of his son and

I
grandson, the fact that none of these had either a settled home, or
acknowledged any human authority above their own. Or we might appeal, as Vico does, to the tradition which lingered among Homer's
Greeks concerning the Cyclopes a tradition which is used both by Plato and Aristotle in support of the same inference as Vico's
:
Be
Odyssey,
I.,
i.
ix.,
114-115.
See
Plato,
Laws,
III., iii.
Aristotle, Politics,
276

Of
the latter hypothesis
the existence, in prehistoric as in historic
times, of
two separate and
hostile elements in the

:
Family
he found
Greek myths for instance, in the which I hope to give in another Cadmus, To these may be added one furnished by a famous connection.
many
confirmations in the primitive
story of
his interpretation of
When Ulysses, in the world of shadows, passage of the Odyssey. " hails the shade of Achilles as prince among the dead/' Achilles
answers that even the meanest earthly
life is
a better thing than death.

?
It
And
the
what
is
lot of
the
the lowest depth of misery that he can think of " " landless master's serf
:
is
Rather
A load of
choose ingloriously to bear

ills,
and draw the
vital air,
toils for
The slave of some poor hind that Than reign the sceptred monarch So much
Family
seen,
:
bread,
1
of the dead.
for Vice's inference as to the character of the prehistoric
or rather of the prehistoric age which, to him, as

of the Family.
then,
the passage from the about ? and what were the Community brought Family marks which distinguished it from what Vico regarded as the state of
to the civil
was nothing more nor less than the age was the next stage of human progress
we have How,
nature
On
:
the former question
we
are
left
entirely to
conjecture
and
is
hardly worth while to follow Vico through the maze. One thing clear that, as their size increased, the monastic Families must have
it is
been thrown more and more into occasions both

collision
;
of intercourse
and
of
and
to
that either of these causes

fleeting
them
first
make
may readily have prompted alliance with each other, and then finally
and organic union the germ of the Such an union between already
to join in
civil
some kind
of lasting
community, or the
bodies, like the
State.
is maniorganized from the individualist hypothesis of an festly a thing very different union between previously isolated individuals and it is free from
;
Families of Vice's state of nature,
nearly
posed.
all
the objections to which that individualist hypothesis

of
is
ex-
For the members
Family,
especially of a
Family so
of joint action
Spartan as Vico pictured, have already gone through a long discipline and mutual forbearance they have already, as Hume
;
Odyssey,
xi.,
489-491 (Pope's Translation).
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
was
277
" acute enough to see, had their rough corners and untoward affec" 1 in the process. tions largely rubbed off
With
the
second question,
we
stand on firmer ground.
The
effects, though not the causes, of the change to Civil Society are writ They are large upon the whole subsequent history of mankind.
matters not of conjecture, but of every day experience and of history. The first It is enough if we pause for a moment upon two of them.
of these explains itself
simply that involved in the change from from the community of blood-kinship the narrower to the wider unit
:
it is
to the
tions,
community based upon similarity of religious and moral tradiupon similarity which does not exclude occasional, and more
of interests,
than occasional clashing

for the spirit of the
upon the pride men take in common memories and the maintenance of common ideals. So much
new
it
creation.
carries
As
it,
for
its
outward form,
we
need
it,
say no more than that
with
and
necessarily carries with
a change from monarchy to aristocracy.

hitherto king within his
own petty his place on terms with the heads of all the other Families, in the governequal ment of the wider community, the State. On this point and he was
the
first
The head of realm, now takes
each Family,
to insist
upon
it
Vico
alone
is
positive.
civil
Monarchy was
pure delusion.
the earliest form of
assumption that government is, in his eyes, a

to prove that the
The
The Iliad
is
enough
form
prevailing in primitive
true of primitive
Poland
in later
Greece was Aristocracy. And the same is Rome. Even when under titular kings, Rome, like The King was times, was a manifest Aristocracy.
;
no more than an elected Doge hands of an hereditary caste

Aristocracy.
the substance of
power was
in the
of
nobles
in
other words,
of
an
Thus we
of
still
are back at the point from which
we
started
at the
historical State, as revealed
by the earliest records.

;
A State composed
largely independent Families
a State further composed of two

:
one dominant, the other distinct, not to say hostile, Orders or races " " The rights of such a community, as the early history of subject.
Rome
remains to prove, are the rights of the governing caste, the

;
aristocracy, the Patricians

rights at
1
the subject caste, the Plebeians, have no
all.
And
the subsequent history of the
community
2 (Vol.
II.,
is
one
Treatise of
Human
Nature, Book
III,
Part
II.,
p.
260
of Green's Edition).
278

two Orders
one
:
long struggle between the

caste
is
compelled to
strip itself,
one by one,
a struggle in which the ruling of its exclusive privileges,
to admit the Plebeians to
after another of the rights

:
which, in the
beginning,
it
had
the
kept jealously to itself
a sacred heritage which, in
the
name
alike of religion
and
morality,
it
"
profanation by
origin
swinish multitude
".
was bound to guard against Thus rights, which in their

:
had been the exclusive
privilege of the few, are, after ages of
not, however, until the conflict, extended to the community at large idea of Right, of moral and religious obligation, on which such rights
are founded, has been previously accepted by the many, as well as by the chosen few
;
not until the subjects have qualified themselves for
enjoying the rights of their masters by previously embracing their code

of Right.
Henceforth, the rights of Their place is taken by those of

only rights
birth, of race, of caste are
swept away.
:
talent, of
knowledge and
;
of virtue
the
which can
justify
themselves to reason
the only rights
which confer a claim

of
is
to a share in the
any reasonable, State.
And
is
if it
government of any well-ordered, be asked what outward machinery

to such qualities, then
his
best adapted for securing their

at
due influence
Vico, a born conservative,
once ready with

the only
answer
the
establishment of a property qualification, as in the palmy days of the
Roman
power
Republic.
For that
is
means
of confining political
classes alone
to the leisured classes
and
it is
in the leisured
that, with due allowance for exceptions, these indispensable qualities In this, as in all else, Rome is the type and pattern are to be found.
of the well-ordered State.
That, in Vice's view,

the
is
the third and
last
revolution
which marks
upward movement
of
human
are but successive steps in
All the changes that follow progress. the inevitable process of decay. The comis
mon
them
people, having once obtained their rights, soon begin to abuse

;
the property qualification

;
swept away
is
equality leads
to
licence
and monarchy
and
perhaps despotism
invoked as the only

luxury and
barrier against anarchy.
Monarchy,
in its turn, leads to
effeminacy
that leaves the degenerate weaklings an easy prey to
invaders more manly, more sober, more God-fearing than themselves.
The
ancient civilization
1
is
overthrown
overthrown by
Version),
p.
its
own weak-
Scienza
Nuova (Second
568.
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
ness, rather
279
;
than by the strength of the conqueror
and chaos comes
again
So she whom mighty nations curtsied to, Like a forlorn and desperate castaway, Does shameful execution on herself.
So
it
has been from the beginning.

religion
So
it
will
be
to the end.
Founded on
and
to
virtue in
its first
crude beginnings, the comvirtue, or

it
munity must continue

miserably perish.
not the unmeaning
base
is
itself
on religion and
will
That
the inexorable
is
law
of History.
That, and
clash of interests,
the eternal lesson which History

facts
which Philosophy interpreting the drives home.

II.
of
History
relentlessly
This must serve
for a sketch of Vico's
work
as political philobriefly.
sopher.
With
his
work
in
in other fields
we
can deal more
And
first,
studies.
virtually
Comparative Mythology and all kindred deal of what might be said on this subject has been good and anticipated in my account of his political philosophy
for his
work
from
his
handling of
Greek and Roman History you

:
will
be able to
I
Comparative and Anthropology that the Scienza Nuova is the Mythology fountain-head to which Grimm's Deutsche Mythologie and a hundred other works, down to The Golden Bough ultimately go
;
,
see how original was his treatment of such matters when I said that he must be regarded as the founder
what
of
meant
few words only need be added as to the methods which he followed and the sources from which he drew.
back.
The method he
contrast to that
cal
follows here offers a curious, but very instructive,

in Political
which he adopted
so
far, that
is
is,
Philosophy
origins
his
as
he
is
In PolitiPhilosophy. concerned with the question
of
method
rigorously deductive.
Starting
from the
undoubted
he was the
facts of
first
the earliest recorded era
facts,
however, which
facts
to interpret correctly
he reasons back to the

In
which they compel us

parative
it is
to presuppose in the prehistoric era.
ComHere
Mythology
his
method
is
necessarily entirely different.
Here, therefore, induction mainly a matter of interpreting facts. and deduction are inseparably blended, fused in a kind of intuition,
which but too readily passes into pure divination. This method, with its attendant dangers, seems to be inherent in the For good or study. for evil, they both reappear in all the capital works written on the
19
280
subject
;

perhaps more exposed to the dangers In particular, he may be thought to too willing a slave to the idols of the lecture-room to press every-
and Vico, as pioneer,
is
than the best of his successors.

fall
thing too eagerly into the service of his
own
favourite studies.
Yet
even
If
here, in the light of subsequent caprices, his errors are instructive.

is
he
apt to torture
all
are equally ready to clip
myths into a political meaning, his successors and pare them into allegories of natural history.
;
solar
King Arthur has been made a solar myth Samson has been made a myth I know not what man or thing has not been made a solar
;
myth.
Under
these circumstances, each
may
"
serve as a useful corfor
rective to the other.
Neither
makes allowance enough
what
"
:
Grote, with a touch of pedantry, calls the mythopceic faculty the pure delight in telling a story for the story's sake. Both each
in the interest of his
of Sganarelle
"
:
own pet study expose themselves Vous etes orfevre, M. Josse."

its
to the retort
As
I
a sample of Vico's method, both at

his interpretation of the
best
and
its
most
risky,
quote
myth
of
Cadmus and
the dragon's
teeth.
forest
The
of
slaying of the serpent symbolizes the clearing of the "vast
the earth," the feat so often attributed to Hercules.
The
by
teeth of the monster,
sown
in
the virgin
soil,
stand for the the teeth of

up.
the plough with which the land
was broken
behoof.
The
stones cast
fain
the hero typify the hardened clods which his serfs

seized
would
have
and ploughed
for
their
own
sprang from the furrows are the heroes, or to defend their own against the robbers fighting not, as the legend vainly declares, against each other, but against their revolted serfs. " The furrows are the orders," the disciplined ranks of the nobles, the
;
The armed men who nobles, who band together
foundation on which the whole fabric of aristocratic, or feudal, authority
was based.
Finally, the serpent into
which Cadmus was
trans-
the recognized image in primitive ages, as it still is an image China and Japan of that rightful authority, whose outward sign Carfwus fundus facias <>/, as the Latin is the ownership of the soil in the most archaic form of the language, must assuredly have phrase,
formed
in
is
run.
Thus
fateful
"
the
"
of poetic history
whole legend is seen to embalm within it many ages to be an imaginative summary of a contest, the
:
most
of
all
contests,
which,
in truth
of
literal fact,
lasted for
generation after generation.
Was
there ever anything so ingenious ?
Was
there ever anything that suggested
more formidable doubts
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
How
tion,
I
281
other votaries of the Great
tremble to think.
Dragon may regard this interpretaPerhaps he and they may be left to settle
in this field of his inquiry
is
the quarrel between them.
To
ask from
what source Vico drew
to raise several curious questions.
On
the travellers of the sixteenth
and seventeenth, though not (I think) of the eighteenth centuries, he makes occasional drafts yet, perhaps from his apparent ignorance of any modern language beyond his own and Spanish, not so many as
:
it
to be expected or desired and his reference to such sources are, must be confessed, commonly of an obvious nature. To the popular he notes, customs of his own country he is more heavily indebted
;
was
for instance, as
Boccaccio had done before him, the Neapolitan and Florentine practice of throwing incense on the fire on Christmas Eve,
and connects
to fire
with the peculiar sacredness attached by the Romans and water. This was to open a wholly new as Grimm and
it
vein of inquiry. In the show, a marvellously rich main, however, he confines himself to the mythology of Greece and
others
to
were
Rome
setting himself to prove,
and proving, how great

;
is
the light
which they throw on each other or rather, how great is the light which Greek mythology throws upon the political history, the primitive political conditions,
both of
its
own
country and of
Rome.
There
for
is
one source
of material
available, indeed, not so
much
Comparative Mythology as
History and Anthropology

the primitive records of
for the kindred subjects of Comparative which he pointedly neglects. This is the Jewish race, as embodied in the early
Books of the Old Testament.

primitive custom this
to better use ? of the
is
Of all
is
storehouses of primitive history
and
it
the richest.
Why,
:
then, did
Vico not put

In the
The answer
he was
simple
piety forbade.
name
Church
of the straitest sect of the
orthodox
refused to
make
use of his opportunities
the few illustrations
he steadily I have
given from this source, for the sake of clearness, have in fact been
between Jew and between a supernatural and a purely natural development, there cannot, from the nature of the case, be any common measure.
supplied mainly by myself
Gentile,
steadily insisted that,
and Cardinal, he cannot

preserve
:
Yet, obdurate as he was, there are moments when, in spite of Pope refrain from breaking into the forbidden
just
enough
to
been
cast in kindlier circumstances
show what he might have done, had his lot but unfortunately, no more. We
;
282

for these occasional
must be grateful
III.
lapses,
and only
regret that his
vigilance did not allow
them
to
Vico has also been hailed
be more frequent. as the founder of what

is
is
called the
Philosophy of History. term ? Is there any sense

ideal within the reach of
What
in
the meaning to be attached to this

it
which
human
can be said to represent an limitations ? It is a question which

neither historian nor philosopher,
has been hotly debated

I
and being
approach
it
with great uneasiness.

I
There
are,
suppose, three senses which
to the term.
The
Philosophy
of
History
:
may conceivably be may be regarded as a
given
study
the "Science of History," as used gaily to be called some fifty years ago. Or it may be regarded as the study which offers a reasoned explanation of the past a theory consistent at once with itself and with the dominant facts ascertained
it
:
which enables us to foresee the future
from the authentic records of the past. That is the sense in which the term is perhaps most commonly understood the sense which it bore
:
to
Hegel and
his
contemporaries and which
is
elaborately
worked out
coming
it
by Hegel himself in his Philosophy of History. Or lastly down to a much humbler, a much more modest, conception
be taken
petent
may
mean no more than inquirers have drawn from

to
the
sum
of conclusions
:
which com-
the facts of History

built
generalizations,
more
to his
or less wide,
which they have

is
each of them with regard

of
own
special field of study
upon the records
History.
It
is
:
manifest that this
a far
more
limited conception than the other
two
so limited that the champion of those more ambitious conceptions would doubtless repudiate its claim to be called a Philosophy of
History at
all.
What
the
are
we
to say of
each of these
rival
conceptions
The
first,
To
Science of History," must, I think, be rejected without ceremony. suppose that it is, or can ever become, possible to predict the great
"
revolutions of
human
affairs is to
misunderstand the whole character of

of organic growth,
History, to misinterpret the
whole nature
which
is
the essence of man's History.

of a
An
comet with absolute
precision.
astronomer can predict the return But a biologist cannot predict the
;
nor can a historian or next stage in the development of animal life History philosopher predict the next stage in the progress of humanity.
never repeats
delusions.
itself
and
to suppose that
it
does so
is
the wildest of
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
283
For the second conception, that elaborated by Hegel, there is much more to be said. But it has to meet two formidable objections.
Given the
to
large element of accident, of personal caprice,
which belongs
human
action
of
and human
character,
is
it
possible to reduce the
whole course
necessity ?
human
history
to the rigid
laws of
philosophical
And
given the limitations of
human
frailty, is it
conceiv-
able that
living
any one man should combine
in himself
on the one hand that
knowledge of all the material facts and conditions, and on the other hand that speculative genius, both of which are indispensable to
the Hegelian ideal ?
The
closely
third conception,
that
is
which
limits itself
to generalizations
drawn from
It is
the facts,
more modest and

tacitly
therefore less open
to objection.
indeed the conception
actually pursued,
by
every historian
who
adopted, the method aspires to be more than a
mere chronicler
from
his facts,
of events.
He
selects his facts,

less
he draws conclusions
facts.
he generalizes, more or
or even
widely, from his

is
Doubtless, the standard of fidelity in these matters
much
that
higher
now
that
was a hundred, we now demand both

than
it
fifty,
years ago
in
and
means
greater accuracy
ascertaining the facts
and
greater strictness in generalizing, in
than was at
all
common
in the past.
drawing This has been one

:
conclusions, from the facts

of the great
achievements of historical scholarship in our own day this, and the zeal with which historical scholars have thrown themselves into the
task of exploring
and
sifting
the vast mass of material which

in the
had too
long been allowed to moulder
and
private archives.
The
first
result of this
Record Office and other public immense labour, and
very properly, has been to make

structions as
on,
it is
possible,
Hegel attempted and even likely,
men more distrustful of such reconnow a century ago. But, as time goes
that the
more cautious
to
generalizations
obtained by the
contact than
sible that
it
new methods
will
be found
may have appeared in the first we may at last arrive at the scattered
:
have more points of instance. It is even poslimbs

I
cannot think
ever be more than the scattered limbs of the vision which " hovered before the mind of Vico of that ideal and eternal history
will
which runs
its
course in time
".
That
is
for
time to show.
phrase I have just quoted is of itself enough to tell us where Vico stood in this matter. The truth is that all three conceptions of the Philosophy of History
The memorable
but above
all,
the second, the
284
His general theory are reflected in his book. Hegelian, version of it of the course of History may be described as a blend of the first two
It unites the conviction that the forms of the conception. long roll of " " the last syllable of recorded time events from the beginning to
forms one providential, and therefore intelligible, whole with the conviction that the past is the faithful mirror also of the future, and therefore
that the future
this
may be
answer
foreseen from the past.

is
And
if
we
ask
how
It is that, at certain intervals, very simple. may of the world's progress is violently broken that the order the continuity and that the new established at such cost is hurled back into chaos
be, his
order, as
it
rises
slowly out of chaos, faithfully reproduces
all
the stages
it,
the monastic the
Family, the aristocratic State which grows out of

of virtue, the
Democracy
Democracy
of licence, the
Monarcy
and
fall,
of
restraint, the
Monarcy
first
of luxury and, finally, the general dissolution
which had marked

the old order. the
the growth, then the slow decline
of
Such a breach
of continuity took place at the fall

It
of
Roman Empire and

the earth.
the coming of the barbarians.
will take
place again, at intervals
more or
less
regular, so long as
man remains
as the
upon " ebb and flow/* the corso

at
The
is
recurrence of such periods

e ricorso, of
Vico describes
human
less
history.
And we
see
a glance that
it
nothing more nor
than Aristotle's theory of
cataclysms furbished up again, under a thin disguise, for the occasion. The only difference is that, to Aristotle, the cataclysm is a physical
disaster, the
it
to Vico, on the condeluge of a wide- spread tradition a moral catastrophe, brought about by human agency, by trary, the gradual corruption to which all things human are providentially
;
is
foredoomed.
It
would be
idle to criticize this theory in detail

I
its
weaknesses
are too obvious.
will content myself with
two general remarks.

far too
The
upon
the
conclusion
nothing, in
fails,
because
it
is
built
on premisses
narrow
fact,
;
but the circumstances attending the
fall
of the
Roman Empire
whole world
as indeed,
from beginning to end of
his inquiry,
is
forced into the

It is
put into his hands.
mould which Roman History had not the first, nor the last, time that the dead
stifle
hand
of
Rome
has been invoked to

it
the living growth of the

unjust to
is full
present.
On
detail.
the other hand,

it
would be
deny
that Vice's
theory, feeble though

tions in
is
in general outline,
of fruitful suggeslight
As we
have seen, he throws a flood of
upon
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
the early history both of
first
285
in
fact,
Rome
and Greece
his,
was
at
the
rational
word spoken on
the subject.
And
no one can read the
Scienza
as
Nuova
to
without feeling that
his interest in ideas
had
least
much
IV.
do with
this as his interest
in facts.
In his mind, the
two
as
things
were inseparable.
We
come now
to the last achievement of
Vico
his
work
herald of the great revolution which, years after his death, swept over
European poetry.
Vico's theory of
outlook upon
life
if
Poetry is coloured throughout by his general we choose to say so, by his philosophy of life.
And
great
just as his political speculations
were
view
to
largely determined
of life
position to
Locke and Spinoza, measure, the outcome of
so his
by opand poetry was, in

It
hostility
Descartes.
has often
been said
and
think, with
justice
that the abstract nature of the
Cartesian Philosophy was greatly responsible for the abstractions, the
consequent bloodlessness and nervelessness, of European poetry in the It is precisely this characteristic of Desage of Boileau and of Pope.
cartes' system,
and
of
the poetry
of
which went hand
in
hand with
it,
that roused the
wrath
Vico
for sharply defined analysis, for
and the craving for distinctness, clear-cut precision, which was closely
this,
bound up with
it.
On
truth.
the side of Philosophy,
Vico argues
is
as follows.
It is
mislead-
ing to say that the distinctness of ideas
the surest evidence of their
On
the contrary,
it
is
the surest sign of their incompleteness,
or even of their falseness.

in
In the
more
abstract fields of
mathematics and physics, for instance, such distinctness

test
knowledge may be a
above
all,
useful
enough.
But
in
all
other fields of experience
in those relating to the
moral,
political,
imaginative and
religious life
of of
man
it
is
a pure delusion
".
It
"
:
it is
the vice, rather than the virtue

finite
man's reason
is
to
be attained only by forcing within

infinite.
limits
what
is
illimitable
for that
I
and
The
ideas so arrived at
may be
distinct;
I
but,
very reason, they are radically false.

cannot recognize any form in
"
When
nor
suffer, for instance,
my
sufferings,
set
any
limit to them.
My
all
perception of
them
is
infinite
It is
and, because
infinite, is
proof of the greatness of man's nature.

others
:
a vivid percep-
tion,
it
and bright beyond
so bright indeed that, like the sun,

l
can be observed only through darkened glasses."

1
De antiquissima
Italorum sapieniia (1710): Opere
di
Vico,
II.,
p. 85.
286

Were
these
the beginning of the eighteenth Are they from the hand century, or the beginning of the nineteenth ?
at
words written
of
Vico
or from
Carlyle,
or one
of
the
philosophers or otherwise, by whom Carlyle If we did not know to the contrary, we should probably say the latter. Curiously enough, there is a poem of Wordsworth's in which you will
find precisely the
German romanticists, was so largely inspired ?
same
illustration,
used to enforce precisely the same
truth
:Action is transitory, a step, a blow, motion of the muscles, this way or that and in the after solitude -'Tis done
We wonder at
is
ourselves, like
men
1
betrayed.
Suffering And shares the nature of infinity.
permanent, obscure and dark,
On
the side of Poetry, the revolt of
Vico has perhaps a
yet deeper
it
significance.
What
enraged him, as
afflicted
two generations
the poetry
later
was
to
enrage Alfieri, was the prosiness and the bloodlessness, the effeminacy
and the nervelessness which

legislation of Parnassus.
What he
pined for
composed under the " was the immersion in
the senses and passions," the flesh and blood, the vividness, the speaking imagery which springs unsought and unbidden from the inmost " " heart of the poet, the (to use Alfieri's word) which he ferocity
found
in
Dante, in the poetic myths and legends of primitive Greece
above
It
all, in
Homer.
It
was Achilles
the very
hurling defiance at Apollo.

to
was Achilles melted

of
to pity as
in
he listened
Priam sueing
for the
body
Hector and,
moment
of relenting, blazing out
once more into ungovernable fury at the first word that displeased him. It was Ulysses biding his time under wrongs and insults and, when his hour was come, leaping upon the threshold, stripping off his rags, and aiming the bitter arrow of vengeance at the heart of the wrong-doers and the scoffers. It was Ugolino, gnawing the head of his murderer
in the frozen pool.
Could he but have known them,
it
would have
been Gunnar and Hogni harping, to scorn their conqueror, in the pit of serpents. It would have been Lear maddened, heart-broken, " It would have been Othello casthelpless, yet every inch a king".
ing himself
might
fall
upon the bed beside his murdered wife, that his last breath upon her lips. It would have been Gastibelza crazed by
1
The /
Act
III.
GIAMBATTISTA VICO
the
287
mountain-wind, crazed yet more hopelessly by the sting of a woman's treachery. It would have been Gilliatt wrestling alone against
wind and wave and the monsters

Cimourdain,
It
of the deep.
It
would have been

Vico to
livid as ashes,
passing sentence upon Gauvain.
was
this
passion for the great things of poetry that led
the critical study of
Homer
to those theories about the authorship of
the Homeric poems which

ated with
are often wrongly supposed to have origin-
Wolf (1795). He was early led to the conclusion a that the Iliad and the Odyssey could not sound one, I suppose very the difference between the social possibly be by the same author
:
conditions painted in the
two poems
is
too great, the geographical and

1
other discrepancies are too serious, to allow of any other conclusion.

In his later years
he was led much further

2
led, as
cannot but think,
on
to
much more
questionable ground.
He
came
to think, as
Grimm
to
of
and others have thought since, that neither poem can be assigned any one author that each is the creation not of a single poet, but
;
the whole race.
That
in
both poems
particularly in the
Iliad
I
there are interpolations, amounting in
some cases
to long episodes,
suppose no one would now dream
of denying.
But the doctrine
of
spontaneous generation is surely calculated to stagger even the stoutest Neither the character of Achilles, which runs like a thread of faith.
gold through the whole texture of the Iliad, one of the greatest imaginative achievements of all rime, nor the vengeance of Ulysses which fills exactly one half of the whole Odyssey, can well have taken shape
except in one supremely gifted mind.
against all probability
of poetic inspiration.
:
To
suppose otherwise
is
to
go
to
go against
all that
we know of
the working
But
after all, the
importance of such
real
critical
be overrated.
The
"
Homeric
"
questions
is
may
easily
question
not a question of
authorship, nor of social conditions, nor of geography, but a question

of poetic appreciation
:
the one essential thing
is
that
we
should open
our minds to the supreme imaginative power of these two magical creations. And, with all his critical instincts, Vico was the last man
in the
world to question the truth
of this assertion
the last
man
in
the world to allow his antiquarian interests to get the better of his sense
So far he went in his Latin Treatise, Jus untversum, of 720. See Book V. of the Second Version of La Scienza Nuova // vero Omero. 1 744)
1
(1
730-
288
of poetry.

It is
because he never sacrificed the more to the
less
im-
and I am convinced, portant in these matters that I have claimed for him the distinction of having been the first to herald justly claimed
the great poetic revival of the eighteenth century
:
the
first
to
demand
that Poetry should be released from the gilded cage in

:
which Pope
and Boileau had imprisoned her that she should be restored to the In this sense, he was the freedom of her native earth and heaven.
herald of Goethe in
our
Germany
whole
"
of
Victor
own
Hugo "in
:
France
of
and
in
country of a
of
nest of singing birds
Wordsworth
and Coleridge,
Add
this to his other services,
Keats and Shelley, of Byron and Walter Scott. and you will admit that he was the very
Michelet
"
says,
for
prince of pioneers. "
He
wrote
in the eighteenth century," as
but he
wrote
for the nineteenth."
Yes
and
we may add
the world
has not yet done with him
he wrote
for the twentieth century also.
MARCION'S BOOK OF CONTRADICTIONS.

BY
J.
RENDEL HARRIS,
IN
LiTT.D., D.THEOL., ETC.
CURATOR OF MANUSCRIPTS
I

more deeply
it
DR.
we made
that
I,
HORT, to whom am
to
personally
in
debt than
any other of the great scholars
whom
has been
my
privi-
lege to
of
know, disagreed with me strongly in the estimate which He disliked the value of Tertullian and his writings.
Tertullian, thought
him
unfair in his arguments,
which was one thing

could not forgive
for his
;
Hort, with an almost morbid sense of
justice,
on the other hand, adored Tertullian, not so much

his
power
of putting a nascent theology into crystalline form, as because of his
wit and
"
artillery in the battle in the
and
my
it was like the newly-invented epigrammatic power heavens in Paradise Lost, " That whom they hit, none on their feet might stand own temptation is still, to sell my soul to the devil for a good
;
epigram, just as Mr. Chesterton

limited
is
and unequalled power
of
Paradox.
reported to have sold his for an unDr. Hort, however, cared

;
nothing for epigrams, even
when
they were used in the service of Truth
he distrusted them, and

ing in colour
this distrust
I
made
his
own work
often to be lack-
and
in contrast.
do not
think,
however, that he liked
Marcion,
ously,
who was
Tertullian's butt,
supposed to be almost as
in colour as Tertullian,
and was commonly, but erronestupid as Tertullian was witty, and as
wanting
who was
almost like Turner the
artist
was surcharged with it. There again we differed, for could not help thinking that Marcion's portrait is one of the standing injustices in ecclesiastical history, and that he was and is one of the
in this respect,
I
most misunderstood of men.
Perhaps he shares
this
misrepresentation
with his contemporary Valentinus,
Johannine type of Christian, if I think Dr. Hort dreaded what say so without protest.
appears to have been a very the shade of Irenaeus will allow me to

is
who
now
im-
minent in certain theological
circles,
a return to the Marcionite attitude
289
290

Old Testament.
Here
again,
itself
I
with regard to the

fears.
did not share his

Christianity
is
The Old Testament
can take care of
not
On the contrary, it is always yet nearly detached from Judaism. great war is a powerful stimulus in gravitating back into it again.
that direction.
It is
sure to
make
us either
Jews
or Moslems.
But
to return to
Marcion.
What do we
really
know
of himself
or his works, except from the hands of his unfriendly critics ? I have often searched both East and West for that lost book of Antitheses
or
want
Contradictions, in which Marcion expounded the fundamental of accord between the Old Testament and the New. He
could not have been the dull dog that he is commonly taken for, when he drew the two companion pictures, one of Elisha sending the shebears to eat up forty-two naughty children,
old gentleman
;
who had
called
him an
and
the other of Jesus, extending
arms of welcome
and saying "Suffer little children to come unto me". So I made some unsuccessful quest for the lost book, which had these two pretty If all the book was like that pictures of infant life on opposite pages.
it
would have been worth
finding, but this
is
the language of the fox in the fable and say that " sour For they are still out of reach.
.
the proper point to use " the grapes are
If, however, we cannot predict a great harvest of striking contrasts between the Old and the New, we can pick up here and there many
scattered instances,
and we may
at
least
be sure that a great move-
propaganda must have had behind it the It driving power of great ideas, with some adequacy of expression. won't do to repeat the Church calumnies and say that there was once,
as the Marcionite
far
ment such
away
in uncivilized
Pontus, a stupid shipmaster
who was
of the
the
first-
born
his
of Satan.
For Marcion divided the allegiance

after.
;
Church
"
of
many days " ab omnibus ubique, quod

Church
as
day and
of
his
There was, in that age, no quod were just as much a Cathcompany

were commensurate
in extent with,
olic
any
other, for they
and
and
the
rivalled in intensity the Christian communities of the great cities,
a sufficient proof that there has been a campaign of misrepresentation on the part of those who appropriated and ran off with
that
is
title
Is
of Catholicism.
there any
his
way
in
?
which we may
Let us try
if
arrive at a
more
just
idea of
Marcion and
existing
work
we
can add something to the

ecclesiastical historian.
knowledge
of the theologian
and the
MARCION'S BOOK OF CONTRADICTIONS

One
works
is
291
of the
most interesting and important of the anti-Marcionite
that
mantius.
which goes under the name of the Dialogue of AdaAttention was early drawn to it on account of a fallacious
identification of the
Origen himself. volved beliefs are certainly not his, and the Origenian identification All that we know of the Adamantius has long been abandoned.
referred to
is
Adamantius who appears in the Dialogue with The name might be his, but the arguments and in-
that
he
is
the orthodox protagonist in a great debate
with a certain follower of Marcion named Megethius, and that he turns like Plato in the Republic when he has despatched Thrasymachus to
dispute with a second Marcionite
of
Glaucus
in the Platonic
named Marcus, who acts the part Marcus is a somewhat harder Dialogue.
nut to crack, but presently he also is disposed of. third disputant who is said to be a follower of Bardesanes his name is appears
;
the origin of evil
Marinus (probably a Syrian) and he raises the whole question of and of human free-will. When Marinus is de;
his name is Droserius spatched a fourth heretic enters the arena and he says that he comes forward to defend the dogma of Valentinus.
Valentinus,
able to
tell
he describes as a most orthodox person, will be us convincingly whence the devil came and how evil arose.
whom
The
judge who has been arbitrating in the previous cases encourages Droserius (who, by the way, is not a fictitious person) to go into the
it
arena and have

to
out with Adamantius.
We
at
once are introduced
some very important matter, professing to be Valentinus' own statements, and commonly supposed to come from a lost work of that
This matter
is
great heresiarch.
what we want
to
draw
attention to.
The
rest of the
Dialogue
passion.
contains, in its fifth dispute,
a confutation of
the Docetists,
especially of
who deny
arrests
the reality of the
His
With
this
is
part
we
Lord's appearance, and are not concerned at
present
what
the attention
the statement of Valevtinus,

It is
which
is officially
;
read in the debate.
not presented as an oral
the judge says definitely, statement Let the dogma (or opinion) of Valentinus be read ". Droserius then undertakes the defence of the
"
Valentinian writing.
ancient
matters,
It
must be
unless
clear, to
any one
lost
who
has
book,
is
interested in
documents,
that
the
Dialogue
misrepresented
ostensibly
of
we
have here some pages of a

Certainly
it is
Valentinus.
no ordinary writer
that has
produced the
292

is
:
nor is it sursupposed to be read in the debate prising that an attempt has been made to identify the book quoted with a lost ope? (or definition) of Valentinus. Before we come to the
document which
actual quotation, "
we may "
is
at
once get
rid of this last supposition.

in
The
of the
supposed
definition
only the
:
way
which the author
Dialogue introduces the matter he had used the same trick at beginning, when he was describing the struggle with Megethius
Marcionite a mere
;
the the
Megethius must make a

trifle
;
"
definition ".
This
is,
however,
supposed
critical
for
it
appears that the
whole
of the
extract from the

treatise of
works of Valentinus has been transcribed from the
Methodius on the Freedom of the Will, which is also a Dialogue between an Orthodox Believer and a Valentinian. So we can replace, as far as the supposed Valentinus doctrine goes, the
authority of Adamantius,
of Methodius,
who
is
who is a post-Nicene writer, by the authority an ante-Nicene writer. The extract is acquiring
is
a flavour of antiquity. The next thing we notice
that the
Adamantius Dialogue has
only transcribed the latter part of the quotation in Methodius.
We
might have guessed something of the kind, to what went on yesterday, and does not
for
tell
it
opens with a reference
us
what
really occurred.
With
the aid of Methodius
we
restore a
whole
section, evidently the
It beginning of a book, be it of Valentinus or whatever it may be. the suggestion at once arises does not seem to be Methodius himself He writes the openthat he, like Adamantius, has been borrowing.
;
ing section of his
Dialogue, and then introduces someone
who
if
is
said to
be Valentine or a Valentinian,
judge
of styles
who
speaks
in
another
style,
we may
of
and
not
of
men by
at
their styles.
We
Matter
are
;
yet
the end
of the
preliminary
in
questions
Authorship
is
for the section
which follows
to
Methodius on
to
God and
have been
This
said
by Eusebius
in
come from Maximus, and

by
written, therefore,
difficulty
is
the
last
ten years of the second century.
commonly
got rid of
assuming that Eusebius,
animated
Origen,
by
has
spite against
falsified
Methodius for
his opposition to the teachings of
the authorship of the extract which he quotes.
For our
think nobly of Eusebius, and in no wise approve the suggessuch treachery. It seems easier to suppose that the extract referred to has been circulating anonymously, or with various ascriptions
part,
tion of
we
of authorship.
In that case, the treatise of
Methodius may very well

contain earlier matter, outside
293
what has been suspected
to
have a
Valentinian origin.
make a brief summary of the contents of this Prologue The writer to an unknown work upon which we have stumbled. that it was but yesterday that he was walking on the begins by saying sea- shore, and contemplating the Divine Power and the Divine Art scene upon which Miranda It was like the in the tossing waves.
let us
Now
gazes in the Tempest, where the art of her father has put the wild It was such a scene, waters into a rage and roar. says the writer, as
is
described by
the main.
Homer, when The waves mount

But
Boreas and Zephyrus rage together on

to the welkin's cheek.
It
seemed as
if
the whole earth, including the speaker,

(e7ri/cXvcr#77o-e<T#cu).
ground, or tried to descry
would have been whelmed when he sought for a safe-standing Noah's Ark in the offing, he saw that the
;
waves did not

dreaded
their
this
transgress their proper limits
they were servants
who
master and were under orders.
contemplation, the writer passed in thought, after the fashion of the early Christian Apologists, to consider the orderly
From
sequence of the sun and moon, of night and day, and hence to infer the existence of some power which overrules and maintains the order
This power is God and the writer went on to reflect that there cannot be a second cause, but that there was a First Cause,
of the world.
1
Routh,
Gaisford, in his note on Euseb., Praep. Ev. vii. 21 reminds us that who revised the passage in Eusebius and wrote a comment upon it,
y
thought that Methodius had been borrowing from Maximus.
He
quoted,
however, the protest of Jahn (Meth. opp. ii. 125) against the idea that Methodius, that subtle and ingenious imitator of Plato, had been copying from " Dr. Armitage Robinson Maximus, and he referred to the fact that and the late Dr. Hort independently suggested that (Philocalia xlvi.) Maximus is the name not of an author, otherwise unknown, but of the It is difficult to interlocutor described by Methodius as Orthodoxus ". " a man not unbelieve that Eusebius would have spoken of Maximus as " in the Christian life if he had only been the distinguished lay figure of a
dialogue.
Gaisford
as
is
wrong
in referring the explanation given

it
above
to
we
2
shall see
;
presently,
was Zahn's
thing.
suggestion, reported
Dr. Hort by Hort to

:
Robinson
We
:
not quite the
same
may compare
"
I
Aristides
the argument at the beginning of the Apology of comprehended that the world and all that is therein are moved
of another,
1.)
by the influence
,
and
understood that he that moveth them
is
c.
294

So
at the
one and only.
end
of the
day he went home
in
peace with
the faith in supreme order
and goodness established in his mind. came the backwave of Unfaith. He went out and saw Next day
its
something different from the stormy sea that keeps
Maker's
limits.
;
saw stormy human beings quarrelling and threatening one another he saw robbers at work upon graves, exposing the buried corpses to the
He
man was smiting his fellow with a sword and stripping him, and here was a man who robbed his neighbour of his At last he came to conclude that all he had read in wife's embraces.
pariah dogs.
Here
tragedy of Thyestes and (Edipus and the like might be true. could such things be consistent with Divine Order and Divine Pro-
How
vidence
seen ?
How
could
God be
the
Author
of such things as
he had
now
stage
he called such a world into being, and perhaps could not unmake it ? Did he who made the Lamb make thee ? would be
of putting
it
Had
William Blake's way

first.
to the Tiger, the
Lamb
crossing the
Or
So
is
it
possible that
He
creations
and had now ceased

the world
to delight in
once joyed over these evil them ? But this can
hardly be.
the writer infers the existence of Matter, out of which
God made
as being
and made
it
fair
but from
it
also
Evil arose,
Matter that had missed the
artist's
hand, rejected by
Him
men.
as unsuitable,
and
so finding itself realized in the evil deeds of
It
finds
Something like this is the argument of the newly found Prologue. God and a world-order it then discovers the dissonance of
;
the world from the Divine Order,
and
discovers
Hyle
or Matter,
and
so the
way
harmony
I
of the
opened world with a Divine Idea.

is
for
a reconciliation of the inner lack of
believe this passage has been styled rhetorical in

of
it
some
*
quarters,
and Eusebius speaks

of evil
and
of all such speculations into the origin

heretics
;
as being the favourite occupation of
we
cannot
think that such serious speculations are either rhetorical

1
or that they
" adv. Jlfan., i. 2 Languens enim (quod et circa mali quaestionem Unde malum ? multi, haeretici) etc." The origin of evil must have been at the beginning of the Marcionite doctrine. Tertullian says that the heretics (to wit, Marcion and his contem-
So does
et
Tertullian,
cf.
nunc
maxime
'
'
The language of first instance) have a morbid interest in it. Eusebius in H.E., v. 27, describes the supposed Maximus passage as, TOV 7TO\V0pV\7)TOV TTClpa TOi? a//3<7UTai<? ffJTTJ/iaTO? TToticV 1] KU roO yev^rrjv vTrdpytiv v\rjv, upon which Fabricius remarked that the TTepi talkative heretics referrea to are either the Marcionites or the Valentinians.
poraries in the

are necessarily
heretical, to
heretical.
If,
295
however, they
should
chance to be
it is
what
Valentinus
we refer them ? Methodius says and Adamantius who follows him says expressly of
heretic shall
the
latter part of the
Prologue that
it
is
the Doctrine
of Valentinus.
it
But
this is not
scribes
any fresh evidence. Methodius. Eusebius, on the other hand, seems to refer
of knocking
Eznik the Armenian also tranto
he
Maximus, who sets up may have the pleasure
the figure of heretical speculation in order that

it
down
is
again.
We
common
are going to suggest that the author
Marcion.
There
is
no
for Valentinus, for they preliminary difficulty in substituting Marcion are known to be related, and their theological systems have a
closely
root.
Let us see
if
anything can be said in support of the
suggestion.
passage to which the author refers from Homer's description of the storm-driven sea is at the beginning of the ninth book of the
The
Iliad.
It
runs as follows in Derby's translation
As when two
stormy winds ruffle the sea, Boreas and Zephyr, from the hills of Thrace With sudden gust descending the dark waves Rear high their angry crests, and toss on shore
;
Masses
The
of tangled weed : (such stormy grief breast of ev'ry Grecian warrior rent).
sea upon which the winds play is called by Homer the Pontus and no doubt he means the Thracian Pontus, from which Boreas and Zephyrus come in the twenty- third book to fan the flames of the
The
funeral pile of Patroclus (//., 23,
230).
its
It
was, however, a word
susceptible of
misunderstanding
most natural
meaning
is
the
Euxine, and
we
suspect
that
no
less
a person than Tertullian has
thought of he has so
it
as being the Pontus Euxinus, or
Black Sea, about which
many epigrammatic touches in his books against Marcion. For, in his first book, after impaling Marcion on the horns of a dilemma, " he says, Marcion, you are caught in the surge of your own
Pontus.
side.
The waves of truth overwhelm (involvunt) you on every You can neither set up equal gods nor unequal gods." The sting of the retort is evident, if Marcion had, to Tertullian's
'
mind, represented himself as walking by the storm-tossed Euxine and The very thing," imagining that he would be engulfed in the waves.
20
296

"
;
says Tertullian
"
you are
so,
and the waves are the waves

i.
of truth
breaking over you
(Tert. adv. Marc.,
7).
When
that
if
Tertullian comes to discuss the Antitheses or supposed
Con-
tradictions between the
Old Testament and

Nature
try
is
the
New, he
suggests
we
are going to search for contradictions,

full
we
shall not
be limited
to the
two Testaments.
of contradictions,
man
is
bundle of them.
Must we
to assign
the inharmonious parts to
Tell me, Marcion, separate Authors and Origins ? not reckoned up also the Antitheses which occur
"
Why have you

in
the natural
?
works of the Creator,
who
is
forever contrary to
Himself
Why
events,
were you not able to reflect (1'ecogitare) that the world, at even amongst your people of Pontus, is made up (unless
(adv.
all
I
am
mis-
taken), out of a diversity of elements which are mutually hostile
"
?
Marc.,
iv.
1).
The
suggestion of the Pontic discords, about which he professes to
have some knowledge, is at once explained by the Prologue which we have been studying, if that Prologue be really Marcion's. For it is clear that the people on the shores of the Pontus have a very black
picture
drawn
it
of them,
is
whatever Pontus may be meant by the

In that case, the
writer.
We
think
natural to explain the
Prologue by Tertullian, and
Tertullian by the Prologue.
A
is
difficulty
now
arises
Prologue is Marcion's. as to whether the views of the supposed

Is it
Prologue are really Marcion's views.
true that
if it is
one
of his
fundamental conceptions
and
Hyle or Matter with Hyle that the
Creator operates, where is the good God of Marcion, who is really supreme over both Matter and the Creator that operates upon it ?
Tertullian makes great play with the Marcionite conception of the
ingenerate Matter which
evil
is
is
co-eval with God, to the credit of which

i.
to
be reckoned:
(contra Marc.,
17),
and Clement
of
Alexandria (Strom., iii. 3) explains that those who belong to the School of Marcion regard Nature as evil, having been produced from
evil
Matter by a
If
just
Demiurge.
we
turn to the account of the doctrine of
Marcion given by
Eznik the Armenian,
we
shall find great
the Marcionite cosmogony.
prominence given to Hyle in " Marcion wrongly introFor instance,
duces a strange element in opposition to the God of the Law, positing In the with him also Hyle, by way of essence, and three heavens. one (they say) dwells the Stranger, and in the second the God of the

Law, and
call
297
in the third
His armies
Earth."
and
in the earth
Hyle, and they
her the
Power of the Eznik has much more

students of
as
for
to say about this
Hyle
of
but
we
are advised
by the
Church History
a
later
that
Eznik needs
to
be
used
cautiously,
representing
stage
Marcionite
teaching.
(Eng. Trans., i. says, "the later Marcionite speculations about matter (see the account of Eznik) should not be charged upon the Master himself, as is manifest from the second book of Tertullian against Marcion ".
example,
Harnack, 167 note)
in
his
History of
Dogma
This
may
readily be conceded, but the later speculations about

initial
Matter spring from an
doctrine as to the existence of Matter

is
and
its
co-existence
with God, which
all
that
is
required in our
argument.
As
New
ment,
Marcionite doctrine of the good Testament, who is other than the just God of the
to the great
God
of
the
Old Testa-
we have
not in our extracts reached the point where he comes
upon the scene, so that his non-appearance does not affect the argument nor prevent us from believing that our Prologue really comes from Marcion himself.
Tertullian certainly
found the
doctrine
of
for
the
co-existence
of
of
it,
Matter with
God
in his
copy
of
Marcion,
shall
he makes sport
and suggests that

co- existent entity,
if it
have to erect space into a third true, "Si et ille mundum ex containing the other two.
est,
be
we
aliqua materia subjacente molitus
innata et infecta et contemporali

sentit^ redigis et
Deo,
quemadmodum
loci, qui et
It
de Creatore Marcion
hoc ad
majestatem
i.
1
deum
"
et
materiam, duos deos,

is
clusit
(c.
Marc.
7).
will
be observed that Tertullian
quoting Marcion's
own
statements, probably
in the Latin translation,
and the terms used are
those which are
employed by the supposed heretic in Methodius and Adamantius, as that something co-exists (crvvvTrapxtw) with God, which we may call Matter, and that this matter is unwrought and
dcr^^/xartcrTou, (cf. the "innata and infecta" of Tertullian) and note that the orthodox opponent in Methodius sums up the heretic's doctrine in the words that " God created these
/ecu
unformed, airoiov
things from a certain underlying substance/'
viz. matter,
which
is
TWOS ov<rias, clearly both Tertullian discussing the statements of Marcion.
and Methodius are
298

what
Tertullian
almost exactly
jacente *V
says above
"
ex aliqua materia submight be than for
The
terms employed are Platonic, and in that sense
it
urged that they were more proper for Methodius to It will be easy to decide the writer to whom Marcion.
the language
teaching
is
use,
to
be referred,
if
we
(after Plato) take another witness to Marcion's
teaching
who is earlier than Methodius. In the summary of heretical whch Hippolytus makes at the end of his Philosophnmcna
"
he
tells
us that
Marcion
of
Pontus and
his teacher
Cerdo
also define
;
the existence of three principles, the
Good, the
Just,
and Matter
some
of their disciples
add a
fourth, the Wicked.
All of them say
nothing at all, but that the Just One (whom but others simply Just) made everything out of the underlying matter (e/c TTJS vTro/cei/zeV^? vXTyg) and he made it, not well, but irrationally. Needs must the things made rethat the
Good One made
some
call the
Wicked One,
semble their maker

parable that a
for this
reason they
employ
the
evangelical
good (Matt. vii. 18). This summary shows us again the vXrj vTro/cei/xeVr;, and it also tells us the next thing that was to be argued from the fact of an imperfect
creation.
in the
It
tree cannot bring forth evil fruit
is
well
known
that
good and
of
evil trees
of the Gospel.
Marcion found a point of departure Hippolytus shows us how
In the with the preliminary metaphysical speculation. " 28) (i. good tree Dialogue cannot bring forth evil fruit, etc. see you have here the two You
to connect this
Adamantius, Megethius says
masters and the
two
natures."
One
sees the steps
which Marcion
is
going to take,
As
it
from the two trees to the two gods. to the Platonism of the opening passage on
that
God and
as
Matter,
well as
is
clear
Marcion must be counted
Platonist
Methodius.
For
we
ment
that Matter
was
traced to Marcion through Tertullian the stateCLTTOIO? and 0,0-^17 /xaricrro? and co-eval with
doctrine
;
God.
But
this is Plato's
tells
when Hippolytus sums up
Plato's
doctrine, he
us that Plato assumes as principles,
God, Matter, and
Pattern (TrapaSeiy/xct).
was
also
is
unformed
a
first
Matter was subjacent (vTro/cei/ieV?;). Matter Thus (acr^^/itfxrtcrro?) and unmade (0177-0109).
Matter
principle
and synchronous with God, crvyxporof

of
TW
1
>eoj.
The
language
our
Prologue
et
is
Platonic
language.
Cf adv. Marcionem, v 19:" Collocans dc porticu Stoicorum ".

.
cum Deo Crcatorc materiam,

Platonic scholars can
fill
299
;
in
the references to the proper dialogues

is
what we are concerned with
the popular
summaries of
Greek
philosophy, such as we find in early Christian writers. It is clear that Marcion is a Platonist we do not think any the worse of him on that
;
account, but
we
are surprised at the discovery.
have already pointed out that Marcion is ridiculed by Tertullian for his morbid interest in the question of the origin of evil, and as the reference on the part of Tertullian to this favourite inquiry of the
heretics occurs at the opening of his
infer the probability that
it
We
book (adv. M'arc.,
i.
2),
we may
also stood at the beginning of Marcion's book.

of the author of the passages tran-
This
is
exactly
what we suspected
:
scribed by
Methodius
in these passages
Methodius
closely,
is
Marcion.
will
In order to
free translation of the chapters
examine the question more which
we
now make
we
have been speculating

to their origin.
over,
and
see
if
any further clue can be obtained
Before doing this, however, we are called to a halt by the appearance of Harnack's great work on Marcion, in which he collects
all
that has ever been preserved
and
all
that has ever

:
been said on the
heretic
person or the teaching of the great heretic (if we must call him a who was really only a great spiritual leader). Harnack does not suspect that any extended passages of the Antitheses have been
preserved, though there
is
an abundance of selected contradictions beTestaments that can be recovered

;
tween the Old and
New
but he
thinks he has found in an
Armenian
text, said to
be translated from
The Ephraim Syrus, the opening sentences of the Antitheses. in question was first translated by Sch&fers in 1917, and homily contains an outburst of wonder at the way in which the Gospel is
neglected "
:
it
runs as follows
what wonder upon wonder, what amazement, and overpowerit

is,
ing astonishment
that people
have not a
jot
to say about the
Gospel, pared therewith
that they
!
do not
"
think thereon, nor that aught can be
com-
This
is
somewhat obscure
but
it it
surely does not refer to
the
Antitheses?
1
The writer
is
says that
as follows
:
comes from a Pro-Evangelium
Schafers' translation
man
Wunder iiber Wander, Verziickung, Macht und Staunen ist, dass gar nichts iiber das Evangelium sagen, noch iiber dasselbe denken, noch es mit irgend etwas vergleichen kann."
2
"
Does
it
not really mean,
"
that
one can say nothing beyond the
300
of

;
Marcion
i.e. as
we
should say, the Preface to the Reader at the
beginning of Marcion's Gospel of Luke. Harnack, however, beset the idea that Marcion never wrote more than one book, fails to by
see that as he
is
known
to
at liberty to write a preface to
have published a Gospel, he was therefore it. conclude that what has been
We
recovered
is
the opening of the Marcionite
Evangelium.
We
are
free to look further for the
opening
of the
Antitheses.
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTERS OF MARCION'S "ANTITHESES".

[Yester-e'en, dear friend], as
I was walking on the shore of the sea with some closeness of attention, I observed an ex-
and gazing upon

cess of Divine
it
Power and the art of a wise intelligence, if indeed we " Art ". [My experience yesterday was in this ought to use the word It was wise.] something like the lines of Homer
:
stormy winds ruffle the sea, Boreas and Zephyr, from the hills of Thrace, With sudden gust descending the dark waves Rear high their angry crests, and toss on shore
;
As when two
Masses
for
I
of tangled
weed
saw the waves running mountains high and almost touching

I
the
welkin, nor did
mergence
of all
the land, and
expect in consequence any other result than the subI was devising for myself mentally a
place of refuge, and the very ark of Noah.
But my expectation did not happen, for where the sea broke it relapsed again into itself, not passing beyond its proper location, but acting, if one may say so, as if
fear of a Divine injunction.
in
Just as oft-times
some servant conobeys

suffers
strained against his will to carry out a

his injunction
command
of his master,
through fear, but does not venture to say
what he
through his unwillingness to obey, but is inwardly malcontent and filled with spleen, so it seemed to me that the sea, empassioned as it
were and yet
restraining
its
wrath within
to
its
itself
and controlling
itself,
was
unwilling to disclose
serving
its ire
lord
and master.
what took place I began to scrutinize, measured mentally the heaven and its orb, and wished to know its commencement and its cessation, and what motion it has, whether one
Gospel, that they cannot think higher than the Gospel, that they can com" pare nothing with the Gospel ?
While I was oband would have

of transference from place to place or a circular motion,
301
it
and how
comes
for
also to
have a permanent foundation.
Yea
its
it
seemed proper
its
me
in
also to investigate the sun's path, the turning point of
posiit
tion
the sky,
presently goes,
and what the period of and how not even so does it

must
say,
race,
and whither
its
transgress
proper path,
command given by one superior to itself, and appears to our sight when it is allowed to do so, and moves off when it is called away. As I made my investigation into
but
it
also, as
we
keeps a
these things,
day
sun,
to fail,
observed the solar splendour to fade and the light of and darkness to rush on, and the moon to follow after the
I
coming up
lesser at the
first,
but as she holds on her
way
pre-
senting the appearance of a greater light.

into her,
Nor
did
quit inquiring
and
investigating the cause of the
waxing and waning, and
how
she too observes the appointed circuit of her days.

I
And
from
thence
inferred the existence of a

all
Divine Providence and a
Power
rightly
Supreme, which comprises

call
things,
and which
also
we may
on praising the Creator, as I viewed His firm fixed earth with the diversities of living creatures and the varied
at
last
I
God.
So
set
blooms
of plants.
Nor
further
did
my mind
call a
halt over these things only, but
went
and began to ask whence they had their composition, whether from somewhat that ever co-existed with God, or whether of Him and
from
Him
and
Him
alone, with
whom
nought
else co-existed.
For
the existence of things from nothing seemed to

of view,
vincing.
me quite a wrong point such an argument being to most people altogether unconFor things that become are wont to have their constitution
are.
from things that

that nought
all
is
So
also
it
seemed
but
to
me
that
it
was
truth to say
forever with
God
God
Himself, but that from
Him
con-
things that are

I
have come into being.
To
this point, then, of
viction
was brought by
the orderliness of the elements, and the fair
array of nature in regard to them.
went home, under the supposition that somehow all was well explained, and the following day [i.e. to-day] I came and saw two men (human beings of the same race), battering and insulting one
I
So
another,
and
further,
the second of them
was
trying to tear off his
neighbour's garment.
tures.
One
of
Some, too, were aiming at more shocking venthem was stripping a dead body and the corpse which
laid in the
had already been
ground he
now
displayed again before
302

Here a man had drawn
;
the sun, and he did despite to a form like his own, leaving the dead
for a prey to the dogs.
his
sword and was
he, on his part, sought safety in flight, going after a man like himself but the other ceased not to pursue him, nor would he control his rage.
And
his
what
shall
say further ?
his
promptly struck
him with
Except that when he got at him he sword the other became a suppliant to
;
neighbour and stretched out appealing hands, and would have

life.
given him his very raiment, asking only for his

cutor did not repress his passion, nor pity
But
of his
his perse-
him
as
one
own
race,
nor would he see himself in the image of the other, but like a wild beast began to ravine with his sword and now, beast-like, he had his
;
teeth in the corse of the other (for his rage
was
like that)
and you
the other
might have seen
how
the one
now
lay prostrate, and
how
ended by stripping him, nor would he cover with earth the body which he had made bare of raiment. Following on these there was another who would make sport with his neighbour's wife, robbing a
fellow-man of
his
marriage
rights,
and
in
hot haste to turn to an imfather
pious union, not wishing that the

of his
wedded husband should be

I
own
;
children.
After that
began
to believe
even the Greek
tragedies
currence
the banquet of Thyestes appeared to have been a real ocnor did I I could believe in the lawless incest of (Edipus
;
discredit the sword-strife of the

of such dreadful things
I
two
brethren.
Having been spectator

what
it
began
it
to inquire into their origin,
was
that set
them
in
motion,
who
was
that engineered such things against
men, whence came the invention of them, who was their teacher. For I dared not say that God was their Maker, nor certainly that they
had
their constitution
from Him, nor even
could
we
imagine such things of
Maker
of things
more
excellent,
their subsistence. For how God ? He the good one and the to whom nothing base attaches itself
;
He who
has no natural joy in such things, but forbids even the incep-
tion of them,
and
rejects those
flee
who
!
take pleasure therein, and draws
near to those
who
For
therefrom
And how
unreasonable to
that
call
God
the Creator of such a state of things,
when we know
come
to to
he exeif
crates
them
His
He
;
could not have wished them to cease to be,
he had been
to be
their initial artist.
For
is
those that
it
Him He wills
irrational
imitators
and
that
why
seemed
be
to
attach such things to
Him,
or to regard them as due to
Him,
or even
with the outside concession as to the
out of possibility of things arising

nothing, could one say that
it
303
was
He who
;
was
the
Author
of evil.
For
if
He had
brought
evil out of
non-being into being,

or
if
He
would not
again have withdrawn it from existence say that once upon a time God delighted
in evils,
no more, which
could not
is
an impossible statement to
discord to
fit
we should have to now He does so make about God one

so,
but
make such a
His
nature.
For
this
(let
reason
us call
it
seemed
to
me
that
somewhat must
co-exist with
Him
it
Matter), from which as Artificer He wrought existing things, with the and discrimination of wise Art and the beauty of fair Adornment For since from this Matter even things evil seemed to come.
;
in itself unfashioned and unformed, and besides that was under disorderly impulses, and so in need of Divine Art, the Creator with no ill-will and with no desire to abandon Matter to ir-
Matter waB
also
began to create therefrom, as wishing to turn the worst This was, then, His Creative Art but such parts into the very best. of the compound as were, so to speak, the mere lees of Matter, and
regular impulse,
;
altogether unsuitable for Creative Art,
He
left
as they
I
were
they
were no concern
irruption of evils
of His.
It is
among men
from such a quarter that to have come.
suppose the
It is
clear that the foregoing chapters are,
like
Methodius' work
form of a Platonic Dialogue, but it may be suspected that they did not originally come from such a Dialogue, but from something more nearly approaching to a history.
generally, cast into the
The
second section explains that the events recorded took place

x
on the next day

the argument
which
into
is
down
explained as being to-day, so as to bring the present, and put it in line with the
first
yester-een with which the
The addition, no chapter opens. but it is superfluous, and doubt, makes the Dialogue more vivid when it is removed, for which reason we have bracketed it, we may
;
Dr. Armitage Robinson has misrepresented the situation in his He says, " describes how on the prePhilocalia, p. xlii. speaker vious afternoon he had observed the beauties of nature in sea and sun and On his way home he had moon, and had been led to praise their Maker.
been
by witnessing the most fearful crimes robbery, bloodshed, and had been led to ask whether God could possibly be the Maker adultery of these as well." The Dialogue does not say anything like this. The sea was not beautiful to the writer, the events related did not occur on the same
startled
: ;
day.
304
remove
first

at the
same time the

o>
x^ 9
8ci,Xii>6V
at
the beginning of the
<iXe which recurs again at the end of the section, supposed Valentinian speeches and is clearly Methodius' own language
and the
in imitation of
Plato, introduced for the sake of
conversation.
The manner
of
Methodius,
is,
making the story into as we say, borrowed

"
:
from Plato
we may compare the opening of

to the Piraeus with
the Republic
"
;
Yesterof at
day
the
went down
:
Glaucon
I
Charmides
"
and the opening
Yesterday evening
I
relumed from the
Army
'
Potidaea," or
we may compare
the opening of the
Symposium :
of
in
day before yesterday There is, however, no need

Methodius
form
; ;
was coming from my own home".

to
is
the question
whether
his sources
emphasize the Platonism were also Platonic

are dealing
for
it
seems probable that

if it is
we
with
borrowed
matter, erven
opening chapter of Methodius on Free- Will is in quite a different style from the sections which follow, and which we have been discussing. These sections
superficially Platonized.
The
appear to be labelled as Valentinian, and when Adamantius copies the second section from Methodius, he introduces it as the written
dogma
his
of Valentine,
of
this
which suggests
then,
that
he found
it
so described in
copy
Methodius.
point,
At
we
are
up against an ancient controversy

his
(caused by
Eusebius' reference of part of the Methodius Dialogue to

"
?
Maximus), which was re-opened by Dr. Armitage Robinson in " Maximus or Methodius Philocalia, pp. 41 ff., under the heading
His conclusions are that Methodius and Methodius only is the author of the Dialogue on Free- Will> for the following reasons
:
(1)
An
to
borrow from an
author of such power as Methodius would not have cared earlier writer without acknowledgment.
to this lies in
is
The answer
the very
first
statement
made by
the
Orthodox opponent (who
certainly
Methodius
himself),
that there
have been many capable persons before yourself and myself
who
;
have
made
the closest inquiry into this problem (the origin of evil)

just as
and
have treated the matter
you have done
teal yap irpo aov re teal e/ioO TroXXot rii/e? avSp<; iKavol Trepl rovrov ir]v êyicrrrjv {IJTIJCTIV eTrotijcravro real ol *ev o*oia>s Sfcrlftrai' 001 K-.
'
We
have, then,
Methodius'
own
admission that the treatment in

the opening sections
305
was not
original.
He
borrowed with an
indirect
acknowledgment.
(2)
The
Platonic character of the passage which Eusebius refers to Maximus is in keeping with all the known writings of
Methodius.
This would certainly be true sage and superficially Platonized

with the
self,
if
Methodius had borrowed a pasBut we shall have to reckon it.

like
possibility
that
Methodius annexed a writer who,
him-
had Platonic
(3)
affinities.
The
is
strongest
argument
of all for the authorship of
Methodius
said to be the general

rest of the
harmony
is
of the
Eusebian extract
with the
book, which
thus seen to be the
work
of a single author.
This is really the main argument on which Robinson relies, and If it can be maintained, there will must pay close attention to it. The be no place for a Maximus extract or for a Marcionite base.
we
problem will be changed into an inquiry as to
how
Eusebius came to
make such a mistake as to write Maximus for Methodius, and not to know either the exact author or the approximate date of the work he was quoting. When we come to examine Dr. Robinson's method of
proof for the single authorship of Methodius without quotations, extracts, or interpolations,
we
are surprised to find that his procedure
is
fallacious,
and
that his most striking cases of similarity of language are
a misunderstanding of the thing to be proved.
We
proceed to give
some examples.
The
was
distressed
good-tempered heretic (Valentinian or whatever he was) who by the domestic discords of the people among whom he
dwelt, expressed a longing (770^09) to investigate (faafyrelv) what is " the origin of evil and his orthodox emendator observes that since
;
you have a longing (770^09)

etc".
to enquire into (t^reiv) the origin of evil,
Obviously the one sentence
and
he
if
Methodius wrote the
first,
the reproduction of the other, but then he also wrote the second
is
;
may have written the second, having previously incorporated the
first.
elenchi
coincidence of language proves nothing it is ignoratio not petitio principii, to say that he who wrote the second wrote also the first.
:
The
if
The
heretic explains that he resolved the perplexity of the situation
306
in

intellectually involved
which he was
by concluding
that
"
there must
be somewhat co-existent (crvvvTrdpêiv) with God (let us call it Matter)," and his friendly opponent remarks that "he does not think he
is
ignorant of the fact that
two ingenerates cannot

to
exist
together
(vndpxcLv dfjia) the case and set it down
however much he may seem

so in the
have prejudged
argument
is
".
Here
ment
again the reply of the orthodox
of the heretic, but the coincidence
conditioned by the statedoes not prove that the ortho-
dox and the
heretic are, from a literary point of view, the
When
the heretic says that the
same person. Matter whose existence he has been

"
(dra/crco? (frepofLtvr)*;) the orthonot, that
led to assume
"
is
unwrought (dnoLov) and unformed (dcr^/xartcrrov)
and the
subject of irregular impulses
dox observes
and unformed
self,
that "
?
"you
said, did
you
Matter was unwrought
The
heretic admits the charge.
The Creator HimMatter

will
says the orthodox, from his close association with
turn out to
be the subject of irregular impulses (o/xotw? OLVTOV rfj v\rj

sets this
dra/crw?
(frepecrOai).
Dr. Robinson
down
as a proof of unity of authorship

?
If
What
does
all this
is
prove that he
prove as to authorship the author of B ?
A quotes
B, does
it
The
heretic
who
found
his faith in the settled order of

fixity of the earth
a Divinely
governed world, by observing the

set (TTtTrriyvlav) ".
If
and the obedient
motions of the heavenly bodies, says, "
"
I
saw
that the earth
\n& firmly
"
you
talk of the heavens," says the other,

\*
and
the sun, and
if
you see
that the earth likewise

is
firmly
>r/," etc.
lips
Obviously the language of the heretic

orthodox, but
this
again on the
of the
does not prove the language of the heretic to be the

"
creation of the orthodox.
"
I
wanted
to find out," says the heretic,

their teacher
:
what was the
invention "
;
of these evils,
and who was
o (TI'S
TOVTUV
SiSotcr/caXo?)
and the orthodox

is
replies that
"
Dragon prove and the orthodox ? We may still regard it as an open question whether there is any interpolated matter in the treatise on F>
heretic
the
".
How
does
the teacher of evil (6 StSacr/cwz/ TO KO.KOV) that Methodius is both the this
We
is
may
also leave
it
as an unsolved problem
whether
Maxim us
Methodius.
Zahn, who wrote on the
subject in the
(i)
/V
to
///;- Kirc/icHgcsc/ric/itc (ix.
228 ff.)
suggested
that
MEWOAIOT had
me
to
been misread
in uncial script as
MA HI MOT
which seems
be

bad paleography
opponent
"
in the
;
307
or
(ii)
that
Maximus was
the
name
of the
orthodox
Dialogue, and that the real title of the work was Maximus, or on Freewill," just as a Platonic Dialogue might be named Gorgias or Philebus from its principal interlocutor. Dr.
Robinson makes the same suggestion on his own account, without knowing what Zahn had written. It is not easy to believe that Eusebius, who was well acquainted with Methodius and his writings,
would have made such a mistake

contemporary
creation.
as to replace Methodius,
his
who was
of his
own, by one of
dramatis persons, or
to
express his admiration of the Christian character of a merely
artistic
The
real question
for us
is
whether
this
Methodius- Adamantius
would make a proper Prologue to the matter is fundamental opposition between the Old and the New Testament.
of the
same kind
as
might be urged that the Demiurge, as distinct from the Unknown God does not appear in our extract, and that the problem of the
It
Origin of Evil has not been commonly recognized as occurring and have, howoccupying a large place in the Marcionite thought.
We
ever,
sufficient
patristic
Testimony
that the heretics,
especially the
Marcionites and the Valentinians, were closely occupied with this If, then, any such discussion goes back to Marcion, it must problem.
be
in the
Antitheses that
it
finds a place
it
cannot be found in the

it
Prologue
to the Marcionite
of the
Gospel
nor can
have occurred
that this
in
the
main body
is
Contradictions, for
we know
If,
occupied with Biblical internal dissonances.
then,
main body Marcion dis-
cussed the problem of the Origin of Evil, the Prologue to the 1 theses is the place to look for it.
Antithe
But
suppose
someone says that the Supreme

is
Being in
uses the
Methodius passage
not wholly detached from the

is
work
of Creation,
as the Marcionite theology
held to require, for
He
Hyle
where he
will
it
can, drawing
off
the eligible vintage, and leaving the lees,
not follow presently, as the argument develops, that .these Unfathered and Unfactored parts of Hyle will acquire an artificer of
their
own,
1
if
not exactly an
artist,
and
so the
way
will
be open
for
See the quotations from Tertullian and Eusebius on

that they are
p.
294.
Remark
Treatise
especially
at the very beginning of
Tertullian' s
against Marcion.
308

Unknown Good God,
of
the affirmation of the
the
Knowable
arises ?
Just
God,
and the unformed matter out
which the Universe
We
finally
do not think that
further confirmation of our theory regarding

is
the Marcionite Prologue
necessary.
to
We
do
not,
however, know
how much Methodius has added
much he may have dropped.

by which a narration
is
We
what he borrowed, nor how can detect a few Platonic touches
turned into a Dialogue.
As
to the passages
beauty and a
style of their
which we have been working on, they have a own. They would be likely to be de;
tached by literary and theological collectors origin, some such detachment would explain
and whatever be
it
their
how
comes about that
they turn up under diverse names, and are incorporated in various
works on
It
religion
and philosophy.
Homeric quotation with regard to the referred to Marcion himself, whereas it
may, perhaps, be said that our argument requires that the " " ruffled Pontus should be
is
far
more
likely to
be the
work
of the erudite
Hellenic scholar Methodius, than of the Pontic
shipmaster.
sideration that
The answer to this objection may Homer was as much read in the
is
be found
in the
con-
countries that border
on the Black Sea as the Bible
some references from
my
Scotland or in Wales. Here are " Homeric Centones. Who would have
in
expected that a Jewish proselyte would,

diction ?
in
translating the
Hebrew
Scriptures into Greek, have gone out of his

it
way
to
employ Homeric
;
nor
part
is it
of
demonstrable that Aquila of Pontus did this Yet easy to avoid the double conclusion (i) that Homer was a that the the common-school education in Pontus (ii)
is
;
]
Rabbinical protests against Greek learning were, at least in the second " Dion Cassius tells us of the century, mere fulmina bntta"
passion of the Borysthenitae for
Homer."
just as
So
it
seems that
Homer was
much
in
demand
at
Sinope as
will
will
at Patara.
Even
still
if
the quotation should be claimed for Methodius,

to
it
be possible
remove
it
as an
alludes,
interpolation,
and the storm

whole
remain, to
which Tertullian
when
its
literary illustration
has
been withdrawn.
We
prefer to believe that the

is
narration, in-
cluding the learned comment,

1
Marcion's.
Loc.
cit.,
pp. 3, 4.
Ibid., p.
n.
309
It may, perhaps, be suggested that the Creator in the passages which we have been discussing, is definitely a good and artistic being,
that we ought not therefore to imagine that he would be displaced another good God, and only allowed the title of the Just One. by It may be as well to guard ourselves against too rigid a use of the
and
though they were exclusive or contradictory. Harnack points out that Marcion's Creator is really a good being, both the Creator -and but his goodness is of an inadequate character
terms
Just, as
:
Good and
his
Law
on
are good, in a relative sense, but
it is
a lower rank of good-
ness than that

tion
which
is
the
mark
of the
Supreme Being.
Any
objec-
this score
may
therefore be eliminated.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX AND HIS BIOGRAPHER
WALPER DANIEL
BY
F.
M. POWICKE, M.A., LiTT.D.
PROFESSOR OF MEDI/EVAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.
AMONG
in the
manuscripts recently acquired by the John Ry lands Library is a volume which was written at the end
of Yorkshire.
is still
the
of the twelfth century in the Cistercian
North Riding
The
first
its
Monastery of Rievaulx, few pages are missing,
though the manuscript

joined
protected by
mediaeval covers of board
When he came to catalogue it M. by thongs of leather. Robert Fawtier found that it was the Centum Sententiae of Walter
Daniel,
monk
of
Rievaulx, a
prolific writer
whose works, known
to
Leland and Bale, have almost

solution of the monasteries,
entirely disappeared.
After the dis-
when
hands
monastic libraries were scattered,

of the
the manuscript
came
into the
Thorntons
of East
Newton,
passed,
manor
not far from Rievaulx.
In the reign of Charles
II. it
with East Newton, to the family of
Nearly a century later

to
1
it
Thomas Comber, Dean of Durham. was presented by another Thomas Comber
Thomas Duncombe, on whose estate at Helmsley the ruins of Rievaulx lay. During 600 years this book, written at Rievaulx by a monk of Rievaulx for the edification of his brethren, never wandered
miles from home.
more than a few

further afield.
Other Rievaulx books went

of the Sentences of
The Rievaulx copy
Peter the
3
;
Lombard, came
manuscript
to University College, Oxford.'

in in
twelfth century
Apocalypse, glossed, is Rabanus Maurus on St. Matthew, also

1
of the
Lincoln College, Oxford

a twelfth century copy,
is
Rylands Latin MS., 1%.

University College MS., 113. Lincoln College MS., 15.
3"
tt
um
nanftmtmvif' iwua uinou* -CUwwrufi*
l4uternonortrAtir-A>^Hl'
vW>
~J
fc'iuci
ttideur-<Bwtonwf botw-Vii fate uolmnn
Etnao <tneramu{mc7<diC tft* mutêttnr* 4^
fecfmo
innoccunatn indif
./
RYLANOS LATIN MS, No.
196,
FOL.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
in
311
Corpus
Christi College,
1 Cambridge, and Corpus Christi College,
Oxford, possesses an interesting fifteenth century manuscript, originally given to Rievaulx by Abbot William Spenser. The Sentences of Walter Daniel was only one of many Rievaulx manuscripts which must have lain neglected, until destruction
1*
came,
in
the
manor houses and farms
of the neighbourhood. of
We
Jesus
have
to
thank the Rev.
Thomas Man, M.D., Fellow

of at least
College, Cambridge,
for the preservation
one more.
Dr.
of Northallerton.
Man, who was a younger contemporary of Dean Comber, was Vicar He was a collector of books, and in this land of
ancient abbeys he found
many
manuscripts which had escaped the
vigilance of previous antiquaries.

library of Jesus College,
His
collection,
which
is
now
in the
Hexham,
Durham. 1
Rievaulx,
Kirkstall
Cambridge, contains books from Durham, and other places, but especially from
one from Rievaulx, the other from Durham,
Two
at
of them,
are of peculiar interest to students of the great monastic
movement
which began
Rievaulx in 1132, and spread throughout Yorkshire
into Lincolnshire
and Northumberland,
into
lands and as far south as Bedfordshire.

miscellaneous
collection,
Galloway and the LowThe Rievaulx book is a
preceded by a catalogue in a thirteenth 4 The Durham book contains, century hand of the Rievaulx library. other items, a copy of Walter Daniel's most important work, among
the
life
I
of his master
Abbot
Ailred.
indebted to the Master and Fellows of Jesus College, Cambridge, for the loan of this last manuscript, which they have allowed
am
me
to
examine
in the
introduced
1
me
to
John Ry lands Library. M. Fawtier, who Walter Daniel, has kindly placed at my service
first
his
James, Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, i. 72, No. 86. 2 C.C.C. Oxford MS., 155.
1
'James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library ofJesus College, Cambridge, 1895. 4 The catalogue is Jesus College MS., Q.B. 17; James, No. 34. written on the six leaves of the first gathering. It has been printed three times, first by Halliwell-Phillipps in his edition of Wright's Reliquiae Antiquae, Vol. II. (1843), pp. 80-189, then by Edward Edwards in his Memoirs of Libraries (1859), I., 333-341, and most recently and correctly, by James,
1
op.
cit.,
5
pp. 44-52.
Jesus College
refer to this as the
MS., Q.B. 7; James, No. 24:

21
ff.
61-75.
shall
Vita Ailredi.
312
careful

notes
upon the Centum

paper
Sententiae,
I
now
in
the Rylands
Library.
In the following
propose to describe these
two
far as
extant writings of this twelfth century

I
monk
of
Rievaulx and, so
written.
can, the circumstances under
which they were

I.
WALTER
"
DANIEL.
For seventeen years I lived under his rule," writes Walter of " and during the whole of that time he expelled no one from Ailred,
the monastery."
]
entered Rievaulx about

Daniel, his father,
his
Ailred died in January, 67. Walter, therefore, 50, during the Abbot's third year of office.
1 1 1 1
was
at
that time a
monk
of
Rievaulx, and had

3
the administrative business of the house. From played Daniel his son heard stories of the years before he had known the
part in
abbey, the story in particular of a young monk who had caused Ailred much trouble. Like Walter himself this young man was a clerk
who had
left
the
life
of study for the life of the cloister.
He
found
the change very hard to bear.

nearly lost him,
Later,
so great
Ailred, then master of the novices,

his
was
longing to return to
the world.
when
in Lincolnshire,
I
1
Ailred went out to form the daughter house of Revesby founded by William de Roumare Earl of Lincoln in
this- unstable
42, he took
to the abbot's intense grief, the
monk with him. The trouble returned, and monk again tried to leave his vocation.
He
returned with Ailred to Rievaulx.
On
one occasion he was sent
with Daniel and others on a mission to Swineshead, and, on the day before the little company returned, Ailred, who must have had him
constantly in his thoughts,
after, as
the
monk
Soon he would shortly die. lay dying in -the abbot's arms, Ailred told Daniel
dreamed
that
and two others

1
of his
f.
dream/
70
b.
Vita Ailredi,
In these references the letters a, b, c,
refer
columns, two on the recto, two on the dorso, of each page. Daniel was alive in 1151, for he was -Ibid., f. 61 b, f. 69 b. at a gathering of abbots and monks in which Ailred gave judgment present in the dispute between the Abbeys of Savigny and Furness about the control See the Byland narrative in the J/ v., 353, and of Byland Abbey.
to the four
,
for
XXXVL,
3
tf.
other references to the settlement, 23.
English Hist.
AVr.
Jan.
1921,
This story is not told continuously by Walter, but his references show that the various incidents belong to the life of the same monk : Vita Ailredi,
67
c, d.,
68
c, d.,
69
a, b.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
Daniel
the
title
is
313
Walter
gives
one of the two or three monks to

1
whom
In the monastic literadominus, or more correctly domnus. ture of this period the title was not given to monks, even if they were Walter's practice, though in priest's orders, as a matter of course.
not quite consistent,
is
clearly not
arbitrary.
When
he speaks of
Lord Daniel, Lord Gualo, Lord Gospatric, he means to imply that An abbot or prior was they were more than monks and priests.
dominus, and
it is
possible that Daniel, Gospatric,

;
and the
rest
became
Cistercian prelates
but there
is
no evidence
of their promotion.
of
We
impor-
are forced to conclude either that Daniel
was a personage
Walter,
tance in the domestic
life
of Rievaulx, or that
when he gave
him the
title,
was
recalling his secular status.
Rievaulx, like Clair-
vaux, had attracted
men
of high
and low degree, and contained many

Ailred himself, his friend Simon,
monks
of knightly
and noble
origin.
whose death he laments

Waldef, the son
of Earl
so bitterly in the
of
Specidum Caritatis^
of
Simon
Northampton and step-son

of
King
their
David
yet
of Scotland,
were fellow-monks
of high
origin
Daniel.
airs,
The
time had not
come when men
put on
;
and fatigued
brethren with talk of their exalted relatives
the novice
who
entered
Rievaulx was impressed by the
total
disregard of social distinctions
which prevailed
3
;
but,
after all,
lost.
signs
I
and
recollections
of
good
breeding could not be entirely
am
inclined to think that Daniel
was
of knightly origin
it
"ex
militari genuine,** as Joscelin of

lets
Furness
styles
describes
his father
and that Walter

dominus Daniel**.
the truth slip out
when he
"
In the north-eastern parts of
England small
estates
were numerous.
The Anglo-Scandinavian
thanes had lingered longer, had given way 4 to barons and knights more quietly and gradually than elsewhere.
1
For the
distinction
drawn between dominus and domnus, see

in
Glossarium.
Cf. Nicholas of Clairvaux,

:
Du Cange, Migne, Patrologia Latina,
col. 829 dominus nomen est maiestatis, pietatis magister. Patrologia Latina, CXCV., col. 539-546. "et quod me miro modo delectat nulla est personarum acceptio, " nulla natalium consideratio Speculum Cartatis, lib. ii. c. 1 7 in P.L. CXCV., 563. For the monks who are always talking about their distinguished relatives, Jocelin, Vita Sancti Waldeni, written c. 1210, in A eta
2
CLXXXIV.,
Sanctorum, August., L, col. 259 d. 4 See Farrer in V.C.H. Yorkshire, II., 144-146; Stenton, Documents illustrative of the Social and Economic History of the Danelaw (1920).
314

of
The dominus
Cleveland or Teesdale was not of necessity a
distin-
guished person of foreign extraction, for the social steps

potentate and the freeholder were numerous, and to draw hard and fast lines in the use of titles
it
between the
would not be easy

After
of courtesy.
some
father
investigation
venture to suggest that Walter Daniel, Walter

Balliol
fief
the son of Daniel,
came from the
in
Cleveland, that his
attests at least
who was in the company, and one charter of the great Bernard of Balliol, Lord of Bailleul-en-Vimeu in Picardy, of Bywell in Northumberland, of
was
the Daniel son of Walter
later
Marwood,
Cleveland
tion,
Barnard Castle
Yorkshire.
1
in
district of
Teesdale, and of Stokesley in the This is merely a hazardous suggesunusually

2
due
to the fact that the

in the Balliol
name Daniel seems to have been

in Cleveland,
common
It
manors
of
bability that a
Walter son
combined with the proDaniel had a Walter for his grandfather.
the
should be remembered, on the other hand, that the people north of umber have always been fond of the more uncommon Biblical
names.
In twelfth century deeds, one

scores of others
;
may
if
find
is
Gamaliels, and
and,
one
set
Absaloms, Jeremiahs, on the discovery of

of
II. s'
Daniels, Daniels spring
up
at every turn.
There was a Daniel
Newcastle, rather an important person, in
middle
of the century a
Daniel the steward
Henry owned
time.
In the
land in St. Giles*
Gate
Mary's Abbey, 4 York, of Myton-upon-Swale, and later we find a William son of Walter Daniel had a Daniel among the monks of the same abbey/'
his
at
York.
Daniel witnessed the grant to
St.
contemporary with the same name as Mr. Stenton shows

described
1
own,
in
Cumberland.
in
that peasant holdings in Lincolnshire might have to be terms of feudal origin, pp. cxxxi-ii.
;
Hodgson, History of Northumberland, Vol. VI. (1902), p. 14 ff. Farrer, Early Yorkshire Charters, I., 438. Rayner of Stokesley (Bernard's and Daniel son of Walter attested a confirmation by Bernard of a steward) grant by Gui of Balliol to St. Mary's, York; Farrer, I., 440, No. 561. * William son of Daniel (Cartularium dc Whitcbv, Surtees Soc., I., 53-54, 60; Farrer, I., 447-448, No. 569), Daniel of Kirkby ( Farrer, I., 459 note). Jordan, son of Daniel of InglebyWhiteby, I., 54 Greenhow (Farrer, I., 451 note). And compare Daniel of Yarm, the little Cleveland port on the Tees (Cart. Prioratus de Gyseburne, Surtees Soc., II. 43). I., 97, 264 * 3 Ibid., II., 133, No. 791 (1100-1106). Farrer, I., 216, No. 277.
; ;
Cart, de Rievalle, Surtees Soc., p. 170. Wilson, Register of the Priory of St. Bees, Surtees Soc. (1915), 52-3, 83-4. pp.
J.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
Daniel was dominus
Daniel.
315
He
had been
to the schools,
and knew
Walter was magister Walterus. his Porphyry and Isidore.
His Sentences do not suggest that he had been very far afield, but the He may have been to Oxford or Paris Sentences are not a fair guide.
before he got his licence to teach
and become the Master Walter

1
re-
But I do not think that he membered by the monks of Rievaulx. went much further than York or Durham, and at York or Durham
he could have acquired a greater variety of intellectual interests than 2 Whether like that Master Walter, he would seem to have possessed.
to
whom
St.
Bernard wrote a famous
letter,
he had ever been tempted

century
by prospects of
doubt
'
the fame and dignity which
in the twelfth
came
I
to the successful teacher of the cathedral schools,

it.
we do
not know.
You may
:
glory in your fame, wrote Bernard,
and men
you are
"
may
call
you Rabbi, and you
may
bear a great
name
so long as
In upon the earth what will these things avail you afterwards ? the circle to which our Walter's father belonged, these words must
have been
familiar.
Abbot William
of Rievaulx,
who had been
St.
Bernard's amanuensis,
Walter had
perfect
his faults
;
may have been the first to write them down. he was too impulsive and excitable to be a
shall see,
monk
but, as
we
he agreed with
its
St.
Bernard that
the search after knowledge, whether for

glory,
is
own
sake or for one's
own
"
vanity.
He
shows
little
sympathy with that other
"
clericus
scolaris
who
entered Rievaulx and whose periodic longings for the

distress.
world caused Ailred such

Ailred himself has
an impression of Walter Daniel in his De Spmtuali Amicitia written towards the end of his life, when Walter
left
was one
of his closest companions.
Walter
gives us the clue, for he
says definitely that
two
of
of the characters in this dialogue

of
were
Ivo,
afterwards a
monk
Wardon, a daughter house
Rievaulx in
The catalogue of Rievaulx mentions the Sentencie Magistri Walteri, and the Psalterium Magistri Walteri James, Catalogue ofMSS., ofJesus College, PP 49, 50.
\
.
shall return to this point in the last section of the paper.
Saint Bernard to
I.,
Master Walter
I.,
of
ed. Mabillon,
col. 108, ep. 104.
The
Chaumont, Opera Sancti Bernardz, date is uncertain: Vacandard, Vie
de Saint Bernard (1895),
139-140.
316

1
Bedfordshire, and himself.
The
second book opens with a personal
conversation between Walter and the
Abbot
AlLRED
Come now,
?
brother,
I
why
did you
sit
apart from us,
all
by yourself, while
was
talking with those business
men
just
now
in
You were
directions,
the picture of vexation, turning your eyes

hair,
all
rubbing your brow, tugging at your
darting angry looks.
WALTER
Who
it,
could
sit
patiently
all
day, while those casual
servants of
right to
AlLRED
We
Pharaoh wasted your time, and we, who have a could not get in a word with you ? must bear with such people. They can be of
and we
also
service to us,
may have
reason to fear them.
But they have gone now, and
after the tiresome interruption,

2
we
can find
all
the more pleasure in our solitude.
this
Walter apparently took no interest in monastic economy perhaps is why he has so little to say about it in his life of Ailred, one of
:
the busiest and most sagacious
men
a
of his time.
Moreover, he was
not able to control his feelings

in his writings.
trait
which
finds frequent expression
We
get a more favourable glimpse of him at the be-
ginning of the third book of the
De
Spiritnali Amicitia.
In
the
course
of
the second book a certain Gratian has been introduced.
Gratian
lives to love
and be loved.
He
is
a devotee in the temple of

is
friendship (" alumnus amicitiae ").
When the dialogue
resumed, he
begs a brief delay, for Walter has not arrived, and Walter's presence is " understands more quickly than I do, is better informed necessary
He
'
in argument,
and has a
'*
better
memory
is
".
Do you hear that,

friendly than
"
Walter
**
:
says Ailred.
You
see,
Gratian
more
is
you thought."
But, though intellectually gifted,
Walter
how
should he
the friend of all
magnanimous not be a friend to me ?"
not
And
Here
again, Ailred's delicate criticism

1
is
confirmed by the Vita Ailredi.
edidit tres libros de spirituali amicitia sub luonem supradictum se interrogantem introduxit quorum pnmo dialogo. et me in sequentibus loquentem secum ordinauit."
Vita Ailredi,
In
f.
70
b.
"
P.L
/.,
CXCV,
col.
669
b.
672 a, 679 b. Ailred makes it quite clear, in the Caritatis and in the De Spin!. ///,/, that he depended during his Walter does monastic life on two particular friends, who died before him.
not refer to them.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
Walter was devoted
generous.
irritable,
317
not
quite
to
Ailred,
full
but his
devotion was
He
was too
a
of himself, quick to resent criticism,
an
a
so
perhaps
jealous
man.
One
feels
that
Ailred
felt
peculiar
tenderness
towards the "clerici scolares"
they were
quick, bright,
sincere, loyal,
and yet
so touchy, so impulsive, so self-
centred.
If
we
can
trust the
evidence of Leland and Bale, Walter Daniel
was a
prolific writer.
before the dissolution,
Leland saw the Rievaulx manuscripts shortly and his account of Walter and his writings de-
serves careful attention.
Walter Daniel, he
says,
was
the deacon of
Abbot
in learning,
list
He was worthy of his master, and, almost his equal wrote on the same philosophical and theological subjects. of his writings, Leland adds, is the best proof of this they deAilred.
;
serve publication after the long period of neglect in the library of a
few obscure monks.
Bale,
who
1 1
copies Leland's
note,
adds that
Walter
lived about the year

list
70 and died
at Rievaulx.
:
He
gives
the same
of writings
with
slightly different incipits
Centum sententiae \Ferculum sibi fecit salem z ]. Centum homiliae, Adventus Domini {sanctum tempus*\. Bale Adventus Domini nostri in carnem. Bale Mandasti Epistolae, justum volumen, Mandasti mihi. ut hoc sup fa vires. mihi De virginitate Mariae, Crebris me Gualterum \provocas*\.
: :
"
Expositio super
Missus
est angelus
Gabriel
".
De
De
honesta virginis
formula, Inprimis huius \inprima huius Bale operis particula *]. inprimis huius nostri operis. onere iumentorum austri libri ii, Animadvertens [mi
:
Gualter
1
4 ].
Bale
Animadvertens
in Esaiae
30
cap.
Leland, Commentarii de scriptoribus Britanniae (edit. Oxford, 709), ,200-201, chap. clxx. Tanner, Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica (1748), See also Selden's preface to the Decent Scriptores p. 218, copies Leland.
1
I.
(1652), pp. xxvii-viii. * Bale, Scriptorum illustrium maioris Britanniae catalogus (Bale, Bale is followed closely by Pits (Paris, 1619), p. 234. 213. p.
3
559),
lated
4
The incipit is omitted by MS. now in the Rylands

The
missing.
Leland, probably because he saw the mutiLibrary, from which the opening folios are It is given in the Rievaulx catalogue, James, op. cit., p. 49. words enclosed in brackets are found in Leland's Collectanea
HI., 38.
(edit.
Oxford, 1715),
318

De
De
vera amicitia
libri V, Qitasi in iatndudum spaciatu. [Pits
biuio.
:
Bale
Qitasi in 'binio
spaciatitr\
l
concepcione beatae
libri
ii.
Mariae contra Nicholaum monachum Contra Nicholai \monac hi \. Bale: Contra

[Pits
:
Nicholai de S. Albano quon.
quodam\
Ailred escaped Leland's notice. He was also unaware that Walter was the author of a work on the scope of philosophy, to
The
life
of
which reference
is
made
at the
end
of the
Centum Sententiae?
This,
with most of Walter's writings, As Leland observes, Walter's interests were very similar to Ailred's. The five books on friendship recall Ailred's De Spirit uati Anicitiae,
is lost.
the
two books on
the burdens of the beasts of the south (Isaiah xxx.
6) were presumably suggested by Ailred's famous sermons De oncribiis Isaiae, while in his writings on the Virgin he chose a theme dear to
the followers of St. Bernard,
and frequently made the occasion by

But
in at
least
Ailred of his devotional
discourses.
one respect
The abbot's Walter's interests were more theological than Ailred's. were either historical or ascetical. He seems to have had no writings
inclination,
indulge in
he certainly was not led by the influence of the schools, to Now, if Leland and Bale were theological speculation.
well informed, Walter wrote a treatise in
two books
against Nicholas,
Albans, on the subject of the immaculate conception. He plunged into one of the vexed questions of the day. As is well known, St. Bernard, though he did so much to inspire the Church
a
of St.
monk
with veneration for the Virgin, did not accept the dogma of the imHe used his influence to arrest the movement maculate conception.
which was making headway,

!
especially in Lyons, for the observance of
the feast of the Conception.

for
1
some
time.
It
In England this feast had been observed had been observed in several places before the
The words
Centum Sa:
enclosed in brackets are found in Leland's Collectanea

HI.,
,
(edit.
a
Oxford, 1715),
38.
f.
41
"
:
Hie huic
sententie sententiarum nostrarum
ultime finem pono, quare de his omnibus in libro nostro de perpropriis philoWalter may be referring, sophic secundo sufficienter dissertum recolo."
however,
to the
second book of Isidore's

,
,/>.
See especially col. 169-172. I., 'Ep. 174 in O/>era S. J> 78-96. Some early Cistercians Vacandard, Vie dc Sain. /, II., seem to have accepted the doctrine see the sermon attributed to Oglerio da Trino, Abbot of Locedio in the diocese of Vercelli, in Opera S. I nardi, II., col. 653 d.
;
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
Norman
many
the
of the great
319
Conquest, and early in the twelfth century it was revived in Benedictine houses. Anselm, Abbot of Bury St.
Edmunds, and nephew of St. Anselm, had been especially active in 50 the feast of the Conception was work of revival, and by
1
established in Westminster,
Winchester,
1
and
St.
Normandy.
Reading, Bury, St. Albans, Gloucester, 1 Worcester. similar movement spread in Bernard's attitude, therefore, was not shared by the
English Benedictines.
Among
those
who
followed
Anselm
Celle,
survive.
of
Bury
of
was Nicholas, a monk of St. Albans, whose treatise and two letters on the same subject to Peter de
Saint
against St. Bernard,

la
Abbot
3
Remi, afterwards
Bishop of Chartres,
still
As
Cistercian admirer of Bernard of Clairvaux
Walter Daniel apparently
sought to check the influence of Nicholas of St. Albans.
No
and
1
more
is
known
of
Walter and
his activities.
Between 1153
157 Bishop Hugh of Durham confirmed land in Allertonshire Rievaulx, and among the witnesses were Walter, monk and 4 The first Walter was perhaps chaplain, and another Walter, a monk.
to
the former chaplain of Walter Espec, founder of Rievaulx, the second
may have been
our Walter.
II.
THE "CENTUM
SENTENTIAE".
Of the writings attributed by Leland to Walter Daniel, only the Centum Sententiae has yet been identified. By a curious coincidence
it is
also the only
work
of
Walter mentioned
in the thirteenth century
catalogue of the Rievaulx Library.

in the
The
is
196, John Rylands Library, Robert Fawtier

:
manuscript, now Latin MS. described as follows by M.
Codex on
x
1
1
vellum,
45
leaves
and one
fly leaf in
paper.
252 mm.
56 mm.
Edmund Bishop in the Downside Review; April, 1886, an article reprinted in his Liturgica Historica (Oxford, 1918), p. 238 ff. 2 Vacandard, in Revue des questions historiques (1897), LXL, 166.
'
Mr. Bishop identified the treatise of Nicholas with MS. Bod. Auct. For the correspondence between Nicholas and Peter de la Celle, 8. see P.L. CCIL, col. 613-632, and Vacandard, Vie de Saint Bernard,
D.
4,
II.,
85, 86, 96. 4 Cart, de Rievalle, p. 27, No.
49
Fairer,
Early Yorkshire Charter;

f.
II.,
289, No. 952

5
compare Afterwards prior of Dundrennan (Vita Ailredi,

;
also
Nos. 954-955.
62
c).
320

Three manuscripts bound together
(1)
(2) (3)
MS. A, 6 leaves (ff. 1-6) signed III (f. 6 v ). MS. B, 8 leaves (ff. 7-14) without signatures. MS. C, 3 leaves (ff. 5-45) without signatures.
1
30
lines to
a page. English hands (a)

ff.
1
Written
in six
-6,
end
of the twelfth century. of the
0$)
ff.
7-14, nearly
same
time, but a
(<:)
ff.
little later.
(a)
f^rtiiA 37-41
ft.
15-36
,
,
!
,
first
i
.
all of
t
.
the
half
,
Initials in
and C), in red alone (MS. B). (MSS. reason too late a date must not be assigned to MS. C, green having been used very rarely in the drawing of initials
For
this
red and green
in the thirteenth
and
later centuries,
though very
common
in
the twelfth.
There are
rubrics in the margins
and
in the text.
Numerous notes have been made in the margins by different hands, some being additions to the text written by the copyists,
others,
now quite illigible, others, Thomas Comber, of whom

manuscript
is
by a fourteenth century hand, afterwards erased, and the majority, by the hand of
below.
Except
at the
end the
accurately written.
The
manuscript is bound in wooden boards once covered with white vellum of which fragments are still left. There are also remains of metallic ornaments on the cover.
The
manuscript unhappily
is
incomplete.
Two
gatherings
and
probably the first two leaves of the third are missing, and, as Leland docs not give the incipit of the work, they were probably missing in
the sixteenth century.
In
its
present form the text begins in the middle

the end of sentence
is
of the thirtieth sententia.
A leaf which contained

of sentence
73, sentence the leaves
74 and the beginning
75
missing between
leaf,
now numbered 24 and
25, also another
between the
leaves now numbered 28 and 29, which contained the end of sentence 81 and the beginning of sentence 82. The sentences end on f. 41 r and are followed by four homilies (ff. 41 V -45 V ). These also were
,
written by Walter Daniel.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
321
After the dissolution of the monasteries, the manuscript seems to have fallen into the hands of the Thorntons of East Newton, a manor
three or four miles south-east of Helmsley, in the parish of Stonegrave,
1
Ryedale Wapentake.
of the
For the following note
is
written in the margin
Author hujus MS. vocatur nomine waltheri folio forte opus est monachi illius Angli de quo legimus apud penultimo Baleum de Scriptor. Anglis"- then comes a quotation about Walter "imo folio antepenultimo reperitur nomen ejus Daniel from Bale
first
"
folio
perfectum
feruntur.
scilicet
Walterus Danielis.
T.
Comber,
1676".
opinor donee meliora proreference follows to Selden's

ita
note in the
Decem
Scriptores.
T. Comber, who thus
identified the
author of the Sentences,
and succeeded
to the
manor
In
was the son-in-law of the last of the Thorntons, He had made William of East Newton.
Thornton's acquaintance and joined his household

rector of Stonegrave.
after other
when
curate to the
1669 he became
rector of Stonegrave,
and
of
Durham.
preferment of various kinds, was presented to the deanery He was in his time a theologian and controversialist of
considerable repute.
to his son
After his death

both
of
in
1699,
East
Newton came
and grandson,
whom
were named Thomas.
Walter Daniel's manuscript aroused the grandson's curiosity. In August, 762, he wrote out in the margins translations of several of
1
the sentences
on the
and sermons and inscribed a tedious poem of over fifty lines Mr. Comber, who describes himself as curate of East fly-leaf. Newton (diaconus Neutoniensis), was impressed, as he well might be,
of
of
by the contrast between the Rievaulx ruins of his own, with their setting
landscape gardens.
Walter Daniel's day and the terraces, Greek temples, and

abbey Mr.
On
his
new
terrace overlooking the
Thomas Duncombe had

observer in
recently built
freely affected in the eighteenth century.
two temples, in the style so " At one end," wrote an
1810
;
to the
at
Gentleman
Magazine,
is
"is
circular
Tuscan temple
Ionic one.
It
the other (that nearest the abbey) a porticoed
The latter,
both within and without,
elegance.
1
consists of a single
room, the ceilings
marked by a chaste and cones of whick
Robert Thornton, the fifteenth century transcriber of the Thornton romances, was a member of this family.
Rev. T. Comber, Memoirs of the Life and Writings of Thomas Comber, JD.D. Dean of Durham (London, 1799); Victoria County D.N.B., XL, 435-437. History of Yorkshire, North Riding, I., 563
t ;
'
322
are
ornamented with paintings by Burnice, an Italian artist, some As from the most admired works of Guido." original, the others
Mr. Thomas Comber, B.A.,

loquized
late of Jesus College,
Cambridge,
soli-
The monk
On
A
He
to
beholds, but with astonish'd eyes, Rivalx well-known bank a temple rise, temple of /Egyptian form display'd,
his lov'd convent
is in
While
ruins laid.
reflected that the creator of this elegant retreat
had a natural
right
if
own
the manuscript which he

his intention,
had found
of
at
East Newton, and,
he carried out
the work
Walter Daniel passed with
Mr. Comber's poem and translations into the Library of Duncombe It was bought by the Rylands Library in 1914. Park. The first thirty sentences, as has been said, are missing, and the
original incipit
Ferculam
it
sibi fecit
salem
is
only
known from
list
the
mediaeval catalogue of the monastic library.

quire
will
The book
does not reits
nor does
invite
detailed examination.
of
contents
2
show
f.
1
the class of devotional literature to
which
it
belongs.
(end of sentence xxx).

et perseuerantia esse cernuntur.
Cum ueteri igitur Testamento

nouo
salubriter subsequuntur.
uetera
.
.
transierunt et
noua
in
Nempe
lege deficiente corporaliter defecerunt
Ephod
et
Teraphim, Euangelio uero subsequente

ant
spiritualiter perseuer-
Cherubim
et
Seraphin qui
Deum
sine fine laudare
non
cessant.
Amen.
maxime animam vegetant pinguedine
et
spiritali
XXXI. Duo
XXXII.
uita
uidelicet et uoluntas bona.
Misericordiam
judicium cantabo
tibi
domine.
XXXIII. Duo sunt motus anime ira XXXIV. Duo sunt caro et spiritus.
et concupiscentia.
XXXV.
XXXVI.
Omnis anima
aut calida est aut frigida.

:
Triformis est sanctarum status animarum
probatorius,
purgatorius, renumeratorius.
1
Gentletnaris Magazine, 1810, part temples were built shortly before 1 758
i.,
;
pp. 601-603. The terrace and see John Burton, Monas:
Eboraccnsc (York, 1758),
p.
560.
is
The
following transcript
due
to
Mr. Fawtier.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
XXXVII.
XXXVIII.
bonitas, disciplina, scientia.
323
:
Tria omnino necessaria sunt omni anime christiane
Tres sunt anime profectus

tertius
secundus consolationis,
[in.
primus consummationis.
:
est
penitentie,
marg.] primus compunctionis, secundus

tertius
indulgence,
purgate conscience.
XXXIX.
XL.
Tres sunt generales anime corruptiones, concupiscentia carnis, concupiscentia oculorum et superbia vite. Tres synt anime hostes
:
caro,
mundus, diabolus.
contra malum, et
XLI. Tria et tria, unum contra unum, bonum malum contra bonum.
XLII. Tres
laudatio.
sunt prolapse anime reparationes
confessio, precatio,
XLI
1 1.
Tribus pronuntiationibus diffinit apostolus caritatem videlicet ex corde puro, et conscientia bona et fide non ficta.
:
XLIV.
Tria sunt quibus anima per Dei gratiam pervenit ad per:
fectionem
admonitio, operatic, oratio.

:
XLV.
fili
Tria sunt oscula

;
oris sui
de primo dicitur osculetur me osculo de secundo dicit Ysaac filio suo da mihi osculum
:
:
mi
de
tertio est illud
domini cum Juda
osculo tradis
filium hominis.
XLVI. XLVI
Tres sunt panes similagineus, subcinericeus, ordeaceus. sunt specialiter columbe I. Tres prima et principaliter
:
est
que descendit super Jesum in Jordane secunda que ad Noe in archam attulit ramum olive tertia cujus pennas petiit David dicens quis dabit mihi pennas sicut columba.
; ;
:
XLVIII. Tres
plurimum derium
.
sunt anime affectus quibus adjuncta virtute

proficit
quamdesi-
ad salutem.
Sunt autem timor, amor,
IL.
Homo
tertius
\corr.
electus tres habet dies.

;
ad mortem
Primus est a nativitate usque secundus a morte usque ad carnis resurrectionem

;
a carnis resurrectione usque
in,
ut ita dixerim, sine fine.
finem].
L. Judas genuit Phares et

significatiua
fessionis
Zaram de Thamar.
Quatuor horum
nominum quamplurimum
ordinem insinuandum.
ualent ad
modum
Zara
con-
et
Judas nempe confitens

ortus
uel confessio,
Thamar
amaritudo, Phares diuisio,
aut oriens interpretatur.
324
LI.

Quatuor simt
et
crucis dimensiones, altitude, latitude, longitude
profondum.
sunt uirtutes cardinales multorum philosophorum apjudicio
LH. Quatuor
probate
necnon
:
doctorum
justicia,
catholicorum
autoritate
confirmate.
perantia.
Sunt autem
prudentia, fortitude, tem-
LI
1 1.
Quatuor sunt cornua
altaris thimiamatis.
LIV. Quatuor militibus qui Christum mundi uidelicet amor, elationis
crucifixerunt quatuor uitia
timer,
ca/nalis
uoluptatis
fetor, aliene felicitatis dolor intelligi possunt.
LV. Quatuor quidam

et
sunt quorum quidem duo habere sub pedibus duo debet conculcare perfectus. Unde David super as:
pidem
et
basilicum
ambulabis
est
et
conculcabis
leonem
et
draconem.
elatio, leo
Aspis
occulta detractio, basilicus est cordis
temeraria presumptio, draco perseverans desperatio.
LVI. Quatuor
modis
affligitur
corporis infirmitate,
saepius
perfectus. Aliquando prauorum persecutione, nonnun-
homo
quam
etiam diabolica temptatione, assidue uero uirtutum ex-
ercitatione.
LVII. Quatuor quedam sunt que beatum Job

circulum includere uidentur
:
intra
uir,
sanctitatis
uidelicet
quod
est
quod simplex,
humana.
quod
rectus,
quod timens
uigiliae
Deum
noctis
:
:
predicatur.
LVIII. Quatuor sunt
nox
uita
LIX. Quatuor
Johannes.
sunt
Evangeliste
Matheus,
Marcus, Lucas
et
LX. Quatuor
LXI. Quatuor
sunt in favo
sunt genera
cera, mel, dulcedo, artificium.
hominum
et
letitie
perfect orum, uidelicet, pes-
simorum, minus bonorum
minus malorum.
:
LXI
I.
Quatuor sunt genera
est
namque
letitia
perniciosa,
est superstitiosa, est fructuosa, est gloriosa.
LXI Quatuor sunt in homine uoluntas, LXIV. Quinque pertitus anime sensus
1 1.
mens, lingua, manus.

in
prothoplastis
nimis
obscuratus est ut ex genesi facile probari potest.

ipsi
Sunt autem
sensus quinque
uisus, auditus, odoratus, gustus et tactus.
LXV.
Quinque quedam
sunt
sine
quibus
salutis
humane non
pax, sanc-
consistit perfectio.
Sunt autem
fides, spes, caritas,
Deum. LXVI. Sub pennis animalium manus hominis subaudis

timonia sine qua
uidebit
nemo
erat.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
325
Quinque specialiter penne alam extendunt ad uolatum. Sunt autem spiritualiter carnis purgatio, mentis devotio, frequens divine laudationis confessio, recte sursum eleuationis
tentio, theorice speculationis contemplatio.
in-
LXVII. Jacob
et
Esau duo sunt
populi, electorum et reprobatorum,

:
de quibus Dominus Rebecce duo populi et due gentes ex uentre tuo dividentur.
.
.
in utero tuo
.
sunt
LXVIII. Duas
gentes odit anima mea, tertia autem non est gens

:
quam
oderim
qui sedent in
monte Feyr
et
Philistum et stultus
populus qui habitat in Sichimis. LXIX. Multis modis erudit nos magister noster Christus
preceptis,
nunc
nunc
prohibitionibus,
nunc
monitis,
nunc exemplis,
est inter
nunc etiam argumentis
conclusiuis.
LXX. Noe
uir Justus fuit in
generatione sua.
Magnum
pravos perfectionem
sanctitatis habere, inter iniquos
consequi
summam
arcem
justicie et
sine uirtutis
exemplo
in alio in se ipso
puritatis ostendere.
LXX
I.
Pauci
admodum
filii
episcopi
sex
uidelicet
est
seu
septem a
Nicena sinodo recedentes homousion id

itatem patris et
consubstantial-
non receperunt.
diues ualde
in
LXXII.
auri.
Erat
Abraham
possessione
argenti
et
qui aurum habent
Sunt qui habent argentum et non habent aurum et argentum non habent.
mulier hebrea fecit
et sunt
LXXIII. Una
istius
confusionem in
interpretatur
domo
regis
Nubugodonosor.
Nubugodonosor
. .
.
prophetans
modi signum.
[One leaf missing.'}
LXX VI.
LXXVII.
Dixit Ysaias Ezechie regi egrotanti
quia-morieris tu et
In diebus
non
illis
dispone domini tue Ysaias interpretatur salus. saluabitur Juda et Israel habitabit con:
uiues.
fidenter.
In quibus queso
illis
diebus
Plane
in
istis
quibus
.
nunc uiuimus mouemur
et suinus.
Ecce nunc tempus.

tua
LXXV1II.
sponsa. Sponsus sponsa se inuicem laudant in reciprocis preconiis alterutram

.
Fauus
distillans
labia
et
commendant pulcritudinem LXXIX. Spiritus meus super mel

.
dulcis et hereditas
mea
super
mel
et
fauum.
Quis
hie loquitur ?
Deus
326

LXXX.
LXXXI.
suam.
Nisi lauero te
non habebis partem mecum,

et
ait
Dominus
Petro.
Verum
Fecit
ueritas loquitur.
deus hominem ad ymaginem
similitudinem
Ad
imaginem
ut
secundum
modum suum quomodo

.
. .
Deui
et rationalis esset et immortalii.
\One leaf missing^
LXXXIII.
fugit
cogitet.
Fugite fornicationem dicit Apostolus.

fornicationem.
.
Tribus raodis
homo
.
.
Fugit itaque ut de muliere non
LXXXIV.
fur,
Sex quidam sunt pastor, mercenarius, Parabolam istam ita edissero. lupus.
: .
.
ovis,
canis,
LXXXV.
LXXXVI.
uberem
Qui
facit
peccatum seruus
est
peccati.
Miseranda
seruitus seruire peccato quia qui seruit peccato seruit etiam
diabolo cui seruire est perire.
Tria sunt
in oue.
Lana,
lac, limus.
Lana
calefacit
algentem,
lac reficit
esurientem, limus
humum
:
infecundam
facit et fertilem.
LXXXV1I.
Tria maxime monacho
unt necessaria
.
. .
ut uidelicet
uoluntatem suam diuine subiciat uoluntati.
LXXXV1II. Tre
et Jacob,
patriarche
principales
.
.
Abraham,
Isaac
omnes pastores
fuerunt.
LXXXI X.
XC. Cum
Tria
hominum genera
sunt.
Sunt enim
homines
prudentes sine simplicitatis innocentia et sunt

prudentia.
simplices sine
. . .
Sunt autem limplices
et prudentes.
consummauerit homo tune

uite
incipit.
Omni
electo homini
.
.
.
due sunt
una
in
hoc seculo altera
in futuro.
XCI. Venter
fragilitas
eit in
illius
eburneus distinctus
saphiris.
Venter sponsi
est
humanitatis domini quia uentri nichil fragilius
XCI
I.
homine, nichil tenerius, nichilque facilius ledi potest. Qui timet Deum faciet bona. Non ait qui timet Deum
:
facit
bona quia qui

sin't
Deum
ad me
ueraciter timet.
et bibat.
XCIII. Qui
inuitat
ueniat
Non
hie Christus
ad
se
et
sitientem
.
aquam quam
bibunt
cum hominibus
est
pecoribus.
XC1III. Tota pulcra es arnica mea

uel sancte matri ecclesie.
et
macula non
in
te.
Si hec sponsi uerba dicta intelliguntur sancte cuilibet
anime
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
XCV.
327
Non incongrue per Mulierem fortem quis inuenietur. mulierem fortem anima sancta et perfecta que bonis operibus
.
.
Deum suum. XCVI. Manum suam

perfecta
potest.
.
.
misit
ad
fortia,
ait
Salomon, de sancta
et
anima
.
que
Deo
ueraciter
cum
David
dicere
XCVI XCVI
1C.
I.
Quinque monacho maxime
sunt necessaria.
. .
Oris uidelicet
silentium usque
II.
ad interrogationem.
susspiro.
Antequam comedam
et
Haec
.
.
sunt uerba bead

.
Job
utinam
sint
mea, utinam
sint tua.
Duo
ubera tua ut duo hinnuli capree gemelli. hominis in rebus arduis florido principio.
. .
Omnis conatus
.
C. Bonilatem
et disciplinam et scientiam
doce
me
ait
David Deo.
anime sunt
Tres hec petitiones David a

substanciales
.
.
Deo
quasi
tres
(f.
40 v -41 r ) Possunt
itaque bonitati dis-
cipline et scientie, tres philosophic partes,
congrue coaptari,
ethica, scilicet, phisica logica, id est, moralis naturalis rationalis.
Ethica componit mores, phisica disponit cognationes, logica Ethica legem destruit que est in prudenter profert sermones.
dicitur mentis, logica ratione
membris, phisica contra legem peccati legem defendit que bene regit statum totius hominis.
Ethica propellit a corpore peccata sensualia, phisica excludit a mente peccata spiritualia, logica in animam introducit bona
intellectualia.
Hie huic
sententie
sententiarum
nostrarum
ultime finem pono, quia
de
his
omnibus
in libro nostro
de
perpropriis philosophic secundo sufficienter dissertum recolo.

Sit
omnibus rievallensibus a deo pax
et ueritas sine fine et
sanctimonia.
Amen.
numero centum.
"
in the sense of the schools.
Expliciunt sententie
These are not

sunt
"
sentences
In spite
of the attempt at systematic
arrangement
duo
sunt, tria sunt,
quatuor
and the play which Walter makes with the traditional division of 1 philosophy into ethics, physics, and logic, the book has no philosophiScholastic
cal interest.
method was
lib.
painfully achieved in the twelfth
Isidore,
of this Platonic definition
Etymologiarum, and
its
3 seqq. the history ii., XXIV., modification in the twelfth century, see
II.
On
Grabmann, Geschichle der Scholastischen Methode, 22
(1911), 30-54.
328
century through the compilation and elaboration of sentences by the These sentences in the first instance were masters of the schools.
classified collections of extracts, theses
and
"
reflections,
flores
drawn from the
Scriptures, the
singulari
Fathers, and Canons

sententias
nomine,
in
appellare".
quos solemus, quasi sententia by a slight
advance
meaning became a
definition or exposition of the true
mean.
ing of a passage (intelligentia textus)
and
finally in the
Summae
tcntiarnm and Libri Sententiantm which appeared in the last period of the century the sentence is, to use the later phrase of Albert the Great,
"
conceptio definita et certissima
fairly
1
".
Peter the Lombard's sentences,
which can
dogma, were
taries
of this last type.
be described as an encyclopaedic synopsis of Christian The great schoolmen of the thirteenth
century cleared their minds and developed their systems in upon the sentences of the Lombard.
commenIt
is
Walter's work has no place in

fanciful exercise in edification,
this intellectual progress. in
which only
it
form distantly
recalls the
has grown out of the collections of extracts and flowers of speech the Rievaulx catalogue mentions several such and doubtless much of it would be familiar to
sentences of the schools.
scholars
Like these,
who
is
are versed in the
devotional and
homiletic
St.
literature
between the days of St. Isidore of Seville and
Bernard.
But
He is really influenced by the methods of the preacher. sermon headings into neat patterns under the mystical inarranging Numerical combinations, especially spiration of Bernard and Ailred.
Walter
As is well have always had a fascination for the mystic. known, this mystical appreciation of numbers developed under the
the triad,
influence of writings attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite, translated
in the tenth century
by Scotus Erigena,
Bible and
into a precise description of
the powers
and
hierarchies of the universe.

of the
But
for the
needs of eveiy
day a knowledge
preacher
the earth
sufficed.
is
Solomon had
and
set the
the traditional methods of the " For three things example.

it
disquieted,
for four
which
cannot bear/*
".'
'
There
be four things which are

Denifle, in Arch alters\ I., 587; Ghellinck,
1
little
upon the earth
In the writings of
itur-und Kircliengeschichte df
I.
,
a
II.,
'/////<;/<..
p.
131
2
Grabmam
21-23;
p.
M. de Wulf,
M4), History of Medi
,-"/>//
r (Eng. Trans.. 1909), Proverbs xxx. 21, 24.
206.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
the mystical school dominated by St.
parallels to
329
Bernard,
Daniel.
the sentences of Walter
we can find many Wood, hay, stubble

four mountains to be
of loving.
1
correspond to three kinds of men.
There are
ascended, four fountains of the Saviour, four
ways
In a
Liber Sententiarum extracted from the sermons of the time, we have a work which, if its method were not so obvious, might have suggested
to
St.
Walter
his
own more
systematic
and
deliberate production.
2
From
tells
Bernard the anonymous collection takes the three

remembrance, and contemplation.
kisses of recon-
ciliation,
Another sentence
is
us
of the three doors through

of faith,
which entrance
made
into
life
the truth
which
is
is
the door behind
which Sara
laughs, the firmness of
hope, which
(caritatis
the door in the side of the ark, the strength of charity
soliditas)
3
which
is
the door kept by the
Cherubim with the
flaming sword.
St.
Bernard developed fancies of
this
kind with a passionate ori
ginality and penetration into the experiences of the soul which can Ailred wrote with the serenity of the man who still give them life.
is
sure of himself
and
quietly
aware
of the foibles
originality
and
difficulties of his
hearers.
fertile
Walter Daniel had neither
nor serenity.
His
imagination revelled in these devotional exercises, but
he had no
literary
charm
and a
as
or spiritual force.
little
few casual
4
recollections of the
schools, as
outburst in praise of the Cistercian rule are about

his meditations.
;
much
we
can glean from
He
himself seems to
increasingly homiletic in tone and are at last indistinguishable from sermons. I
have become
tired of his plan
the sentences
become
quote a passage from the beginning of the 96th sentence as a specimen It is also a good illustration of the difficulties to which of his style.
the allegorical exposition of the Vulgate
was exposed
Sermones de diversis, XXX., LXL, XCVL, Bernardi, Vol. I, coll. 1152, 1199, 1224, 1229.
'
CL,
in
Opera S.
These short sentences are printed in the Opera S. Bernardi, Vol. II., " 788 ff. No. 162 "oscula tria sunt corresponds to No. 8 in the sentences taken from St. Bernard (I., 1245). Ailred also deals with this subject in his De Spirituali Amicitia (P.L., CXCV., coll. 672-673). His three kinds of kiss, as also Walter Daniel's (Sententia No. 45), are different from
coll.
St. Bernard's.
3 4
Liber Sententiarum, No. 50. Sentential, Nos. 87, 97, 100.

1
330
"

Manum
suam
misit
ad
fortia,
says Solomon, of the holy

truly say to
and
will
perfect soul
which with David can
God,
my following sentence must receive a different interpretation in accordance

with
fortia,
commit
strength (fortitudinem) to
Thee.
The
the preceding moral sense.
Manum
literal
suam
misit
I
ad
ask,
he
says, et digiti eius

is
apprehenderunt fusum.
what consequence
dumtaxat
there in the
. . .
meaning
of
(in
littere
is
superficie).
For the end
the sentence
concerned with weakness, not with strength. What is the holds the distaff with the hand, plucks if a suggestion person
the wool and draws the thread along to the spindle ?
Do
rather
not
all
these things relate to the labour of

If
weak women
than the deeds of strong men ? why are they read in churches ?
they are not allegorical,

are passages of this
locis
Why
kind recited before the people in sacred places (in albis " quia sacris) if they do not carry spiritual meanings ?
Four short sermons follow the hundred sentences
in the
Rylands
MS. :(a)
f.
41 V
Sermo
breuis
de beato Johanne Baptiste.
Fuit
homo
a
missus a
Deo
cui
nomen
fuit.
erat
lohannes.
Ecce
quomodo
uerbo substantiuo
lohannes
Euangelista
beatum lohannem Baptistam subito introduxit in seriem theologie sue ut quasi duo seraphin clament aduinicem.
. . .
f.
42
r
.
(jExplicit).
Infra
quorum ambitum murorum precursos
domini lohannis quadrata equalitate uitae sue apicem in medio suspendit ut nulla ex parte in aliquo excedens uel plus uel minus ageret quam deberet per Christum Dominum nostrum.
Amen.
(b) Uiderunt
stellam
eius
Magi.
ita
Quemadmodum,
tarn
dilectissimi,
lane
species
colorata
substantia
pretio
quam
decore
mutatur in melius
quoque
ueri assertionem eloquentie flore

. . .
uestitam etiam eruditi auditores.

f.
43
r
.
{Explicit).
Sufficiant uobis
haec pauca erudiris corde

paruulis
istis
in sapientia.
'
Nunc autem de eadem apotheca

The Hebrew
"
"
kishor
translated
Proverbs xxxi.
19.
<f>epovra (LXX) or av&peia, whence "distaff" in the A. V. 2 Centum Senfetttiae, (. 36V

.
the
Vulgate "ad
forlia,"
is
-/*rendered
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
micas non panes porrigemus.
Danielis.
(^)
f.
331
Solet
sic
facere sepius Walterus
Amen.
intra uos est.
43 V
Regnum Dei
non excedat.
. .
Quisquis, dilectissimi, uerbo

et
proximum edificare desiderat, metas ingenii

uires
f.
scientie
sue
44'.
(Explicit).
Est
autem omnis ypocrita

Sancte Deus
fictus
unde
nullus gaudet in Spiritu Sancto quia teste Scriptura Spiritus
Sanctus
effugit fictum.
Spiritu
in
te
semper
((f)
Amen. gaudeat Walterus. V a me quia mitis sum et humilis corde, dicit f. 44 [Djiscite
.
films
Dei.
Quomodo,
dilectissimi, uita carnis
corporeo sub-
tracto
alimento
periclitatur
in
.
mortem,
. .
ita
quoque
uirtus
anime uerbi attenuata penuria.

f.
.
Et quoniam hodierna die sanctorum om45 V (Explicit). nium sollempnia celebramus, demus operam per humilitatis meritum ad eorum peruenire consortium.
. .
In the last
philosophy to three sorts of bread,
sermon Walter compares the three parts (sectas) of and elaborates their virtues in the
quoted from the last of his sentences. from the second sermon, that on the interesting passage of the Magi, is worthy of quotation, for it is the only one which story throws light both on the extent of his reading and his attitude to the
manner
of the passage already
more
learning of the schools.

(f.
42 V
line 12).
"
It
now
remains, in honour of the infant Christ, ancient philosophers.
to
say something also of the
They
knew God
as a Creator, but they did not glorify
Him
as
God or give thanks, but lost themselves in their imaginings. To be darkened, a thing must in some measure be capable of
For example, a black crow or a dead coal is 1 not darkened, but gold, silver, electrum, and such-like can be darkened. In so far, therefore, as the philosophers knew
giving light.
God
their hearts
were
in
worshipped idols were darkened. Plato, the greatest of them (ipse princeps eorum Plaid), both said and wrote that God had
hearts
1
as they
some degree shining, but in so far and offered sacrifices to them, there
Isidore of Seville,
solis
Etymologiarum,
lib. xvi.,
24
"
:
Electrum uocatum
quod ad radium
clarius auro
argentoque reluceat ".
332

created
all things,
yet he used to worship idols
and
to en-
Moreover, he had very erroneous ideas about creatures, for he asserted both in word and writing that human souls pass into the
courage
bodies of beasts.
their worship.
His heart was darkened.
No
in
one blessed with
faith {fide formosus)
seeing the blackness of this opinion. that fine Platonist and scholar (flatoniciis Apuleius, again, nobilis et bene latinus), affirmed certain demons to be good
difficulty
has any
and
and
are
called
larvas.
them eudemones
I
bad demons he
good.
called
lemurs
say that no
demon can be
change
All demons
bad and are unable
to
their evil natures, for
no
demon can be moved by

which the sweets
the affection of charity, without
of goodness cannot be desired or acquired.

ini;
Hence,
quity.
I
.
all
. .
those philosophers perished because of their
Their books are not read
in the
Church
of
God
say, the Topics of Cicero, Aristotle's Categories, the Intro-
And
pity,
duction of Porphyry are not read in the Church/' " in the last sermon Walter says Our Master Christ did
;
not teach grammar, rhetoric, dialectic in his school
he taught humility,
and righteousness 'V

cannot be certain that Walter Daniel had read
of Salisbury.
We
He
Apuleius
was no John
He
could find the Platonic theory of
the transmigration of souls, and the Apuleian demonology in Isidore
and Macrobius."
of the
i
The
Topics and the translations made by Boethius

of Porphyry's
Categories and
Isagogc were the
logical text-
books of the schools.

HI.
THE
Until
1
"
VITA AILREDI
life
". in
90
the only mediaeval
of
Ailred available
print
was
that included
1
by John Capgrave
.
in
his collection of
the lives of
" V Rylands MS., f. 45 Magister noster Christus in schola sua non docuit grammaticam rethoricam dialecticam sed docuit humilitatem mansuetudinem et iustitiam." The Schola Christi, and its difference from the schools of the world, were favourite themes of St. Bernard.
6, II. Cf. Augustine, t lib. viii., John of 26, for pagan ideas of daemones. Salisbury mentions Plato's doctrine of transmigration in his PoKcratic*S% lib vii., c. 10 (ed. Webb, II., 134) and frequently quotes Apuleius: see
Seville,
lib.
lore of
De
Etymottgumtm
c.
civitate J)n,
ii.,
Webb's
index.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
English
saints.
333
de
This was
first
printed by
Wynkyn
Worde
in
Bollandus reprinted it in the first volume of the 1 Mabillon under the date 12 January. scholars of the seventeenth century who were interested in " I have his writings knew of no other life of the saint.
1516.
A eta
Sane-
torum'm 1643,
and other
Ailred and
received a
of
letter
from
Dom
Citeaux to Luc d'Achery.
Mabillon," wrote the Cistercian "
J. life
de Lannoy
He
'
tells
me
that the
of the blessed
Ailred
is
in
Bollandus.
knew
that already, but
it is
nothing more
than that given by Capgrave."
In the appendix to his edition of
Wynkyn de Worde's Nova Legenda

in
1
90
script,
Angliae, published at Oxford Dr. Carl Horstmann printed from an important Bury manunow Bodleian MS. 240, a number of saints' lives, including a
1
,
somewhat
fuller
version of the
life
of Ailred.
As
is
now
well known,
Capgrave had simply rearranged

graphical material collected by
in the fifteenth century the hagio-
John
of
Tynemouth
:
at St.
Albans
in
this is still extant in a the second quarter of the fourteenth century Cottonian manuscript (Tib. E. 1) and is known as the Sanctilogium Angliae. The Bodleian MS. 240, which was written at Bury St.
Edmunds
collection
in
1377 and the succeeding

by John
of
years,
also seems to contain

life
materials collected
is
Tynemouth.
3
The
of
Ailred
in this
longer, yet strikingly similar, to the life in the

4
it.
Angliae, afterwards used by Capgrave,

naturally supposed that the latter
is
Sanctilogium and the Bollandists have
a summary of
closer ex-
amination of the two versions shows this view to be erroneous.
As
each
we
shall see, they are
both summaries,
made independently
of
other, of the life of Ailred written
by Walter Daniel.
Walter's
life
of Ailred,
5
though noticed as early as 1865 by Sir
Thomas Duff us Hardy,

graphers.
l
has hitherto escaped the attention of hagio-
It
survives in a manuscript written late in the fourteenth

I.,
Acta Sanctorum, January,

This
letter,
749 (1643).
which is undated, has been printed in the Revue Mabillon% The writer states later that Mabillon August, 1914-Dec., 1919, p. 135.
was
using Ailred, with other writers, in giving exercises to novices. 3 The texts are in Horstmann, Nova Legenda Angliae I., 41-46
',
II.,
For John 544-553. the first volume.

4
of
Tynemouth's work see the valuable introduction

II.,
to
Bibliotheca hagiographica latina, Vol.

b,
Supplement,
p.
1342,
Nos. 2644
5
2645
(Brussels, 1901).
Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue of Materials relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, II., 292 (Rolls Series, 1865).
334
It was acquired by century, probably in the monastery of Durham. the seventeenth century, and came with Thomas Man at the end of
other manuscripts to Jesus College, Cambridge.
The
letter
life
of
Ailred
occupies folios Daniel to a certain Maurice

.
63 v
to
74 r
It is
preceded by a
is
from Walter
(ff
61 a-63 b) and
followed by a lamen-
tation,
also a characteristic outburst
by Walter
clear neat
(ff.
74
a- 75 b).
All
three works are written in the
same
hand.
Each chapter
begins with a small illuminated capital.
The
life
was
written sometime before the letter to Maurice and

In a short dedication to a certain
the lamentation.
Abbot
(iiirorn;n
dulcissimo abbati //.), Walter refers to the recent death of Ailred. There is no definite evidence that any Abbot H., likely to be familiar
with Rievaulx, was living
is
in
67, the year of Ailred's death, but
it
Abbot Hugh had already been elected at Revesby and almost certain that Abbot Henry then ruled at Waverley." Waverley was the senior Cistercian house in England and was doubtless in close on the other hand, Revesby was a daughter of touch with Rievaulx A cryptic allusion in the and was not very far away. Rievaulx,
possible that
;
letter
which Walter wrote
later to
Maurice suggests
3
that this sweet -
natured
I
Abbot H. was named Henry. am inclined to identify him with Henry

1
If
this inference is
sound,
of
Waverley.
For a description see One or two additions
.S>tv,v//v;;:
Jesus College, Cambridge, MS., Q. B. 7. James, Descriptive Catalogue, pp. 28-29, No. 24.
may be made
n
(ff.
to this description.
The
second item, the
13-50), is the work ascribed by Tanner to the canonist William " de Pagula," vicar of Winfield (fl. 1350). The summary of the /it's.' * is of course a summary of the chronicle compiled by John of Tyne-
mouth.
Both
it
Durham provenance.
-
and the calendar included in this manuscript betray a The work of Walter Daniel is followed by an in-
complete copy of Ailred's
De
'Jo.
75 V ).
1
;
by Hugh, which I have found, and which can be dated, belongs to the year 75 (Cart, a',82, No. 32 for the date see No. 1 33). charter definitely dated January, 76, 'its illustrative of the A//.On Stenton, p. 215, No. 285. the other hand, Abbot Philip, who died in 66, was succeeded by Gualo, so that it is unlikely that Hugh was abbot when Walter Daniel beearliest charter, attested
1
1
The
Henry, third Abbot of Waverley, died in 182, but as his 1 28, Gilbert was elected in predecessor Henry was doubtless elected before the date of Ailred's death in 167. Gilbert was alive in 148 ( Monas.'ici II., 241, 242, V. 238).
gan
his
work.
"
Hinc
"
(f.
est illud
Henrici dicentis
[e]
cuius
ore sermo melle dulcior
profluebat
62
d).
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
Ailred had to face a good deal of opposition during his
scandals revived,
death.
if
335
life,
and
we
1
are to believe Walter, immediately after his
as
It was said by some that he had worked for his own election Abbot of Rievaulx. When Walter's work appeared, it met with much criticism. His description of Ailred's chaste and ascetic life as
a youth at King David's Court, the miracles which he alleged Ailred to have worked, the extravagant language which he used about the
brightness of the saint's corpse
were
to
especially criticized.
prelates,
certain
Maurice had shown the work
two
and
it
was
as a reply
to their animadversions, reported
long
letter
by which precedes the biography proper

I
Maurice, that
Walter wrote the

in the
Durham
give apology both the criticisms of the prelates and Walter's reply are The identity of excellent illustrations of mediaeval habits of thought.
manuscript.
this interesting
in
full at
the end of this
paper, for
Maurice and
natured
of the prelates
I
is
as doubtful as the identity of the sweetstill
Abbot H.
have urged elsewhere and
think
it
quite
likely that
Maurice was Ailred's predecessor, a learned monk who from Durham to Rievaulx about the year 38, and was migrated
1
1
elected abbot after
Abbot William's death

as
in
45.
On
was
his
his retire-
ment
in
1147 he continued
to live at Rievaulx, except for a brief

of
left
interval of a
1
few weeks
if
Abbot
Fountains.
He
end
living in
163, and,
we
assume that he
Rievaulx
to
days
else-
where, he would be as obvious a correspondent and critic of Walter 2 Daniel as we could find. But when I made this suggestion I was not aware of the existence in 67 of another Maurice, a few miles
1
1
from Rievaulx.
This was Maurice, Prior of Kirkham, the home of Austin Canons, founded, ten years before he founded Rievaulx, by Walter Espec, Lord of Helmsley. friend Mr. Craster has
My
called
my
attention to writings of Maurice, contained in a fifteenth
century manuscript now in the Bodleian Library. more important is a polemic, which can be dated 1
The
1
earlier
1
and
69-
76, contra
Salomitas, or those
who
It Marys, was a man. and Prior of Sempringham.
hold that Salome, the companion of the two is dedicated to Gilbert, the famous founder
This
is
followed by an
epistle, of
later
Vita Ailredi, f. 69 a. See my paper on Maurice e

<
of
Rievaulx in the English Hist. Rev.,
, Jan. 1921,
XXXVL,
17-25.
336

Archbishop
of
of
date, to Roger,
In
Maurice
Kirkham we
York, and some complimentary verses. have another likely, perhaps still more
service.
It
likely, critic at
Walter Daniel's
so
would be
delightful
if
in
Prior Gilbert and Archbishop

prelates
who annoyed Walter

for his
Roger we could much.

life
see the
two carping
A brief
Tynemouth
examination of the
of
Ailred compiled by John of
Sanctilogium Angliae the work copied by Capgrave and printed by the Bollandists shows that it is based enThe compiler had before him the text both tirely on Walter Daniel.
of the life proper,
and
of the later letter to
Maurice
but as he
made
no
distinction
partially,
between them, and selected his material from them imthe original character of the two pieces is obscured. Miracles
the letter to
taken
from
Maurice begin and end John's summary.
his extravagancies are
Walter's personal recollections, as well as his rhapsodies, are omitted, pruned, and his verbose narrative frequently cut
a few terse sentences.
other
of Walter's book,
down to The
in
summary
first
printed by
Horstmann
tion to the better of
1901 from the Bury manuscript known work. It

;
now
may
in
the Bodleian, has no rela-
have been acquired by John
can hardly have been made by him. The author used a manuscript which contained Walter's life of Ailred, and also his later letter to Maurice. He summarized or extracted passages
Tynemouth
it
which John
which,
all
of
Tynemouth passed
over,
and he disregarded passages
in
the Sanctilogium, John used.
He
omitted, for example,
references to Ailred's journey to Galloway,
and
to
Walter's
stric-
tures
the text of
on Galloway Walter
society.
Although he made only one addition

fact that
to
a reference to the
Henry, the King's
Abbot of Melrose were brought up with Ailred at King David's court' he had definite views of his own about Ailred. In a short appendix to his compendium he shows
son and Waldef, afterwards
himself familiar with
the criticisms
which had been made against
attempts to prove from Ailred's own writings that the saint's early life was not so spotless as Walter would have us believe." He then proceeds to atone for this assertion of his
parts of Walter's work.
1
He
Bodleian MS., Hatton, 92, Horstmann, Nova L,
ff.
1-37.
II.,
545.
This insertion may have come
from Jocelin's Life of a Ibid., II., 552-553.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
independence by referring
livered
his readers to the eulogy
337
upon Ailred de-
by Gilbert, Abbot
of
Hoilandia (Swineshead).
1
Abbot
Gilbert's eulogy has survived.
When
the
news
of Ailred's
death reached Swineshead, he was preparing one of his sermons upon the Song of Songs. He had reached the words, " I have gathered my myrrh with my spice I have eaten my honeycomb with my
:
"
honey
friend.
(v.
).
What
abbot meditated upon the abundant nature of his a rich honeycomb had been taken from the world
!
The
And
he slipped into
his discourse a little sketch of Ailred.
III.
AILRED.
The Abbot
and modest
speech.
Swineshead thought of Ailred as a man of serene spirit, equable and unworried, alert in mind, deliberate in He had often watched him in conversation and remembered
of
how
patiently
he suffered interruption.
Ailred would stop
until
the
speaker had emptied his soul and the torrent of words

quietly resume what he had been saying.
tranquillity
later,
was
over,
then
A similar
:
impression of
forty years
and forbearance
is
given in the portrait
by
Jocelin of Furness in his life of St.
drawn Waldef
"
He was
man of
fine old
English stock (ex
ueterum Anglorum
school early
illustri stirpe procreatus).
He
left
and was
brought up from boyhood in the Court of King David with Henry the king's son and Waldef. In course of time he
became
first
a monk, afterwards
Abbot
of
Rievaulx.
His
self-
school learning
was
slight,
but as a result of careful
discipline in the exercise of his acute natural powers,
he was
cultured above
many who have been
thoroughly trained in
secular learning.
He
drilled himself in the study of
Holy
Scripture
and
for
left
a lasting memorial behind him in writings
distinguished
struction,
by
their lucid style,
and wealth
of edifying in-
and understanding.
integrity,
1
he was wholly inspired by a spirit of wisdom Moreover, he was a man of the highest
of great practical
wisdom, witty and eloquent, a
sermon on the Canticles. St. Bernard had left off.
Mabillon, Opera S. Bernardi, II., col. 140, in Gilbert's forty-first Gilbert began his work on the Canticles when
338

pleasant companion, generous
these qualities,
and
all
discreet.
And, with
prelates of
all
he exceeded
his fellow
the
of
Church
}
in
his patience
for the
and
tenderness.
He
was
full
sympathy
others."
infirmities,
both physical and moral,
of
Rather
of
later
Ailred
in his metrical
than Jocelin of Furness, Nicholas of Rievaulx wrote Ailred eulogy of the Abbots of Rievaulx.
was comparable
to St. Benedict, St.
Maur,
St.
Bernard
Maurus
erat maturis moribus et Benedictus

:
Exemplo
But with Nicholas
legend.
similis
Bernardo, coelibe
vita.*
we
already reach the indiscriminate region of
Gilbert of Hoiland and Jocelin of Furness give the salient

of Ailred's character
traits
personality of the abbot
exuberant
style.
The clearly than Walter Daniel does. somewhat obscured by Walter's fanciful and Walter's work none the less is the best account
more
is
which we have
of the early history of the Cistercian
movement
in the
north of England, and with the help of Ailred's own writings and of contemporary letters, charters and chronicles, we can get from it an
intimate impression of the abbot's
life
1
and surroundings.
1
1
He
new
1
died,
1
1
says Walter, on
2 January,
in
66, that
is,
in
the
style,
67.
As
he was then
his fifty-seventh year
he was
Vita S. Waldeni in Acta Sanctorum, August, I., 257 d, e. Jocelin wrote the life c. 1210-1214. His verses on the Nicholas wrote early in the reign of Henry III.
Abbots
tant in
(MS.
St.
of Rievaulx, which contain several bad chronological errors, are exa manuscript which formerly belonged to the priory of St. Victor 1030) and is now MS. Lat 15157 in the Bibliotheque Nationale.
Extracts were
first printed from this by John Picard of Beauvais, Canon of Victor, in his edition of William of Newburgh's Chronicle (Paris,
They were reprinted by Hearne, in his edition (III., Victor MS. contains five letters of Nicholas (f. 85>). 643) M. Bemont kindly informs me that one letter is addressed to Prior W. of
1610), pp. 681-683.
The same
St.
to N. of Beverley. an excellent life of Ailred, under the name Ethelred, in the In this written by Dr. W. Hunt Dictionary of National paper I shall deal more particularly with the significance of certain aspects of
Byland and four

*
There
is
Ailred's
4
life and character. Vita Ailredi, f. 73 c.
He
the day before the Ides of January,
died about the fourth watch of the night of 1 66. This would be the day which
1
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
born about 1110.
place, but
339
Walter
tells
us nothing of his parentage or birth-
on these matters
the Hexham chroniclers. work on the saints of well connected, and prominent in the His family was well-to-do, This strict Cistercian came neighbourhood of Durham and Hexham.
of a long line of
If
we have sufficient Hexham and from
information from Ailred's
married
priests, learned,
respectable, conscientious.
were many such families in Northumbria, it is easy to understand why the movement for a celibate clergy made such slow proAilred's father, Eilaf, son gress in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.
there
of
Eilaf,
lived in the period of transition.
He
was
the last of the
almost say hereditary priests of Hexham. His had been a strong one. He had lands and good position in Tynedale His father had been treasurer of Durham the local connections.
priests
;
we may
Archdeacon William, was

English gentry of
sufficient to secure
his
kinsman
2
;
and
his influence
among
the
Northumbria, north and south of the border, was

the favour of the
hills
King
of the Scots,
who
frequently
held his court across the
at
Roxburgh.
But he could not stem
the
new movements from the south. In his boyhood he had seen the southern monks of Winchcomb and Evesham pass from J arrow to Durham and had watched the building of the great church and
He had seen monks monastery by Bishop William of St. Carileph. from St. Albans come to Tynemouth, where the bones of St. Oswiu
were.
The
turn of
the lord of the regality,
Hexham, long threatened, came in 1113, when Thomas II., Archbishop of York, sent Austin
canons to restore Wilfrid's foundation and guard the bones of Saints Eilaf was strong enough to force a Acca, Eata, and Alchmund.
compromise.
began
He retained a life
interest as priest of
Hexham
with the
at compline on the 11 th, and the fourth watch would be in the early The Cistercian calendar begins with January, but the hours of the 12th. Cistercians are believed to have helped to spread the custom of beginning
March, according to the Florentine use. James Raine, The Priory of Hexham (Surtee's Society 1864), Vol. I., A. B. Hinds, in the History of Northumberland, Vol. III., pp. 1-lxvii. Hexhamshire, Part I, 119 ff. (Newcastle, 1896). 2 Vita Ailredi, f. 61 d. This William son of Thole (Toli?) is doubtless William the Archdeacon named Havegrim, who was present at the 04 Reginald of Durham De admirandis translation of St. Cuthbert in Bcati Cuthberti uirtutibus, p. 84 (Surtees Society, 1835). Havegrim is doubtless a misreading of Haregrim (or Arnegrim), for which name see V.C.H. Yorkshire, II., 185.
1
1 1
:
the year on 25
340
Yet if a story told by Walter Daniel enjoyment of certain revenues. few months after the has any basis of truth, he felt very sore. canons came to Hexham Archbishop Thomas died at Beverley (29
Feb., 1114).
Ailred, then four or five years old, ran
home and
an-
nounced the news.

to the child
laugh went round the family and

"
gravity
:
Eilaf replied
"
with polite
ille obiit
True, an
evil
liver
has indeed
died
(ucre
qui male
firmed on the third day,
when
Ail red's prophesy was conuiuii). the news had had time to travel north
from Beverley.
In course of time Eilaf
was
fully
reconciled to the
new
order.
When
all
in
1138 he
felt
the approach of death, he restored to
Hexham
the lands of which he
had had the
usufruct,
and was received by
the Benedictines of
;
Durham
into their society.'

of Eilaf
monk of Rievaulx a daughter evidence that other members of the family entered the religious
But
his early associations left
Ailred was already a became a nun and there is

5
life:
an ineffacable impression upon Ailred.

the history of northern
II.
Their influence explains
his significance in
England
If
in the reign of
Stephen and Henry
were always sufficient to bring peace, the Cistercian missionaries whom St. Bernard sent from Clairvaux to England could have been only a reconciling element
a
spirit of simplicity
and lowliness
of heart
in the conflict
first
Abbot
of
between the new and the old ways of life, William, Rievaulx, who at one time had been Bernard's secretary,
But, as
is
seems to have found favour everywhere.

Cistercians inevitably brought discord.
well known, the
They were
reformers.
They
drew the more ardent religious from the older Benedictine houses of St. Mary at York and St. Cuthbert at Durham. They caused division in
the houses of canons regular.
They
set
themselves in the
church at large against a married clergy, and any suspicion of simony
Walter Daniel gives no names and the attriVita Ailredi, f. 62 a. but if the bution of prophetic powers or second sight to saints was general refer to story is based on any incident in Ailred's childhood, it could only
1 ;
Thomas
II.
Richard of Hexham's history of the church of Hexham in Rainc, Priory of Hexhum, I., 55-56. 3 Walter Daniel describes the subcellarer of Revesby (c. 1145), as " " (Vita, f. 68 c). proximus uidelicet ei (Ailred) secundum carnem Laurence, Abbot of Westminster, for whom Ailred wrote the life of the Confessor, was his relative (" cognatus"), f. 70 c.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
341
It was William of Rievaulx who or subjection to temporal influence. took the lead in the agitation against the recognition by the pope of
King Stephen's kinsman, William later canonised as archbishop of York in succession to Archbishop Thurstan and it was a Cistercian, 147 was finally set up as archbishop the Abbot of Fountains, who in
; I
in
Archbishop William was associated with the Cistercians was shown by the action of the Prior of Hexham, who, when he heard of William's election
closely
his
William's
stead.
How
the
opposition to
forsook
priory,
and went overseas

1
to join
the
community
at
Clairvaux under St, Bernard.
Now
Ailred,
whose most
intimate
of the
memories were
Benedictines of
rule.
of the old
Northumbrian
order at
Hexham and
He
Durham, gave himself body and soul to the Cistercian spread its use in new foundations, and interpreted it in his
denounced elaborate musical
services
writings.
He
and the extrava-
gances of sculpture or wall painting with all the zest of St. Bernard .Yet he did not turn his back upon the past. He was no partisan.
He
had found the way
of life
which
satisfied
him, and could take his
place in the strangely mingled society of the north the more confidently Walter Daniel, writing as a hagiobecause he was sure of himself. fails to describe the many-sidedness of Ailred's ingrapher, entirely
terests
and
activities.
which was the

of his
From Rievaulx Ailred exercised an influence measure, not so much of his intensity or enthusiasm, as
Like
all
good Cistercians, he loved to preach about the Blessed Virgin or the ancient rule of St. Benedict, but his the great patron saint of Durham favourite saint was St. Cuthbert
wide sympathies.
Northumbria, upon whom his father Eilaf had called in While he journeyed to the general chapter at times of distress. Citeaux or visited the daughter houses of Rievaulx in Scotland, he put
and
of
all
himself under the protection of St. Cuthbert.

1
His memory was stored
in his
John of Hexham in Raine, o/>. tit., p. 139 with Raine's note. Ailred, work on the saints of Hexham [ibid. % p. 93) attributes Robert Biset's The resignation was resignation to his inaptitude for administrative work.
1
much
-
criticized.
Speculum
Caritatis,
lib.
i.,
cc. 23, 24, in
Migne, P.L.,
CXCV.,
coll.
571-572.
" Reginald of Durham, pp. 76-1 77, for the prosa rithmico modalumine " in Beati Cuthberti honore componenda by Ailred on his journey to and from Citeaux; pp. 178-179, incidents at Kirkcudbright on St. Cuthbert' s day 20 March, 1164-1165.
3
1
342

saint.
with tales of the miracles of the

written by Reginald of
1
The book
about
St.
Cuthbert,
Durham, was
St.
inspired by Ailred,
and was
based upon Ailred's talk. bones lay in William of

father
Ailred loved Durham, where
St. Cuthbert's
Carileph's noble church, and
where
his
had died
one
as a
of
monk.
When
a dispute arose about the seat of
the prior
those disputes on matters of precedence which, as
was brought
Ailred they have a symbolic significance, are always so hard to settle in to preside over the board of arbitrators who settled it."
When
been to
he
visited
Godric
of
Finchale
that famous hermit
who had
St
Rome and
Compostella and Jerusalem and loved

of
to read
Jerome
he had a young man
Durham
St.
with him."
Just as the Benedictines
adopted
In
It is
Cuthbert, the Austin Canons

1 1
adopted the Saints of Hexham. solemn translation of their relics.
March,
54, they celebrated the
probable that Ailred
was
present
and spoke
Hexham
attractive
sermon or address part of the work on the >S' which he wrote for the occasion. His tract is a skilful and
as a
bit
of writing.
Ailred
recalled
I
his old
connection with
Hexham
"
:
This
is
my
festival, for
".
lived
under the protection of
the saints in these hallowed places
He
described the
work
of St.
Wilfrid, and did not shirk a reference to the pictures with which Wilfrid had adorned his church at Hexham for the edification of the
people.
sinful
dwelt upon the zeal of his grandfather though more than he should have been he was unwearied in his care of the
He
churches of Christ
share in the
and claims
foundation at
felt
for his
father rather
of the
more than
his
new
4
Hexham
Augustinian priory.
difficult task
The
with
canons must have
that Ailred
had performed a
much
tact.
We
for St.
ties
have seen
how
the
Abbot
of Rievaulx retained his veneration
with the monks of

1
Cuthbert and the Saints of Hexham, and through them formed Durham and the canons whose coming had
but in
This work is dedicated to Ailred, Reginald of Durham, pp. 4, 32. its present form dates from the period after Ailred's death cf. p.
;
254, reference to events of

Society,
3
72.
Greenwell, Feodarium
1872).
Prioratus
Hun,
p.
Ixi.
(Surtees
Reginald of Durham.
I.,
v de
173-
Finchale, pp. 176-7 (Surtees Society, 1847). 4 Ailred's work is well edited by Raine, /V// ;? of For the allusions to the text see pp. 174, 175, 191, 192. 203.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
disturbed his childhood.
343
life of St.
But
why
did he write the
Edward
he had
the Confessor?
He
venerated
St.
Cuthbert
as a
Northumbrian.
He
commemorated
St.
Edward
as
an Englishman.
And
realized that
Scotland.
he was an Englishman at the court of King David of This aspect of Ailred's personality deserves some attention.
at
Walter Daniel deals
some
length, though with his usual prolife
voking vagueness, with Ailred's
at the
court
of
King
David.
From
other sources
we
simply
know
that Ailred
was brought up by
Henry, and
his
David and had

step-son
as his companions the King's son,
Waldef or Waltheof. We do not know how Ailred was recommended to David. The close connection between Durham and the Church in Scotland would provide a man of Eilaf 's influence with 1 Nor frequent opportunities of bringing his son to the King's notice.
do we know how old Ailred was, nor how long he stayed with David, His nor the precise position which he came to hold at court. 2 Walter Daniel name appears as witness in no surviving charter.
affirms
that,
in
spite of opposition
and
foul
calumny, Ailred
in
won
pre-
increasing favour
and
affection
from David, and would

office in
If
due course
have attained the highest

sumably
ascribed to
ecclesiastical
the
Kingdom
and
the bishopric of St.
Andrews.
the
title
functions
him by Walter can be taken literally, he was David's for Walter calls him economus, and says that steward or seneschal he served in the triclinium or hall, and had a share in the disposal
;
of the royal treasure.

1
At
this
St.
time he
was probably
(1
still
a layman,
of
Turgot,
first
Bishop of
Andrews
107-1
15),
had been Prior
Durham, and
the church
north of Berwick.
But
in the lowlands, especially at Coldingham, communication of all kinds must have been frequent,
had lands
and apart from
relations with Durham, Eilaf was well connected in Northumbria. Later in the century, a granddaughter of his, i.e. Ailred's niece, married Robert FitzPhilip, a land-holder in Lothian (Reg. of Durham,
his
admirandis, etc., p. 188). 2 Earl David succeeded to the throne in April, 124, when Ailred was about fourteen years of age. Ailred entered Rievaulx shortly after its foundation in 132 probably about 134, when still quite young (adolescens). " charter of King David (c. \ 28) is attested by Ailred's companion Waldef, filio Scottish Charters, 1905, p. 69, No. 83). Regine" (Lawrie, Early 8 Vita Ailredi, f. 64 a; cf. 64 c, "regales dispensare diuitias". The author of the Dialogus de Scaccario, \. ii., c. 19 (Oxford edition, 1902,
1
De
The tricorum, tricorium, or trip. 151) defines economtts as seneschal. clinium was defined by Aelfric as gereord-hus, and appears in twelfth century literature, e.g., Orderic Vitalis, in the sense of a refectory (see
23
344

1
or a clerk in lower orders.
Ailred was wont to say playfully that he came to Rievaulx from the kitchen, not from the schools. However this may be, Ailred was much trusted by the King,
in
and
his turn felt for his patron

lost.
an admiration and
is
affection
which
which
were never
The note
of the
of personal regard
a strong one even in
his description
Battle of the Standard, the conflict in
David was
opposed by the barons of Yorkshire with
the founder of Rievaulx, at their head.
In his later
Walter Espec, work on the
genealogy of the kings of England (1 153-4) Ailred speaks with unaffected enthusiasm of this second David to whom he owed so much.
And we
find in these
historical
writings
which are the
political
counterpart of his life of

political ideas
Edward
the Confessor
a reflection of the
which prevailed in the Scottish court, and were held umber and the Forth. They by many Englishmen between the summarized The Scottish Kings were the true successors are easily
of the English Kings.
The Normans
set
certainly
had the highest
of all
sanctions
they had
aside the usurper

;
England by Divine favour

strengthened
its
but the line of
Harold and conquered the Conqueror had greatly

its
claim to the allegiance of Englishmen by

house, of which
union
with the
tative.
West Saxon
There was no
David was the
chief represen-
difference in culture, race or nationality
between
the people
who inhabited
the
Old Northumbria
of
when
a Scottish King
invaded
England he was engaging in a King domestic quarrel, about the rights of which even men who lived south
the lands of the
of the
What the subjects and vassals of might freely differ. the English King did resent and fiercely resist was the presence of barbarians, of Picts and Galloway men, side by side with the feudal
Tweed
host of Scotland.
to speak
were
would
For Englishmen and Normans, learning as they each other's language," were united, whether they
As seneschal or steward Ailred Glossarium, s.v. triconus). be discthequ^ and so could describe himself as connected with the In England the steward only gradually acquired large administrative kitchen. power (Vernon-Harcourt, fit's (iracc the Steward (\9tfJ). Cf. the remarks in Round, The Kings Sergeants (191 1) p. 69; and Tout, Chi Administrative History, I., 205 and f>assim\ but in the less elaborate household of David, he would approach in dignity the baronial steward. Ailred was clearly not connected with the chancery.
Ducange,
also
1
P.L.,
St.
CXCV.,
col.
502.
Waldef spoke
fluently in
I.,
in
Acta Sanctorum, August,
260
French and English (Jocelin of Furness Gaimer, in Lincolnshire, used c.)

;
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
345
looked to David or to Stephen as their lord, in the task of adapting The definition of services and tenures in the old order to the new.
feudal terms, the encouragement of foreign fashions in art
and
letters,
the organization of bishoprics, the foundation of monasteries, the subjection of social

life
to ecclesiastical discipline,
actively in the south of Scotland as in
were proceeding as Yorkshire. There was nothing

Englishmen
like
insular or parochial in the attitude of
Ailred.
The
men
of the north
were conscious not
of subjection to the foreigner,
but of
new
opportunities
now open
to them, recalling the opportunities
which had been opened to Wilfrid and Bede and Alcuin. Indeed, the more conscious they were of their past, the more confidently
could they join in the welcome to
new
ideas
and new
enterprises.
Their traditions were

to
living traditions, part of their being, yet not alien
the
new
age.
Ailred, in his description of
the Battle of
the
Standard, enters into the
minds
of the
Norman
barons
of
who
rallied
round Archbishop Thurstan, and puts into the mouth

a speech on
Walter Espec
Norman
history with
its
record of splendid deeds in Sicily
and Apulia and Calabria. When Henry of Anjou became King of England, Ailred welcomed him as reconciling in his person English
and
foreign traditions.
He was the
first
King
since the
Conquest
who
could claim to be descended from Alfred.
hood
at the
hands
of
had received knightAilred's hero King David. He had been
He
merciful
of
and magnanimous during the recent wars. The canonization the Confessor a few years later, and the translation of his body to
the
Westminster were symbols of the final union of England with the society of western Christendom. The historical work in which Ailred reveals his attitude to political
shrine in the
new
Abbey
of
questions
was written
in the later years of his
life.
Henry
There
II.
was on
been
indeed
the throne and the English border had again
and
definitely
is
pushed northwards to the

little
Tweed and
left
the Solway.
evidence that Ailred, after he

in the turbulent events of
the service
of-
any share
Stephen's reign,
King David, had when David held
court at Carlisle
and the
Scottish border reached as far south as the
" Lestorie des English books while he was writing his Norman- French poem, dumb boy who was cured at Engles" (Rolls Series, I., 276, 1. 6443). the shrine of St. John of Beverley, was put to school by his father, and learned
to speak
Rolls Series,
French and English (Raine, Historians of the Church of York, All,these instances come from uSe ^middle of the I., 312).
i
twelfth century.
346
cross

in
on Stainmore, and Ailred's old companion Earl Henry ruled Northumberland and a Scottish vassal was obtruded into the see
of
Durham.
His
last
service to
David seems
to
have been
his
last
appearance as a politician.
He
1
was
sent
on the King's business
to
For many years the claim of the Archbishop Thurstan of York. archbishop to be metropolitan of the Scottish bishoprics had met with
opposition, especially from John,
Bishop of Glasgow.
disobedient in
I 1
In
2
spite of
It
papal injunctions the bishop was
still
35-6.
was
doubtless on some errand arising out of this dispute that Ailred about 1 1 34 made the journey from which he did not return. On his way
home he
entered
the
Abbey
of
Rievaulx.
As
a disciple of
St.
Bernard he could have had neither the time nor the

secular interests.
inclination for
His next important mission was concerned with a great controversy which the Cistercians of Yorkshire regarded as of moral rather than legal significance. In 140 Archbishop Thurstan
1
died and a majority of the canons of

treasurer, a
3
York
elected William,
their
nephew
of
picious
and a
protest
King Stephen. was made by the
The
circumstances were sus-
minority, on the ground that

ecclesiastical office in the
money had passed.

north was Abbot of
tainted
The
most important
by
the sin of simony.
Fountains, the Prior of
The Abbot of Rievaulx, the Kirkham (who was Ailred's friend

pope
1
1
Waldef) and
others took the lead in appealing to the

it
(1 141.)
The
the
case dragged on for several years, and

of
was not
until
43
that
Abbot
1
Rievaulx and
his
companions pleaded
their case in
person
Vita Ailredi, f. 65 b. Letters from Innocent II. from Pisa, April 22, 136, to the Archbi^ of Canterbury and York, in Raine, Historians of the Church of York, 66-67 (Rolls Series, 1894).
J
1
III.,
John
etc.
I
of
Hexham
I
in
It
has not,
think,
Raine, The Priory of Hexham, I., 133, 139. been noticed that a story in Jocelin's Life
,
of William. Waldef, light on the attitude of the opponents then Prior of Kirkham, would have been elected to succeed Thurstan, but Stephen interposed his veto on the ground that, as son of the Queen of Scotland and step-son of King David, Waldef would probably support the interests of David, who was the chief supporter in the north of the Exempress Matilda. Jocelin adds that William of Aumale (the new Earl of Yorkshire and a leader of Stephen's party) offered to procure the archbishopric for Waldef if the latter would enfeof him with the archiepiscopal Waldef inlands in Shirburn (.-/ '/, August, I., 256 c, d). This incident would naturally bring into suspicion the dignantly refused.
Valdef throws
earl's
subsequent efforts on behalf of Stephen's nephew.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
at
347
Rome
in the earlier proceedings of
1141, which stayed the con-
secration of the
1
new
portant people.
his proctor.
archbishop, they were represented by less imOn this occasion Abbot William chose Ailred as
ability of the
William had soon realized the
new
1
recruit.
He
his return
employed him frequently on the business of the convent, and on In 42 he from Rome made him master of the novices.'
1
was put
at the
head
of the
colony of monks sent from Rievaulx to form
the monastery of St.
Lawrence
Roumare, Earl of Lincoln. an abbot. For the next twenty-five years,

1
Revesby, founded by William of Thus at the age of thirty-two, he became

at
first
at
Revesby, then from
147
at Rievaulx, in
his energies,
thwarted increasingly by bodily pain,

administration,
were absorbed
preaching,
office.
the
work
of his order, in business,
arbitration,
travelling
and
all
the arduous routine of his
Yet
as the years passed, this intensely
human monk, with

life
his
keen
insight into the bearing of the varied problems in the
about him,
of the places
seems to have found increasing satisfaction in his memories of youth, where he had once lived, and of the friendships which
felt,
were, he
the most precious thing this
wrote of
his
monastic friendships in his
world had given him. He De Spintuali Amicitia.
He
to David's
wrote of King David and the young Earl Henry in the tribute memory which he dedicated to Henry of Anjou. In his
of the
well-known work, the description of the Battle 38, he merged his own memories and feelings
1
Standard
in
in the impartial exits
position of a dramatic theme.

is
As a
piece of historical writing
value
due
to the understanding of events rather than to the accuracy of
the narrative.
of the year
official in
1
Ailred of course must have retained vivid recollections

1
38.
Two
or three years earlier he
had been a royal
King David's hall, and now, a few miles from Rievaulx, David had fought and lost a battle against his new friends and He would remember that this was the year of his father's neighbours.
death in the monastery
1
at
of
Durham,
shortly after
Abbot William and
Headed by William
London, one of the archdeacons who had op-
That Ailred posed the election of William (John of Hexham, p. 140). was sent to Rome in connection with the disputed election is stated by Walter
Daniel
(f.
67
c).
As
he went
to
Revesby
in
42, his mission must be
dated 1141.
3
;
Vita, f. 67 b-67 d. For the dates see the chronological table at the end of this paper.
348

last
he had witnessed Eilaf s
settlement with the canons of
Hexham.
Ail red had probably gone north with
Abbot William
to arrange the
surrender of Lord Walter Espec's castle of
Wark
on the
Tweed
to
King David.
transfer of
For
in spite of the victory
near Northallerton Walter
Espec and the Yorkshire barons had not been able to prevent the Cumberland and Northumberland to David. Ailred, indeed, could not regard the war as an uncompromising conflict between England and Scotland, and still less between Englishmen and Scots. It was a war between kinsmen. David's mother, Saint Margaret, was the granddaughter of Edmund Ironside, and but for the verdict of God at
Hastings, David
to the
would have been

His
sister
the claimant of the legitimist party
English throne.-
had been the Queen
of
Henry
I.,
Stephen, his wife was the daughter of Waltheof, If he the great Earl of Northumberland. thought it wise to invade England on behalf of his other niece, the ex- Empress Matilda, and to
his niece
was wife
of
try to
1
resume Scottish possession of the northern

Walter Espec, Lord
of
shires,
he could hardly
or Carham.
Helmsley, was also Lord of
Wark
The
place was besieged frequently during the campaigns 1135-8 and only consented to surrender in 11 38 on the direct instructions of Walter. For
Abbot William's mission see Richard of Hexham, ed. Raine, p. 100 and That Ailred was with the abbot is probable John of Hexham, p. 118. from the fact that both of them were present when Eilaf surrendered his lands to Hexham (Richard of Hexham, p. 55). They reached Wark at
Martinmas (Nov.
to
1
1
).
Like other barons, Walter Espec doubtless continued
hold his land, but as a vassal of David who carefully observed all the customs of Northumberland (Richard of Hexham, pp. 104, 105). The King and Walter were of course not unknown to each other. About 132,
1
the year of the foundation of Rievaulx, Walter Espec attested a charter of David in favour of the Priory of the Holy Trinity in London (Lawrie, /
Scottish Charters, See Ailred's
No. 98, p. 78). work on the genealogy
troductory
letters to
Henry
ff.)
of
Scriptores, pp.
347
The
of the English Kings, with the inthen Duke of Normandy (/ Anjou, claim is put still more clearly by Jocelin of
life of
Furness Scotland
of
in
(c.
the
dedication of his
St.
Waldef
to
King William
of
St.
1210): Jocelin, with reference to William's descent through
Margaret from Edmund Ironside, is speaking of Edward the Atheling, son Edmund and father of Margaret " legitimus heres sanctissimi confessoris
Edwardi regis Angliae, jure hereditario Anglici regni per lineas rectas et directas successiuae generationis in uos deuoluto, uos sceptrigeros effecissct, nisi Normannorum uiolenta direptio, Deo permittente, usque ad tcmpus
" > (.-/</,/ praefinitum praepedisset also the interesting passage in William of
v,
August,
in
I.,
Newburgh,
248 Howie!
d, e
).
See
.ides
of Stephen, etc,
L,
105-106.
A1LRED OF RIEVAULX
be blamed, though
to resist him.
it
349
vassals
was
doubtless the duty of
King Stephen's
In Ailred's
memory
the battle of the standard
was an
and
unhappy
conflict of allegiances
for the
Bruces and Balliols and other

in
North-country barons had extensive lands
David's dominions
struggle of
of
incidentally a revival of that age-long racial
Celt
and and
Teuton.
King David
relied largely
on the Picts
Galloway,
at this
;
time full of savage exultation after their recent victory at Clitheroe
no foe was both so dreaded and so despised by Normans and English When the battle was won and the alike as the men of Galloway.
barons had wiped out the shame of Clitheroe, the way to peace was David was willing to accept a compromise which Robert Bruce open.
and Bernard
of
Balliol
had vainly
tried to effect before
the
fight.
King Stephen was

legate
easily prevailed
upon by
it.
the counsel of the papal
and the prayers
of his wife to grant
Northumberland and
1
Cumberland were ceded, and King David ruled at Carlisle. The tone of detachment with which Ailred describes the Battle
of the
Standard gives way, in
his other historical writings, to a
mood
of quiet triumph.
The
II.,
old unnatural embarrassments
had been removed
by King Henry
In a letter
the son of Matilda, the grand-nephew of David.

to his
which he prefixed
book on the Life and Miracles
of Edward the
Confessor, Ailred greets
Henry
as the corner-stone
which bound together the two walls of the English and the Norman 2 race. For Ailred the solemn translation of the body of the Confessor
in October,
1
163, must have been one of the happiest events in his

of Westminster,
life.
Laurence, Abbot
3
who was his
kinsman, and a Durham
man, had asked Ailred

1
to prepare for the occasion a
new
life
of the
See for all this, in addition to Ailred's tract, the Hexham chroniclers. Ailred's work is in the Decem Scriptores and is re-edited by Hewlett, Chronicles of Stephen, etc. (Rolls Series), III., 179-199.
will
be found
2
in
good summary Maxwell, The Early Chronicles Relating to Scotland

.
(Glasgow, 1912), PP
147-153.
Decem
Scriptores, p.
370: " lapidem angularem Anglici generis
et
Normannici gaudemus duos parietes conuenisse ". 3 He was the Master Laurence who, from the account given by Reginald of Durham, would seem to have represented the citizens of Durham
at the
quashed by the Archbishop of York, was to be examined, Laurence left his companions and entered the monastery of St. Albans (Reginald of Durham, De Vita et
miraculis
S.
Godrici,
calls
secular orders.
election of Bishop Hugh Pudsey, 9 June, 1153. the way to Rome, where the election,
He
was then
in
On
Walter Daniel
of Hexham, pp. 167-168). pp. 232-233; John him Ailred's cognatus, Vita Ailredi, f. 70 c.
350
Confessor.
it

Ailred had taken the work of Osbern of Clare, and revised
papal
letters
in the light of official
and
of chronicles
and such
trust-
worthy information as had come to him by hearsay. He also prepared which he probably preached in the abbey on the words a homily
Nemo
1
accendit lucernam.
ecclesiastical
Since sympathies also were deeply engaged. 59 the Church had been rent by schism. Ailred had never hesitated
cardinals.
If,
His
between Pope Alexander and the schismatic

clearly evident, the
as
was
Church was
still
a living power, then the power
must reside
in the majority."
days before King Louis of
But there had been some very anxious France and King Henry the Lord of
England, Normandy and Aquitaine, decided to acknowledge and Henry is said to have been persuaded by two support Alexander. men Arnulf, Bishop of Lisieux, and Ailred of Rievaulx. One of
:!
Pope after he was recognized by King Henry, was The great ceremony two the canonization of Edward the Confessor. years later, when the body of the saint was laid in the new shrine at Westminster, symbolized religious peace in the West of Europe as well as the union of Englishman and Norman.
the
first
acts of the
Peace did not

translation of St.
The prelate who presided over the Edward was the new Archbishop of Canterbury,
last
long.
Thomas
was soon
about
it,
Becket.
to
His
contest with the
be
obvious to all
men.
King had already begun and Ailred must have known all
not
but his letters are lost and
we do
know what he
thought.
Some
1
of these lost letters,
especially those which
he wrote to the
Vita Ailredi, 70 c
.
Chronicon Angliae Petriburgense (ed. Giles,
1845), P 98.
-
The Cardinal Octayian V., coll. 460 c-461 a. Migne, P.L., was elected by two cardinals only, the Cardinal Roland (Alexander III.) by five The cardinal bishops and fifteen or more cardinal priests and deacons. " " 44 Certe ecclesia must reside in the latter uis apostolicae dignitatis
Esaie
in
:
"
See the
interesting passage in the twenty-fourth
sermon
"
De
Oneribus
CXC
Romana non
:i
ceteris reprobatis, ut in perdit nulla ratio, nullus sensus humanus admittit ".
;
certe,
illis
tribus remanserit,
but
This late chronicle is of no great value, Chron. Petriburgense. p. 98. numerous allusions to Ailred clearly came from some good source. Where they can be checked they are reliable. Henry II. acknowledged Alexander at a great council held at Neufmarche in July, 1160. He and 62 see Robert of Torigny King Louis met him at Chouzy in September, in Howlett, Chronicles of Stephen, etc., IV., 207, 215.
its
1
1
;
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
King's
grateful
justiciar,
351
attempted the unreading.
I
Robert,
Earl of Leicester,
who
task of
mediator,
might make very
interesting
Cistercian though he was imagine that the sympathies of Ailred His was a with King Henry rather than with the archbishop. lay
peace-loving equable nature, guided by strong
common
sense.
There
were
capricious, theatrical, extravagant duct which could not but repel him." Peace was restored in England,
traits in
the archbishop's con-
why
disturb
it
If
these
were
his
feelings,
he was fortunate
in the
time of his death, before his faith in King

the deed which turned Becket into St.
Henry Thomas
could be shaken by
of Canterbury,
and
gave him a place even above

fessor in the hearts of
1
St.
Cuthbert and
St.
Edward
the
Con-
Englishmen.
70 c. be noted which tend to confirm this view. Ailred may was a friend of Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of London, the austere high churchman who had opposed Becket's election and steadily refused to support him
f.
-
Vita Ailredi,
facts
Two
of
Henry. Some time after April, 163, when Gilbert became Bishop London, Ailred dedicated to him his sermons on Isaiah (P.L., CXCV., 561). Again, the archbishop had already asked for the prayers, not of Maurice's reply, which I have printed Ailred, but of Maurice of Rievaulx. elsewhere from Balliol MS. No. 65, betrays some uneasiness about the
against
1
wisdom
26-29.
of Becket's election;
see English Hist. Rev., 1921,
XXXV.,
22,
(To be continue d\
THE FORTY MARTYRS OF SEBASTE

A STUDY OF HAGIOGRAPHIC DEVELOPMENT.
BY THE REV. D.
P.
BUCKLE, M.A.
a previous
No.
p.
of the
Nov., 1919,
of
219)
Professor
BULLETIN (vol. 5, Nos. 3-4, AprilTout gave an interesting account
John Mabillon's criticism of Daniel
Van
Papenbroeck, one of
the earliest continuators of the

pleasing
work
of Bollandus,
and described the

Flemish doubter's
better scholarship.
conclusion of the story
by
his
relating the
conversion to the
sound judgment of
in his
French
critic's
if
The
present paper will
show, however, that

rate too
in that case
Papenin
broeck was too rash

cartularies
charges of the falsification of documents

at
he was sometimes
any
evidence as the best, and to

"
set
"
up
ready re-made and confected docu-
to accept the worst
ments
simpler,
(in Prof.
Tout's language) as greater authorities than

histories.
earlier,
and more probable
His account
of the story of the forty martyrs of Sebaste illustrates

It is
this uncritical attitude.
contained in the Bollandist
"
Acta Sanc-
torum," Martii, torn. 2, the contents of which are expressly stated to " be a Godefrido Henschenio et Daniele Papebrochio Aucta digesta " Acta" are regarded there find that the Latin et illustrata". in the case of the translation of Evodius by as the older yet though
We
John the
editors
Deacon
of
Naples there
is
an attempt to
fix
the date, the
do not
give the slightest information about the original provenfirst.
ance or time of writing of the long narratives which they place
The
great point of difference in the stories
is
the particular form of
The punishment, genus snpplicii, by which the saints were martyred. Bollandist editors avowedly follow the accounts which represent the
martyrs as having been immersed in the waters of the lake of Sebaste on a cold winter night and therein frozen to death, then taken out to
be broken and burned.

the river,
They add
352
that the ashes
were thrown
in
into
where they were miraculously kept together
one place,
A.H.111JP11
^f CIC
3Cf
N JLM
VT1 tT
AT
f ^vfl i ri
OM -irr
\TXXfl OVf
N JL^
RYLANDS COPTIC MS. No.
94,
FOL. 2b
(p)8).
/
XJLOOVK\*nYN
JLYMO
JXlfJlMOr^fr^'**
;/
pneTlJLMOCv
-ULOOY*
P T PXJLTI t YCOLf
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^
^
;
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*>
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ClCMNPÛHf Mtj^jmitôYTM^*
JLJLJLllNUL
Wan 10
*ic
VJULAYXI v^
RYLAXDS COPTIC MS. No.
94,
FOL. 3*
(py).
,,6
*C t 1 9 Jl JJ JL^F JLUJU) o v KA^rajri f YJLII v
JLfjl fl
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FRO
p-X.*'
RYLANDS COPTIC MS. No.
94,
FOL. 3b
(p5).
MJL_li
rrf i
M \emet4rau4
N n M o YXJLJT- jx^t
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JL1 ULRT
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AA
'
COPTIC MS. No.
94, Foi.. 4* (p).
353
whence they were rescued by Bishop Peter, who was directed to do so by a supernatural revelation and guided by extraordinary lights. The editors give all these details about the martyrdom and many others
preliminary trials and imprisonments, appearances of the Saviour and of the Devil, which have no support in the earliest and
about
best authorities such as Basil;
Gregory
"
of
Nyssa, and Gaudentius.
This particular volume of the Acta Sanctorum" was published Antwerp in 668, three years after the death of Bollandus. But within forty-five years from the publication of the texts and commentary
at
1
of the Bollandists
two
critical
peared but also reached their

that a considerable
works on the subject had not only apsecond editions. This seems to show
an
interest in
number
of readers took
endeavours
to treat the matters in question
with a better sense of the value of

calls his
evidence.
Theodoric Ruinart (1657-1709)

sincera et selecta ".
work "Acta
The John Rylands Library possesses a second edition published at Amsterdam in 1713. Accordcopy ing to Delehaye, who is himself a Bollandist, it is well conceived but
martyrum
of the
not up to
modern requirements.
of to
Ruinart,
who was the pupil
co-worker
martyrs
and biographer
John Mabillon, says that the death

"
of the
was not due

that the
to
immersion but to the
bitter cold of the air
and
also
"
vulgata acta
have not the authority
of Basil.
fifth
He
refers
at
Tillemont,
1
who
published the second edition of his
volume
Paris in
702.
Tillemont gives his
own
account of the martyrdom
on pp. 518-527, and adds notes on various points on pp. 788-791. Now, whereas the Bollandist editors, who place great reliance upon
Gerardus Vossius,
"
assert that his arguments,
Menaea," and writers Martyrologies," and Mombritius, seem to prove the immersion
waters of the lake, Tillemont
in the
is
"
and what they cite from like Petrus de Natalibus

of the martyrs in the
certain that they suffered
martyrdom
middle of the
lake,
city.
He also attacks the notion that
they suffered
on the
supra stagnum, which the Bollandist
editors thought
was
intimated by the language of Basil.

It is
therefore necessary to quote the exact
words which
Basil used.
They
will be found in the fifth chapter of his nineteenth homily.

:
He
there says
e/ce'Xeucre rravTa*; yvfjLva)6evTa<; iv ptcrr) rfj TrdXei TTtyyvv-
fteVovq OLTToOaveiv.
body he adds
ore \ipvr)
After describing the effect of frost on the human Tore TOIVOV alBpioi SiavvKTepeveiv KareSt/cacr^crcii',
TJ
/io>, TTC/H fjv
770X19 /ca/raj/acrrcu, Iv
fj
ravra
Si7?#Xoi> ol
354
ayioi,

ofoV TL TreSioy tTTTn^Xaro^
rjv,
/xeraTrotrJcrai/To? avrrfv
rov
VGJTOV Tre&veiv
/>eoz/Ts, ra>
It is
7rapix TO ro ^ TrepioiKois
last
Trora/iot
Se
deVi/aa
/cpvcrrdXXw SeêVrcg, TWI/ peiOpaiv eorrjcrav.

quotation that the lake
is
obvious from this
mentioned not
martyrdom, but for the purpose of giving a The relative clause about graphic picture of the keenness of the frost.
the sufferings of the martyrs naturally explains 770X19 and has no connection with Kifjivr). It is joined to the wrong antecedent by Morcelli
as the scene of the actual
(" Kalendarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae," vol. 2,

says that there
p.
66)
who
was no need
But
to describe the lake
if
the
martyrdom
not necessary to limit the interpretation of Basil's striking description by such an argument. find the same
it is
took place elsewhere.
We
reference to the frozen lake as a proof of the severity of the cold in
Gaudentius and Gregory of Nyssa.

are easily accessible in
The
books of these early writers

treasures the
Migne's Patrologia, but the John Rylands
Library
is
particularly fortunate in possessing
among
its
enlarged versions of the story given
by Petrus de Natalibus (Lyons, 1519), and in the exactly similar accounts (with slight differences of
by Vincentius Bellovacensis (Strassburg,
1473) and
spelling) edited
Mombritius (Milan, 1480).

first trial
These
narratives only briefly refer to the

is
before Agricolaus the Prefect, and this
not even mentioned
by Petrus de Natalibus,
who
simply says that he kept them in prison
several days in expectation of the arrival of Lysias the
Dux.
further develop-
Here we
see
how
the story began to grow.

:
ment appears in Lipomanus (Venice Aldus, 1581), who relates the first trial at some length, describing in detail the flattery of the prefect
and the
firm refusal of the martyrs to save their lives
subject of hagiographic texts
by apostasy.
The
1910).
was
discussed by
A. Dufourcq
(Paris,
in his interesting
book
"
Les Gesta Martyrum Remains"

of the question
1900-
He
divides editions into three classes, edifying, scientific,
and
definitive.
His discussion
in
should be compared with
that of
H. Delahaye
"The Legends
of the
Saints" translated by
of
Mrs. V.
texts is
Delahaye's even more analytical than that of Dufourcq.
M.
Crawford.
classification
hagiographic
disringui
".
He
"
six classes of texts
and applies
his system to Ruinart's
Acta Sincera
He is more drastic in his criticism gives a useful account of the methods and moralities of hagiographers, and of ancient
than Dufourcq, and

ideas concerning history.
amplification,
355
The dearth of
material caused supplementing,
compilation,
to write
and adaptation.
The
hagiographer
who
was compelled
by the order of a superior boldly took the only
course open to him, and either made a generous use of development as practised in the schools or borrowed from other narratives.
is
Among the Coptic manuscripts in the John Rylands Library there an Egyptian version of the story, which on the whole follows Basil's The nine narrative very closely, making, however, a few additions.
leaves of
which
this
fragment consists were divided into two parts,
which Tattam,
documents.
their original
owner, apparently regarded as separate
In the
its first
No. 33 has
"
Crawford volumes they are numbered 33 and 45. sheet both misplaced and reversed it is entitled
:
Exhortations to Martyrdom,"
".
and the second
"
Acts
of certain
Martyrs
Mr. Crum
in his useful catalogue
has supplied a careful

first
description of the manuscript reproducing the
sheet in
its
proper
order of recto
English.
and verso, and printing a resume of the remainder in The Coptic narrative shows a conflation of two accounts,
and immersion
in the
death by
frost
water of the
lake.
A translation
as literal as possible of the four pages, specially reproduced in facsimile

to
accompany
"
this article, is
now
offered
Basil's
Homily," and the
narratives in the
and should be compared with " Acta Sanctorum ".

[45].
RYLANDS COPTIC MS. 94
And the order was to cast them into prison till he con(Page p@). sidered with what penalty he will punish them. And meanwhile when the saints were in the prison Christ appeared to them at midnight. ineffable
An
purpose of yours, is your resolve. shall endure to the end shall be saved. good Moreover, in the morning the judge (cWacmj?) ordered them to appear in the judgment-hall. He sentenced them to a bitter death. There is a lake near the city, on which snow and hail were streaming
light
is this
surrounded Him.
He said He who
to them,
Good
down. They who know those districts testify that not only oil and water are wont to freeze and congeal in those regions, but wine also freezes in the bottle like a stone. So (will it be) with those who suffer in that winter
The judge therefore conthrough the deluge of snow falling everywhere. demned the saints to spend one night, when the frost and hail and snow poured down like a torrent, while the blast of the north wind blew bitterly. But when they heard their sentence they accepted the danger (py).
gladly. They hastened, they stripped off their clothes, they cast them from them, they took their way to the lake, they ran with all their might and Its water froze like snow, as they stood in the midst of it plunged into it. and bore the bitter pain, while snow and hail fell on them without ceasing.
356

O
the courage indeed, and patience, surpassing human nature. the love towards God, when man takes it to himself for Him. They stood in the midst of the lake at that hour, exhorting one another, saying, Let us cry out that we are Christians, and they all cried out are Christians. But
:
We
speech did not go out of their lips distinctly, and it was interrupted in their mouth in its utterance by the shivering of their bodies and the pain of their The snow limbs, while their teeth chattered with the torture of the frost.
destroyed
all their
flesh.
The
pains of that frost penetrated even to their
marrows.
Moreover, who can represent the greatness of that struggle but themselves alone ? (/>) as knowing it by experience. So then how greatly increased man therefore can praise them according to their the frost of that night. This only will I desert, as I said in the preface of this meagre discourse.
No
When I merely mention their names I confess to you that I feel a joy and gladness leaping up in my soul towards them all, as the patriarch Severus said about the lights in the Church, Basil and Gregory, If you believe me, as often as I mention their names, my soul rejoices.
say,
I
must also
tell
of truth
all,
thought to ensnare the
you about the bath near the lake by which the enemies saints, because their hearts did not waver at
whole thought was of God in heaven, while they were in the lake. one of them recanted by the device of the devil, and left the lake and went into the bath and remained outside hope, outside hope indeed, grief seized them because he is their member according to the word of the apostle But he who (pe) if one member suffer, all the members suffer with him.
their
When
consoles those
for the
who
renegade nor did
are in troubles could not tolerate the sight of their grief he suffer the number of their forty to remain
lacking one.
saw
But he opened the eyes of the cubidarios, who guarded them, when he forty angels coming down from heaven, with forty crowns in their hands,
prepared to be placed on the heads of the saints. When one of the angels returned to heaven with a crown after he who had fallen out had recanted and entered the bath, the grace of the holy spirit filled that cuHclarios, he stripped off his clothes, he cast them from He cried out with them in this him, he ran, he threw himself into the lake. He became one with that thief, who one voice saying, I am a Christian. confessed the Lord on the cross, and he is worthy of the full penny, with
those
who were called to labour in the vineyard at the eleventh hour. He became a comfort and a consolation to those saints, when he completed the number of the forty, according to the number of the forty holy days of our Life-giver the God of Truth, and he became a martyr for His name.
This
literal
translation
shows
that
the
Coptic
writer
accepted
Basil's account of the severity of the frost, but
gave other
illustrations
of
of
its
keenness.
He
follows, however, the other version of the

saints as actually
method
in the
martyrdom when he describes the

lake.
immersed
water of the
remarkable that out of the eight chapters into which Gamier divides Basil's homily the Coptic MS. has distinct
it
Now
is

similarities
357
with seven.
The
st
chapter in Basil
is
merely a general
introduction
refers
no particular information. The 2nd chapter to graphic descriptions and pictorial representations, and is therein
and
gives
followed by the Coptic text

^wypaffrelv.
which
transliterates
Basil's expression
The
Coptic
narrative
adds
to
Basil's
story
in
his
third chapter the statement that
when the impious decree was pubthe saints went to the shrines of the standards, where there was lished
a golden image of Christ in a niche in the eastern wall and made a This incident does not appear to covenant to be faithful unto death. It would be interesting to know whether occur in any other account.
there
is
any other evidence

is
of Christian soldiers
having a shrine in
camp That the Coptic

by an apparently
at this early date.
story
comparatively early seems to be shown
liturgical reference.
The
actual
MS.
is
assigned
Mr. Crum
to the tenth or eleventh century.

is
A terminus a quo
in the translation
by
for
the time of composition

(ob.,
the quotation from Severus of

will
Antioch
already
538).
The words which
be found
given
may perhaps
S. Jo.
refer to the joint use of the
names
of
Basil
and
Gregory
in the Liturgy.
mentum Ev.
"
They
1
are found together in Giorgi,
"
Frag-
(Rome,
789),
who
prints in the
Appendix
fragments of the Thebaic Liturgy before Dioscorus. The 4th chapter of Basil's homily describes the flattery and bribes In the Coptic account the answer of of the governor (6 Kparajv).
the saints to the St/cacrr^?, as he
is
there called, takes the form of a
long denunciation of the sin of covetousness, extending over
two pages
identified.
and including
six
quotations from the Bible and one not
The
5th, 6th,
and
7th chapters of Basil are practically identical with

before the reader of this
the four pages

disclose
now
BULLETIN, and do not
any noteworthy difference (omitting the question of immersion

except the appearance of the Saviour to the saints in
special
in the lake),
prison,
Basil.
and the
name
Swct/xeis given to the forty angels by
The
chief executioner
whom
Basil calls
by the
classical
title
6 ST^LUO? appears in Coptic as Kov/Bu<\api.os.
The
Syriac,
occurrence of this curious
word
It
furnishes a convenient point
of transition
to a brief notice of the long Greek,

versions.
Latin,
Armenian,
and Old- Slavonic

official like
exalted
tioners.
seems hardly likely that an a chamberlain should have been chief of the execu-
The
Coptic writer
may
possibly have
had some knowledge
358
of

gives
the longer
which
is
the
and most probably somewhat forms /caTri/cXapios and
later
Greek
narratives,
K(nrr]K\dpLo<;..
This
regarded by Sophocles in his Lexicon as a corruption of /cXa/3i/cov" " Acta have clavicularius, and the OldThe Latin Xa/3109.
of the
Slavonic
"Suprasl Codex" (ed. Miklosich, Vienna,
1851)
follows the Greek.
The longer Greek

of
narratives will be found in the convenient editions
"
Gebhardt,
Acta Martyrum Selecta"

"
(Leipzig,
slavische
1902), and in
Philogie,"
Abicht's text
published in
Archiv
fur
Vol.
XVIII.
of
its
(Berlin, 1896).
Each
of these editions has merits
and
defects
own.
Gebhardt divides the
story
into thirteen
convenient
chapters,
which make the account easy

is
to analyse,
and
facilitate refer-
ence, while Abicht's text
continuous and indicates the pages of the
he follows, noting carefully passages where its Gebhardt in his preface intimates imperfections have been restored. that in addition to Abicht's Paris text he has used Cod. Ven. Gr. Zan.,
Paris
MS. 520 which
359, and Cod. Vindob. Theol.

ever, indicate
X.
His printed
text
does not, how-
which
of these
MSS.
are responsible for the variants
which he
cites,
nor does he supply any information about the

notes
MSS.
Psalms
themselves.
He
eighteen references to the
Book
of
which the author

used very
freely.
of this particular In Abicht's
form of the story seems to have

citations the references are
Psalm
made
according to the Hebrew numbers, but Gebhardt more usefully follows the LXX. There are two differences between the editors in the
matter of citation.
slightly different
At the end of Chapter IV Abicht repeats in a form a reference to a quotation already used in
of
Chapter I. which is not
At the end
in
Chapter VIII Gebhardt's
text
adds a clause
Abicht.
With
the exception of the enlarged beginning
and ending
John the Deacon's translation of Evodius, the Latin " " Acta Sanctorum from Antwerp and Gladnarratives given in the bach MSS., etc., are practically identical with one another, and with
in
Lipomanus they agree generally with the Greek texts of Gebhardt and Abicht, and with the Old Slavonic edited by Miklosich.
:
A
in
Latin
translation
of the
Armenian
"
version
was communicated
of
".
to
Gerardus Vossius when he

1
visited the
Bishop
Ervan
at
Rome
60
1 ,
and
it
reprinted in the
if
Acta Sanctorum
given by
A German renderin
ing of the Syriac narrative ische Zeitschrift," Vol.
W. Weyh
the
"
Byzantin-
XXI.
(1912), pp. 76-93.

These
narratives supplement the earliest accounts
359
by giving the
names of the martyrs that of the local Prefect Agricolaus, and add a second trial of the saints before the Prefect and the Dux Lysias who
came from Caesarea
for that purpose.
After each
trial
there
was an
imprisonment with an appearance of the Saviour.
When
'E/LL05 el,
the saints
related that
were brought into court for the third time it is the Devil appeared and said in the ear of Agricolans,
Gebhardt's 9th chapter narrates the miracle of the third hour of the night and warming the water.
of the Devil, this
dyoWou.
the sun shining at
His 10th chapter introduces another appearance

time in
his
human
form, bewailing his defeat by the saints, and expressing
plan to prevent veneration of their relics by inducing the tyrants to In the 1 1 th chapter burn them and throw the ashes into the river. the tyrants come and see the /caTTi/cXa/nos with the saints in the Jake.
These three chapters contain much additional matter which has no

In the 12th chapter, however, support in the earliest authorities. Gebhardt's text reverts to the original story by relating the incident of
the mother of Meletius, the youngest of the band.

carried her
in the
still
Though
aged, she
who had been left by the executioners he would recant, and placed him on the cart in which hope the dead bodies of his companions were being taken to the fire.
breathing son,
that
3th chapter narrates the casting of the relics into the river and their miraculous discovery. It is impossible within the limits of
1
The
this article to give
a complete account of the differences and similarities but

it
of the various stories,
is
useful
and
interesting to
know
that a
Coptic Ry lands Library, though containing some additions to the original story, on the whole supports the earliest
in
MS.
the John
account, helps to
bellished
show
that the later stories
were amplified and emcritical
and
assists in establishing
the sound
views of Ruinart,
Tillemont, and
Ceillier in the beginning of the eighteenth century
and
of Dufourcq, Delehaye,
and Quentin
in quite recent years.
NOTE.
" by the late Wilhelm Weyh to the Byzantinische deserves special attention not only for its German rendering of the Syriac narrative, but also for its careful discussion of the relation of that form of the story to Gebhardt's text. Weyh notes a general agreement which
The
article contributed "
Zeitschrift
in
many
sections
is
quite verbal, but

their
of the other
on account of
he concludes that neither is a translation numerous differences. He points out certain
24
360

He gives two comparative tables
additions and embellishments in the Syriac. of the contents of certain sections in the Greek
and Syriac texts proving, according to his judgment, that the Syriac reads smoothly and that there has been a dislocation of the order of incidents in the Greek.
He
adds
that
regards the Greek narrative as the redaction of a clumsy editor, but many details in the Syriac, which are irrelevant to the sequence of
present form it too has been edited and enpreserves the original story better than the Greek. He notes one phrase where in his view the Greek writer has misunderstood a Syriac expression, and another in which the Syriac order of
the story,
to
seem
show
that in
its
larged, while in some points
it
words
is
reproduced
in
Greek.
the earlier and that the
Greek
editor
This seems to imply that the Syriac was made some use of it.
That the longer version of the story was also known in Egypt is proved by the British Museum Coptic MS. No. 1000. Unfortunately this is a very imperfect papyrus fragment. Mr. Crum in his Catalogue, p. 41 5, reproduces the text of parts of its four pages with some restorations of the numerous lacuna caused by its dilapidated condition. They correspond with the end of the 4th chapter and the beginning of the 5th in Gebhardt's edition. The traditional stories of the martyrdom received a severe criticism from "
Pio Franchi de Cavalieri in
Italian
critic
The
"
supports
his
Testament
of the
40
"
Studi e Testi," No. 22, fasc. 3, pp. 64-70. view by the supposed evidence of the
martyrs
which
is
most probably a
later invention to
expand the idea of the unity in death for which they prayed. Gorres, who has published a special work on the Licinian persecution, strongly asserts the historicity of the martyrdom, and defends his views against " Schonbach (v. Zeitschrift f. d. wissentschaftliche Theologie," Vol. XXI.
He is supported by Keim, Hilgenfeld, Weizsacker, and Ritter. question of Christianity and military service at this period was fully dis" cussed by Professor Calder in the Expositor," 7th series, Vol. V., pp.
pp. 64-70).
The
385-408.
HENRY DE
BY
CICESTRIA'S MISSAL.
F.RHiST.S.
Librarian,
I
FRANCES ROSE-TROUP,
the kindness of
Mr. Guppy, the

of
have
in provenance the John Rylands Library, and as it is too late to insert the information in the forthcoming Catalogue of Western MSS. I have
been THROUGH
enabled to
prove the
MS. No. 24
put together a few notes on the subject as likely to be of interest to

other bibliophiles
and perhaps useful to students. I have long been searching for books that were formerly in the library of Exeter Cathedral, and a reference in the Rev. J. Wickham
Legge's volume on The Sarum Missal\z& me to investigate the history of a copy of a missal mentioned by him on page vi.
It
appeared that
"
this
;
had been
that there
in the possession of the
Earl of
fly-leaf
Crawford and Balcarres

(fol.
i.)
s
was an
inscription on the
reading "
;
Memoriale Henrici de
one
of that
of
Ciscestria canonici
Exon.
prec. lx
and
that
name had resigned the precentorship

1
of the Collegiate
I
Church
Crediton in
264.
was
led to believe that this, with other
MSS. had
and
passed from
the Earl's collection to the John Rylands Library
this
proved to
"
word on the secundo be the case. On inquiry I folio" of this Sarum Missal was "induanf" and turning to the inventory of Exeter Cathedral treasures, made on September 6, 1506,
found that the
first
1
we
first
find
among
divers things
" "
que novo scaccario continentur," the

Missalia
entry, under the heading

'
cum
aliis
libris"
Missale, secundo
folio,
Induantur."
Now
that there
was no doubt about

that has
the identity of the
two
it
was
easy enough In a list of

"
to follow
gifts
is
up the clue obtained.

been made
:
in or before
1277
to the
Cathedral there
this
entry
De dono
1
Henrici de Cicestre
Una
capa baudek cum
scutis.
Oliver's Lives of the Bishops of Exeter, p. 350.

361
362

missale.
Una cuppa deaurata pendens ultra majus altare cum Ista cuppa furata fuit et loco suo dedit Episcopus Dominico. corpora Grandissono aliam." Johannes de
Unum
No
was
also
fuller
Cicestria's
is required to identify the MSS. with Henry de and we may not be far wrong if we assumed that it gift, the same as the seventh Missal in the inventory of 1327
proof
thus described
"
Bonum notatum cum

in
tropariis
cum
multis ymaginibus subtilibus
de auro
canone,
lx s ."
fly-leaf.
for this agrees
with the value entered on the

little
To
"
the note concerning the donor a
further information can
be added.
He may, with
list
some degree
of certainty,
et
be identified with
Henrico, Thesaurario Criditonie

of those present
his
Canonico Exonie,"
3,
1
the second on the

"
on December
right
in
242,
"
when
Bishop William Briwere granted

Jocelini
in his
land called
Mons
manor
of
Crediton to the Reclusorium he had founded

3
near the Chapel of St. Lawrence there.
The
have become
years.
like
his
confreres at
Exeter
Treasurer might easily the Precentor in later
Our next glimpse of him is in 249 when the Prior of St. James " Exeter quit-claimed to Henry de Cirencestre," canon of Exeter, by a tenement in St. Martin's Lane, the bounds of which are set out
1 "
and
lane,
this,
by other evidence obtainable, was on the west side of the next to the tenement of the Vicars of Crediton and not far from
Street.
It
the
High
was no doubt
this
same tenement
that
he gave
to the Vicars
Choral of Exeter
of 16d. to
for the
an annual charge
the Chapeter
support of his obit, subject to and another of 9s. to the
His ordinance, or as he Hospital of St. John by the East Gate. it "carta mea," is recorded in a volume styles belonging to the Vicars
Choral, and from
versary
1
this
we
learn that each
Canon
present at his anni1
was
to receive 2d.
and each Vicar [Choral]
Id.
Although
Oliver's Lir^s of the llishops of Exeter, p. 300. '/., p. 305, as corrected by comparison with he
Dean and Chapter

Krone
MS. No.
:i
3720.
Transcript of Kishop
YJ/J, p.
See Hingeston-Randolph's
p. 5.
Register, 4 Oliver's bfona.

4
195.
Dean and Chapter MS., No. 3675.
HENRY DE
not dated
it
CICESTRIA'S MISSAL
it
363
was
is
:
evident from the names of the witnesses that
made
in
264
6.
we
find in the calendar that his obit

I
was
celebrated
on June Although have found no evidence to support it, Dr. M. R. James' suggestion that he was the Henry de Cicestria who was Chancellor of Lincoln from about 1260 to 1268 may be correct,
1
though the date of his charter falling between those two years and containing no reference to that dignity rather militates against it. As to the MS. itself we might hazard a guess that at some period
it
was
in
use at the altar of St.

offices
Edmund
and
a
fifteenth
the Confessor in
Exeter
Cathedral as the
for that saint,
for his translation,
have
so,
been
this is
added
to
the missal
by
century
hand.
If
particularly interesting as
his
Edmund
Rich, the archbishop, died
in
1242 and
remains were translated in

as St.
1247.
He
was
afterIt is,
wards canonized and known

that
Edmund
the Confessor.
therefore, quite possible Henry de Cicestria knew him in the flesh, and it is more than probable that he was present at the dedication of the
altar in
what was afterwards known
as St.
Edmund's
Chapel
at the
north-west corner of Exeter Cathedral, and which had
been practically rebuilt by Bishop Marshall about the year 1200. know that there was an altar so dedicated before 283. Should
We
this
surmise be correct this
Sarum
missal
may have been removed
to
the
New
gift
Treasury about the middle of the

missal in St.
fifteenth century as in
1506 the
the
of
Edmund's Chapel was one printed on vellum,

in
1
John Major who died

is
447.
that a missal of the
The
which
point that
rather puzzling
is
Sarum Use,
of the
differed
in
from the Use of Exeter, should be entered without

the
library
comment
Ordinal
both
inventory
and
in
that
gifts,
especially as
we
find that in
1391 Bishop Brantyngham presented an

to the
of the
Sarum Use
so far as
Dean and Chapter
desiring that
the Cathedral services should conform thereto, but the

it
Canons would
did not differ in the special offices for accept only saints' days and the customs and observances which they had sworn
in
it
to maintain,
Dean presented a lengthy list of reservations. Perhaps it was to make it conform to these requirements that the additions were made to our missal in the fifteenth century hand.
so the
1
There can be
1
little
doubt that
in the magnificent full-page illumina-
See Hist.
MSS.
Commission Report, IV,
p. 39.
364
tion

on
*
1
the figure in ecclesiastical vestments kneeling on the right and presenting a scroll to the Divine Child is intended to be a portrait
of the donor.
That he was a person

period, have been great,
to in such
of
wealth and position

"
seems indubitable
"
as the value of such an elaborately illuminated
missal must, at that
and because
his gilded
cuppa
was allowed
a prominent position in the Cathedral. hang In conclusion I ought to mention that the spelling of his
name
varies, even on the same page of the MS. of the Vicars Choral, but it is most There can be no frequently that which I have adopted.
question of the identity of the persons differently named, but
we
have
no means
1
of deciding
whether he came from Chichester or Cirencester.

"
even appears as in Exeter Corporation Henry the Canon Document No. 656, dated February 2, 1253-4, as if he were important enough to be recognized by that designation alone.
He
"
ON A LOST
BY
J.
MS.
OF
DR.
ADAM
CLARKE'S.
RENDEL HARRIS,
LiTT.D., D.THEOL., ETC.

the inquiry
a recent number of
Notes and Queries
was made
IN by
Dr.
Mr. George Horner,

Clarke, containing a
the well-known Coptic scholar, as to
the whereabouts of a Syriac
Adam
The
formerly in the possession of Harmony of the Life and Passion of
MS.
our Lord Jesus Christ.

inquiry
was
pertinent
enough
in
is
view
of the description,
for
Harmony
of Syriac Gospels, such as

lost
be anything except (a) the

curs in the
here described, could hardly Harmony of Tatian, or (b) a copy of
the Syriac Gospels containing a Passion
Harmony, such
as often oc-
MSS.
of the
Harklean Version.
The
and
question derives an
will presently appear, Dr.
when we observe that, as Adam Clarke (who was no mean Orientalist

added
interest
Biblical Scholar) regarded this
MS.
1
as the
Gem of
all his collection,
and attributed
to
it
an age of
at least
000
years.
The
in
first
steps in
the search for the lost
Horner, who, observing that Dr. Clarke's

sale catalogues of the firm in
MS. were taken by Mr. MSS. were sold by Sotheby

the
British
1836 (Monday, 26 June and three following days), examined

question
as preserved in the
that
it
was purchased by a buyer of the name of Cochran the price was 5 5s., as Mr. Guppy reports from an examination of the sale catalogue in question. Mr. Horner was, howas to the buyer, who is entered, as Mr. Guppy points out, ever, wrong
Museum, and reported

;
in the
confused the
Catalogue of the British Museum as Baynes. Apparently he MS. with No. 1 38 described as the Four Gospels and
the Acts of the Apostles, which
was
sold to
Cochran
for
5s.
What became
1
of the
MS.
is,
at present, uncertain.
p.
This has an inserted note on
408
to the effect that
it
came from
India.
"Codex
Evangelia
et
MS.
chartaceus in
forma
365
lit
Acta Apostolorum idiomate
et
vocant 4 continet quatuor characteribus Syriacus exaratus.
to
366

Mr. Horner writes me the
result of his preliminary inquiries as
:
follows
Perhaps you have already seen a copy of the catalogue of Adam Clarke's books which was published by John Murray in 1835, and compiled by his son J. B. B. Clarke of Trinity College, Cambridge.
"
...
have
of course
asked the authorities at the Bodleian,

stores.
and you must be well acquainted with all Cambridge Syriac Sotheby can give no help at that distant date and Lawlor, their
died, as
expert,
you probably know, some years past, though he was not an old man and could hardly have given any information.
"
1
believe that the present
Thorp has nothing
in
common
in
with the
former bookseller
1
know
who was buying Oriental books in the about the other buyer Cochran, mentioned nothing
Museum.
. .
thirties,
and
Sotheby's
catalogue at the British
."
Mr. Homer's reference
to the possibility of the lost

fruitful.
Cambridge does not become
There
is
only
MS. being at one MS. of Dr.
Adam
is
Clarke's collection at Cambridge,
it is
a Lectionary in Syriac
from Southern India of no greater age than the eighteenth century, and labelled on the back
Evang. Chald. Malab. 246.

It is
described as follows in the Cambridge Catalogue of Syriac " Add. 167, a late MS. of the XVIIIth century.
1
MSS.
"On
f.
6 b
is
this
entry
:-
"Baker, Cat. 135, No. 882. 311 (?3-ll) 1873.

This is evidently No. 246 A. Clarke (1835), and No. 14
"
in the
in
Catalogue of the
MSS.
of Dr.
the Cat. of Baynes
&
Son (1836),
where
it is
priced
7 7s."
therefore from the Christians of St.
The MS. came

Southern India,
note.
etc.,
Thomas
in
and
is,
no doubt, the one described
in a foregoing
Venit ex India Orientali, ubi olim inserviebat usibus Ecclesiae Christianorum

qui a St.
dispersi
Thoma denominantur,
sunt,
et in regionibus
Malabaricis
utuntur,
et
Coromandclicis
quique
in
sacris
lingua
Syriaca
Patriarchamque
nullos
nottri
Antiochenum antistitem habent. Codex sane preciosus, cum hactenus N. Foederis lingua Syriaca exaratos habuerimus codices. Character
codicis abludit aliquantulum a charactere impressorum hbrorum, inde factum quia currente calamo scriptus est."
quod
forsan
ON A LOST
Well
No. 447
!
MS.
OF
DR.
ADAM
CLARKE'S
367
is
this
cannot be what
we
are in search of, for our
MS.
in the sale catalogue of the
Clarke
MSS.
(I
On
"
turning to
the catalogue in
question
use a copy in the

:
Cheetham
Imp. 4
in
Library, Manchester)
we
find as follows
No. 447.
The
Life
and Passion
of our Blessed
Lord
in Syriac.
stamped Russia, pp. 368. " Collected from the four Evangelists
one of the old Evangelistaria

life in
it is
a kind of harmony of the Gospels, giving our Lord's words of the Evangelists."
the
The
"
following
is
a note in the handwriting of Mr.
Edward
Ives
of Titchfield,
Hants :1
Turkey, July 2nd, Sunday,

"
758.
At
about
I
six hours'
a poor Christian town called Camalisk Gawerkoe, situated journey S. of Mosul (ancient Nineveh), this MS.
;
bought of a Deacon belonging to the old Christian Church there and the town, he informed me, was once the seat of a Christian
Bishop."
"
It is
written in the ancient

:
Estrangelian (a Syriac
uncial) char-
acter, in a
but
it
this MS. was much damaged and in ruins, very bold hand has been most beautifully inlaid and arranged by Dr. Clarke,
and now forms one
of the best preserved
and most ancient Syriac

old.
It
MSS.
It
extant, being probably
upwards
of
of
1000 years
lost
formerly
belonged to Jacob Bryant."

appears then, that the
list
owners ofthe
Ives.
MS.
is
a series
Edward
Jacob Bryant.
Adam
?
Clarke.
Baynes.
Bryant is a well-known scholar of the early nineteenth century, famous for his outspoken scepticism with regard to the siege of Troy, which he believed to be altogether mythical. He need not detain us, for
we
the
have a complete account of the journey of
Edward
Ives,
on which
MS. was
it,
purchased,
as well as
some supplementary information

from the necessity of any further
:
concerning
research.
which
title
will relieve us
The
of the
book
is
as follows
"
also,
A Voyage from England to India in
the year
MDCCLIV.,
etc.
368

Persia to England, by an unusual route, etc.
"A Journey from

Edward
ship,
By
Ives,
Esq.
formerly surgeon of Admiral Watson's

in the
and
of
His Majesty's Hospital

(printed
for
East Indies.
Charles
Dilly
"4
The
London
Edward
:
and
MDCCLXXIII.)"
following extracts will suffice us
About five o'clock we came to a poor town inhabited by Camalisk Gawerkoe, which, I was told, means The chief of it informed me that it was once Christian Gawerkoe. a city, the seat of a Chaldean bishop, and larger than Mosul is at
"p. 318.
Christians, called
present, but that
it
suffered great persecution,

first
and was almost

this
entirely
destroyed,
when Mahometanism
.
.
took place in
part of the
world. "
The
present inhabitants (as
we
are informed) speak the original
Chaldean languages,
little
as well as the
Turkish and Arabian.

of St.
At
distance from the

to the
town they show you the tomb
Barbara,
who, according
her
own
.
father,
.
.
Papas account, died a martyr by the hand of Pagan, because she persisted to believe in Jesus
of the inhabitants, the
Christ
"
Mr. Doidge bought of one
Old Testament,
as he supposed, for the seller called it an history of the Prophets, and one of the Deacons sold me an old Manuscript, which on the word of
a Christian he declared to be the Gospel.

sertions neither of us
is
Of
the truth of these as-
the least able to judge,

in
we
:
only intended them
as curiosities for our learned friends

is
England?
having been
A foot-note added to the following effect " A Specimen of the MS. purchased by the author,
since laid before Dr.
Morton and Mr. Ridley
of the
Royal Society,
they both decisively pronounced it to be the old or simpler Syriac Testament. Version of the
New
"
An
extract hereof
is
in the
annexed
it is
plate."
From
ferred to
the copper-plate in question
easy to see that the
MS.
is
a Syriac Lectionary of the usual type.

is
No
doubt the
Harmony
re-
a description of the Gospels read through the circle of the the Passion Harmony of the Harkleian Version (a version year//>" with which Mr. Ridley was familiar).
The
script as
shown
in the
plate
is
of
no great age, nor need

its
we
Mr.
spend any further time over the
MS. and
present location.
ON A LOST
Ives has told us
all
MS.
OF
to
DR.
ADAM
CLARKE'S
369
we need
know on
the matter.
Dr. Mingana,
my
colleague, to
is
whom
the neighbourhood
where the MS. was purof St.

it
chased
quite familiar,
knows
the
Church
Ives
Barbara quite well
he has often ministered there and describes

the
S. of
as four hours* journey to

gives as
Mosul.
says
is
The name which
Camalisk,
Dr.
Mingana
Karmles.
ABERDEEN
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
MANCHESTER
VOL. 6
EDITED BY THE
L.BRARIAN
JANUARY,
1922
No. 4
LIBRARY NOTES AND NEWS.
T
is
HE
28th of
last
July marked a
It
new epoch
that
in the history of the
University of Louvain.
the
first
was on
stone of the
new
library
day that RE-BIRTH /-\P 'T'LJ C building, which LOUVAIN

in
to replace the
one so senselessly destroyed
LIBRARY
August,
1914, was laid by Dr. Murray Butler, in the presence of the King and Queen of the Belgians, the ex- President of the French Republic, and a large and distinguished company of international scholars.
Dr. Butler, the President of Columbia University,
of the of the
is
the
Chairman
that
National Committee of the United States for the Reconstruction
Louvain Library, and

first
it
was eminently appropriate
he
should perform the

since the cost of
public act in the erection of the
new
building,
it is
to be defrayed
by
his
Committee.
We
Ry lands
had the
privilege
and pleasure
five
of being present at this im-
portant function, as the representative of the Governors of the John

Library,
and
also of the
hundred contributors
to the
English scheme for equipping the shelves of the new library with the and it is primarily for their information that we have necessary books
;
given, elsewhere in the present issue, a brief account of the proceedings,
some impressions which we formed of the country through which we passed on the journey to and from Louvain.
together with
It
was
to us
an event of peculiar
interest
and
gratification,
for in
April, 1915, when we made our first public appeal for help under our scheme for rendering assistance to the authorities of the University
heavy task of making good the ruin wrought by the war, we were regarded by some of our pessimistic friends with an air of tolerant pity for daring to make such an appeal when Belgium was still in the
in their
occupation of the Germans, and, as they said, was likely to remain so. were not discouraged, however, incurably optimistic as we were,
We
and persisted
in our endeavours,
with the encouraging result that books 25
372

in
began to stream
classes of the
by ones and by twos and by hundreds, from

in
all
all
community,
parts of the world, until to-day the

gifts
substantial
figure of
40,000 volumes has been reached, and
con-
tinue
still
to reach us.
We are
sanguine enough, therefore, to believe

is
that by the time the

collection will
new
building
have
totalled not less
ready for occupation, the English than 50,000 volumes.
Of
the books already received
38,000 have been catalogued and

in actual use in their
transferred to Louvain,
where they are
temporary
home, which serves as University reading-room and library, pending the completion of the building which is now in process of erection.
We invite further offers of
suitable books, so that our
combined
gift
may be an acknowledgment not unworthy of our indebtedness to the

incomparably brave nation and their valiant Sovereign, who sacrificed all but honour to preserve their own independence, and thereby safeguard the
liberties of
Europe by
frustrating the invader's plans.
We
owe
to
should seize such

at least
Belgium more than we can ever repay, but it is fitting that we an opportunity as the present scheme offers to repay
of our debt.
last
some part
Since the publication of our
issue in July, the following gifts
have been received, and
we take this opportunity for reour thanks to the following contributors for so newing generously and continuously responding to our appeals,
in that
DONORS TO
and
way
assisting us to obtain
such encouraging
results.
(The
figures in
Brackets represent the number of Volumes.)
THE ALCUIN CLUB. (The Rev. THE BRITISH ARCH/EOLOGICAL

E.
P.
DEARMER,
Secretary.)
(2)
ASSOCIATION.
(33)
ROCK CARLING, Esq., London. CLARK UNIVERSITY, Worcester, Mass.

SON, Librarian.)
(Dr.
The Rev. J. CROSS, Wimborne. The CUNARD STEAMSHIP Co., LTD., Liverpool. The Rev. A. DlXON, M.A., Denton. HENRY GUPPY, Manchester. The Rev. C. W. HALL, Todmorden. The SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA, India Office. The GOVERNORS OF THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY. Mrs. MACDONALD, Sidcup. The MANCHESTER GUARDIAN. (Per Dr. C. P. SCOTT.)

The Rev. R. G. MATTHEW, Wigan. Miss H. M. OUTRAM, Worksop.
J.
373
(14)
(10) (50)
B.
PAYNE,
F.
Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Prof.
G. PEABODY, Cambridge, Mass.

J.
(Per
The
Rt. (I)
BURNS.) Lord PHILLIMORE, London.
Hon.
(71)
>(603)
The QUEKETT MICROSCOPICAL CLUB, London. The Rev. J. T. ROGERS, St. Neots. Mrs. RUTSON, Byfleet.
Mrs. SKEAT, South Croydon. NEWTON SMITH, Esq., Manchester.
(15)
(24)
(11) (37)
(26)
THACKERAY RITCHIE. The Rev. F. B. WYATT, Barnard

Miss H.
Castle.
(!)
The works added

year,
of
to the shelves of this library during the past
by purchase and by gift, number 8,264 volumes, ACCESwhich 2,660 were acquired by purchase and 5,604 THE LIB .
by
RARY
gift.
The
useful
by purchase include a number of interesting and items which add to the strength of several departments in which
acquisitions
is
the library
already admittedly rich.

in those
It
has been our endeavour to

literature
keep abreast of the times

the research students
library
latest
branches of
in
which
and other readers
who make
regular use of the
may
or best authorities, but
reasonably expect to find the shelves equipped with the we have not been able to make any
specially
books, in
noteworthy purchases either of manuscripts or of early printed consequence of the financial disabilities under which we, in
common with many similar institutions, are suffering. The files of foreign periodicals and society publications dropped
sadly into arrear during the
to
be able to say
that,
difficult years of the war, but we are glad with very few exceptions, they have now been
brought up to date. As an indication of the character of the additions that have been
made, apart from current literature, we mention a few items taken " almost at random from the lists Thesaurus antiquitatum Ugolino's sacrarum ... in quibus veterum Hebraeorum mores, leges, instituta,
:
ritus
sacri et
civiles
illustrantur,"
Venetiis,
1744-1769,
aus
34
vols.,
Folio;
"Ausgaben und
Abhandlungen
dem.^ Gebiete
der
;
Romanischen Philologie," Marburg, 1881-1900, Heft 1-100, 8vo
374
Emil
Levy's

"
Provinzialisches Supplement- Worterbuch,"
vols.,
1894-1920, 7
zoni,
8vo
"
"
Leipzig,
Rivista di Filologia
Romanza da Man"
Monaci, Stengel,
etc.,"
with the continuations,
Filologia
Romanza,"
Catalans,"
Studi di
Romanzi,"
d'Estudis
1873-1920,
31
Giornale di " Studi Filologia Romanza," and "
vols.,
8vo
Anuari
"
;
de
1'Instiut
1907-1914,
5
:
vols.,
8vo
Annuaire de
1'Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes

et philosophiques,"
Section des sciences historiques

vols.,
1893-1915, 22
"
8vo
La Curne de
Ste.
"
Palaye,
Dictionnaire historique de la langue franchise," Paris, 1875vols.,
1884, 10
8vo;
diretta di F.
rot,
Torraca," 43
Bibliotheca critica della letteratura Italiana, " Oeuvres completes de Didevols., 8vo
;
revues sur les editions originates, avec notices, notes et etudes, par " Alt-Celtischer J. Assezat," Paris, 1875-77, 20 vols., 8vo ; Holder's " Historia Sprachschatz," 1896-1913, 3 vols., 8vo ; Du Boulay's
Universitatis Parisiensis ipsius fundationem, nationes
. .
.
La Bibliotheque dramatique de M. 1665-1673, 6 vols., Fol. de Solienne ... Par P. L. Jacob," Paris, 1843-44, 4 vols., 8vo " Analecta Sacri Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum, seu vetera ordinis
Paris,
;
;
"
complectens,"
monumenta recentioraque acta ... P. A. Fruhswirth," 1893-1920, " Records of European armour 28 vols., 4to Sir G. F. Laking's " and arms through seven centuries," 4 vols., 4to the Publications of
;
;
the Cantilupe Society," Hereford, 1909-21, 19 vols., 8vo

Societatis Scientiarum
"Acta
vols.,
Fennicae," Helsingfors, 1842-1917, 47
8vo de
Boccaccio's
"
II
Decamerone," printed
at the
Ashendene
vols.
;
Press,
1920, Fol.;
la Societe
"The Hobby-Horse,"
de Linguistique,"
1886-1892, 7
in
"Bulletin
;
1869-1916, 20
vols.,
8vo
"Die
Einblattdrucke des
XV Jahrhunderts
vols.,
Hof.
Bibl.
zu Wien," 1920, 2
der Kupferstichsammlung des Max Lehr's " Geschichte Fol.

;
Katalog des deutschen, niederlandschen, und franzo" sischen Kupferstiche im Jahrhunderts," 4 vols. Rassegna d'arte two manuscript antica et moderna," Milano, 1914-20, 13 vols., 8vo
und
kritischer
XV
copies of the
Zend Avesta and

in
L.
H.
Mills,
Vendidad, from the library of Sanskrit and Pehlevi, on paper The original
the
;
Registers of the
Archdeaconry
is
of
The
following
list
of the donors,
Richmond, Yorkshire, 1442-1473. to the number of 104,

and
its
whose appreciation
found expression
of the institution
work has
Qtpjc
-r
in the
numerous
gifts
and bequests by THE

1
which the
library has
been enriched during
92
375
opportunity of renewing and emphasising the thanks already conveyed to each donor individually in another form, at the same time assuring them that these expressions of good-will are a
this
We take
source of great encouragement to the

present writer.
Governors, as well as to the
The names of the individual donors and institutions are as

Miss Barlow.
Sir
J.
follows
Lees Knowles, Bart.
H. M. Barlow, Esq.
R. Bentley, Esq. Miss Bradley.
Miss Brathwaite.
E. Broxap, Esq. The Rt. Rev. Abbot Butler.
R. Lantin, Esq.
A. Lefranc, Esq. The Librarian.

Prof. F.
Mayence. His Honour Judge E. A. Parry. Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera.

Miss Algerina Peckover.
C.
The Rev.
Dr.
C. Collman, Esq. E. Hampden-Cook.
W.
Dysons
Perrins, Esq.
A. Deissmann. H. Dennis, Esq. J. The Rev. A. Dixon, M.A. Captain A. G. Donald.

F. R. Ducker, Esq.
Prof. L. van der Essen.
W.
Poel, Esq.
E. Prestage, Esq. Miss D. Roberts.
Dr. D. Lloyd Roberts.
W. H.
J.
Schoff, Esq.
Lever, Esq.
Miss Falshaw.
Sir
Mrs. Smith.
G. Fordham.
Galliati.
Mrs. Kirby Flower Smith.

Col.
J.
Mrs.
P. Steel.
Prof. E. G. Gardner.
Sir
I.
A.
Gollancz.
F. Stewart, Esq. Dr. Paget Toynbee.

Prof.
Dr.
J.
Rendel Harris.
A.
Valgimigli.
Dr. C.
A, Hewavitarne.
Dr.
M. D.
Volonakis.
Bart.
Miss Horniman.
J.
Col. Sir C. Wakefield,
D. Hughes, Esq,
A. Walker,
Esq.
Dr.
A. Hulshof.
Sir E.
R. Jaeschke, Esq. D. Jones, Bart.

Mrs.
G. Walpole, Esq. Dr. C. Wessely.

Prof. J. F. Willard.
H.
Jones.
Exors. of
H.J.Wilson,
Wright.
Esq.,
M.P.
The Rev.
L.
H.
Jordan.
J.
Windsor, Esq.
J. J.
W.
Kirkby, Esq.
The Rev.
376

Aberdeen
University.
Aberystwyth.
Barcelona.
National Library of Wales.
American Art Association.

Insritut
d'Estudis Catalans.
Bibliotheque Nationale.
Birmingham Public
British
British
Libraries.
Academy. Museum.
Carnegie United Kingdom Trust. Caslon & Co.

Chicago.
The Newberry
of.
Library.
Chicago, University
Columbia University.
Copenhagen.
Royal Library.
University.
Copenhagen
Cornell University Library.
Cunard Steamship
Co., Ltd.
Durham
University.
Edinburgh University.
Edinburgh Society
for
Promotion
of
Trade.
Federal Council of the Evangelical Free Churches.
Groningen University.
India Office.
Irish Society of
London.
Sciencias.
Lisbon.
Academia das
London.
University College.
Manchester.
College of Technology.
Liberation Society.
Manchester.
Manchester.
Victoria University.
Michigan, University of. Bavarian State Library. Munich.

Library. Saint Andrews' University.
New
York Public
Stockholm.
Royal Library.
Stubbs* Directories Ltd.
Sydney.
Public Library of
of. of.
New
South Wales.
Texas, University
Toronto, University

Utrecht, University
of.
377
Vatican Library.
Wall Paper Manufacturers, Ltd.

Washington.
Washington. Yale University Library. The gifts, which number 5,604 volumes, include many works which it would have been difficult if not impossible to obtain through
Library of Congress. Smithsonian Institution.
any other channel.
Notably
collection of books,
pamphlets and
periodicals connected with the Anti-Slavery
back for about a century, from
the library
Movement, and dating of the late Mr. H. J.
Wilson, M.P., of Sheffield, which has been presented by his executors, This gift also included Miss Helen Wilson and Mr. A. C. Wilson.
a number of useful reference works of general
interest.
Mr. A. C.
Liberation
Wilson
has also presented,
on behalf
of the Society for the
of Religion
from State Patronage and Control, a large collection of
pamphlet and other literature dealing with the question of Disestablishment, and including a set of the Society's own publications. By
means
these
of
these
two
gifts
the
students of
the history of
their
either
of
movements have had
placed
within
reach
invaluable
research material.
Sir
"
The
Lees Knowles, Bart., was good enough to present his set of " for the period covering the great war, which he had Times
had
excellently
bound
in
33 volumes.
This
is
a most welcome addi-
tion to the library's collection of
war
literature,
which already numbers
about 3,000 volumes.
Reference should also be
made
to
the
many
collections of
the
works
of
modern
writers from the library of Dr.
have been received as part of his which have greatly strengthened the particular department of the library to which they properly belong. These include the works of James
Lloyd Roberts, which bequest during the same period, and
Howell, William Morris, William Hazlitt, Austin
Andrew Lang, Richard Le

Dobson,
Lowell,
Gallienne,
Lord
Byron,
Oliver
Wendell
Holmes,
Landor,
Coleridge,
James
Russell
Douglas Jerrold, Walter Savage

Swinburne,
W.
Leigh
Hunt,
Charles
Samuel
Taylor
George Henry Augustus Sala, Goldwin Smith, Frederic Harrison, and William Watson, to mention only the most important. Then, too, we should
Lewes,
Thomas
H. Huxley, George
378

Thomas
"
Religio Medici," which
to the latest
;
not omit to refer to the remarkably complete collection of Sir
Browne's
from the
editions
is
said to include every edition
first
and
also the collection of the fifteen earliest
of
Sir
which came
to
Samuel Garth's poem us from the same source.

gifts to
"
The
Dispensary," both of
Amongst
other
the Library
is
one of exceptional
consisting of
interest to
students of the history of the
modern drama,
MISS
seventeen volumes of newspaper cuttings, which furnish a
ANn THE
complete record of Miss Horniman's courageous enterprise GAIETY in Manchester, from the time of her taking over the MANCHES-
commonplace Gaiety Theatre, which under her effective direction speedily developed into one of the most widely known
theatres in
the world,
down
to the time
when
she relinquished
its
ownership and management in the early part of last year. For twenty years Miss Horniman faithfully served the
English
plays,
interests of
drama
in the
North
by
every sort of author
of England. More than six hundred both native and foreign, from Euripides
to
St. John Ervine, were produced at the which quickly became a training ground for young Gaiety Theatre, Lancashire writers, where they could obtain the only training that is
Stanley
Houghton and
of
any
service to dramatists
the chance to see their plays actually
performed on the stage. The result of Miss Horniman's enterprise was to place Manchester
in
cities of
a position which made it, theatrically, almost unique among the the world, but it has now fallen from its high estate through
this
allowing
home and
for
school of pure
drama
told,
it,
to degenerate into a
is full
picture theatre.
Manchester,
we
have been
for
of gratitude to
of that
Miss Hornimah
what she has done
and the extent

It
debt will become more apparent as time passes.
was prepared
!
to
in
do anything for this courageous lady, except go to her theatre sufficient numbers to prevent it from becoming a picture palace
A
...
to the students of the
few years ago Miss Horniman rendered another modern drama, by depositing in the
...
.
signal service
.
Library a similar collection, in ten volumes, ot fugitive,

but none
the
less
NATIONAL THEATRF
valuable material dealing with
the
history of the Irish National Theatre,
from
its
beginnings in 1901.
These important
sources of
information
would have been

files
lost,
because, through accident of birth, they are buried in the
of the

various newspapers
379
and periodicals
in
the praiseworthy
energy displayed
preserving,
which they appeared, but for by the donor in collecting, and

collection available
with her
in
its
own hands
Irish
and making the
existing form.
National Theatre was a natural outgrowth of the Celtic Revival, which in itself was but a phase of the Irish National Move-
This
ment, which has met with a good deal of ridicule in this country, because of the extravagances and absurdities in which some of the more
aggressive spirits
have indulged
yet,
amongst
it
looked upon
interest.
it
with unprejudiced eyes
people who have has aroused a real sympathetic

literary
The aim
was
Irish
of the
little
band
of enthusiasts
who were
responsible for
laying the foundations of this national drama,

to render in dramatic
tales
some twenty years ago,

and
life
form some of the best of the fascinating
legendary
and
traditions
which
tell
of the faith
of the
people, of the deeds of their heroes,
and
of the glories of their
kings,
and
for
in so
doing to substitute a live national

describes as
name,
what Mr. Yeats
"
:
drama worthy of the the machine-made play of
modern commerce, that lifeless product of conventional cleverness, from which we come away knowing nothing new about ourselves, seeing life with no new eyes, and hearing it with no new ears ".
In
the realization of their aims
Miss Horniman played a very
important part by generously undertaking not only to provide these struggling enthusiasts with a permanent home at the Abbey Theatre
in
Dublin, but also by providing them with a subsidy for five years, so that they might develop the literary and dramatic instincts of the Irish
people.
Until the advent of this fairy god-mother they
had had
to
write their
own
plays,
and with
their very limited resources to
produce
them, often under the most distressing circumstances, and amidst the most inconvenient surroundings.
Twenty
years ago there
were no
1
Irish
plays except the melodramas

subjects.
dealing with the insurrection of
798, and similar
there are hundreds of plays dealing with every aspect of

in
To-day modern life
town and country, with characters
in
Irish
mythology, and with

country and
direction of
life in
other lands, written or translated by Irish authors.
The Abbey Theatre artists are now performing in this America, and it has its own school of acting under the
Mr. Frank Fay, one
of the
Abbey's
first
and
greatest players.
380
In the early days of this movement some of the finest productions " were played to very sparse audiences, and when Synge's Playboy in " was first produced the police had to be called in the Western World
to quell the opposition
and
to
remove those who
protested.
Since those exciting days there has been a great change. The Theatre has created a taste for sincere and original drama, with Abbey
an atmosphere which allows of a latitude of expression that would not It can now live on its have been dreamt of twenty years ago. earnings,
but
it
should not be forgotten that in the period of transition Miss
Horniman's help was invaluable.

Indeed,
the
first
when
the history of the English

of the twentieth century
and
Irish
movement during
be written, the
quarter
comes
to
historian will find that
much
of his
is
work
will
have to be written around

in
Miss Horniman, and that he
indebted to her for her foresight
preserving this valuable collection of material for his use.
We
are glad to be able to announce the publication of the

of the long expected
in
first
two volumes
"
Catalogue of Latin
CATA-
Manuscripts be procured from
the John Rylands Library," which the

Library's
;
regular
agents
may The MANU-
OF
Manchester University Press Messrs. Longmans, Green & Co. and Messrs. Bernard Quaritch, Limited.
;
volume contains the descriptive text, whilst its companion volume of plates comprises nearly two hundred facsimile reproductions of characteristic pages of text, illuminations, and jewelled bindings,
first
The
selected from the manuscripts with
which the catalogue
deals.
These
include examples of first-class quality of the art of the great mediaeval

writing schools of Europe, ranging from the sixth to the nineteenth
century,
It
and covering a wide range
of subjects.
instalment
should be explained that the present volumes represent the first " of the Catalogue of Western Manuscripts," and deal
1
with the
first group (numbering 83) of the Latin rolls and which are almost exclusively written in the book hand.
codices,
Considerable additions to
collections
this section of the
Library's manuscript
have been made since the present catalogue was taken in hand, many of which are of considerable historical importance, including cartularies, royal wardrobe and household expenses books, chronicles,
early papal bulls, briefs, patents,
charters,
etc.
wills,
marriage contracts, court
rolls,
These are being examined and described
in readiness

for inclusion in the succeeding
381
volumes of the catalogue, by one of the

the
Assistant- Keepers of Manuscripts.
The
present volumes are
work
of
Dr. Montague Rhodes
James, one of the most distinguished authorities in this field of investigation, who has rendered a valuable service, not only to the Library,
but to scholarship, by undertaking the
work
upon
in
spite of
more
pressing
and more
legitimate claims
his time.
many other By so doing
Dr. James has greatly enhanced the value and interest of the manuscripts themselves.
The two
net, a price
It
is
volumes, in royal quarto, are published at four guineas

is
which
much below
the cost of production.
our intention to print, from
time to time, in these pages,
hand-lists, consisting of brief descriptive notes of the rarer,
and
in
some cases unrecorded, works which are

of
to
be
found
in the Library's collections of manuscripts.
OTHER
RARF
One
find
it
our reasons for adopting this plan is that we impossible to proceed with the printing of the full
MANU-
descriptive catalogues, several of
the present prohibitive cost of
which are ready for the press, whilst printing and book production prevails.
In order, therefore, that students, interested in the subjects with
which these manuscripts

to call attention to
deal, should not be penalised
by being kept
means,
in ignorance of their presence in the library,
we propose, by this
works
of great rarity
otherwise remain, at least for
and importance, which would the present, buried and unknown.

some
of the rarer
The
present instalment of these notes deals with

texts,
under the heading Theology, to be found in the collection of Arabic, Persian and Turkish manuscripts, which comor unique
prises
It
upwards
of
two thousand volumes.
out of place again to remind students that Sir Harry Bart, late of Peover Hall, Cheshire, has THE M AINMainwaring,
may not be
deposited in this library, on loan for an indefinite period, for

the use or students, his interesting collection of manuscripts, which includes many early charters, and other materials
relating
to the
i
X?J!r CHAKlbKt)
AND
MANU:
county of
at
Cheshire.
The Mainwaring
family
had been seated
Peover ever since the Conquest, and had
the good fortune to possess State papers, diaries, household books, and literary papers of the seventeenth century, besides a vast quantity
of
deeds and evidences relating to
their lands,
which cannot
fail
to
be
382

by them.
whilst five
of the
of interest to students of the history of the period covered
Many
Peover deeds are

earlier
of the time of
Edward
Henry
III,
hundred
of
them are
than the reign of
VIII, the earliest
of all consisting of charters granted, in the twelfth century,
by Earls
of Chester.
We
hope
to
commence,
in
an early
issue of the
"
Bulletin," the
publication of a hand-list of these interesting
We
and important documents. should be glad to undertake the safe custody, under similar
conditions, of any other collections of manuscripts, especially those relating to the
O FFER TO
England, or in the ACCEPT possession of families connected with that area, which OF LOCAL the owners are either unable or unwilling to dispose of,
North
of
and
for
which they are no longer able

the present time,
to provide suitable housing
accommodation.
At
when
so
many
estates are being broken up,
and old family residences are being relinquished and the contents dispersed, there is a grave danger lest valuable documents of great
historic interest,
realised,
the
importance of which
may
not yet
have been
should be lost sight of, and perhaps be accidentally destroyed with the so-called lumber which so often accumulates in great houses,
or be stored temporarily, for
suitable buildings,
want
of better
accommodation,
in
un-
where they are
likely to suffer irreparable
damage
from
damp and
neglect.
It is
for this reason that
we
venture to offer not only the hospitality
of the Library, but the services of the staff in caring for
and arranging such collections, so that they might be accessible to students, under the customary safeguards, whilst they remain in our custody.
We
It
shall
be glad to advise owners of
such
collections in the
matter of their transfer and treatment.

will interest
library of the late
many of our readers to learn that the Assyriological Canon C. H. W. Johns, D.Litt., D.D., THE LIB
of St. Catherine's College,
of
sometime Master
Cambridge,
whose death, on the 20th blow to that department

his
August,
920, was a serious
5ucT ?EE CANON
of Oriental research in
which
pre-eminence was everywhere recognised, has been presented, by
his express desire, to
Queen's College, Cambridge, where

in
it
is
avail-
able for use by any student of Assyriology visiting Cambridge.
The
library contains,
addition
to the valuable collection
of

books, a mass of systematized notes, card catalogues
matter, a small
find
383
number
of tablets
and manuscript and squeezes which students will

Cuneiform.
most useful
for practice in reading
We
"
are also glad to be able to announce that the collection of

in the 7th century, B.C.," of
first
Assyrian deeds and documents
which
Canon Johns
tinued.
edit
himself published the
three volumes,
late
is
to
be conis
Mrs. Johns,
at the express desire of her
husband,
to
which Canon Johns and in an unfinished state. The demand for the manuscript forthcoming volume is so great, we are told, that it has been decided
and
see through the press the fourth volume,
left
in
to
double the issue which had been originally proposed. Mrs. Johns also hopes to publish a second edition of the
of the
first
volume
same work, which has been long out
of print
and
in
much demand.
We
recently.
must not omit gratefully to acknowledge two

gifts
RECENT
GIF
other important
which the
library has received quite
The
"
manuscript,
from Miss Algerina Peckover, consisting of a Missale Romanum," which was probably written for a
first is
church
in the diocese of
Cologne, in the
latter part of the
eleventh or
the early years of

possession of a
nunnery.
The
the twelfth century, and later passed into the church in the Netherlands, probably attached to some few ornamental letters with which the MS. is em-
bellished appear to
show
traces
of
the influence of
the school of
It is in a fifteenth century binding of brown St. Gall. stamped leather over oaken boards, and forms a most welcome addition to the library's
collection of liturgical manuscripts.
The
of
of
other
gift
is
of
different,
but
character, taking the
form
of a cheque,
welcome, and representing the first gift

less
none the
money which
the Founder.
the library has received apart from the benefactions
We
are grateful
in,
to
Miss Winterbottom
of,
for this
helpful expression of
her interest
and appreciation
the institution
and
its
work.
The present issue completes the sixth volume of the " Bulletin," and we furnish herewith a title page and list of contents for those of our readers who may wish to preserve their numbers by having them
bound.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF
BY
R. S.
VERGIL.
,
CON WAY,
IN
Lirr.D
F.B.A.
PROFESSOR OF LATIN
THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.
ONE
most distinguished of living British philosophers once declared that the most which any system of metaphysics could
of the
hope to do was to suggest a new point of view. At the moment he was lecturing on the mysterious Hegel and though it was twenty-five years ago I still remember the feeling of relief which his
;
declaration produced.
Here was a profound
student of Hegel, no
mean author
literally true
himself of metaphysical theory, deliberately acknowledgbrilliant,
ing that no philosophic system, however

;
could hope to be
could
claim
he was content
if
we
recognised
that all great systems
provided new and fruitful points of view from which the world Somewhat in this spirit even those who have no be studied.
to
be philosophers may still, perhaps, discern something in a great poet which it is not unreasonable to describe as a philosophy, pervading It certainly does not amount to a metaphysical his mature work.
system
does seem to open to us a rather striking point of view. All lovers of Vergil know the lines in Tennyson's address to him, and
;
but
it
we
all
recognise their truth

that seest universal nature
Thou Thou
moved by
universal mind,
majestic in thy sadness at the doubtful
doom
of
humankind.
ascribes to Vergil there

like to
Behind and beneath these two conceptions which Tennyson was a certain mental attitude which I should
make
clear,
is
if I
can.
in
it
The
theory
submitted to criticism with some diffidence, yet

it
the conviction that
is
at least true so far as
it
goes,
and
that
co-ordinates
style
and explains many

which
features in Vergil's work, both in his
and
in his thought.
The
1
attitude
we
are to study
is
that
which
believe Vergil
A lecture delivered
in the
John Rylands Library, 10 November, 1920.

384
THE PHILOSOPHY OF VERGIL

to
385
have held
in the maturity of his
powers, that
is,
in
the part of his
life
fore
Nothing thereoccupied in writing the Georgics and the sEneid. need be said here about the sympathy with Epicurean teaching
which, as
we
all
know, marked Vergil's youth.
On
the other hand
his relation to Stoicism will naturally
come
into view.
is
Let
too
little
me
begin by remarking a general fact about Vergil which
realised.
We
are apt
to regard
him merely
as
what he
to us of
became, the
truest
and most complete representative known

I
Roman
day and
life.
Yet when we compare him with the

think
it
writers of his
own
of the preceding generation,
is
true to say that in
one respect he stands apart from them all, namely in the depth of his knowledge of Greek writers, and the eagerness with which he seeks to infuse his own account of things Roman and Italian with a spirit
drawn
directly
from
in
Greek
sources.
deliberate
way
which
(to the confusion of
simple example is the some modern critics) he
has continually coupled Greek and Italian folklore in the Georgics. At the outset l the Greek wood nymphs, the Dryads, are invited to
join the
dance of purely Italian deities, the Fauns and Pan, the Greek god of the Arcadian hills, is to come and take part with
;
Silvanus,
typically
Italian
figure.
So
in
the charming passage
describing the farmers' festival, purely Italian fashions like those of the
hung on fruit trees to swing with the wind, Greek rites in the worship of Bacchus by appear I need hardly even remind the associated with the Greek drama.
sacred masks (oscilla)
side
side
with
reader
of
the countless passages in the
sEneid where
Vergil has
adapted to his purpose some incident or utterance of Greek poetry. Let me rather ask attention to one or two more general characteristics
of his attitude.
There were deeply imprinted on Vergil's mind some of the most The late Mr. A. W. Benn, typical of all Greek habits of thought.
in his brilliant survey of
features, closely related,
1
The Philosophy of Greece

which appear
in almost all
pointed out
two
of
Greek systems
It is rather Georgics, L, 1 1 ff. striking that Pan is appealed to by his love for his own Arcadia (tua si tibi Maenala curae). If he loves Arcadia he must needs love Italy's woodlands too. There is the same pride in Italy
"
shown in the next passage referred to Italy has the Bacchic festival too as well as Greece (nee nan Ausonii)" [W. B. A.]
;
On
Faunus see
Warde
Fowler,
Rom.
Fest., p. 259.
4
Georgics, II, 380-396.
London, 1908.
386
Philosophy
;

one was the dread
of extremes,
faith in that
most
national of all
Greek
virtues
which they
called craxfrpoo-vinrj, a
word
which
we
variously,
and always
"
moderation," perance,*' " that central firmness ness ;
temunsuccessfully, translate by " '* " " sound-mindedself-control," sanity
"
men from
and serenity of character which preserves the victims of sudden passion in the world of action being
world
of thought.
first less
or of wild extremes of belief in the
The
second characteristic, which seems at
interesting,
was
and
the habit of antithesis, of considering things in pairs, such as heat

cold, darkness and
Greek language is well reprelight. sented by the humble and everyday particles which, on the threshold of his acquaintance with Greek writers the English schoolboy finds so
This
in the
" " hard to represent, the simple /AO> and Se on the one hand," on the " as he laboriously renders them. other hand I suppose no one ever to read, say, the speeches of Thucydides without wishing that began
the
if
Greek
affection for these particles
had been
less
pronounced.
Yet
we
turn to the writings of the tutor of Thucydides, the rhetorician
Antiphon, and see

points,
how
every page
is
studded with these antithetic

in his
we
realise that
Thucydides, even
most argumentative
its
moments, was probably less given to antithesis was the average Greek speaker of his boyhood.
for
own
sake than
But what, Greek diction
be asked, has this rather quaint peculiarity of to do with such serious things as those of which philit
will
osophy treats ? The answer all Greek philosophers there

other.
existing
is
quite simple.
Namely,
that in almost
is
an implicit duality of some kind or
For example, the contrast in Plato between the invisible, real, Ideas and the imperfect copies or approximations to them
visible
which make up the
world.
Or
in Aristotle's Jithics^ the
con-
ception of every virtue as the middle term between
virtue of courage, for example, being the middle point
two extremes, the between the

In
extremes of cowardice on the one hand and rashness on the other.

earlier systems
we
recall the
;
Mind which Anaxagoras

two
principles of
conceived as
Strife,
imposing order on Chaos

centripetal
or the
forces,
Love and
and
centrifugal
governing the physical as well as will be enough to show that the characteristic Greek habit of thinking and speaking in antitheses was not merely a trick of words but
Empedocles regarded as the human world. These examples
which
corresponded to something quite substantial
in
the
Greek view
of

things.
387
Most
of us
who have any
interest in
Philosophy know
how
striking and impressive a revival was given to this kind of antithesising by the speculations of Hegel with his fundamental proposition that
every notion implies and generates
its
opposite.
To
third
these
two
characteristics of the
Greek temper we may add a

experiment, the virtue of per-
which everyone
will
recognise, a certain childlike capacity for
wonder
a standing readiness for

in the
new
petual hope and youth
sphere of thought.
This was the most

1
engaging thing about Socrates, and Socrates in this was a typical There was no problem which he was not prepared to discuss Greek.
hope that careful study of its conditions might reveal new light and the same refreshing candour in discussing first principles meets us
in the
;
on every page
of
in the political sphere,
Greek Tragedy. In Homer, though it is not common it is very marked in Odysseus and lies indeed
;
almost at the root of his character
as
Dante saw
in
that famous
Twenty-sixth Canto of the Inferno which represents Odysseus as meeting his end through continually pressing forward to explore new tracts of ocean and win new knowledge of humanity a conception
;
which Tennyson's Ulysses has made familiar
to English readers.
Now
istics
think
it
may be
spirit
maintained that
all these
three character-
of the
Greek
are
more deeply marked
in Vergil
than in any
other
of
Roman.
First the reverence for self-control, secondly the habit
wonder, and thirdly the method of looking at things from a dual,
antithetic standpoint.
On
I
the
first,
Vergil's hatred of extremes,

It
and love
of self-control,
little. was shared, as we all know, by his intimate Horace, though perhaps the Golden Mean, which Horace so faithfully celebrates, did not signify quite all that Vergil meant by 2 servare modum need only recall in keeping the limit '.
need say
friend
'
We
passing the contrast on which the whole story of the sEneidis based ; that /Eneas does learn to practice self-control, to sacrifice his own
private hopes
and
desires to the call of duty, even in the hardest case

his
where
rival
it
bade him abandon

will
love for
Dido.
But
his
brilliant
first
Turnus never
make
the sacrifice.
He
is
violentus from
to last, passionate, reckless
and contemptuous
that
would
1
interfere
with his
own
wild,
any law or promise For example, impulsive will.

of
Compare
Plato, Theaet., 155D.
[W.
B. A.]
jEneid, X., 502.
26
388
he broke through the fixed custom of what the ancient world counted honourable warfare by stripping the armour from the body of the lad
Pallas
it
whom
god
;
he had
slain,
and making
it
his
own
instead of dedicating
to a
and he
persists in his suit for
Lavinia's
hand
in
defiance
both of her father and of what he himself confessed was the

of
command
Heaven.
Nor
again, need
in
we
stay to note examples of the eager, child-like

1
a deeper sense of mystery, which was constantly wonder, merged The only in Vergil's mind as he looked upon the affairs of the world.
remark that
will
add on
these
two
characteristics is this
that they
may be both
of looking at things
regarded as connected with the third, namely, the habit from antithetic standpoints. For the self-control,
is
which the Greeks loved,

trasted
a compromise in practice between conand the mysticism, which is a continual sense of wonder unsolved, may be regarded as a kind of spiritual compromise between contrasted views of the truth. But it is the third point which 1 am now mainly concerned to
motives of action
;
It is so charexamine, Vergil's antithetic or dualistic habit of mind. acteristic of his thought that it has left a marked impress on his style and it may well be that when it is once stated, it may seem to be so
;
commonplace a matter
long discussion.
reality,
it
I
as hardly to deserve a name,

it,
much
If
the reader does so recognise
less any and admit its
shall
be only too pleased.
But then
must ask him to add

it is
to the characteristics of Vergil's poetry

;
which
I
desirable for all
Vergil's readers to understand

will not find
2
for,
unless
am
greatly mistaken,
you
it
stated in
any
of the commentaries.
fact,
Vergil
event, in
could never be content to see a
or a feeling, or an
which he was
interested, as something
He
instinctively
sought for
first.
it is
which stood by itself. some complementary, some companion

dismiss briefly one large group
fact, to set beside the
We may
my New
of these
pairs,
since
not characteristic of Vergil only, the cases
On
this
may
refer to
Studies of a Great Inlteritance,
pp. 35 ff. This paper is deeply indebted throughout, and especially in the passage which follows, to the wise and generous criticism of my colleague Prof. W. B. Anderson, Litt.D., to whom I owe not merely the notes marked with his initials but a great deal of other help which has purged away many
defects.

where the second
of
fact involves
389
no
such
clear contrast, only a reinforcement
the
original
statement
as
It
Italiam Lavinaque
litora,
'Italy
and the Lavinian shore*.
habit of parallel statement in
Hebrew
resembles very strongly the poetry, so familiar to us in
the Psalms (He kath founded it upon the seas and stablished it upon the floods] ; and in this some scholars see evidence of a direct acquaintance on Vergil's part with some of the Jewish Scriptures.
Be
that as
it
concerned to
may, this duality examine now.

is
of
mere confirmation
is
not
what
am
set of cases on which something must In all should myself refer them to the same class. said, though of them Vergil mentions a natural cause for some event side by side with a divine cause, and he gives us to understand that both
But there
an interesting
be
causes are true

it
so that
if
we
not
"
supernatural
to
"
are to give a
rather
name
to this
we must
call
but
"
internatural ".
When
Nisus
opens
of
Euryalus his daring project to leave the Trojan

his
night and make

their
way
through the enemy's forces

*
camp by and take word
Is it the gods who danger to /Eneas, he asks Euryalus, us with such ardour as I feel now, or does each of us make his inspire Here the parallel is put in the form of a own desires into a god ?
'
]
question.
But
lelism
is
have noted well over a score of examples where the paralpositive and complete, though here I must mention only
a
in
few.
Perhaps the most

II.
explicit
case
is
in
the Fall of
his eyes
Troy
Book
of
the
sEneid? where /Eneas has

of walls
opened by
Venus, so that instead
and houses crumbling
in fire or before
the assaults of the Greeks, he sees the hostile deities actually at work, Pallas with her thunder-cloud and Gorgon-shield, Neptune with his
trident,
themselves crushing the

battle,
In the
in the
doomed city into dust. 3 Tenth Book of the SEneid? /Eneas only
band
*
just escapes destruction from a
of seven
brothers,
who
are
all
attacking
him
at once,
because
some
of their darts are beaten
back
MX.,
3
184.
is
"
That
how Venus
in her vindictive
:
way
603-61 6. has described them.
But
all that
/Eneas himself
relates is that
And
4
X,
Dread forms appear mighty powers of heaven hating Troy." [W. B. A.]. 328-331.'
390

'
from his shield and helmet/ and

his divine
some are turned
aside from grazing
same Book, the reader wonders him by why the two young warriors Pallas and Lausus never meet in conflict, and Vergil gives two reasons first that their supporters on each
mother
'.
In the
side
crowd up so
thickly that neither
hands nor weapons can be used

*
and then
foe
(four lines further

;
on) that
the ruler of great
Olympus
has
forbidden them to meet

'.
each will soon find
his fate before
a greater
At
the end of the Eleventh
Book
we
learn that
Turnus
deserts the
news
of the death of Camilla.
ambush, which he has laid for /Eneas, in anger at the But Vergil adds and so the cruel
'
will of
Jove demanded *. Just as in the Second Book, the Wooden Horse, which the Trojans themselves are dragging with enthusiasm
is
into their city,
said to arrive there
by
fate
(fataKs machina)?
So
earlier in the
* ;
same book the cause
of the fall of
Troy
*
is
given
the fates of the gods and the Trojans' own minds were both doubly the bent to destruction. Destiny had decreed that Troy must fall Trojans fulfilled this destiny by their cowardice in leaving Laocoon to
;
perish unaided
their panic is four times
mentioned
and by
inter-
due to his wicked daring, not to their own folly. The same double thought appears in the taunt of Remulus to the What god, what madness, drove you to the shores of Trojans,
preting his death as
'
Italy?'
Above
end
of the
all
in the
crowning scene of the defeat of Turnus,

for
at
the
poem, the action of fate, in the shape of the small bird,

an
evil
which Turnus takes

inward reproach he has fallen.
s
omen,
is
put side by side with the
of
*
Turnus*
deserve
own
it,
conscience, which he
'
avows
words
after
confess
are his
first
then.
The two
Vergil
causes are almost explicitly identified in the lines in which

us
first
is
tells
that the 'dread goddess' (that

'
is,
the bird by
which Turnus
'
daunted)
'
denies him success wherever his valour

is full
seeks
it
and then
that
his breast
of conflicting thoughts, to cast his dart,
he
glances towards the city, hesitates, and then turns y cannot decide whether to fly or to attack '.
and
This frequent
carried out
suggestion,
that the will of
heaven
is,
after
all,
by the action of
human
901.
6
beings
moved by motives which

II.,
'X., 432f.
5
-XL,
237.
7
II.,
54.
II.,
200, 212, 228, 244.

8
IX., 601
9
XII., 862-868.
XII.,
894-895 and 931
XII., 913-91 7.
391
they think their own, is characteristic of Vergil's treatment of the whole idea of Providence, and shows some affinity with the Stoic doctrine of
the identity of Jove and Fate.
it
1
But from our present point
of
view
only a conspicuous illustration of Vergil's habit of regarding the same thing from more than one standpoint.
is
But take now a more sharply cut type of two points of view are not identical or even
contrasted
this duality,
where the
parallel, but definitely
a certain surprise and are hostile, conscious not of two parts of a single fact but apparently of two conIn a word, Vergil flicting if not quite contradictory experiences.
so that
feel
and
we
seems to
strike
two notes which make not a harmony but a
discord.
The
both
;
result is
an incongruity which is either amusing or pathetic or and sometimes we cannot tell whether humour or pathos is
it
uppermost.
perhaps
an absolutely simple example, so simple that may seem almost childish to dwell on it. Among other
first
Take
instructions
bee-keeper for choosing a place for his beehive Vergil warns him that it must not be near the nests of swallows. Why ? Because they will carry off the bees to feed their young.
to
the
does Vergil describe part of the swallows ?
Now how
this
most annoying procedure on the
Ore ferunt dulcem
nidis immitibus escam.
Now
venture to think that no other Latin poet, and perhaps no

I
other poet that
statement quite in
thinks, to write
can name, of any nation, would have worded this It would have been natural for him, one that way.
'
cruel
an easy prey for their facilem instead of dulcem That would have enforced the point, namely, the nestlings '.
greediness of the
bees.
baby swallows and the consequent danger to the

'
But
as
it
may be
;
good
1
facilem
objected that dulcem for this purpose is just as a sweet morsel is just as likely to tempt the
'
Stoicism, Cambridge, however, appears truly to hold the Stoic principle Vergil, that Fate and Jove are one he thus takes us at once to the final problem of philosophy, the reconciliation of the conceptions of Law formed on the one hand by observing facts (the modern Laws of Nature ') and on the other hand by recognising the moral instinct (the modern Moral Law ').... Vergil shows us how they may be in practice reconciled by a certain attitude of mind and that attitude is one of resignation to and co-operation
191
Compare
p. 390).
Prof. E.
"
V. Arnold's remark (Roman

;
1,
'
with the supreme power."

*
Georgia, IV., 17.
392

*
'
swallows as an
easily captured
one.
True
but what has Vergil
shall see at once if for the word done by choosing dulcem ? substitute a more common epithet of young birds, say, immitibus we What should we have then ? crepitantibus twittering, clamorous '.
'
*
We
A sweet morsel
that,
for their
clamouring
(i.e.
hungry) young
'.
If
Vergil
you would have seen clearly that he was expressing with the swallows and that he had forgotten to be sorry for sympathy But by using both the word dulcem and the word immitithe bees. had written
bus
a sweet morsel for their cruel nestlings/ Vergil expresses his sympathy first with the swallows and then with the bees, in one and
t '
the same
line,
much
to the schoolboy's perplexity.
He
does the same
thing in the passage
where he exhorts the farmer

*
to clear
away
1
the
long-standing
is
wood and make
the land subject to the plough.
What
the result ?
The newly
* ;
conquered land gleams with the sheen of
the ploughshare
but the birds have had to leave their ancient homes
and
fly aloft
deserting their young.

is
There
;
is
no doubt
of Vergil's
meaning.
This
the farmer's duty
but
all
the
same
it is
a tragedy
So in the fine simile at the beginning of the Twelfth Book of the sEneid, where Turn us is compared to a lion who is wounded but turns at bay and breaks the shaft that has struck him,
for the birds.
our sympathy is clearly meant to be roused for the lion's victims but we are to admire and be sorry for the lion himself. For how is the
;
man who
is
has shot him described

'
The
shaft
"
which the
lion
breaks
called the shaft of a latro,

lion's country,
a brigand/
highwayman who has

fight.
invaded the
and
set
an ambush and forced him to

'
might search through a goodly number of lion -hunting stories without finding one in which the hunter is described as a brigand '.
One
So
his
again in the Georgics*
where Vergil
is
telling the
farmer to dip
sheep again and again in the health-giving river (fiuvio nicrsare SO&tM), how does he describe the sheep who are to be dipped ?
They
scene
are the 'bleating creatures'
(balantum gregeni)
and the
two contrasted words balantum and salubri bring before us the whole the terror of the sheep at being seized and dragged to the The pool, and the noise they make when the turn of each comes.
' '
suddenly gives us the sheep's point of view instead of the shepherd's, and gives it, of course, with a smile, caught up at
epithet
bleating
Georgia,
II.,
207-2 II.
'
A*eid,
XII.. 7.
272.

once by the word salubri which shows are, whatever the sheep may think.
In
all
393
how
benevolent the shepherds
these cases Vergil practises a kind of brief quotation, a sort
of suppressed
"
oratio obliqua ".
He
describes part of the scene for a

it.
*
this
moment, as it appeared to the eyes of one of the actors in which makes the story of the competitors in the Games
;
It
is
so fresh
full of life every one of them, in this way or that, is somehow and we follow the rising and falling allowed to present his own case fortunes of each in sympathy quite as much with those who fail as
and
with those
In
who
win.
the larger lines of the story of the
sEneid
2
everyone will
remember how continually it is shaped as a dialogue between two for example, between Jove and actors, very rarely more than two
;
Venus, or between
Dido and
Ilioneus, in the First
Book.
And
it
is
not only in the dialogues that this antithetic habit appears. The action is continually shared by two leading characters at a time, each
presented to us with almost equal sympathy.

needless.
3
Illustration
is
really
But
we may
of the
glance at one typical scene, that between
Juno and Venus

upon an assembly
hopes
to
in the celestial
debate in Book
gods which has
X. The book opens been summoned by Jove, who

come
to
to persuade the rival partisans to

in
an agreement and so
end the war
Latium without further bloodshed.
When
Jove
has stated the situation, and mildly deprecated their quarrel, Venus breaks in with a long plea on behalf of the Trojans, appealing to the
oracles of Fate
which had been so often declared to /Eneas.
Why,
she asks, has Jove permitted the resistance of the Latins ? are the Latins allowed to attack the camp just when /Eneas has gone to seek help from Evander ? must her dear Trojans be for ever
Why
Why
in
most of the speeches of Venus, is pathetic and ingenious rather than forceful and it is not without covert
danger
?
The
plea, like
allusions to Juno, as the source of the mischief,
though Juno
'
is
'
not
*
expressly named,
but
'
only described
as
she
the
guilty
she
.,
He
for instance in the ship-race, 150-243.

in
had
of course
pairs of
3
speeches
many examples before him, especially the frequent Homer, Thucydides and Greek Tragedy, as Prof.
Anderson reminds me.

is of
The poet's intense sympathy with both /Eneas and Dido in Book IV. course the most striking example see Great Inheritance, pp. 1 49 ff.
;
394

sent
Iris
who had
from the clouds to encourage Turnus to fight, and raised the fury Allecto from hell to incite the Latins. By this comis roused to great anger and replies fiercely and directly plaint Juno
1
to
Venus, altogether
forgetting
"to address the chair".

;
A
:
rough
really
paraphrase will
show
the character of her speech

is
and
it
is
well to ask the reader to recollect that /Eneas
Vergil's hero
Then hotly moved Queen Juno spake Why wilt thou have me break Deep silence, and proclaim the wrath 1 veiled ? Did god or man compel /Eneas now To challenge war in Italy, or rouse The King's resistance ? Oracles, forsooth, And mad Cassandra's ravings, drave him on
'
:
To
Italy ?
So be
his
it
did they too
Bid him desert
put to sea, Disturb the loyal peace of Tuscan tribes,

leave a boy in charge of camp and war ? cruel power of heaven or mine constrained him
?
men and
And
What What
If
share had
What
Prompted such
folly ?
rainbow -messenger Dost thou count it crime
Latin hands gird yon new Troy with flames, Or Turnus fight to save his fatherland ?
What
censure hast thou then for Trojan hordes

?
Seizing Italian fields and driving cattle And flinging deadly brands on Latin towns
Choosing new kin, they drag affianced brides From lawful husbands, humbly sue for peace
But
nail
upon
their
prows the badge

city big
of war.
Why
I
hast thou stirred a Kindling fierce hearts ?
with
battle,
Was
concerned to sink
Your
?
fallen fortunes
deeper
in the dust ?
or the
man who threw unhappy Troy

guilt
Into Greek hands to spoil ? Where lay the That mingled continent with continent In war, and broke their treaties by a theft ? Did I take Paris into Spartan homes ? Did I breed war and give it Love for food ? 'Twas then thou shouldst have taken thought
to save
Thy
darlings
now
too late thy anger flames,
In taunts that lost their
meaning long ago
'.
This eloquent protest did not convince

grieved at the
Jupiter, who is merely continued hostility of the rival goddesses, and dismisses
V/,
X., 62-95.

their help.
395
work without
;
the assembly of the gods as useless. But Juno's speech has

less
Fate must do
its
had
at
least
one success
*
it
has
its
deceived no
critic
than Prof. Saintsbury into thinking that
rhetorical statement about Lavinia,
where Juno speaks
of
dragging
brides from their lawful husbands/ really corresponded to the facts,
instead of being a partisan misrepresentation.
Lavinia, of course,
was
never betrothed
We will
may
at
Turnus, but was solemnly betrothed to /Eneas. but we not, therefore, follow Prof. Saintsbury quite so far
to
;
least
agree that the case against /Eneas and the Trojans
is
vigorously and sympathetically presented. Observe further that this antithetic, dramatic habit
his
of Vergil's
mind,
changing from the point of view of one of his way characters to the view taken by some one else (who is perhaps an enemy) continually gives an undertone of humour even to the dignified
of quickly
story of the Epic.
In the most solemn of all the Books, that
which
and
describes the Descent into the Underworld,
what
his
restrained amusesoiled raiment
ment colours the
picture of old
Charon with
"
unkempt
J
hair
but with the green and fresh old age
of
what
Of
a god. Or of the Sibyl, who has always a threat upon her lips but One feels that Vergil, " in his shy way," a concession in her heart ". is looking at the old-world figure of the priestess, both as she appeared
to
/Eneas and as the professional dealer

student of
in
oracles appeared to the
critical
indeed, one line

satire
;
human history in Vergil's own in the s&neid which amounts to

if it
day.
direct
There
and
is,
bitter
satire of
a kind, which,
had occurred
like
would have been regarded

Twelfth Book,
to refuse to let
as something
a Christian poet, In the blasphemy.

in
who
is
the leader of the Latins

fight in
who
persuades them
Turnus
to
single
combat, and
who
for
thus makes
?
It is
;
them break the truce

the augur Tolumnius.
flock of
it
which
their king has solemnly
sworn
He
had seen what he took
a portent
swans forcing an eagle to release one of their number whom was carrying off. This the swans did by flying above the eagle
3
and pressing
cries out
1
him down by mere weight

* :
of
numbers.
Tolumnius
have prayed
with pious exultation
This,
this is
what
Except perhaps in virtue of Amata's ius maternum (.din. 7, 402), which probably meant more in primitive Latium than at Rome (^n. xi. see Brit. Acad. Proceedings HI. (Who were the Romans 7) p. 16. 340)
;
VI., 304.
XII., 259.
396
for again

and again
;
recognise
and accept heaven's answer
to
my
Follow me, ye Latins, and grasp your swords/ And he prayers. goes on to promise them, in virtue of his sacred authority, that the
wicked invader, namely /Eneas, shall be routed by their united effort, What is the just as the eagle has been routed by the troop of swans.
sequel ?
When
the battle has begun Tolumnius himself
is
slain.
Such was
1
the answer to his prayer.

linger
I
must not
;
on these examples
of Vergil's
keen sense of the
incongruous
but
case of the young Ascanius
cannot leave altogether unmentioned the strange though if anyone pleads that it is even
more natural than

Sack
strange, I can hardly demur. never seems to mention Ascanius without a smile.
in the
Somehow
Think
of
his
Vergil
first
him
of
Troy, while
his parents are
weeping because
grand;
father will not leave their
home
to escape the approaching flames

*
But it is on only half conscious of the trouble. him that the miraculous sign appears, a harmless halo of flame plays
the child, of course,
is
upon
his curls Y"
His anxious parents

it
;
try to extinguish the flame

it
by
pouring water over
but the old Anchises recognises
as
an omen
and prepares to depart. Later on when /Eneas is carrying his father on his back and his wife follows behind, the little Ascanius holds his
hand,
keeping up with unequal steps/ adds Vergil. I wonder how other poets, in describing such a scene, would have found room
'
many
to
mention the
child's short steps.
Wordsworth, you
will say
but
then perhaps
else.
Wordsworth might have omitted to mention anything Again, when Dido and /Eneas ride out to their fateful hunt in
by stately troops of followers, it is clear the whole multitude who is full of pure delight on a
swift horse leaving behind
the woods, 4 each attended

that the one person in
is
'
the boy Ascanius,

of comrades,
stags to
'
riding
now one
(not
band
mere
now
another,
and longing
is
that
he
may have
hunt but) some foaming boar or tawny lion from the

;
Libyan
hills
his bright figure
like a
gleam of
in
sunshine across
the deevilly
the lurid sky.
Or
again take the scene in
Book V. when
Sicily
sponding old ladies of the Trojan host
have been
their
inspired to set fire to the ships, so as to put

ings.
an end to
wander-
News is
and Ascanius
'
at
brought to the warriors who are absorbed in the Games, once breaks away from his own part in them and
;
XII.. 461
II..
683.
II.,
723.
'
IV.,
56-1 59.

rides off to the
'
397
beach
at full
Why, you must be mad/

?
speed greatly to the dismay of his tutors. he cries, my poor ladies, what can you
*
be expecting hopes Ascanius

that
* ;
This
is
not the
camp
the
of
the enemy,
See,
I
it is
your
your
you
are giving to
flames.
am
own own
it it
down
and, like a boy, he pulls his helmet off and dashes on the ground before them, so that they may see at once who
is. There is an echo of the same delicate, sympathetic humour wherever Ascanius appears in the fighting in the later books, though it would take too long to trace it here.
In all these cases the reader's sense of incongruity
is
aroused
just
because the point of view of the narrator is changed. For example, in the first case, from the thoughts of the anxious parents with their pail of cold water which is to extinguish the mystic flame, the point of
suddenly to the insight of the old Anchises who discovers what the portent means. In the second example we pass from the absorbing anxiety of /Eneas in burning Troy to his feeling seven years
view
shifts
after in retrospect,
when he
realises the picture of little
Ascanius
trotting
by
his side quite

is
unconscious of the danger, only thinking, perhaps,
that his father
But does
all this, it
walking rather fast. may be asked,
illustrate
anything more than a

characteristic ?
habit of Vergil's imagination, lively
What
has
it
to
enough and perhaps do with philosophy in any shape ?
And
after all,
why be concerned to ask about Vergil's philosophy at all, when, in the revelation which he gives us through the lips of Anchises in the Sixth Book, he declares explicitly the truth of a large part of the
regular Stoic creed ?
soul, that
is,
Especially
its
pantheistic belief in the
World-
in the divine origin of all life
and the share
in the divine
nature which every living thing can consequently claim. Further, the characteristically Stoic doctrine (though the Stoics were not the first to
invent
it)
of
the wickedness inherent in matter
and how
evils of
every kind spring from our material bodies
the excitements of passions
and
fears,
of pain
and
pleasure.
All
this,
you
say,
truth,
Vergil declares to us on the high authority of

in
and say with Anchises, and
Elysium, as something which /Eneas was told to believe then look further for any philosophic attitude quite seriously. on Vergil's part, when his own utterances in one of the latest parts of
Anchises
Why
his
work seem
to pledge
him so
1
clearly to a Stoic creed ?
V., 667.
398
But

to this question there
is
an answer.
It
is
that
we
must not
judge Vergil's theory of life merely by one passage of twenty or thirty I have no doubt that Vergil lines taken in isolation from the rest.
was wholly
mentioned
virtue for
;
sincere in
commending the
But
if
Stoic doctrines that

also
have
and he
certainly
commended
the Stoic pursuit of
its
own
sake.
we
ask whether he accepted their

is,
theoretic ideal of philosophic calm, that
of
complete indifference to
joy and to sorrow, as the aim of the philosopher's endeavour, that which we popularly understand by Stoicism to-day, and which was certainly a part of their creed generally recognised in Vergil's time and
later, then, surely truth
was not a
velation,
compels us to reply that in that sense Vergil nor was even Anchises, at the very height of his reStoic,
1
whatever he might preach. For Anchises rejoices keenly with /Eneas in the greatness of Rome to be and Anchises weeps
;
"
bitterly
over the bereavement which
Rome
suffered in the death of
the young Marcellus.
When,
therefore, Vergil puts
upon the
fear,
lips of
Anchises
the famous Stoic doctrine that desire
and
sorrow and
joy, are all equally the fruit of
our evil material condition, he does not

quite sure,
and cannot mean,
we may be
first
every kind of sorrow and
every kind of joy, but only the selfish kinds, akin to the selfish fears
and coverings which the

clearly, the limit within
half of the
maxim condemned.
That
is,
the Stoic creed.
Some
which Vergil could accept or meant to accept joys and some sorrows were to Vergil the
most sacred and the most precious part of life. This brings us to my last and chief point Vergil's attitude to what seemed to him the supreme paradox of life the supreme
;
example which proved the need
of
stating things
by
antithesis,
of
always seeing two sides to every human event. what I think to have been Vergil's view and
;
Let
let
me state simply me confess that my

tragic ex-
perception of
what he felt has been probably quickened by the
perience of the last six years
an experience only too closely resembling

the
Civil
that of Vergil's generation in the last seventeen years of
Wars.
this
first
There was only one thing to Vergil that really mattered in world, and that was the affection of human beings, their affection for their own human kind, secondly for their fellow-creatures, and
1
VI., 718.
-VI., 868.
VI., 733.
Hinc metuunt cupiuntque dolent gaudentque,

thirdly, for the
399
was a
power which we
call
Nature,
who
to Vergil
less
being not
throbbing with life and affection, not love to men, than any human mother to her child.
less
bountiful of
I
Need
attempt
to
illustrate
this
supreme
characteristic
of
Vergil's
personality ?
of
Through all the ages it is this which has endeared him to thousands unknown readers who, through the veil of mist raised by the strangeness of his tongue and the distance of his times from their own, have
the central, inner
felt
of
that great heart.
glow of Think
his
human
'
affection, the throbbing pulse
of his picture in the
Georgics of the
*
farmer at
home with
his children
hanging round
birds
*
his kisses
think
of the delight with

great,
which he notes the ways

small
of animals small
and
little
but
especially the
;
ones
and
insects
and
creatures of the soil

astic
how more
than once
he bursts into an enthusi-
avowal of gratitude to the beneficent power that strews men's But perhaps, since the sEneid is less often read path with blessings. as a whole, we are less conscious how often the same note sounds in
that
poem.
Think
of the line in the Sixth
Book where, among
those
who
the
receive the highest honour in Elysium, the snow-white garland,

*
by their good deeds, have made remember them' (quique sui memores aliquos With what gentle sympathy does Vergil sketch fecere merendo). the figure of every aged man and of Anchises, Evander, Latinus
last class consists of
those who,
two or three
folk
every youth
Pallas
and Lausus, Nisus and Euryalus

outbreak of the fighting in
Or when
VII., failing
Galaesus
is slain
at the
Book
in his effort to pacify his
countrymen,
at
how many
all
readers have noted
how
his flocks
and herds
home and
the people of his farm are
brought into the picture to represent the mourning for their master ? Or when Menoetes falls in the last battle, 2 how we are bidden to
think of the
little
hired farm
which he had taken over from
his father
and the peaceful life there on which he had counted ? Think again of the feeling shown for Silvia's pet stag, whose accidental wounding
by Ascanius,
incident
is
in his hunt, is the signal for the
outbreak of war.
This
by a wise modern critic as merely pretty and purely Alexandrine, quite beneath the dignity of the (genrehaft)
actually censured
Epic! But
1
need not prolong the enumeration.

II.
Let
me
2
ask the reader
Georgics,
323
ff.
433
5 1 6.
XII., 5
7.
400

realise the tragic
now to
paradox which Vergil found beneath
this loving-
kindness of the world, the fact that our
human
affection
is
the source
both of the only joys worth counting joys, and of the only sorrows worth counting sorrows. Every one of the troubles of the sneid
%
every one
of
its
tragedies, springs ultimately from

l
this.
The
tragedy of
Dido,
first
from the misguided affections

;
of
Juno and Venus, and then

;
from her
the
own
in
the tragedy of Juturna from her love for her brother

Silvia's affection for
war
Latium from
;
her stag and her followers'
affection for Silvia
the second
and
his followers' devotion to
war from Turnus' love for Lavinia Turnus the tragedies of Brutus and
;
Torquatus, briefly
of
mentioned
in
in the vision of
Anchises
the
the tragedy
Marcellus,
pictured
golden
all
lines
lies in
at
end
of
the
same
revelation
the essence of
these
the affection of
some men
or
women, ill guided or ill governed, or crossed by physical calamity. With the solitary exception of Drances (who plays but a small part)
is
there
no such motive
in the
whole
of the
ÊLneid as that from which
the Iliad
starts, the high-handed selfishness of one primitive chieftain
compensating himself by robbing another ? Compare and contrast with this the crowning scene of the sEneid in which the conquered Turnus might have been spared but for what to the ancient mind was
his
inhuman
cruelty to Pallas
and
his father, of
which he
still
wore
the trophy in the baldric of Pallas
Such girt upon his own shoulder. an offender must not survive into the new era the violence of Turnus
;
would have continued

words
of the
'.-
to trample
on the sacred laws
of
humanity
; '
yet
even Turnus Vergil could not

last
doom
without a note of pity
in the
whole epic the

this
soul of
Turnus
passes
indignant to
the shades
Now
it
was
in
common
Yet
source of
human sorrow and human

which
for
joy that Vergil found the supreme paradox

the world in mystery.
strange
him wrapped
and mysterious
as the contradiction
was, he held
be the key of life. Here then we have reached the centre

it
to
of Vergil's thought.
All
the sorrow
and
all
the joy of the universe seemed to him to spring

accepts, nay, he
from one
1
root,
and he
of
welcomes them both.
There
These were
a political, nationalist type, but affections none the
less
see a fuller discussion of this in Great Inheritance, p. 161.

is
This point Vergil, p. 46.
developed more
fully
in
The Messianic Eclogue of

could be no
401
as to
human
affection, so
Vergil saw, unless
it
were such
its possessors capable, and capable in equal degrees, both of the This to him is most exquisite suffering, and of the most exquisite joy. that all pain and all joy is to be the fundamental fact of the universe
make
measured simply
last
in terms of
word upon
tell
this
you ask him his mystery, the mystery on which he has pondered
love.
if
human
And
year after year,
viewing
that the
it
it
from both
sides,
is
he will
you
Golden Bough
is
through all his study of life, always found in the shadows
of the forest,
when
sought in
fulfilment of duty.
And
while
others
may
turn
away from
disbelief,
the sight or thought of those shadows in
mere dread or
Vergil will bid
Golden Bough eagerly and trust it to trust that somewhere, darker shadows out into the light beyond somehow, Death itself is overcome by the power and persistence of
;
pluck the gratefully, to bring us through even

us, like his hero,
Love.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
BY
IN
THE DIVINA COMMEDIA.

GARDNER,
LiTT.D.
EDMUND
G.
PROFESSOR OF ITALIAN STUDIES IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.

the Convivio,
Dante
discusses
one aspect of what

:
we
should
IN
for
whether an author personal element in literature It is, he should speak of himself in his book. says, unlawful
call the
now
man
to
do so without a necessary
reason.
For a man cannot

;
both speak of any one without either praising him or blaming him which kinds of discourse are in bad taste, rusticamente stanno, in
the
true
mouth
and
of a
man
himself
and, further, there
is
no man
who
is
just
measurer of himself, so does our
self
love deceive
us.
Nevertheless, there are times and occasions
mate but necessary,

a
for his
own
:
when it is not only legitisake or for the sake of others, that
man
"
should speak of himself
speak of oneself is And among the other necessary reasons two are most permitted. The one is when, without discoursing of oneself, great inmanifest.
Verily
I
say that, for necessary reasons, to
famy and
peril
cannot be
made
to cease
and then
paths,
is
it is
permitted on
the ground that, to take the less evil of
two
as
it
were
to take
a good one.
in order that,
And
this necessity
moved Boethius
to speak of himself,
under cover of consolation, he might defend himself from since no the perpetual infamy of his exile, by showing it to be unjust
other defender arose.
The
other
is
when, by discoursing
by
of oneself,
;
very great utility follows therefrom to others
way
of instruction
and
self
;
this
reason
moved Augustine
of his
in his
Confessions
to speak of himevil
for
by the process
life,
which was from
to good,
and
The
substance of a lecture delivered in the John Rylands Library

402
12 October, 1921.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
from good to
instruction,
better,
IN
THE DIVINA COMMEDIA

better to best,
else
403
and from
which could not
he gave example and be received on so true a testi-
mony." This passage

of
indicates the
two main elements
the
Divina Corn-media.
"
;
in the autobiography Like Boethius, Dante would defend

his exile,
himself " unjust
from the perpetual infamy of

like
Augustine, by the process of his

instruction,
by showing it to be life, he would give
"
example and
".
which could not
else
life,
be received on so true
the sacred
a testimony
apologia
;
In the story of his outer

life, it
poem
is
an
in the story of his inner
is
a confession of spiritual
experience.
It
is
curious to notice
tries
how, now and again

its
in the
poem, Dante,
being illegitimate for a man to speak of himself with the fact that the very nature of his When Farinata degli theme is compelling him to do so throughout.
as
it
were,
to reconcile the theory of
desirous to obey, concealed
Uberti questions him about his family, the poet says "I, who was " " it not, but the whole to him opened
:
but he never gives his

reveals his identity to
is
3
own name anyone who
to
nor in any other case does not already know him. He
any
soul,
content, as a rule, simply to let

;
them understand
that
he
is
a living
and, recognise from his speech that he is a Tuscan, to say that he comes from the banks of the Arno, or, at the most, from Florence. "I was born and Thus, he answers the Frati Godenti
:
man
when they
grew up on the
the
fair
river of
Arno
".
4
at the great city,
and
am
with
body
that
have always had

"
:
To Guido
del
of
Duca he adds
Tuscany there
an excuse
for his reticence
Through the midst
spreads a stream which rises in Falterona, and a hundred miles of course does not content it. From its banks I bring this body to tell who I am would be to speak in vain, because my name as yet you
;
has
slight
renown."^
To
of
Bonagiunta's question, whether he sees

the canzone,
before
him the author
Donne cKavete
intelletto
:
danw re, he merely replies " I am one who, when love

which he
dictates within,
with a definition of poetical inspiration

give utterance ".
inspires me, take note, and, in that fashion

I
do
When
at
last
his
Convivio,
Inf., xxiii.
i.
2.
xi.
Cf. Purgatorio,
55
"
:
Inferno, x. 43-44. Cotesti che ancor vive e non si noma ".

xiv.
94-96.
Purg.,
16-21.
Ibid., xxiv.
52-54.
27
404
name
of
is

uttered,
it
on the
lips of
introduced as
were apologetically When I turned at the sound mine own name, that of necessity is here set down 'V Incidentally, Dante tells us in the Inferno the year of his birth,
:
Beatrice in the Earthly Paradise, "
it
is
and
in the
Paradise the
is,
season.
He
"
is
nel
mezzo
del
cammin
di
nostra vka," that
in his thirty-fifth year,
and
265.
it is
now
2
"
"
mille dugento
is, it is
con sessanta
1
sei
anni
since the
first
Good
1
Friday.
That
now
300, and Dante was therefore born in
In the Stellar
Heaven,
glorious
he invokes
his natal stars, the constellation of the
Twins
"
:
with great virtue, from which I acknowledge all stars, my genius, whatever it be, with you was rising and with you was setting he who is father of every mortal life, when I first felt the Tuscan air
light fulfilled
That is, he was born when the Sun was in the sign of Gemini, which would be between the middle of May and the middle of June
;
and
Boccaccio that the poet's birthday was in May. According to Dante's theory of the correspondence of the angelic orders with the heavens, and the communication of their
we know more
precisely from
power
Stellar
to the spheres, the specific virtue of these stars
as part of the
is
Heaven
is
that of the
Cherubim, whose name

to spread the
interpreted
plenitudo scientice, the order of angels that sees most into the hidden
things of
God and whose

beneath them.
function
it is
knowlege of
tells
Him
upon
all
The
scene with Beatrice in the Earthly Paradise
again, in
the light of fuller experience, the spiritual story of the Vita
the love that
was the motive power
of the poet's early days,
Nu&va^ when the
revelation of earthly beauty in his lady
became the guiding

;
star to lead
his soul to the quest of the divine beauty

spirit,"
her
"
ascent from flesh to
and Dante's changed

he turned
his steps
life in
the years that followed her death,
when
"
triumph
4 His first literary along a way not true ". the composition of the canzone, Donne ctiavete intelletto
(Camore, which revealed the new poet corded in the scene with Bonagiunta."
the
to his contemporaries
is
re-
Commune
l
have
left
their trace in
army of more than one passage ' his

;
His
services in the
Purg., xxx. 62-63.

Cf. ////,
i,
1 ;
COM..
IT.
23
Inf., xxi.
13.
4
ar. t xxii. 112-117.

*
Purg., xxx. and xxxi.
Ibid., JOB*. 49-51.
//.,
xxi.
94-96,
xxii.
1-9; Purg.,
Y.
91-123.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
IN
THE DIVINA COMMEDIA
405
friendships with Carlo Martello

ates with his later canzoni), his
and Casella (both of whom he associmore intimate connection with Forese
Donati and with Guido Cavalcanti, the one the companion of less worthy episodes, the other, whom he had once been proud to call the
unable to accompany him in his spiritual journey through the other world, inspire lines too familiar to need
first
of
his
friends,
now
quotation.
autobiography of Dante centres in the story of his exile, and with Brunetto Latini is the preparation that heart" Siete voi qui, ser Brunetto ?" rending scene of mutual recognition Brunetto Latini is, to some extent, a companion picture to Farinata
for this the scene
:
The
degli Uberti.
Farinata represented the chivalry and turbid patriotism
of the Ghibelline nobles of Florence, Brunetto the highest type of the
Guelf burghers
who had
"
overthrown them.
Michele Scherillo has
aptly defined him as
a modest Cicero of Guelf Florence".
The
that of
period in which Dante

the latter's old age
1
came under
Brunette's influence
;
was
and
greatest political activity
the decade
from
282
to
292, which
in Florentine history
ran from the institution of
the priors as the chief magistrates of the Republic to the final triumph
of the secondo
It is during popolo with the Ordinances of Justice. Del Lungo, that we find by
those years, in the documents published
Brunetto taking part in the various councils of the State, giving his opinion, which is usually accepted and acted upon by the government.
The
phrase, placuit
quasi omnibus secimdum dictum dicti ser
Burnccti (" almost

Brunetto
result
"), is
voted according to the speech of the said Ser several times repeated in these records, as the normal
all
we
Following Scherillo's suggestion, can surmise the relations between Brunetto and Dante. As the
spoken.
when Brunetto had
poet grew up, he found the older man, not only a light of the philosophical learning set forth in his
patriotism that the faction- tossed Florentine
TrJsor, but a type of the highest commune could produce

;
while Brunetto saw in the youth,

his disciple,
who no
doubt became
in
some
sort
one
in
whom
Rome
his ideal of
a citizen might be
fulfilled,
one
glories of ancient
prepared to bring the highest culture of his age and the dream of the "
to the service of the
new
Italian State.
If
if
I
thou follow thy
star,
thou canst not miss the glorious harbour,

life
I
;
discerned well in the beauteous
and,
if
had
so died too soon,

to the
seeing heaven so gracious to thee,
would have urged thee on
406
work
"
Brunette here refers primarily to Dante's political work for " E s'io non fossi si per tempo morto." In this line, as Florence. " elsewhere in the poem, per tempo has the sense of too occasionally
soon *V
career,
It
was
just
too soon for him to
assist
the poet in his political
for
Brunette died in
political
1294, over eighty years old, the year

life
before
of the
Dante entered
Captain
in
as a
member
of the special council
November, 1295.
political
The
eighteen lines that follow

is
contain Dante's
own
apologia,
which he
to hear repeated
ungrateful Florentine people "will for thy good deeds, thy foe". become, 'Thy fortune has this much
lips of Cacciaguida.
on the
The
honour
in store for thee, that the

far
one party and the other
shall
hunger
for thee ; but from the goat shall be the herbage." The earlier " for thee" in a good sense, "desire commentators understand hunger
to
make
sinister
thee one of themselves"

fashion, "desire to
the moderns, for the most part, in

In either case,
devour thee".
we have
:
Dante's testimony to the influence of Brunette

"
*
on
his
own
life
'
I answered him, you would for in my mind from human nature not yet be placed in banishment is fixed, and now pierces my heart, the dear and kind paternal image
If
my
prayer were wholly fulfilled/
of you,
when
in the world,
;
man makes
himself eternal
from time to time, you taught me and how much I cherish it, while I
'
how
live,
must needs be shown
forth in
my
tongue
",
The vague
throughout the
prophecies of exile,
which Dante hears

in the
at
intervals
poem, become
explicit
Paradiso, where
the
a fuller commentary apologia placed on the lips of Brunetto receives
from Cacciaguida " As Hippolytus departed from Athens, by re ason ofhis pitiless and treacherous stepmother, so from Florence needs must thou depart. This is willed, this is already being sought, and soon will it be done
:
vengeance
The put to sale each day. blame will follow the offended party in report, as it is wont ; but the 4 shall be witness to the truth that deals it."
for
him who thinks
it,
there
where Christ
is
Cacciaguida
is
is
speaking from the standpoint of April, 1300.

that, at that
It
difficult to
imagine
precise
moment, Dante was marked

reference
is
out for special destruction at

1
Rome.
The
probably to
//,
xv. 55-60.
Cf. Inf., xxvi. 10 Inf., xv. 61-87.
"
:
se gia fosse,
non
saria
4
per tempo ". Par., xvii. 46-54.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
IN
THE DIVINA COMMEDIA
407
the plot against the liberties of the Republic, concocted at the papal court by three Florentines in the service of the Pope, which was
discovered in that
month
of April,
and may be regarded

of the Signoria
as the
first
step in the papal policy that led to Dante's exile.
As we
to
1
know, Dante was a member

1
from
5 June
of the
300. He entered upon office when the rival factions " Bianchi and Neri had already come to blood," and about the same time as a papal legate, Cardinal Matteo d'Acquasparta, arrived
4 August,
name of Pope Boniface the pontiff who, a month previously, had demanded from Albert of Hapsburg the absolute renunciation to the Holy See of all rights claimed by the Emperor in
in Florence in the
Tuscany.
On
the
first
day
of
Dante's
office,
the sentence passed in
the previous April against the three Florentine papal conspirators
was
formally consigned to
him and
of
his colleagues, and, in
some
sort, ratified
by them.
Nevertheless, the poet and his fellow priors
while putting
the aristocratic leaders

territory of the
both factions
under bounds outside the
Republic
avoided a direct rupture with the papal
legate.
It
was
the succeeding Signoria, after
Dante had
left
office,
which not only recalled the exiled Bianchi (on the plea of the illness of Guido Cavalcanti), but brought on a crisis with the Cardinal who, in September, broke off negotiations and left the city. But in the
following year,
1301,
antipapal
opposition,
Dante evidently heading a kind of famous particularly in the famous meetings

find
we
because the only case in which his actual words have been preserved of 9 June. The Pope, by letter from Cardinal Matteo d'Acqua1
sparta,
of
had demanded from the Republic the continuance of the service a hundred horsemen. In a united meeting of the Councils of the
of the Captain,
Hundred,
Greater
and
of the Capitudini (the
heads of the
Dante
Guilds), and again in the Council of the Hundred apart, " spoke twice against compliance, urging quod de servitio
faciendo domino Papae nihil fiat 'V It would also seem that the poet was endeavouring to unite the rich burghers with the people for the
is
defence of the Republic. Among the various occasions on which he recorded to have spoken in September is one on the 13th of
that month,
when,
in the
united Councils, he pleaded for the preserva-
Upon all this subject, see B. Barbadoro, La Barbi's Studi danteschi, vol. ii. (Florence, 1 920).
1
condanna di Dante,
in
408
tion of the

Ordinances of
in danger,
Justice.
This was the usual course when

this
the State
was
but an unusual feature in
that not only the Greater Guilds (those mainly
engaged
in
meeting was wholesale
commerce, exportation and importation, and the mercantile relations of Florence with foreign countries), but also the Minor Guilds (which
carried on the retail traffic
sented.
and
internal trade of the city)
were repre-
imply that this innovation
passage in Leonardo Bruni's Life of Dante seems to was brought about by the poet's advice.
little
There can now be

1
doubt that the once disputed account of

in detail
Dante's embassy to the Pope, related

substantially historical.
by Dino Compagni,
is
At
the beginning of October, the Florentine
government then entirely of the Bianchi induced the allied commune of Bologna to send an embassy to the Pope, and associated with
it
three ambassadors of their
Signa,
and Dante
Alighieri.
own Maso Minerbetti, Corazza da The three Florentines were to make

:
terms with Boniface so as to avert the coming of Charles of Valois.
The Pope
Anagni
;
received the ambassadors, probably not at
Rome,
Dante.
but at
sent two,
Maso
Minerbetti and Corazza da Signa, back to

to his will, but detained
fateful
Florence to
the poet
demand submission was absent on that
All Saints Day,
Thus when 1301,
" to joust Charles of Valois, as papal peacemaker, entered Florence " Leonardo Bruni's with the lance of Judas but, notwithstanding statement that he had reached Siena on his way back when he heard
;
more probable that he had returned, but fled from Florence after the summons to appear before the new Podesta that This, as we know, is dated 27 January, preceded the first sentence. With four others, Dante is accused of barratry in the priorate 302.
of his ruin,
it
is
or after leaving that

ing the
Pontiff
office,
and
of corruptly
and fraudulently employagainst the Sovereign
money and
and Charles
resources of the
to resist his
Commune
coming, or against the pacific state of
the City of
Florence and
the
Guelf Party, and by similar means
causing the expulsion of the Neri from Pistoia
from Florence and the Church.

years' exile,
He
is
and severing that city condemned to fine, to two
and perpetual exclusion from

his four
office.
second sentence
others, as
(10 March) dooms him, with

1
companions and ten
Cf.
Del Lungo's notes

(torn, ix., pt. ii).
to
La
Cronica di Dino Compagni
in
the
new
Muratori
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
IN
THE DIVINA COMMEDIA
409
contumacious, to perpetual exile or death by burning if he falls into The correct reading of the charge in the power of the Commune.
the
first
sentence makes
political
it
1
exclusively
one
of corrupt practices
though
with a
purpose.
Dante's
own words
was
protest his absolute

his opposition to the
innocence, and imply that his real offence
attempts of the
"
that
Thou
Neri to subject Florence to the domination shalt leave everything beloved most tenderly
of the
;
Pope.
this is
and
arrow which the
bow
of exile
first
shoots forth.
salt,
perience
how
the bread of others savours of
Thou shalt exand how hard a path

'
the descending and the mounting by another's stairs." " Dante has made Del Lungo has said that, with these lines,
sufferings immortal in the heart of humanity
".
his
The
precise
meaning
of
what
"
follows
that
is
disputed
weigh upon thy shoulders will be the evil and senseless company with which thou shalt fall into this valley, which all ungrateful, all mad and impious, will become against thee
And
which most
will
but short while after

therefrom.
that
it
it,
not thou, shall have the

its
brow
stained red
proceedings will supply the proof, so will be well for thee to have made thee a party for thyself."
its
Of
brutishness
'
The
question at issue
is
the length of time covered by these lines
After describing the poet's relations and rupture with his fellow exiles. the two sentences passed against him at the beginning of 1 302, the
only documentary evidence of his association with them is of 8 June when, at San Godenzo, Dante with eight others represents
his party in
of that year,
making the
alliance with the Ubaldini to
wage war upon
18 June, 1303, his name no longer appears in the long list of those who, under the leadership of Scarpetta degli Ordelaffi, signed an agreement with their allies in
Florence.
In a similar
document
of
Bologna.
It
is
therefore a plausible hypothesis that the rupture
which, according to two early commentators, was caused by an accusation of treachery brought against of
Dante in consequence of the failure an enterprise of which he had counselled the postponement and
the forming of a party for himself took place between these
two
dates.
The
1
disaster, to
which Cacciaguida
refers,
successful attempt to enter Florence
from
may La Lastra
be taken as the unin the
summer
of
304.
We
have no documentary evidence

'
of Dante's
movements be3
See Barbadoro,
op. cit.
Par.,
xvii.
55-60.
Ibid., 61-69.
410

1
tween June, 1302, and October, 1306, when he appears as guest and ambassador of the Malaspina in Lunigiana (the supposed document attesting his presence at Padua in the latter year probably refers
to
another person).
And
after
306 we know no more with certainty,
he pays his homage to the Emperor elect, Henry of Luxemburg, The usual interpretation, then, takes these lines as early in 1311. the first few months of his exile. Del Lungo, on the covering only
until
other hand, holds that Dante, after withdrawing from participation in
the active measures of the Bianchi, remained in Tuscany or near at " fatta parte per se stesso," they were hand, waiting. Although he had
still
the party
whose
victory
would mean
his return to Florence.

(
1
Ac302-
cording to this view, these lines cover some six years thus passed
1
307),
until, in
the latter year, the exiles assembled for the last time
Arezzo, and then, in the words of Dino Compagni, forlorn, and never assembled again ".
at
"
departed
all
The answer
'
to the question
:
depends
in part
upon how
we
under-
stand the lines that follow
Thy
first
refuge, thy
first
hostelry, will
be the courtesy of the

to-
great Lombard, who bears the holy bird upon the ladder, who wards thee shall have so kindly a regard that, of performing and
asking,
is
of
between him and
thee, that will be

shall thou see the
first
which among others
the slower.
With him
this
one
who
be
at his birth
his deeds."
was
by mighty Cacciaguida continues with the splendid panegyric of Can Grande, a boy of nine years old at the assumed date of the vision
so impressed
star that notable shall
And
the panegyric, so closely corresponding with the dedicatory letter of
and culminating in the mysterious prophecy of his future achievements, which seem to suggest those of the Veltro, the coming deliverer of Italy and the political saviour of mediaeval society .the Paradise^
The
until
majority of commentators understand by //

della Scala,
in
gran lotnbardo
1
Bartolommeo
his
who
1
held the lordship of
Verona from
30
death
March,
304.
On
this
assumption, Dante would
have taken refuge in Verona immediately after his rupture with his fellows-exiles, and would have had no concern, even indirectly, with
their
later
vicissitudes.
is
Del
Lungo and Torraca hold

and
successor,
that
the
person indicated
1
Bartolommeo's brother
Albuino
Cf. Purg.,
viii.
133-139.
'-'
Ibid. 70-93.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
della Scala,
IN
THE DIVINA COMMEDIA

until
41
who
ruled in
Verona
October,
1311, and almost
from the beginning associated his younger brother youth, with him as the commander of his troops.
with the view that the previous lines
struggle of the Bianchi to return to Florence,
first
Can Grande,
a mere
This would agree cover the whole period of the
Dante perhaps finding

1
his
refuge at
Verona
is
after the final dissolution of the party in
307.
The
question
1
too
evidence
theories.
hardly
permits
complicated of a definite
a one to discuss here,

decision
and the
between the two
We
may
find,
think, unconscious autobiography
on Dante's part
Pro-
in the portrait of
Romeo
of Villanova, the righteous statesman of
vence, unjustly called to give an

after
account of his stewardship,
and
there-
wandering
in self-chosen exile
and poverty
Romeo,
whom
the
poet has placed by " among the good spirits
the side of Justinian in the sphere of
who
"
:
have been active
in order that
Mercury, honour
and fame may follow them " Within the present pearl and goodly work was
turns another's
shines the light of
Romeo, whose
great
ill-requited.
against him, have prospered not,
But the Provencals, who wrought and therefore he treadeth ill who
loss.
good deeds
to his
own
a queen, had
Raymond Berengar, and
this for
Four daughters, and each him did Romeo, a lowly
man and
for ten.
pilgrim.
And
a reckoning from
could
this just
then malignant words moved him to demand man, who had rendered him seven and five
;
Thereupon he departed, poor and aged
and,
if
the world
morsel,
know the heart he had, as he begged his life morsel by though much it praise him, it would praise him more."
1
'
The
heart he had," il cor cfielli ebbe

spirit
'*
not of course his sorrow,
but his unshaken magnanimity of

English poet
soul ".
:
in adversity,
am
the master of
is
my
fate
am
saying like the the captain of my
between the mysterious pilgrim who came to Count Raymond's court and the greater pilgrim who has canonised him in the Divina Commedia. In the Romeo of the
analogy
striking
The
legend, passing
1
away with
his
mule and
staff
and
scrip as mysteriously
among other things the precise bearing of an apparently unreference to Albuino in the Convivio and the problem of complimentary the authenticity of the Letter to Cardinal Niccolo da Prato attributed to Dante.
It
involves
Par.,
vi.
127-142.
412
was seemingly no trace of vain glory or shadow of ambition to cause him to win a lower grade in Paradise. But to
as he came, there
this righteous
Dante, that zealous searcher into the secret things of the human spirit, indignation at being called to render an account may
sensitiveness for the
have seemed an excessive

sudden revelation
man's
own
1
reputation, a
of the earthly strain in the character.
Dante adfrom
mits in himself the failing that
was
that of the spirits in this sphere, at
the beginning of the Monarc/iia,

its
where he purposes
to extract
recesses the
"
may
knowledge monarchy, not only that he " for the good of the world," but also that he keep vigil may
of temporal
to
be the
first
win
for his
own
glory the
palm
of so great a prize "."
Romeo and interprets his life in the light of his own experience. The same unjust charges of malversation in office were made against himself. The niendid sua vita a frusto a frusto, which seems to be the poet's own addiit is
And
clear that
he creates the
figure of
tion to the legend of
Romeo's passing
3
into obscurity, corresponds only
too well with ti\tperegrino quasi

scribes his
mendicando with which he de-
pursue the analogy further, and find the corresponding expression of il cor cKelli ebbe the heart
wanderings.
own
We
may
that
Dante had,
in
the famous letter to the Florentine friend, refusing
to return to
Florence
under humiliating conditions, and
speculate
whether even that noble utterance, reviewed by the poet from his celestial watch-tower of contemplation,* might not have revealed to him
something of the same spirit as appeared in Romeo's magnanimous shaking the dust of Provence from off his feet.
It is
profoundly impressive to observe the contrast in tone in the

instead of apologia,
it
Divina Commedia, when,
becomes confession.
The proud
sense of political righteousness yields throughout to an in-
tense spiritual humility.
have only to compare the lines spoken by Cacciaguida or Brunetto Latini with those uttered by Beatrice in the Earthly Paradise, where Dante for shame cannot meet her eyes.
1
We
The famous
power
of
passage in the Letter to
Can Grande
in
defending the
this
life
the
human
intellect
to
be so exalted
as
to
of
transcend the measure

1
of humanity,
and rebuking (by the example Temple

t
owe
this
suggestion to Dr. Wicksteed's note in the
Classics
Para
2
4
Mon.,
i.
1.
*Conv. i.3.
Pitrg., xxx. 103-145, xxxi. 1-69.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY
IN
THE DIVINA COMMEDIA

"
413
Nabuchodonosor) the carpers who cry out against the assignment of so great an exaltation because of the sin of the speaker "- justifies us, if the internal evidence of the poem itself be thought insufficient or inconclusive, in taking the
Divina Commedia
as the record of Dante's
own
spiritual
experience.
We
are surely, then, to regard the selva
oscura of the opening canto as the symbol of the poet's own moral " so low he fell, that all means for his salvation were state, when
are to hold already scant, save showing him the folk in Hell *V that the conversion, through Grace sent by Mercy, of which love was
We
the inspiration and
human
his
;
deemed
of the
to
have been
2
philosophy the that he is the
first
means, was what he
touched by envy, was yet weighed

;
down
man whose soul, hardly with the fear of the torment
whose eyes were apt to be blinded by wrath, but who proud " " could be led through that bitter and foul air yet by the voice of " " 3 reason. Though borne up even to the sphere of fire by the eagle
of the spirit,
he yet
4
siren of the flesh.
tempted to listen for a while to the song of the The immeasurable burning, that purifies the sensual,
is
must be endured by
his soul before
he can attain the peace of a good

5
conscience in the Earthly Paradise.
Love, the love that a
woman
had
had taught him on

experienced that
"
earth,
becomes
at last the guide through successive

;
stages of illumination to the divine union
for he, too,
even in
St.
is
life,
moment
of understanding," of
which
Augustine
and
St.
Monica spoke
together, here
and now, which
the anticipa-
tion of the eternal life of the hereafter.
Purg., xxx. 136-138. xix. 10-24 Ibid., ix. 30

;
Ibid.,
xiii.
133-138.
5
Ibid.^l
1-15.
Ibid., xxvii. 10-51.
THE STUDY OF MEDI/EVAL CHRONICLES.

BY T.
F.
TOUT,
M.A., D.Lnr., F.B.A.,
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND DIRECTOR OF ADVANCED STUDY IN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.
IT
hope, no longer necessary to justify a systematic effort to equip the young historian with the tools of his trade and to show
is,
I
him practically how to use them. Yet though a great deal has been done towards attaining such an end during the last few years, it still remains the case that this country is behind the other great statse
of the west in the facilities
which
it
provides for teaching students of
Long ago we history how to become historians on their own account. have perfected a system of preparing students for examinations in all may proudly boast that our system subjects of academic study.
We
has nothing like

only
it
in
France,
Germany
or America,
and
that
it
can
be paralleled
in
pre-revolutionary China.
In
some
subjects,
this
notably in the experimental sciences,

training in research,
we
have supplemented
and
in
many
subjects, notably in history,
we
by have
slowly but surely provided instruction in the technicalities of the historian's craft and we have always had in our subject the priceless
stimulus of the example of master workers,
many
of
whom
at least
individual investigator.
have always shown the utmost willingness to help and encourage the Above all, we have done something though towards reducing our triposes and honour schools to not enough
their true insignificance as the starting-point, rather
qualification, for
an academic career.
The
than as the chief " order ancient fetish called
"
of merit
temples once thronged by its votaries. Professorships are generally, but not I fear always, given to the best worker in his subject rather than to the happy possessor of
is
now
dethroned even
in the
6 February,
This lecture was first delivered in the Arts School at Cambridge, on 1920, and was repeated, with trifling alterations, at the John Rylands Library, on 9 November, 92 1
1
414
THE STUDY OF MEDI/EVAL CHRONICLES

the most "brilliant degree," or the most attractive social
times,
gifts.
415
Some-
but
not
fear very generally,
even
in
elections to
college
lectureships in the older universities,
work done
as well as examination
record
is
taken into consideration.

if
well and
we
lips,
really are going to
Things are really getting on very do what, not long ago, was on
of educational recon-
everybody's
struction,
still
namely embarking on a policy
we have now
a unique opportunity of setting our houses in
better order.
It is
have already been taken to secure this desirable end. Every university has now a scheme for a new degree, called the Doctorate in Philosophy, and the
gratifying to record that important steps
idea underlying
it is
that the possession of the degree shall indicate that
the recipient has not only himself produced a piece of
work
that
shows
a recognised standard of scholarship or learning and marks a real advance in the knowledge of the subject studied, but that he has under-
gone a course of instruction in the methods and technique of his craft, that he can produce original work because he has been taught by
masters the conditions under which original
work should be done.

up to
this ideal
How
far
every University
is
in practice living
be determined when we have seen what sort of men new degree courses actually turn out. But there is already one regrettable
deviation from this ideal to be noted in the fact that the University of
can only and women the
London apparently
fitness is
offers this
degree to
"
external students,"
whose
far as
be judged simply by the work they offer, and who, so gather, have not necessarily been subject to any instruction
to
at all in the technique of their subject.
This
ideal
is
a striking example of
prevailing
it
the
want
of uniformity of standard
It
is
and
still
among
the
British universities.
much
to
be hoped that
will
be the ex-
ception that proves the rule.
it
The Ph.D. degree is not, of course, one limited to historians, but meets the wants of the would-be historian in a fashion that is
hardly so completely the case in some other subjects within the ken of a faculty of arts. Indeed, the methods of training the historian are
in
some
special
ways more analogous
to those of the natural sciences
rather than to those of
many
of the
more impalpable
"
humanities".
There
lends
is
in fact
no
subject, outside the experimental sciences,
which
itself
so easily to a course of practical training in technique as
history.
History gives opportunities for talents of
every
sort.
It
416

man
it
affords a place for the ordinary
or
woman
to
do
useful
work
ac-
cording to his capacity, while

highest orders of intelligence.
training are
can involve processes that tax the

for all alike the initial stages of
And
much
it
the same.
We
have most of us outgrown the old
delusion that
the business of the plodder to transcribe, edit, and " " calendar, to prepare the material on which the gifted historian is to
is It is
exercise his superior constructive talent.
only by learning
how
to
lay his tale of bricks faithfully that the real historian learns his trade.
And
no methodising
of teaching can,
or ought,
to deprive of
his
natural advantages the scholar he will never use his gifts if, in
who
his
has imagination and insight. But cultivation of Clio the muse, he shy
neglects the preliminary drudgery of the apprentice stage.
He
will
remain the gifted
amateur, however
beautiful his writing,
however
brilliant his generalisations.
must go back to our starting-point, the historical teaching of history," as Stubbs once called that education of the historian which he dreamt of but despaired of as an impossibility in his own age and
in his
But
we
"
own
university.
This
is
historian can
fashion.
now
learn his trade in

is
happily no longer the case, and the England in quite a satisfactory

still
The
real difficulty
that he
does not
know
in all
cases
that
call
fact.
he has a trade to
learn,
and
that in even
most cases those

this
who
upon him to teach history are even more oblivious of Yet it is gratifying to note quite recently some real
to the energy
patent
steps in ad-
vance, notably the foundation of the Institute of Historical Research

in
London which we owe

and
and
foresight of Professor
Pollard,
lead.
to the subscribers
in
We
Manchester have
quietly in the
same
direction.
who answered so now for several If we were able
munificently to his
years been moving

to
appeal
to
the
imagination of the rich after the fashion that seems easy in

possible in
America,
all
London and
in our
in
West
Lancashire, but less simple to
district, appearances for a great extension of the technical training of the historian beyond what we are at present in a position to offer. Meanwhile, it is satis-
own immediate
we
have here the
facilities
factory to chronicle satisfactory

this building
it
if
slow progress.
And
lecturing in
is
impossible not to bear testimony to the unique re-
sources
of the
John
Ry lands
Library in affording us the historical

daily bestowing in his task of
materials which are the implements of our trade and to the courtesy
and pains which the
chief librarian
is

bringing the
facilities
417
which the
library offers before the students
who
on
work
in
it.
A training in historical
sources, but as this
tent to-day to
is
method might well begin with

I
lectures
not a course but a single lecture,
must be con-
speak of one particular historical source, the mediaeval particularly I wish to call your attention to the chronicles relating to our national history in the thirteenth and fourteenth
chronicle.
More
centuries.
It
was
the time
when
the fairest flowers of mediaeval cul-
ture attained their perfection.

historic flowers
first
began
to
show
that dankness of
Indeed, before the end of the period the growth which was the
symptom
of their degeneration.
is
The
ject.
It
chronicle of the great period of the middle ages
a huge sub-
compels summary and generalized and therefore common-
place treatment.
But before
we
finally
preliminary question suggests
itself.
plunge in medias res, a final This is, what is a chronicle ?

is
The
safest
definition of the mediaeval chronicle

all
the broad one
which includes
themselves with
history
1
;
narrative written
In the
for
the purpose of
conveying
information as to the past.

subtle
Middle Ages a few writers busied distinctions between the chronicle and the
for
example, Gervase, the thirteenth century
monk
of
Canter-
bury.
the
for
In more recent times many practitioners of the art called by Germans Historik have discoursed upon the same problem. But
all
our period, at
events,
can find no
solid basis for
such refine-
ments.
cannot always learn from the books thembegin with, selves what titles, if any, the authors designed to give to the products of the pen. The modern author has to have a title, because his
publisher insists on a
in the
title pages had not been invented themselves are so rare that the only safe way of identifying a manuscript is from its first and last words, its Few mediaeval writers were seriously concerned incipit and explicit.
To
we
title
page, but
titles
Middle Ages, and
in the choice of
title,
and
if
they called their books, not according to

ing to
they had any interest in the matter, what they were, but accord-
what they wished them
to be.
title of
history
by
the less pretentious
modest man might style a real Chronicle or Annals. more
blatant writer, unconscious of his
own
limitations, might,
on the other
hand, give a very grand

i
name
to a very jejune
and
annalistic compila-
Gervase
of Canterbury,"
I.,
87-88.
418
tion.

The
conventionalist took the fashion of his day, while those
of imagination
with
some touch
preferred a
title
that savoured of
of a
originality or singularity.
There was no prospect

to urge
wide
circula-
tion
no handsome
title.
royalties to
tempt the mediaeval historians
to select
a striking
There was no publisher
upon him the com-
mercial importance of an arresting label.
the
titles
scribers
light
Moreover, in many cases which we know mediaeval books are the work of tranby and editors rather than the authors, and some only see the
the book
is
when
printed.
How
numerous are the mediaeval

have
titles of
writings, which, like the
Annals
of Tacitus,
later date,
destitute of original warranty ?
Accordingly, before
title,
we
can properly
only the
discuss the significance of a mediaeval
we must
painfully ascertain
it
whether
it
is
due
to the editor or to the author.
And
I
is
more meticulous and up-to-date editor who Not to labour further at a trivial doing this.
gives us the material for

point,
my
need only record profound conviction that mediaeval writers used the three terms
chronicles, annals,
and
histories
absolutely indiscriminately.
an author wanted a particular title he chose something styled his book Flowers of History, Chronographia, or PolyBut when a good title chronicon, or something that sounds big. " Thus we may speak with Stubbs of took on," it became a fashion.
the
When fanciful. He
"
Age
of the Flores,"
and
of
the transition in the fourteenth

".
century to the
"Age
of the
Polychronicon
This process was the

anything
in
else.
easier, since there
was no copyright
still
in titles or in
The
flowers of history, planted by
Roger Wendover
the
fair
historical
garden
at St.
Albans,
and emitting a
less fragrant
blossomed, though attaining a smaller size odour when transplanted to the convent
did not entirely revive even
garden of Westminster.
They
critical
when
re-
cultivated under the southern skies of
Languedoc by Bernard Guy,

of the
Bishop of Lodeve, the
and scholarly author
Chronicorwn.
with
What we have to deal Let us turn from the name to the thing. is the chronicle in this wider sense, the narrative history, comMiddle Ages.
It
piled under the conditions of the
begins
when
the
decay of the Romano-Greek conception of an elaborate literary history was drowned, like so much of ancient civilisation, in the flood of barbarism that reduced the Roman Empire to a tradition, an ideal,
and a name.
But as
this
submersion was
never complete,
the

historical literary tradition lingered
419
on even
in the darkest ages.
Indeed,
there
were chronicles before and

in
after the
mind always works

his
certain definite
Middle Ages, directions, and

of
for the
human
and
we
the
must not
differentiate too meticulously mediaeval
man from
his predecessors
successors.
Still
we may
It
chronicle as broadly a type.
manent
twelfth
characteristics.
generally speak This type gradually assumed its perattained its maximum capacity between the
centuries.
It
mediaeval
and the fourteenth

It
was
in
full
decline in the
fifteenth century.
ended when the renascence

of existence
of ancient ideals
and
the growth of
modern conditions
made
chronicle reading
of a chronicle
wearisome
to the cultivated reader
and the composition
an unpractical
way
of
communicating
historical information.
was never in its essence a literary form, for in the Dark Ages few men had interest or care for letters, and when the twelfth century renascence ushered in the true Middle Ages the progressive, intellectually active, and artistically sensitive Middle Ages men of learning and education were so overwhelmed by the
chronicle
flood of scientific specialism that
The
dominated the
universities that they
cared
little
on
telling
it.
humanism, and what they wanted

for
telling
on matter than on form, to say rather than on the manner of Most chroniclers wrote badly, some from natural stupidity
set
more
store
and
carelessness,
style.
some from
indifference to anything approaching

literary success
canons of
without
But some wrote well and achieved

it,
much
conscious effort to secure
while
many had
that style
which comes from

of imagination.
directness, sincerity, clarity of vision

their object in
But
fulfil
and strength general was not a piece of com-
position but to
some case. was not exactly

defend
a practical need, to supply information, or to prove Sometimes, indeed, the information they sought to convey
the fact as
it
had happened.
other reasons besides a pure love of truth.

his patron, his
They wrote for many The chronicler had to
his class,
or himself.
abbey, his country, his government, his party, Yet the very nature of his purpose not un-
commonly put him in the way of obtaining access to first-hand sources of information. Even a non-historical purpose did not prevent him to his readers much that was perfectly true. communicating
It is
the variety of the chronicler's inspiration that
makes
his output
so instructive to us.
There was the motive

of hagiography of
of religious edification
which has robbed so much
any
relation to reality.
28
420
There were, too, other sorts of edification which were far from being " official history ". There was the Official history, such religious.
as in
France emanated
it
in
various ages from Saint Denis, told the

for
story, not as
it
to
have happened.
had occurred, but as apologists There was, too, the family

feeling
a policy wished
history,
compiled to
glorify
a hero or to demonstrate the antiquity of a
newly arrived
in
stock.
truth.
its
Corporate
vied
with
family
pride
falsifying
There was the
history of a university,
to
which must vindicate
respectability
by going back
an age which knew nothing of the
university, to
Alfred the Great, to Charlemagne, to the mysterious
Prince Cantaber.
There was,
too, the history of a religious house,
which always wished to trace itself back further than it could, and whose researches into antiquity were sharpened by the practical motive
of proving
this
its
right to
its
property.
When
title
deeds were lacking
There was, too, the for purpose, they had to be invented. motive of interesting and amusing, which weighed most powerfully on
the compilers of histories for the great public, the
idle lords
first
illiterate
laity,
the
and
ladies.
Jt
in
mainly written
was not for nothing that popular history, at verse, was slowly differentiated from the
it
Chanson de geste from which

But
began.
all,
these motives are, after
exceptional,
and we have no
reason for not believing that the average mediaeval chronicler did not But what means honestly try to hand on the tale as he received it.
had he
for ascertaining the facts as
they occurred
Under what
conditions did he apply his mind to their selection and criticism. In dealing with the former problem let us confess at once that the
mediaeval chronicler had very poor opportunities of dealing adequately He had too few books he with the history of any distant period.
;
had too
little
criticism
;
he had too much deference to the authoritative

in the
text as written
and he was
mass of cases a slipshod and easy-
going person
who was
content to copy out what he found in the old
book which happened to be accessible to him. Even when he really took pains, he was pulled up short by his inability to imagine that any other age had conditions at all different from those with which he was himself familiar. To him the heroes of ancient days were like the
knights
and machicolated
the Saints,
and gentlemen he saw around him. They lived in moated castles, bore coat-armour, honoured the Virgin and and
tilted
on horseback, clad
in
armour and provided with

long spears.
421
they
They
had,
therefore,
little
"historical
sense":
never appreciated an historical atmosphere different from that which Accordingly, the universal histories from they themselves breathed.
the
creation
downwards
in
which mediaeval
writers
delighted are
mainly
of
interesting to us as illustrations of that illusive
phenomenon,
the mediaeval mind.
And
this is
which both they and
we know
not only the case with the periods It is equally true when a nothing.
mediaeval writer sets himself sincerely to study a period a century or more earlier than his own. Here his want of aptitude for the
comparative method," which lies at the basis of criticism, becomes He cannot discriminate between his sources. To painfully obvious.
the compiler of a universal chronicle
age,
"
who approached
of the
the Carolingian
the authentic
testimony of an Einhard or a
Nithard was
no
better
and no worse than the romance

l
Charlemagne cycle which
sends the Great Emperor on a crusade to Palestine.
To
the twelfth-
century attempts to restore Celtic antiquity, Arthur and his knights had the same ideals as Godfrey of Boulogne, Frederick Barbarossa or
Like children, they did not see clearly the distinction between truth, sought by an intellectual process, and the
romantic product of the imagination. If many of Geoffrey of Monmouth's contemporaries took him for gospel, has he not still his modern
disciples ?
William the Marshal.
And
it
was not
so long ago that the false
Ingulf
and
Richard
of Cirencester
were quoted with respect by the learned.

then,
if
We shall be fairer,
amine
his
we
test
our mediaeval historian iby what
he could do when he was
at his best. That is to say, we must exwork when he was dealing with contemporary or nearly
contemporary times.
We
all
know
the
difficulties
of recent history,
and there may
still
be teachers
difficulties, history, like
maintain that by reason of those port wine or whisky, should not be consumed
of the student until
it
who
by the tender digestion

for us
has become matured by Yet long storage in the dry cellar of a muniment room or a library.
moderns the
difficulty of recent history is
not so
much
the imit is
possibility of getting at the essential facts in their proportion, as
the flood of unimportant

points of
trivialities
and
unsifted information in
which the true
are buried in the floods of knowledge lie concealed. which the daily press, the memoirist, the dispatch writer, the
We
pamphleteer, the apologist, and the first-hand seeker for truth pour out much worse off was the mediaeval chronicler in all upon us.
How
422

!
these respects
He
had
practically nothing to
sonal observation, the testimony of friends,

official
depend on save perand the small doles of
information that his rulers thought
the world.
lecting news.
Yet he
often
made good
it worth while to publish to use of his inferior means of col-
We
perhaps, knowing that
we do
not get at facts

at his
as
he
did, are apt to undervalue the
facilities
which he had
command.
Let us avoid
this mistake.
Let us recognise that
many chroniclers
of them.
had good means
of information
and made good use

chroniclers.
There
him-
are good chroniclers as well as
bad
The good
chronicler
was shrewd, circumspect and

self
judicious.
He does not
easily give
away, but
is
ever ready with his ut fertur or ut dicunt,
when he
feels his
ground unsure.
read
We
see
how he
sought out his knowledge
when we
how Matthew
Paris
himself in the details of the translation
was coached by Henry III of St. Edward, how Richard,

in the cost of the
king of the
Romans,
instructed the
same writer
foundation of the church of Hayles, and how Geoffrey the Baker had before him the written memoir of the Oxfordshire knight, Sir Thomas
de
la
More,
relating the story of the enforced deposition of
Edward
in his
II.
Froissart
illustrates
the chronicler
who was an
many
unwearied
it
traveller,
picking up information, and often no doubt muddling
up
head,
from the roadside and tavern
stories of
persons of all ranks
whom
The prefaces of many chroniclers, wanderings. from Bede onwards, show what a real process of research some of our
he encountered on
his
writers
went through before they put pen
to
parchment.
The
simplest of chroniclers regarded the natural sources of material as per-
sonal knowledge,
common
gossip,
and the correspondence

Middle Ages
full
of great
men.
There was- no
lack of trouble taken in the
to
make
news
the
accessible,
and the chroniclers doubtless took

law
our country.
advantage of
facilities
given to the general public to obtain early information of

in
important,' changes in the

'
(
From
the beginning of
the twelfth century copies of important laws, like royal charters of liberties, were sent round to the shires and, after publication in the
John of Reading, monk of Westminster, who wrote a chronicle for the " void of literature and years 1325-1345, and modestly described himself as " that he wrote relatione vulgari quam propria considerabrains," says plus Chroti. J. tione seu litteris magnatum instructus ". -d. Tait, p. 99.

shire moot, deposited in representative local churches.
423
The Ordinances
the
it
of
1311 were expressly published not only
in the shires but in
liberties
and the Cinque Ports.

it
In the next generation
was con-
sidered that
burgess,
was part of the business of a knight of the shire or a when he came home from parliament, to make known to his
it.
constituents the laws promulgated in
Perhaps the repeated
re-
enactment of many laws

If
may have been
the result, not only of im-
portant execution, but also of a desire to give them a wider publicity.
laymen or secular
clerks obtained
still
news with
difficulty,
it
seems
obvious that monks were
less
competent
to collect information.
Up
to the twelfth century at least, a majority of the chroniclers
were
monks.
cloistered
These were, or ought
to
have been, recluses by profession,

in secular affairs,
from the world, uninterested
unversed in
war and rarely concerned with politics. Moreover, to many modern They lived in a cloud of marvel eyes, monks saw the world askew.
and mystery, greedily sought for the miraculous in the most ordinary operations of nature, were narrow, prejudiced, and superstitious. But no one who knew the twelfth century will recognise much force
in either of these accusations.
The
age which saw the work of Suger,
abbot of Saint Denis,
who
not only administered the affairs of Louis
VI
all
but wrote his biography, and the
work
of St. Bernard,
who
ruled
Europe from
his cloister at Clairvaux,
spectators of worldly affairs.

his love of learning
sort.
Nor
could not regard monks as mere was St. Bernard ignorant, though
was
doubtless of an old-fashioned
and circumscribed
of things
In
all
practical affairs
no one could be nearer the centre
than those two great monks and the 'many lesser religious persons
followed, so far as they could, these great masters.
who
mon-
And
superstition
and a
cult of the marvellous

I
was not a
special prerogative of the
astic orders.
have a shrewd impression that the unlettered layman
had a much
greater capacity for accepting readily a pious story than
the more critical and educated
monk
like
;
or clerk.
We may criticise
must not regard
it
the
as
mediaeval point of view,

specially monastic.
if
we
but
we
He was not, advantages the monastic chronicler possessed. like the mediaeval baronial and ruling class, or like the bishops themHe lived, year in and year out, in a selves, a perpetual vagabond.
Some
home
of his
told his stories of adventure,
own, where the passing traveller readily sojourned and and where the chronicler occupied a
424
stately

and peaceful dwelling, had books round him in reasonable in the armana of his house, and opportunities of composi-
abundance
tion and reflection in the compulsory silence of the cloister and the vacant intervals between the regular offices. Moreover, he was a of a great corporation at a time when corporate member spirit was
easier to develop than individual self-consciousness.
;
Not only was
his
own house an organised society for mutual help he belonged to a world-wide order. Many great monastic corporations early developed a tradition of historical composition. Knowledge that information given to such a society was likely to be utilised for historical
purposes naturally caused historical information to flow to any monastic community intent on writing history, and stirred up the more curious
members of
the
community
to seek for
it
for themselves.
The result was

think,
at
a rare continuity of historical writing, which endured from age to age.
The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle,
started,
as
most scholars
Winchester by the direction of Alfred, was certainly kept up in its The continuity becomes greater in original home for a good century.
later
ages, notably in houses like St.
Albans, in which the task of

to generation.
writing history
It
was
regularly taken
up from generation
has been conjectured by Sir Thomas Hardy, and most of us have followed him without adequate consideration, that the convent of St.
Albans appointed a
historiographer, to
whom
the convent assigned
the task of writing up the local chronicle. But there seems no early for the statement, and the best recent one is the misplaceauthority
ment
of a conjectural
comma
in the
modern
edition of the
Gesta
abbatum. 1
tradition.
There was, however, a danger in the continuity of There was a tendency for this. Such official historians
and
would
literary
naturally tend to conform to pattern
we
is
output to show
little
individuality.
Nor
should expect their this seldom the case

itself
during the three centuries in which St. Albans concerned
with
tional conditions,
the writing of history. But individual gifts will rise superior to tradiand there was no lack of the personal touch in a Roger
of
Wendover, and
1
still
less in
Matthew
I.
Paris, the
most individual of
Gesta abbatum Sancti Albani,
in
*'
text) calls
Matthew
Paris
"
394, twice (once in heading, once historiographus," but this need only mean
In the heading not an officially appointed abbey historian. " should read the words, Monachi Sancti Albani, historiographi," not as " Mr. Riley did, Monachi, Sancti Albani historiographi ".
historian,"

mediaeval chroniclers.
the writer's name,
425
Sometimes,
when we do
John
of
not so
his
much
as
know
which
we
can discern his personality in
work, as for inhis policy
stance in the fierce diatribe against
Gaunt and
we
read in the anonymous

II.
St.
Albans' Chronicle of the early years of
Richard
The
it
continuity of the monastic chronicle
was
the greater since
not only carried on generation after generation in the same but since friendly or neighbouring convents pooled or interhouse,
was
changed
chronicle
its
their
information.
When
society
wished
to
to
start
compile borrowed, begged or stole the annals of a good-natured Thus community, and continued it in a fashion of its own liking.
and was too incurious or inactive
one on
own,
it
in
the early
eleventh century,
when
the
historic fire,
kindled
by
Alfred at Winchester, had grown cold, the monks of Canterbury procured a Winchester manuscript and wrote it up for succeeding generations at Christ
Church.
It
was the same with Worcester
or
Evesham,
from all of which abbeys with Abingdon and with Peterborough versions of the so-called Anglo-Saxon Chronicle have come down to
us.
Centuries later
it
was
the
same
at Westminster,
when
III
the reform-
ation
and enlargement
of St.
Peter's
abbey by Henry
quickened
the intellectual activities of the monks.
One
result
was
the transfer-
ence to Westminster of a short
St.
Albans' chronicle, called, no doubt
by a
Wendover, Flores Historiarum, but quite different and indeed very inferior to, that excellent work. But these from, modest flowers of history were assiduously cultivated year after year
disciple of
by a
its
succession of Westminster monks.

at St.
been begun
Albans
in the
in
That very volume which had famous St. Albans' hand, now saw
inferior
blank pages gradually filled ship in vogue at Westminster.
by the progressively
penman-
The most
individual of the series of
Westminster chroniclers was Robert of Reading whose idolatry of the good Earl Thomas of Lancaster is as fierce and malignant as the St.
Albans' monk's denunciation of Duke John of Lancaster, nearly two generations later. I call him Robert of Reading for the excellent reason
that the official continuator of
the Westminster chronicle says that

1
Robert
of
Reading wrote up
to
326.
But the
official
archives of St.
is
Peter's say that Robert of
Reading died in 1318.
Here
official
a glaring
contradiction between the statements of

tative sources.
two equally
and authori-
One's natural reluctance
to believe that the chronicler
426

for eight years after his
went on writing
death induces one
to prefer the
record in this case to the chronicle.
Another Reading, John

the Westminster record,
this time, carried
on
in
a perfunctory
way
II
the Westminster annals into the next generation.

like that of St. Albans,
Under Richard
becomes
interesting
and good.
We owe this revival
of the historic spirit in Westminster
Abbey
to the
unknown monk who wrote a
continuation to John of
Malvern, prior of Worcester, himself the continuator of Ranulf Higden, monk of Chester. The co-operation between Benedictine houses is
here as noteworthy as the annalistic continuity within the same house. The inter-relations of great churches for co-operation in historical
They go beyond neighbouring Orosius houses to convents separated by nationality and geography. was a common jumping-off point for the writers of universal history of
all
work might be
illustrated indefinitely.
ages and climes.
Marianus Scotus, an Irishman writing
at
Mainz,
compiled a history which Florence, monk of Worcester, continued in England and which was the base of Sigebert of Gembloux's widely circulated Chronographia, the most popular of mediaeval summaries of
universal history,
itself
the basis of numerous continuations

its
all
through
Western Europe.
just as
But each age had

history, like
favourite universal history,
nowadays each generation

But mediaeval
feels itself
compelled
life
to
have
its
own
text-books.
mediaeval
generally, ran in
one international channel, and only became tinged

national features after the thirteenth century.
with distinctive
"
There was a time when the contemptuous

all
"
age of reason
".
mediaeval histories together as the
"
monastic chroniclers
lumped This is
true to the extent that,

majority,
orders.
up
to the
end
of the eleventh century, the great
and the
best, of the chroniclers
were members
of religious
From
the twelfth century the growing variety

in
of monastic
types allowed plenty of variety
monastic
histories.
But the same
period also saw many with success to historical composition, and an equally noteworthy exthe impulse towards corporate historiography from tension of " " " "
religious
to
secular clerks as individuals devoting themselves
secular
ecclesiastical
foundations.
In
England
the
"secular"
historian will
If
henceforth
historian
to write
hold
of
his
own
against his
"regular"
rival.
the
best
his
time,
William
of
Malmesbury, who
school of Bede,
boldly dared
critical
history after the

of
was a monk,
his chief rivals,
Henry
Huntingdon

and Geoffrey
"
secular
of
427
Monmouth, cannot be proved to have taken the monastic vows and the holding by both Henry and Geoffrey of so
an archdeaconry makes their monastic quality But under Henry II the turn of the a somewhat otiose hypothesis.
"
an
office as
secular clerk,
trained
Benedictus
written
clerk,
Abbas
of
came with the so-called whose Gesta Henrici was most assuredly not
in the royal
court,
by the abbot of Peterborough

"
his continuator the
Yorkshire
Roger
Howden and Ralph "
de Diceto
which must not be

in a
translated
of Diss
the dean of the secular chapter of St. Paul's,

itself
London.
Though
historiography reclothed
more monastic
garb under Henry III, and hardly threw it off under Edward I, the monastic element in the fourteenth-century chroniclers rapidly decreased
both in quality and quantity.
Of
the best chronicler of
Edward
II
we have no good
for calling
reason, except the convenience of
him the
life
ings of this
of
monk of Malmesbury ". Very constant re-readEdward II fails to give me reason either for believing
was a monk, and
as
little
"
an accepted
label,
or not believing that the author

ing
for connect-
him with Malmesbury.

accuracy of a writer
to the
But I may, in passing, bear my testimony whose obiter dictum that in 3 4 all the
1 1
sheriffs of England were charged in one day can be demonstrated from Chancery and Exchequer records. Under Edward III there is a strong secular preponderance, for Geoffrey Baker, the Oxfordshire
Robert Avesbury, the clericiis uxoratus who earned his bread as an officer of the southern archbishop's court, Adam Murimuth, ecclesiastical lawyer and canon of St. Paul's, and John Froissart, the
parson,
" " secular clerk from Valenciennes, were all without a eminently In the fifteenth century few houses, touch of the monastic leaven. outside St. Albans and Crowland, produced chronicles of even a
modest
scale
of
merit.
their
It
But
necessarily see
from
must not suppose that we can mentality whether a chronicler were a

to discover a
we
monk
look
or a secular. " " view of secular

is
would be hard
reflected in the
"
"
monastic
or a
life
two types
of
work.
Their outtells
not essentially different on the average.
Adam
Murimuth
It
us in his preface
how
in his search for historical
material he examined
indifferently, cathedral, monastic,
and
collegiate churches.
was
as
natural to look for a chronicle in a secular foundation, such as Exeter,

as in a monastic foundation, like Westminster.
Some
later
developments of the
"
religious" profession
have a place
428
of their

own
in the history of history.
This
is
the case with the
friars,
and
particularly with the

field
Dominicans whose contributions
to history
cover a wider
than those of the Franciscans.
While the
Minorites'
order,
historical activity
was centred round
the fortunes of their
own
and
of
its
famous founders and
saints, the preaching friars clothed
themselves in the mantle of Sigebert of

ing succinct
street.
and digested general histories This was a natural result of their
Gembloux and aimed at writfor the educated man in the

intense educational activity
and
their practical, orderly, business-like tradition.
Vincent
a
of
Beau-
vais in his
Speculum Historiale
Martin
of
sets the type, in
work
inspired
by
a didactic purpose.
at the
Troppau, a Pole or Czech, writing

arid, unin-
papal curia, was another Dominican historian, dry, spired, but succinct, useful and easy to take in at a glance.
us
Many
of
have read the English Dominican, Nicholas Trevet's thirteenthcentury chronicle, have absorbed a good deal of Martin of Troppau
without knowing
it.
who
Nearly
all
Trevet's copious references to foreign
history are conveyed textually from Martin's
Chronicon Pontijicnm
et
Imperatorum.
from
his
are Trevet's English additions different in type from Martin. His cut and dried annals, with borrowings the facts methodically digested under the years of the popes, emperors, and kings, with few words wasted, but those employed used precisely
Nor
and
distinctly,
remind us painfully of the mechanical did;
the
modern
textbook,
and
like
the better sort of
modern
It
is
textbooks,
the
serve their purpose in an uninspired sort of way.

for the specialist in other subjects
just
book
and
all
mediaeval academic person-
to get up in a hurry what ages were specialists in non-literary fields If some of he wants to know of recent history for practical purposes.
our war statesmen and peace negotiators had read a modern Martin of Troppau or Nicholas Trevet, they might perhaps have appreciated
the elementary facts of history without which a rational settlement
let
let of,
us say, the problem of

us
record
the different
graphy makes on us as gulf between the two great mendicant orders is revealed by reading De adventu fratuni minorum and then the Annals of first
Trevet.
If
Meanwhile, impossible. which Dominican historioimpression The whole compared with Franciscan.
Fiume becomes
this
be too
far fetched
a contrast,
we may more
usefully
compare Trevot with that portion of the so-called Lanercost Chronicle which is largely of Franciscan provenance.

I
429
must hurry through other
historical types
which the
later
Middle
Ages produced, and which do much
to
compensate us for the drying
up of the stream of monastic annals. There are the vernacular histories which first leap into prominence when our Henry II and his Queen
Eleanor commissioned Master Wace of Jersey to write his Roman de Rov and his Roman de Brut. The withdrawal of royal favour from Wace to a rival shows that kings and queens, even in those At first these French chronicles days, were not always sound critics.
were
lords
to
in verse, for the
growing reading or
not at
as
listening public of
in
literate
and
ladies,
who were
home
prose.
Hence such books
Latin, preferred poetry the Histoire de Guillaume le
Marechal and the so-called Song of Dermot and the Earl, Prose vernacular history narrating the Norman Conquest of Ireland.
was
cultivated earlier in
France than
in Britain, but
from such books

our early
written beyond sea

thirteenthcentury
history that
we
get
some
of our best illustrations of
annals.
We
in
can compare
never produced French vernacular interest with the Villehardouins and
Joinvilles of France.
But French vernacular verse was soon succeeded
by English rhyming chronicles like Layamon and Robert of Gloucester. must not forget, when we rashly speak of the barrenness of our
We
mediaeval literary history, that the real literary measure of the time is to be found in the Latin vernacular of the scholars and statesmen and
in the
To
French vernacular of the gentry and higher commercial classes. these, English came as a bad third, at least up to the end of the
century.
fourteenth
truth
Schools of
English
ancestors
are too apt to ignore this
they were, because they wrote so seldom in the English language. After vernacular history comes lay history, that is, history written Here again by men who were not clerks, even in the widest sense.
and make our mediaeval
more
illiterate
than
England
is
behind France, the more so as the
first
demonstrably lay
chronicle, the
was the
London history written by Arnold, son of Thedmar, work of a man of German stock, but settled in England and
chronicles
an alderman of London.
London
later
which are
Middle Ages.
Its
prepared the way for the long series of so valuable in their aggregate for the But London was the only big town of mediaeval
It
England.
unmeasurable superiority over Bristol and

our history in those days.
Lynn,
its
nearest rivals in the composition of civic histories,
unique
position in
is symbolic of its Side by side with civic
430
histories
THE JOHN RYLANDS. LIBRARY

came chronicles written by lettered was common from the fourteenth
of these than the
knights,
for the
miles
cannot
litteratiis
century.
We
have a better instance
Scalachronica, written to
beguile his imprisonment at the hands of the Scots,

of the
by one
of the
first
Northumbrian knightly house

I
of
Grey who won

be
in
for himself
place in history.
But
must pull myself up or
shall
danger of neglecting the
appreciation of the value of the mediaeval chronicler in a breathless
There still remain for conattempt to enumerate his various types. sideration many points connected with their historical value, not only by itself but in comparison with other sources.
Time was when

material
the chronicle
was considered
the sole or the main
for mediaeval history. A now forgotten history of the Norman Conquest declared itself on the title page to be based on a " new collation of the contemporary chronicles ". Few writers would
facile
be so naive now-a-days as to regard as adequate such a

of historical composition.
their
method
With
the opening up of archives and with

accessible
through lists, calendars, summaries and the publication in extenso of many documents, it has
to regard the record as superior in authority to the
is
contents
becoming more
become the fashion

chronicle.
There
can base
now
if
a school of historians which
is
not satisfied
unless
it
its
conclusions on record evidence.
Some
of
its
extreme disciples act as
records could never be wrong.

It
They
is
often
declare that chroniclers are essentially untrustworthy.
easy to
demonstrate the unwisdom of such extreme claims.

portant to notice that,
It
is
more im-
has more or
less
with the increased study of records, the chronicle come under a cloud.
this reaction
The
consequences of
have been the more serious since
with the increased study of records has come a widened view of the It is not so very long ago that Freeman said, province of history.
amidst
present
general approval,
history.
that history
was
past politics
of
and
politics
is
But nowadays our conception
history
not
limited to the history of the state.
Even when we
still fix
our attention
on
political
history, our object
is
not primarily to frame a narrative.
We
wish to describe, to analyse, to reconstruct, to understand, rather
And some of than simply to tell the tale in chronological sequence. to despise political history altogether. the more ardent souls are beginning
They
seek to
expound not the
history of the state but the history of

society,
431
and
rightly, since in
modern and even

'for
in mediaeval
times tke
state
was not
the only or even the most potent of the organisations
which bound together man and man

this extension of the
field
all
common
purpose.
With
less
of history, the chronicler
becomes
If
imis
portant.
He
is,
above
things, the teller of a story.

is
history
not primarily narrative,
what
the use of the chronicler ?
The
exclusive cult of the chronicler
was one-sided and
unscientific
but the excessive reaction against him cannot be
justified, either
by the
importance of other sources of information, or

historic field of activities
by the inclusion within the
with which the
political or the narrative historian
has
little
concern.
Nor
can
we
study the history of society with effect

the state in
all its aspects.
until
we
of
have
set forth clearly the history of
And
how many periods
of our mediaeval history
can
we truly say that
And the basis of political history has been well and truly laid ? would political history be, if it were not for the chronicles ? where
We
spective.
may make
But
full
recognition of the limitations of a chronicler's
knowledge, of his bias, his lack of proportion
and
his failure in perfact that,
we
must not blind ourselves to the
without
state in
the aid of the chronicler, the consecutive history of church the
and
us with the frame in
Middle Ages could not be written at all. The chronicles supply which we can set our picture. More than that,
all
they afford us nearly
the colour,
life,
and human
interest that
we
Records are arid things, and though can paint into the picture itself. they afford a happy hunting ground for the seeker after novelties, he seldom finds in them anything that can stimulate his imagination or
The investigator, who perforce has to work mainly has a weary row to hoe, but he perseveres because it among records, is only by the cultivation of this stubborn field that he can attain the
brighten his task.
results for
illustration,
which he
I
is
seeking.
If
it
may be
permitted a personal
may
tell
occupied
in investigating
you that for the last ten years I have been largely some aspects of the administrative machine by
which mediaeval England was governed. For such an enquiry the chroniclers are almost useless if I have read many chronicles, it has
;
did not find, and to convince myself of their or indifference to the whole of our administrative system. I ignorance
I
only been to seek what
have therefore been compelled to quarry my material almost exclusively from records. The result of this long banishment from the intellectual
food of
my
earlier
days has
made me
profoundly cognisant of the in-
432
The rush dispensable service of the chronicler to mediaeval history. through records is interesting enough, but the immediate results are less
so.
With what
thankfulness one notes
and remembers the
jest,
salted
perhaps with a touch of profanity, or impropriety, with which the average record writer scribbles on a blank page some effort to alleviate
his tedious task.
How
that
I
unrelated and
trivial
seem our
extracts
from
I
his rolls
Now
draw near
with
to the conclusion of the task,
cannot but
feel real affinities
M.
shortsighted
savant, whose method
of
Fulgence Tapir, the marvellously work while compiling the uni"

of art,
versal annals of art has been revealed to us in the sprightly pages of
Anatole France.
"
"
possess the
whole
boasted that worthy,
But no ubfiches, classed alphabetically and by order of subjects." sooner had a seeker after knowledge opened, at the master's bidding, the particular box that contained the material which he was to consult,
than the whole mass of boxes which lined the scholar's study burst open with a murmur like that of swollen cascades in spring-time pouring
down
the mountain sides.
To
cut the story short,
M.
Tapir was
cabinet
lamentably drowned in the flood of his
own
slips, in his
own
de travail.
disciple escaped The through the top of the window.
His
his fate
with
is
difficulty
by jumping
record
fake
a good servant but a

slips that
bad master, and the exclusive collection of the isolated work tends to stimulate requires to be controlled by a
a rigorous
sense
of
strong head
and
of
of
proportion.
The most wooden
collation
chronicles can hardly yield as
inhuman a
result as the piling
up
When detached items of detail from a variety of isolated documents. the ship of knowledge, laden with such a cargo, encounters a storm,
we must
not be surprised
if
the captain strives to lighten the ship by
jettisoning the
port with
facts,
his cargo, its value in the
most ponderous part of its lading. If he gets home to market will depend not on the dry
his
but on
power
the
of selection,
construction, imagination
and
synthesis
just those
gift of
gifts, in short,
the special
It is
"
"
which are sometimes regarded as
historian
as opposed to the chronicler.
easy to see a superficial justification for the superior person

bit
who
have
brushes aside a picturesque
of history, a trait of personality, or a
direct attribution of motive, as
"mere
chroniclers' gossip".
already hinted at the
difficulties
by which
the mediaeval chroniclers
were
beset,
and
do not deny
that for precision of detail
and chrono-
logical accuracy of statement the best of chroniclers leave something to

be desired.
433
But the same may be said of the poems and romances Moreand the other literary remains that reflect the spirit of an age.
over,
it is
in these pedestrian
respects that chronicler's statements can
controlled
by records,
and
that
more
easily that mere-easily in
England
than in any other country of Western Europe, except perhaps Aragon, because of the wonderful richness of our surviving archives. Moreover,
who are best known, and who have by their inaccuracies and confusions brought discredit to their class, are precisely those brilliant and literary historians who, with many merits of their own, are far from
the chroniclers
representing the average level of a chronicler's accuracy.
instance,
Take,
for
Matthew
Paris
and
Froissart, certainly the
most talked about,
probably the most read of the narrative authorities for our mediaeval
history.
They
are the most slipshod and inaccurate of writers.

in biased
are
full of
strong prejudices and abound
judgments.
They They can,
times out of mind, be demonstrated to be
and
in this or that
instructive,
judgment.
yet
wrong in this or that statement, Yet what should we do without them ?

warped are those
curious
How
though
how
hopelessly
em-
broideries with
which Matthew Paris so often ornamented the plain

garments of his predecessor Roger Wendover ? give us a vivid impression of the dawn of
fine cloth
How
self-
the Chronica
Maiora
consciousness in the infant English nation, handing on to the Jingo

chroniclers of the
Hundred Years' War
dying prejudice against the foreigner fiercely patriotic pages of a Geoffrey Baker
in the
germ which comes

?
the
of their fierce unto
a head
in
the
How
instructive, too,
Better atmosphere of fourteenth-century chivalry is Froissart ? chroniclers may control his inaccuracies. Baker shows us that the Black
Prince did not in 1355 work his

valley, as
way
into
Languedoc up the Garonne

the tangled
Froissart imagines, but
through
uplands
of
Armagnac, Astarac and Foix, and
that the crowning victory of Poitiers
was
not
a cavalry
still
scuffle in
a narrow lane.
Record sources
will
enable us
armies, to
levied,
more meticulously to trace the itineraries of kings and appreciate the methods by which the English host was But we should study paid, drilled, equipped and governed.
of
the
"age
chivalry" to
little
purpose did
we
not
gather
from
magnanimous, whimsical gentry of France and England, waging war against each other with strict attention to the artificial rules of the ring which
they had devised for the protection of their
class,
Froissart's pages the very spirit of the time, the hard-fighting,
only cruel and re-
434
own order when they regarded it as violating the conventions of honour, but seldom deigning to spare the puddle blood of the rascal multitude, on which, as the story of the Limoges massacre
morseless to their
shows, the worst burden of war inevitably fell. The chronicler is not our only source of colour and atmosphere. The literary remains are almost as important and have been lamentably
Almost as neglected by the generality are the records in stone, the archaeological remains, that have a colour
neglected by most historians.
and
art of their
own.
Yet we must
turn
first
of all to the chronicler
for variety of inspiration.
From
the chroniclers of the thirteenth

public opinion in France
In our
and and
fourteenth centuries every current of
England
is
reflected
as in a mirror.
own
land
we
have the
majority of the chroniclers representing that baronial policy of opposition which English public opinion identified with the national struggle
for freedom, just as they indicated,
patriotism which saw

struggle
for
in the dynastic claims of
even more meticulously, the sturdy Edward III a national
existence
against
our
enemy
had
of France.
of sentiment.
its
Among
The
in
in
the
French writers
we
have an equal variety
inter-
national ideal of aristocratic chivalry

just as the national
champion
its
Froissart,
monarchy
of
France had
advocate
Pierre
d'Orgement.
The common
people, of
whom
Froissart spoke so lightly,
had
Jean de Venette, who describes the sufferings of the peasantry from the ravages of war, denounces- the nobles who rode roughshod over their serfs, and saw in
its
claims set forth
by the Parisian
friar,
tienne Marcel the

price of a revolution.
champion
of a liberty
worth winning even

"
at the
The
"
generally
Burgundian
of Orleans.
sentiment of the
early fifteenth-century French writers shows the need that France

for the patriotic inspiration of the
had
Maid
Even
informed
the chroniclers
who
write with a purpose were often well

to
tell
when their brief allowed them chroniclers make up for their political or
to official sources of information.
the truth.
The
official
personal object by their access
For
this
reason the
official
annals of
the Merovingians and Carolingians have their special value, despite

their bias.
For
this
reason the
official
history of the Capetians, largely
written at Saint Denis, must not be neglected.

this is
The
best
example of
the
way
in
which Pierre d'Orgement, Chancellor

justify the claims of
of France, re-
edited the Chronicle of Saint Denis so as to glorify the deeds of his

master, Charles
V, and
France against the English.

Orgement wrote, we are
is
435
told,
reflected the monarch's most secret motives and
under the inspiration of the king, and Such a book cares.

"
"
chroniclers' gossip
a real document, far removed from the
which
the one-sided record enthusiast vainly talks.
The
parallel
French and
Latin versions of the

opinion
official
Saint Denis apology shows that public
was as much deferred to in France as in England. Most sharp contrasts have more reality in the minds of those who make them than in the facts themselves. The contrast between
chronicle
tion.
and record suggests fundamentally
different types of informa-
Yet
as a matter of fact chroniclers used records just as
we
have
learnt to do,
of
and not the
least of
our debts to chronicles
is
that
many
them have
utilized record material
and have handed on
to us records
that otherwise
we
should never have known.
Bede obtained from

England
to
Rome
copies of papal letters to elucidate the conversion of

faith.
The so-called Benedict of Peterborough and his continuator, Roger Howden, availed themselves of the extensive archives of their master Henry II, and wrote out many charters in the We are much indebted to the arid lawyercourse of their narrative.
the Christian
chronicler,
Robert of Avesbury,
for saving himself the labour of

Ill's
com-
posing his
own
story of
Edward
campaigns
in
France by copying
the despatches sent from the field
and
generals.
by the king's counsellors, chaplains, Even an involved and artfully confected narrative, like
Baker of the same wars,
is
that of Geoffrey the

sources, even
in parts
based on record
when
these sources are not acknowledged.
Yet how few

in
of these records
used by chroniclers are

is
now
to
be found
our national
preserved
archives,
and how great
our debt to the historians
who have
them
for us ?
So much was the working up of records in a narrative a recognised method of historiography, that we have a definite type of monastic
cartulary- chronicle in
which the charters
of the
house are strung
to-
by famous early fifteenth-century forgery which assumed this shape. This is the Historia Crowlandensis, compiled in Crowland abbey in
the days of Richard
II
gether by a thin thread of narrative, after the fashion of Avesbury's chronicle of battles. a Perhaps this type is best illustrated for us
and Henry IV
This
"
in order to justify the
monks'
to the
"
claims to disputed property.
history
added immensely
goodly store of false charters already in possession of the house to secure

its
title
deeds.
The
forgery
was
fathered on Ingulf, abbot of
Crow-
29
436
land under William the Conqueror, and taken as a valuable piece of But the art of forgery was unitrue history almost to our own days.
versal in the
Middle Ages. produced some of the best

all its
It
was contact with
these falsifications that
efforts of
mediaeval Quellenkritik.
In these very desultory observations
with
many
faults,
the mediaeval chronicle
to the mediaeval historian.
To
Read
all
showing that, an indispensable tool young mediaevalists one can say

is
have aimed
at
with absolute assurance
mediaeval
chronicles.
Read them,
not merely to pick out the particular points which you are in quest of, or to copy out a passage indicated by the index but read them con;
your armchair when you have no immediate practical point to extract from them, and no special Read them to get the spirit and mentality occasion to remember them.
secutively
and
as a whole.
Read them
in
of the time, even
if
for
your particular purpose the chronicle has
little
But when you have done this, do not think that there is to tell. It is not only that nothing more to be done with the chroniclers. they find their place among the many types of source on which your must
book
will
be based.
Then
the chronicle, so far as
it
is
true to fact,
must be combined with your records, your letters, your archaeological, and your literary material in a synthesis that correlates the whole of the
evidence.
studies,
is
And
the danger to mediaeval studies, as to
many
other
It
is
not only lack of technique, which can be remedied.
much more a long continued concentration on one aspect which makes the rest worse than non-existent to us.
technical students of the
of the sources
To
the
more
study of the chroniclers.

will go
Middle Ages, there is no better relief than the If you do this, you will not stop there you
;
on
to non-historical literature.
You
and
will, in time,
become
that
rara avis among

of
historians, a well-read
man
in the general literature
knowledge that your period. comes from premature and excessive specialisation on one side of an
restricted
The
one-sided
age
is
almost as dangerous to true science as the lack of adequate

all.
specialism at
One more
have
problem before
finish.
Let us admit,
it
may be
said,
the rather restricted value
which you
assign to the chroniclers.
But
we not learnt already all that the chronicles have to tell us ? Have they not been in print, the best of them for centuries ? Have
their
not
provenance,
their
their
inter-relations,
their
affiliations,
their
authorship,
authority,
been already so thoroughly studied that

the field
is
437
almost exhausted, and
its
further cultivation
would involve
an increasingly diminishing return to the labourers ? My answer is that those, who are most prone to complain that all the work that matters has been done already, are just those who have
the least clear conception of the immensity of the field to be traversed and of the imperfection of much of the work already accomplished.
But
it is
useless to
the chronicles
some quarters the essential work on has already been done and that we have printed and
deny that
in
critical editions that
are sufficient for most purposes.
This
is
is
especially
true of the earlier periods,
where the mass
of material
small and the
fascination of exploring origins
and solving puzzles have always atThere is not tracted the attention of many acute minded scholars. much more to be done with English before the Conquest, and perhaps
what
is still
to
be done
is is
rather in the criticism of charters than of

true of the
chronicles.
The same
Norman and Angevin

end
periods,
It
but to a decreasing extent as

is
we
is
get towards the
of that age.
much
less true of
the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries.

that
We have learned
An
much
new
as to these periods from the publi-
cation of unedited chronicles
by Liebermann, Horstmann, Paul Meyer, Kingsford, James, Flenley, and Tait, but the tale is not yet complete.
old pupil of mine, a recent teacher in our University, has just
come
across almost
when
there
by accident a chronicle hitherto unknown, which will, published, help to illuminate some of the darker passages of the
reign of
Edward
III.
In all great libraries, such as the
John Rylands,
may
well be similar discoveries to be
made and
that not only in the
way
of chronicles.
But there
is
work
to
be done even on the
known
chronicles.
editions, not
Many
of the best chronicles are
only accessible in old
always very critical, and, critical or not, existing in such numbers that the least increase in demand sends up their prices scanty in second-hand book shops to an alarming rate. For that reason we
are thankful to
welcome such a
reprint as that
which Dr. James, the
Provost of Eton, has recently given us of Blakman's eulogy of Henry want new editions of such works as Hemingburgh, Trevet, VI.
We
and other very imperfectly studied thirteenth -century writers. In the next period what an impetus to study a good new edition, such as that
Thompson's Geoffrey le Baker, has proved to be. notoriously bad editions, which it would be invidious
of
We want some
to
seded by something more competent.
name, superBut we do not only want new
438
editions
;

we want
still
more increased study of texts already more or So long ago as 1840 Francisque Michel published less accessible. the chronicle which he called L? Histoire des Dues de Norm ami des Rois d 'Angleterre, but it was not until more than fifty years later
that
importance
its supreme John and the early part of the reign of Henry III. It was in 894 that the Abbe Moisant printed from manuscript in Corpus College, Cambridge, in his Prince Noir en Aqui-
M.
Petit Dutaillis demonstrated

for the reign of
1
its
origin
and showed
taine the fragmentary acta bellicosa Edwardi which threw real light on the conquest of Normandy in 346. But the acta bellicosa had
1
do with the Black Prince and nothing with Aquitaine, and for ten years it escaped all attention until it was at last fully utilized by Professor Prentout of Caen in his Prise de Caen par Edouard ///,
little
to
issued in 1904.
Thus
discoveries can be
I
made
in
printed sources,
still
whether chronicles or otherwise.
think they can

in print for
be made
in
!
Rymer's Foedera, which has now been
over two centuries
Thus
there
is
plenty of
work
still
to be
done on the
chronicles, both
printed and unprinted.
And
mediaeval chronicles in this
we are to popularise the study of country, we should do well to interest the

if
younger generation in establishing a

quate
series of
texts of the better chronicles for class

first
cheap and short but adeand seminar use, such as
in Germany by the Pertz series in it shown by Picard's extremely valuable and handy scholarum and Collection de Textes pour servir a I" Etude et I* Enseignemcnt de illustrated
is
was
best
r Histoire.
day
for
It is
is
If
such a
series, like
the French one, contained documents For, though

I
as well as chronicles, so
much
the better.
my
business tolast to
to claim its rights for the chronicle,
should be the
claim
it
an exclusive or even preponderating place among our

;
authorities.
indispensable for certain purposes

to confess that, while to
it is
useful for
all.
But
am
bound
mental gymnastic and some good chance

the meticulous study of the chronicle,
some temperaments there is plenty of of fruit to be obtained from

yet the harvest to be garnered
to
from the fourteenth -century record
is
most
of
us
incomparably
more
satisfying
is
and abundant.
like the
But
to digest this great store of
know-
ledge there
nothing
study of the chronicles to give
one the
And, finally, the way of progress is proper mediaeval tone and spirit. to be found not in stressing one side or the other of our sources, but in
the intelligent study and combination of them as a whole.
STOIC ORIGINS OF THE PROLOGUE JOHN'S GOSPEL.

BY
J.
TO
ST.
RENDEL HARRIS,
M.A., LITT.D., D.THEOL., ETC.,

IN
CURATOR OF MANUSCRIPTS
who have

in
been interested
*
THOSE
St.
will not
following
my
recent atto
tempts at discovering the
literary origin of the
Prologue
Johns Gospel
(which leads on at once to the discovery

for the
of a historical line of
development
be
surprised to hear
me say that
there are
Doctrine of the Trinity)? still some lacunae in

is
the argument, and that, in consequence, the exposition of the theme

not, at all points,
equally and
finally convincing.
One
must
criticise
oneself sometimes, as well as

mirror.
employ
one's learned friends for a critical
of the Logos,
is
For example, when we say that underlying the Johannine doctrine which was in the beginning and was with God, there
hymn
:
to
show
that
Logos
of Sophia or the Heavenly Wisdom, it is easy could once be expressed in similar terms to the Sophia so much was clear from the first great hymn to Sophia in the
in
honour
eighth chapter of Proverbs.
Here Wisdom was
represented as the
Beginning of the
works
of
God,
or as being in the Beginning with
God's works, and this Wisdom was definitely said to be " with God ". We were able at once to replace the first two clauses of St. John's Gospel by two lines of a hymn to Sophia. And in the same way,
at point after point in the Prologue, we were able to make a replacement of the corresponding lines of the lost hymn. But, as we For instance, said, there were missing links in the chain of evidence.
we
replaced the sentence that
The Word was God

by the supposed equivalent
Sophia was
1
God
Cambridge University
-
Press, 1917.
Manchester University Press, 1919.

439
440
but
it

must have been
felt in
many quarters that

and
its
this is
not as explicitly
stated in the eighth chapter of Proverbs,
the
Wisdom of Solomon
;
(c.
7)
two pendant hymns in and the Wisdom of Ben Sirach

still
and even if it be implied, there is (c. 24) about the categorical equivalence of bility
a measure of improba:
and Logos was

It
difficult,
might also be Daughter of God, even
God and Wisdom God and Wisdom more so. said that the personification of Wisdom
in Spenser's form,
in
God
as the
There
His bosome Sapience doth
sit,
The
would,
at
first
soueraine dearling of the Deity,
and
to preclude an equation between Daughter a parallel case, be entitled to say of Words" worth's hymn to Duty, as the stern daughter of the Voice of God," that the poet has here equated Duty and Deity ? It becomes proper,
sight,
seem
in
Sire.
Should we,
then, to
show from the Old Testament

attributes,
itself,
that
Sophia had been
visaged with complete Divine clause of our hymn.
and so
to justify the restored
This
is
what we propose
Proverbs,
to do,
and
it
may perhaps be
said that
in the eighth of
Wisdom
has the connotation of creative
power, of consubstantiality
fore,
this is
and perhaps of co-eternity, and that, therewe may be allowed to make our restoration. But, as we said,
not quite so explicit a statement as
we
could wish.
It
is
too
Let us see if we can make near to the Nicene Creed to be primitive. out a stronger case by a more careful study of the documents involved.
Suppose we turn to the seventh chapter of the // isdom of Solomon, where we find a hymn in honour of Sophia that is a pendant to the original hymn, much in the same way as Cowper's splendid versification in the
Olney Hymns, or Spenser's
in the
Hymn
theses
; :
to
Heavenly
that the
Beauty, are pendants.
We
shall establish
two
(i)
hymn
in the
terms in which
Wisdom of Solomon is a Stoic product (ii) that the Wisdom is there described are, for the most part,
:
Stoic definitions of Deity
and from thence
it
will follow that, to the
mind
of the writer
(iii)
Wisdom was God.
We
premise, to avoid
misunderstanding, that
that everything
we do
less
which we have
not profess, and have not professed, said on this great theme is from our
likely to
own
anvil
it
would be
be true
if
it
were
we
are
STOIC ORIGINS OF
catching the sparks that
the fathers of
all
fly, like
ST.
JOHN'S GOSPEL
They
all
441
all
chaff,
from the threshing-floor of
the early Christian centuries.

as the
knew
that
if
Christ
was
the
that
if
they did not is another matter.
Wisdom of God as well know how the Word was

:
Word
of
God, and
it
evolved from the
Wisdom,
out for us
Perhaps they would have found
trine
for they all prove their docthey had lived in the twentieth century When we, then, approach from the eighth chapter of Proverbs.
first
the
that the
scholar
two theses, we are Wisdom of Solomon is who has been attending

of our
it
not claiming to be the
first
to detect
a Stoic book, written by a Jewish Stoic lectures. might almost
We
take this preliminary statement for granted,

observers have dealt with
if it
were not
that the
it
first
so incompletely
and
illustrated
so in-
Quite apart from any use which we are ourselves going adequately. to make of the admitted Stoicism of the language, it is necessary for the
exegesis of the
Wisdom of Solomon,
that
its
translators
and
interpreters
should have an adequate familiarity with the philosophical terms that

are employed.
First of all let us
remind ourselves with regard
to the Stoic phil-
osophy, that
it
constitutes a religion as well as a philosophy,

is
and the
religion involved
air preaching, not so
a popular religion, with a propaganda and an openvery remote in some aspects from the methods of
the Salvation
of
Army.
This means that

itself
;
throwing
off
formulae from
it
its philosophy was capable could be reduced to gnomic
forms, such as the popular
mind could
assimilate
it
had a Shorter
Catechism, as well as a Longer Confession of Faith. Suppose we a Stoic philosopher turned into an open-air preacher, like Paul imagine " at Athens, a picker-up of learning's crumbs" (crTre/D/AoXoyos) and
distributer of the same.
If he began with the doctrine of God (e/c he would have to explain in some simple way who d/aôj/xecrâ) Zeus was, or who Athena like St. Paul he would look at the
A tos
Parthenon and look away from

in
all
is
it.
He
would avoid
sculpture,
and
probability take to philology.

so
friends,
named because he
lives
One
(Si
(6 l&v).
is
Or
if
we
think of
"Zeus," he would say, "my and causes to live, he is the Living him as A to? or Aia, he is so-called
all things,
because he
the one by
whom
(8C ov) are
and for
whom
ov) are all things." Everyone in the crowd could understand and carry off the doctrine of the Living One, by whom are all things and for whom are all things, much the same as if our ancestors
442
had
the
to

explained
If
Thor
are
as
the
person
statements,
through
then
whom
are
will
are
all
things.
these
Stoic
there
hearers of this Stoic preacher Christians
who
among know how
appropriate
the
teaching with their

close the fact that
( Apoc.
i.
1
and incorporate the terms of the own tradition. For does not the Apocalypse disstatements
of the early titles of Christ
one
as the
(Si*
One
TO,
8) and does not the Epistle to the "
was the Living One, Hebrews speak of God
by whom
are all things and for
whom
ii.
1
"
are
?
all
things
then,
o5
7rdvTa
/ecu Si'
ov
TO,
TrdvTo),
Heb.
Is this,
Stoic doctrine ?
1
Let us
see.
Chrysippus, the great Stoic teacher, tells us that God pervades all nature, and has many names to match his many operations. They
'
call
call
him Aia through whom are all things (Si' o5 TO, TrdVra), and they him Zeus (Zrjva), inasmuch as he is the cause of life (rov
to-Tiv)
curios
or because
he pervades what
"
lives
(Sia
rov
Stobaeus, quoting from Chrysippus, says,
He
Zeus from
tfjv).
his
having given
is
life
to all (ctTro
is
rov
rracri SeSa>/ceVcu
all
appears to be called TO
things
Si'
But he
2
called things
:
Aia because he
the cause of
and
for
him are
all
on
TrdvTwv
tcrrlv curios
/ecu
avrov
wdvra.
Paul was using Stoic language on the Areopagus, when " he spoke of God as giving to all life and breath and all things ". If we do not understand This is the very A. B.C. of Stoic doctrine.
Surely
St.
the Stoic meanings of
Zeus and Dia, we

is
shall find philosophical referJ
ences obscure and unintelligible.
Chrysippus as saying that Zeus

participation in
(rfj
For example, Philodemus quotes the soul of the world and that by a
is
Zeus
all
things live, that

-
why he
is
called
Zen
:
rovrov
is
but he
all
Trdvra [j^v] Sio Kal 7>r)va /eaXeicr&u) p.erox'fj Aia because he is the Cause of all and the Lord of called
.
(on
TrdvTojv curios /ecu /cv'/nos).
curios
out of Si'
ov and /CU/HOS out
of Si* ov.
Evidently he means to read The formula in the

of
epistle to the
Hebrews
underlies the language
Philodemus.
This simple formula which
we
Chrysippus and have been quoting,
which we
call
1
the street-corner preaching of the Stoic, led almost at
Diog. Laert., VII. 147.

Stobaeus, Rclog., ed.
Wachsmuth,
i.
31,
1.
De pietate,
c.
STOIC ORIGINS OF
once to
their
ST.
JOHN'S GOSPEL
They had
Greek
443
fundamental pantheistic statement.

all things,
said that
Zeus was
ally.
Stct,
the Life of
and they
through
in
interpreted this pantheisticpreposition
To make
not only in the sense of
the doctrine clearer, they used the " "
(whether instrumental or
directive), but also
when compounded
:
verb forms, of which the
favourite
was the verb
SLTJKOJ, to penetrate, to pervade,
which
is
used
of the Soul of the
World
late, to administer.
and a companion verb is Stotfcew, to reguThese two words are used as an expansion of Sid,
which
is itself
the accusative of
Zeus Zeus
(Aia).
In the passage
which
we
quoted above from Chrysippus (through

is
Philodemus)
things
we
are told that
the Logos that regulates all
and
is
the Soul of the
World
Kal rrjv TOV o\ov ifjv^tjv). Philo and Cicero and others quote so freely) says that Zeus
called,
(rbv aTravra SIOLKOVVTOL \6yov Again, Poseidonius (the Stoic whom

is
so-
as being
the
All-Regulator (TOV
iravra.
Sioi/coiWa),
TTOLVTCL
but
1
Crates says he is the All-Pervading One (TOV ets The latter statement is fundamental for Stoicism
:
St^/co^ra).
it
we have
enunci-
ated for us again by Hippolytus,
with a
slight variation, to wit, that
Chrysippus and
things,
Zeno have
is
maintained
God
all,
to
be the origin of
all
and
that he
a body, the purest of

shall
whose providence
this
per-
vades
all things.
is
We
see presently
of
how
fundamental Stoic
doctrine
reflected
on the
Wisdom
is
:
Solomon.
:
Meanwhile observe
he has abandoned
to
that our supposed Stoic preacher
in difficulties
Plato and
made God
all
corporeal
sides.
he has affirmed Pantheism and has

in the
meet objections on
if
The man
crowd wants
to
know
pervades ugly things as well as beautiful things, dung-heaps as well as stars. The philosopher in the crowd, a stray Epicurean, who will have nothing to do with Pantheism or Providence, wants to know
the shape of the all-pervading Deity
;
God
is it still
anthropomorphic
Clement
of Alexandria,
ports that the Stoics regard
who knows what God as pervading

as to the
everybody
all
thinks, re-
matter, even the
most dishonourable forms
and
body
of
to admit that the all-pervading
Zeus
is
not in
God, the Stoic has human form, and so
good-bye
to
Olympus and
1
its
inhabitants.
Notice here again that St.
Johan. Laur. Lydus, de viensibus, *Pkilos., 21. 3 Cohort, ad gentes, p. 58.
iv.
48.
444

in his discourse
:
Paul plays the Stoic against the Epicurean

quoting Stoic poetry
:
first
by
We
but he
is
are also his offspring
not like the images

is
if
made
of
him
in gold,
silver,
marble.
But what shape

perfect shape, for
God, then ? The Stoic replies, he is the most a more perfect shape than he could be found, it
would displace him, and be the Divine Thing. Press the question more closely and ask for a definition of the perfect shape, and the
Stoic says
all
"
spherical 'Y
And
this
shape
is
the most perfect, because
form adapted to the swiftest motion. a cone is not equally perfect," but he
It
the parts are equally related to the centre, and because it is the Someone asks whether a cube or
is
a geometer and
may be
neglected.
is
clear
3
now
to the
common man
that
Zeus
limbs.
is
gone, for a spherical
Zeus
could
have neither
head nor
Pheidias could
make
nothing of him.
And
the wily Epicurean,

if
who
is
has been watching his
time, begins to enquire whether,
God
o-âipoetS^?, in sphere-
form, those persons
whom Homer
:
describes as tfeoeiSr/s, of godlike
form, are also rotund
Paris, for example,
and Agamemnon, are they
all-round
that
men
is
And
spirit of
the Stoic, driven into a corner, can only repeat
God
in
the purest,
mind
matter
"
:
Nature the body
and pervades all things. is, and God the soul ".
;
He
the
is
We are
Nous
does not
to think of
Zeus
as the intellectual breath or spirit

is
he
is
and
his adjective
voepos.
But here emerges another enquiry from someone

easily absorb the doctrine of the revolutionary Stoic.
who What
becomes
of the rest of the
Pantheon,
is
if
Zeus disappears
into universal
mind
The
only possible reply Philology, which only the names for different activities of Zeus. never created the gods, can be invoked to dispossess them. certainly
Philology, that
is,
that they disappear also, for they are really
must play the part of Medea, and then

one, at dread
One by
The
Medea's
strain,
sickening stars
fade
off
the ethereal plain.
Apollo is Zeus, and Dionysos is Zeus, as surely as Zeus is Zeus. But is Zeus, then, female as well as male ? What about Athena
1
Aetius, Placit., 2
Plut,
i.
///.,
ii.
2,
Stob.,
/:<-/.,
i.
15.
-Cicero,
3
De
nat.
</.,
10, 24.
vi. p.
Metrodorus, in Voll. Here.,
31.
STOIC ORIGINS OF
This
is
is
ST.
JOHN'S GOSPEL
is
445
a particularly interesting case, and one answer
to say that
Zeus
laugh.
both male and female, which makes the boys in the crowd to
The
correcter reply
is
is
that
Athena's name shows that she
is
the Aither,
and the Aither

1
from marge to blue marge.

in
Zeus, which has its extension (Siarao-u') Here we have again to observe that Sta
composition betrays the presence and activity of Zeus. So Chrysippus He is Zeus for whom (Si* ov) are all things, and Zen beteaches.
is
cause he
the pervading cause of
all
things,
and he
is
Athena
in
regard to the extension (Sictracrt?) of his power of rule as far as the

aether.
We
shall
see presently the importance of this
little
piece of Stoic
etymology, which has hitherto escaped notice. Philology has now we are swept the decks and carried away the sails of the earlier faith
:
poles, with a prospect of falling into scudding along the Syrtis of mere negation, unless our teacher of the new school can tell us that this fiery, all-embracing, all-pervading aither is another
under bare
name
for the
Providence with which

the stage
We have reached
the ruling
where Chrysippus
men can be brought into stood, when he
relation.
declared
and
clearest
power of the world to be the aither, the purest ^KaOapatTarov) and most mobile (evKivyTOTarov) of all things, which
of the world.
is
carries
round the whole framework (Averts)
And now
it
we
are to be told that this all-pervading

it
a lover of man, that
power communicates wisdom to
beneficent, that
is
the wise,
and
that the
wise
own He of Wisdom brings him to

in his discourse
thus initiated becomes himself a friend of God, a king in his " " " into the purple. has his second birth The desire right.
'
man
Kingdom/'
We may,"
"
of
says Philodemus,
on the Blessed Life of the Gods,
declare the wise to
be the friends
according
to
of the gods,
and the gods the

"
friends of the wise."

soul
".
For
Musonius,
God
is
lofty
and
"
beneficent
(evepyrjTLKos)
and philanthropic (îXcu^pwTros)

"
Not merely
:
immortal and blessed," says Plutarch, taking (/cqSe/ioz'iKo^) and helpful must
but philanthropic and care-
we
assume
God
to be."
And now
in the
light
it
is
time to leave our Stoic preachers and the tracts

distributing to us
which they have been
and turn back
to the
hymn
Wisdom of Solomon. Reading the seventh of what we have been describing as Stoic
vii.
chapter over in the

teaching and Stoic
Diog. Laert.,
147.
Plut, de comm. not.,
c.
32.
446
propaganda, we can see at a glance that the hymn is a Stoic product. Occasional suggestions of this have been made from time to time by
critics
and by commentators.
as an intellectual
all
They
spirit
recognised the
artist
who described
Wisdom
(Trvtvpa i/oepoV),
of
It
which penetrated
and pervaded
things
by reason
its
purity (Siry/cei /ecu
x^P 6^
^ l<*
TrdvTcov Sta rrjv
KaOapoT^ra).
was evident
that the spirit
which
in all ages enters into
prophets, because must be the same

of
God
holy souls and makes them friends of God and only loves the one that dwells with Wisdom,
spirit
which teaches us
have the mantic
the
that the wise are the friends

gift.
God,
and, as such,
Every term used
to
describe
Wisdom and
operations
of
examined
for its Stoic counterpart.
When
Wisdom must now be in verse 22 we find the
series of adjectives,
evepyen/cov
we compare
when we
tellectual
the description of
Zeus
in
Musonius,
are told that
"
no
defiled thing
can
fall
into
Wisdom
is
"
we
recognise the language of Diogenes Laertius, that
God
a being in-
(yoepov)
in
happiness,
and non-receptive
of evil (KO,KOV
sippus for the clearness
? We quoted Chryand purity and mobility of the encircling ether. That burning heat of the world/* Cicero carries on the same theme.
Is
Wisdom more
mobile than any motion

1
'
more luminous and much more mobile, and for reason more adapted to make impact on our senses than this
says he,
is
"
that very
terrestrial
heat of ours, by which the things

flourish.
known
to us are kept in place
and
silly to talk of the world as senseless when it is kept a heat so complete and free and pure and most acute and together by mobile (acerrimo et mobilissimo)'* And Philo, who may be re;
How
garded as a Stoic, with only the change of a Jewish gaberdine for a toga (which he borrowed from Poseidonius), tells us that the world is
spherical in shape, because
if it it
thus becomes
more
swiftly mobile than
We
clare
1
had any other need not
figure."
hesitate to say that
we know what
it
means
to de-
Wisdom
De
nat.
to be
more mobile than any motion.

ii.
Wisdom,
ii.
then,
is
deorum,
II, 30.
Philo, de Providcntia,
56.
STOIC ORIGINS OF
the soul of the world.
writers.
ST.
JOHN'S GOSPEL
is
447
So much had been already suggested by other

is
But
if
Wisdom
the soul of the world, this soul
from the
Stoic point of
view no other than

thing
God
himself.
The same
with.
regarding the Stoic play
comes out from the other point which we made upon 8ia and the words compounded there-
We
(SLIJKO)), administered (Stot/cew)
gave as specimens the Stoic proofs that Zeus pervaded all things, and reached out (SiareiVo))
Well, here they
all
all
to the limits of the aether.
are in the
hymn
to
Wisdom
all
things through her purity," pervade " " she administers she reaches from marge to marge valiantly," and
:
she
is
said to
"
things bonnily ".
Then Wisdom
is
is
Zeus,
or, in
the case of the
extended aether, Zeus- Athena.
Clearly
we
have to do with a Stoic
hymn, whose theme

It
the pantheistic interpretation of the Universe.
is
true that the pantheistic element has been disguised in our pub-
lished text,
which describes Sophia by saying

"
(ecrrtz/
that
"
there
is
in
her an
intellectual spirit
yap
is
eV avrrj,
/ere),
but a reference to the
Alexandrian
MS. shows
"
that
we
ought to read
spirit,"
For she
an intellectual
i.e.
in Stoic language,
"
For
Wisdom
is
God
".
The same
1
thing
comes out from the Stoic use
of the
term voepov.
says
Nothing could be more characteristically Stoic.

Sextus,
is
The Cosmos,
intelligent
if
if
it
were not
is
so,
there
would have been no
mind
to
in ourselves,
but
the world
z'oepds, then
God
its
is
also to
be
so described.
We
see the z'ou? in ourselves superior in

painting,
rich variety
is
any
statue or
any
and
we
must conclude that there
an
artist at
work
in the region of
lating the same (SLOLKWV avrov).
mind, and in the world at large, reguThis must be God. Note the con-
nection
between the vovs

"
that
is
the Stoic adjective voepos
may
;
everywhere, and its regulative power almost be equated with #6105. As

:
Diogenes Laertius says, the Stoics teach that " and Zeus are all one thing
ev re elvai 6eov KOI vovv KOL
It
God and Mind and

Ata.
Fate
eifjuapfjievrfv /cal
Wisdom
would be easy to pursue the subject of the Stoicising of Solomon in other directions, where we should find
1
of the
traces
Adv. math.,
ix.
95.
448
of the

work
of other students.
It is
enough, for the present, to have

of
shown
that the missing factor in the evolution of the Prologue to St.

is
John's Gospel
found in the
Wisdom
Solomon, and that
we may
see underneath the oracle that,
The Word was God,

the earlier oracle that,
Wisdom was God.

It
will
have been observed that the
results
obtained in the foregoing
pages have been reached to a large extent by treating Stoicism not merely as one of the great Greek philosophies, but also as Greek The Stoic doctrine and practice was democratic popular religion.
it was the custom of these teachers and preachers to invite enough bond and free, male and female, to the study of philosophy. None were excluded, and in this respect Stoicism is again seen to be a pre:
cursor of Christianity.
this
It
was
inevitable that doctrines propagated in
way
should develop formulae and catchwords, that the simplest
ideas should float on the current of the teaching, and the deeper considerations elude attention.
But
it
was
for this
very reason that

all
we
her
were able
to say that
Sophia was a Stoic maiden, and that
Theologians finery in the Book of Wisdom was borrowed array. who have discoursed on the meaning of the great passages in the Book of Wisdom have commonly contented themselves by saying that there
were Stoic elements

ioiKo> and the like
;
in
that language 177*0* was Stoic and but they did not detect the reason why these
the
and the
to
lie
like expressions
were
Stoic.
Now
that
we know
the reason
ward
(and all Greek philology from Plato onmust use our acquired knowledge as a philology), general means of interpreting the Book of Wisdom and its pendant, the are bound to examine whether it is really Prologue of St John.
in a misuse of Philology
is
bad
we
We
true that both these writings have a pantheistic origin,
and go back
to
Zeus and Athena, to the Soul to Nous and to Providence.

Johannine Logos
that,
In
of the
World and the doctrine of Fate, For example, when we read of the
Life,
Him was
we
have
to replace this
by the antecedent formula,

In
Her was
Life
and
then
we
ask
the
reason
why
this
abrupt
transition
in
the
STOIC ORIGINS OF
description
of
ST.
JOHN'S GOSPEL
The answer
is
449
it
perfectly natural, for
was God
and Zen
with Zeus (" Wisdom "), and Zeus had been explained as an equivalent to Zen, " " had been derived from the verb to live The (,rjv).
identified
is
Sophia was required. Sophia had been
that
was
transition of thought
evident.
is
It
enables us again to say that the

if
Prologue of
enough.
St.
John
a Stoic product,
we
look at
it
closely
This enables us also to correct one of the worst lapses of the modern editors and translators of the Gospel. They found in the
earliest
MSS.
traces of a certain spacing, or division of clauses in the
sentence,
Without
Him was
not anything
made
that
was made
so they divided the text
which was made

Stoic formulae
in
anew and produced the barbarism, " that Him was Life ". little more knowledge of
would have saved both

For Chrysippus,
1
editors
and
translators
from
this
unhappy
says that "it
meaning of Fate, Reason (Xdyos) of all things in the world that are providentially ordered," and "it is the Reason according to which all things that have been made have been made, and all things that are
is
mistake.
in teaching the
the
made are being made, and all things that are be made ". Obviously the language of the Prologue
being
it
to
is
be
made
will
;
covers the Stoic doctrine of Fate
and ought not
to
Chrysippean be obscured by an
ungainly
In
re- casting of the sentences.
sources, then, of the Prologue to John, the Logos is and Sophia is Zeus, and Zeus is Fate. The Stoics say Sophia, " " Zeus and Fate are the same thing ". One cannot," definitely 2 " deflect the mind of Zeus, which is, as the Stoics say, Proclus, says
the
Fate
".
"
:
The Nature
of the Universe," says Chrysippus,

it
"
pervades
the whole
everything in
down
to the minutest particulars
happens
according to nature and the reason (Xoyos) of Nature, without any

3
impediment (a/cwXvro)?)". This is why, in the Wisdom
of
Solomon, among the other

spirit
titles
of
Wisdom,
it is
said that she
is
"an unimpeded
(d/ccoXvroV) ".
The doctrine of fixed fate is The parallel with the

1
part of the writer's faith.
Christian
doctrine of
predestination, of
On
Ed., ed. Wachsmuth, i. 79, Hesiod, Op. et dies, v. 105. Plutarch, de Stoic, repug., c. 34.
Stob.,
1.
450
which the Scriptures show so many traces, should not be overlooked. Only we must keep in mind that the line of approach between the
As we have popular religion, not of philosophy. the background of Stoic philosophy is popular religion. intimated, To take an illustration from this very region of Fate and Freewill, the
two
cults is that of
popular method of resolving the antagonism involved in the terms is to the dog has a say that the human will is a dog, tied to a carriage of motion, but it is limited certain freedom when the carriage
;
;
moves,
dog must move too. It should be noticed that this unfortunate dog has been versified for us in a famous passage quoted
the
l
:
by Epictetus from Cleanthes Lead thou me on,
O
;
Zeus, and mighty Fate,

;
Whither my destiny may be designed Not slack I follow or, reluctant yet
To
follow,
still I
needs must follow on.
The
popular concept underlies the poetic

;
Zeus
is
Fate and Fate
is
inevitable
in the
same way
it
underlies the philosophical expression
of determinism.
It
will
be an interesting study to trace the
relative
approach and
recess of the Christian teaching to or from the Stoic.

for
We
see them,
when
example, in conjunction when they talk of the final conflagration, or they begin their catechisms with the question as to the nature of " God is a Spirit ". Equally we God, to which the answer is that
see them elongating one from the other
when
is
in the
second century
Tatian makes his Address to the Greeks and
careful to explain that
God
is
not a Spirit in the Stoic sense of an all-pervading
power and
as a rule, a
presence in material things.

definitely
The
Christian apologist
chapter,
for
is,
Stoic orator
of Aristides
the opening
example, of
the
Apology
might be taken direct from a Stoic essay on the
order and the beauty of a world governed by Providence. Nor are there wanting literary parallels between the two religions
in regard to their origin
and
of the philosophers,- tells

cloister (crroa),
Diogenes Laertius, in his us that Zeno carried on his teaching

diffusion.
its
lives
in a
known
as the painted porch, from

:
being adorned
with pictures by Polygnostus

1
in
the cloister so
named he composed
Encheiridion,
I.e. vii.
c.
53.
1.
STOIC ORIGINS OF
his discourses,
ST.
JOHN'S GOSPEL
called Stoics
;
451
and hence
his disciples
were
and on the
same ground they
carried his teaching
much
further (///. increased the
One naturally thinks of word, rov \6yov eVl TrXetoi/ r)vrj(rav). Jesus and his disciples making their headquarters in Jerusalem, in the 1 cloister named after Solomon. To the mind of those who had any
familiarity
with Greek culture, the
new movement would have

at
suggested
oc-
new
Stoa, and the early Christians would have had,
first, little
casion to complain of the parallel.
As we
have
said, the recognition of
such popular parallelism will
supply us with a
new key
to the elucidation of the primitive Christian
doctrine, in its earliest stages of
development.
John
x.
23, Acts
iii.
1 ,
v. 12, vi. 7.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX AND HIS BIOGRAPHER
WALTER
BY
F.
DANIEL.
M. POWICKE, M.A., LiTT.D.
PROFESSOR OF MEDIEVAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.

(Continued from p. 351).
IV.
w
domestic
AILRED AND RIEVAULX.
ALTER DANIEL was

public
life
not
much
;
interested in Ailred's
tells
and
life,
political
views
he
us
more about
his
monastic
of his experiences as novice,
monk, novice-
master, abbot.
administrator.
life
We
His biography does not show us the abbot as an get few of those glimpses at the material and
abbey
of
of a Cistercian
the abbot on his journeys, the

the
work
of charity,
the
which give
Melrose.
interest
Walter
is
demesne farms or granges to Jocelin's life of St. Waldef, the Abbot of concerned with the inner life of the saint and
economy
his personal relations
with his monks.
His work
is
casual, commentary on the observance of the
strict
a good, though Benedictine rule
enforced by the Cistercians. Ail red's monastic life falls into three periods.
years he
For seven or eight
was at Rievaulx as novice, monk, confidential adviser of Abbot William, and novice master. For about five years he was Abbot of Revesby in Lincolnshire, one of the daughter houses of Rievaulx. From the end of 1147 to his death he was Abbot of
Rievaulx.
Ailred heard of Rievaulx

of
when he was
133 or
1
at
York on
the business
visit
King David, probably

at once. to
in
134.
He
decided to
at
the
new monastery
went
He
stayed with Walter Espec

452
Helmsley,
Rievaulx, and next day set out for Scotland.
He
passed
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
along the road which Rie, where the ruins
his
still
453
of the
traverses the hillside
above the valley

curiosity of
resist
lie,
and was decided by the

visit.
one of
companions
to
pay another
He
could
no longer, and
a modest buildof the
after passing the

ing,
customary three days in the hospice
with low-stretched beams
he was received into the house
Walter tells us how he showed his coolness novices (frobatorivm). when the distinguished during the fire which broke out in the hospice
;
young man
upon the
in
his novice
rose with
a smile and threw a jugful of English beer
in
In the probatorium was Simon, afterwards Abbot of Wardon, or Sartis, 1 Bedfordshire, who was still living when Walter Daniel wrote. Ailred himself became novice master after his return from Rome 1141. Walter's account of his work contains a reference of archaeo-
flames, the fire miraculously ceased.
master
logical interest.
According
to the
Benedictine rule the novices lived

in
together
meditated, ate and slept

or, as
it
a separate room, the cella
nouitiorum?
Bernard
is
was
frequently called, the
probatorium.
St.
said to
have become so
indifferent to his physical surround-
ings that he could not say, after living in the cell of the novices at
Citeaux for a year, whether the room had a flat or a vaulted roof. The probatorium at Rievaulx was apparently built over a spring, for
Ailred, following the example of St.
heats of his flesh
Bernard, used to restrain the
caused to
which he had by standing up 4 be made in the floor and which was concealed by a stone.
to the neck in a bath
office of
A more
master
is
enduring record of his short tenure of the

his
novice
shows
1
that
Internal evidence work, the Speculum Caritatis. he wrote this analysis of the religious life while he was
Walter appeals
f.
to
him
to testify to Ailred's
good
qualities as a novice,
Vita,
Unfortunately the date of his death is not known, so that this fact does not help us to date Walter's book. He was Abbot of Warden
b.
66
the death of Pope Innocent II. in 1 143, assisted Earl Simon 46 and died before 86. Northampton to found Sawtrey Abbey in If he was abbot from the foundation of Wardon (1135) Ailred must have entered Rievaulx in 1133-4. For Simon see Mouasticon, V., 370, 522 Victoria VI., 950, Jocelin of Furnessin Acta Sanctorum, August, I., 261 b
of
1 1
1 1 ; ;
some time before
County History, Bedfordshire, I., 365. See the texts in Guignard, Les monuments primitifs de la regie
Cisterdenne (Dijon, 1878), pp. 46, 219. Vacandard, Vie de Saint Bernard,
'*
L, 46.
Vita Ailredi,
f.
67
d,
Walter describes the bath
as
"
cassella
testea ".
454

He
was prompted
to the task
actually teaching novices.
by Gervase,
Gervase had been one of Abbot of Louth Park the monks who left St. Mary's, York, to form the Cistercian comWhen in 39 Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln, munity at Fountains.
the
in Lincolnshire.
I 1
decided to found a
assist
1
new
Cistercian monastery
first
and
invited Fountains to
to
him, Gervase led the colony,
to
Haverholm, then
Louth
Park.
He
met Ailred and was

just
young monk was

life.
the
man
The greatly impressed by him. to write a practical guide to the religious
He
Ailred excused himself on the ground that he was no scholar. had come to Rievaulx from the kitchens, not from the schools.
aside.
If
Gervase brushed the excuse

with words in
this
Ailred was pleased to play

food.
2
way,
let
him prepare them heavenly

the
The
inti-
reply to these entreaties
was
Speculum
Caritatis, the most
mate and vigorous

(II.,
1
of Ailred's writings.
The most
interesting chapters
ff.)
are cast in the form of a dialogue

at
between Ailred and a

In the pre-
novice.
They show Ailred
work
in the probatorium.
ceding chapters he has discussed the fact that the gift of tears comes more easily to men living in the world than to the religious in the
cloister.
Ailred does not think that
this is strange.
The
;
experiences
their tears
of those
who
3
live delicately are
no matter
for boasting
are no certain sign of grace, for
humours flow
easily to the
heads of
such people. a more severe
And
life,
if
no sense
of sweetness follows the profession of

for depression.
this is
no reason
Ailred
feels that
he can best explain his meaning by recalling a conversation which he had had not long before with a novice. The newcomer had been perplexed by the contrast between the
aridity of the present
for
spiritual rapture of the past
and the
His old
life
had he lived then as he was

1
living
more holy, now he would have become almost

certainly not been
had
In the Cistercian text of the Speculum, copied Monasticon, V., 414. by Migne, P.L., CXCV., 502, Abbot Gervase is concealed by the description abbas Parchorensis. Fortunately his Christian name is given. Par-
chorensis
-
is
The
letter
a corruption of Parcoludensis. from Gervase to Ailred, from which

lib.
ii.
this is taken,
has sur-
vived as the preface to the 3 Speculum Caritatis,

in his
Speculum Cantatis (P.L.,

c.
14 (P.L.,
CXCV., CXCV., 559 d
502). M
:
igitur
omnibus nitidus ac crassus incedas, noli, quaeso, de tuis lacrymulis multum gloriari quae forte ut et nos aliquid secundum physicos dicamus, tumescentibus mero venis, ac diversis ciborum saporumue nidoribus, humore
;
capitis succrescente, facilius elabuntur ".
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
455
an object of worship. Ailred led him on to analyse his early experiences. They had been very delightful, but they had passed as quickly as they
came.
He
jests, in the love for Christ
had found equal pleasure in devout tears and in worldly and the companionships of the table. Now
different
:
his life
was very
to toil
scanty food, rough dress, water from the

bell
well, a hard pallet.
He
had
rang just when sleep was sweetest. and sweat for his daily bread his conversation with
;
The
his fellows
was confined
to a
this
He
agreed gladly that

:
few necessary words with three people. was only one side. Discipline meant
no wrangling or complaints of injustice, no lawsuits, no respect peace of persons nor regard for birth, no favouritism in the distribution of the
daily tasks.
He
for
common
will
interest
was law
community united by a in the common good, controlled by one man whose The novice, in spite of the three hundred others."
was now a member
of a
hardships of this
new
life
and
his
own
irresponsiveness,
was
fain to
And then Ailred brought him admit that he preferred it to the old. face to face with the main issue why in that old life, no longer pre:
ferred,
had he a
livelier
:
sense of his love for Christ ?

to love
is
The
with
conclusion
full
is
was gradually drawn

surrender
is
one
thing, to love
self-
another and a harder thing.
Love without
service
like
the emotion of the playgoer

in the street
his head.
who weeps at
the sight of sufferings which
he would pass unmoved. At this point the novice hung He remembered how he, who had been so lightly moved
his love for Christ,
3
to
tears
by
had been wont
to cry with equal
facility
over the story of Arthur.

1 1
42 William de Roumare, Earl of Lincoln, founded the Abbey of St. Lawrence at Revesby in Lincolnshire. In accordance with the Cistercian rule he would consult the Abbot of Rievaulx, by
In
The abbot, prior and novice master seem to be P.L., CXCV., 562. " see the intended Consuetudines," ch. cxiii., in Guignard, Monuments primitifs, p. 233.
:
"P.L., CXCV., 563 "quod me miro modo delectat nulla est personarum acceptio, nulla natalium consideratio. Trecentis ut reor This number included the hominibus unius hominis uoluntas est lex ". conversi, novices, servants in the monastery and granges as well as the monks. It increased greatly under Ailred's rule as abbot. " 3 Nam et in fabulis, quae uulgo de nescio quo finguntur Ibid., 565 c. Arcturo, memini me nonnunquam usque ad effusionem lacrymarum fuisse
:
.
.
permotum
p.
".
shall
return to the significance of this allusion
see below,
476.
456

he desired
his foundation to
whom
would
be
settled,
about a suitable
site
and
build a church, refectory, dormitory, hospice,
and other necessary
buildings.
Copies of the Benedictine rule, the Cistercian customs and the service books would be provided, and then the first inmates, twelve
1
monks and an abbot, would take possession. All Cistercian houses were dedicated to St. Mary, and Walter Daniel is careful to state that
the name of St. Lawrence was preserved because the existing church was dedicated to this saint. 2 Abbot William chose Ailred as first Abbot of St. Lawrence. 1 With this advancement began the last and
most important period of

of Rievaulx.
his career.
In
47 he was
elected
Abbot
In his
Ailred was Abbot of Rievaulx

time Rievaulx
for nearly
twenty years.
was the real centre of Cistercian influence in England. once Savigniac, but now Cistercian house of Furness and the Surrey house of Waverley were older, but as Ailred once said of the
The
latter,
they were hidden
of the
new
religious life
a corner (in angulo)? The source in Yorkshire, a few miles off the big road lay
away
in
through Northallerton, and within easy reach of the road through Catterick to Carlisle and Clydesdale and Galloway. 6 And the new abbot was fitted to extend the work
to
which goes from York
Durham
begun by William and

the province of
his
York was
and
His prestige in companions at Rievaulx. He had been the confidant of King great.
time he
of
David
of Scotland,
II.
in course of
King Henry
1
and the powerful Earl

"
as defined in
was permitted to advise Leicester. For some years

cc. 12, 23,
See
the
"
institute
152, Guignard, op.
tit.,
PP 253, 256.
.
Vita Ailredi, f. 68 b. Walter Daniel confirms the definite statement made in the Chronicon Angliae Petroburgense, ed. Giles, p. 91. Ailred attested a charter of " Alredo, abbate de S. Laurenn'o," Cart. Rievallense, Roger Mowbray as No. 71, p. 41. 4 For the references in this paragraph see the chronological table, below
3
-
478.
'
In the tract on the battle of the Standard, Decent Scriptores, col. 338 Hewlett, Chronicles of the Rei^n oj Stephen, etc., iii., 184. Some interesting remarks on the routes in the north of England will be found in papers by Dr. Lawlor and Canon Wilson on the Roman journeys of St. Malachi, the friend of St. Bernard and Ailred's contemporary ceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, April, 1919, vol. xxxv. C. 6, pp. 238 (f. Scottish Historical Review, XVIII., 69-82, 226-227.
; :
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
after his election, the
457
and
a
ally,
Archbishopric of York was ruled by a close friend Henry Murdac, himself a Cistercian. Ailred was by nature
He judgment, interested in affairs. excelled as an arbitrator, and adjusted more than one of the perplexing controversies which disturbed the monastic tempers of the north.
man
of alert mind,
sound
in
In spite of constant
ill
health, he
was an
indefatigable administrator.
composed disputes between Rievaulx and her neighbours, and ruled his large family with moderation and patience. He found time,
between attendances at the General Chapter
of his
He
Order
at
Citeaux
and
visitations of the
Cistercian houses in Scotland, the inspection of
the monastic granges

historical
works, to
In short
and the composition of sermons, dialogues and take some share in the ecclesiastical affairs of the
of the
diocese.
of the
he was one
most considerable persons north
Trent and would know everybody of importance.
He
for
would
doubtless meet the famous Vacarius, the Italian lawyer

years placed his learning
If
who
many
and
skill at
the service of Archbishop Roger. 1
the
two men had time

in
for intimate
had much
common.
The
speech they would find that they author of the Siimma de matrimonio
was keenly
example, in the problem of the application in societies of non- Roman origin of the principles of the Roman and
interested, for
Canon Law
later the
and Ailred, a former official in the Scottish Court, and biographer of St. Ninian, would have plenty to tell him about
;
the practices of the people of Galloway.

It is
to
be feared that Ailred's
life
was
not always a peaceful one,
even
when he was
free to forget the distractions of the
world within
his
the walls of Rievaulx.

1
His
difficulties
would be increased by
York and Durham,
to
The agreement between
the churches of
which
both Ailred and Vacarius were witnesses, cannot be relied on. Roger of Howden ascribes it to the year 1 1 74, seven years after Ailred's death. (Raine, Historians of the Church of York, III., 79 ; Farrer, Early Yorkshire Charters, II., 276). But Vacarius was living at York during Ailred's later years. See Liebermann, in the English Historical Review XL, 305 " ff. and for the summa de matrimonio," Maitland, Collected Papers, III.,
',
87
f.
ff.
'"'
For the Cistercian view of Pictish marriage customs see Vita Ailredi, and compare St. Bernard's description of Irish custom in the Vita S. Malachie, quoted with comments by Lawlor in the Proceedings of the * Mr. Royal Irish Academy, April, 1919, vol. xxxv. C. 6, pp. 236-237. makes some illuminating remarks on this subject in his Ireland Orpen under the Normans, I., 124-130(1911).
71 a
;
458

Under
number of the com140 monks, and the well provided employment for 600 lay brethren and
his rule
unwillingness to refuse applicants and to keep the
munity down.
he had
managed
servants.
estates
On
all
1
great feast days, says Walter, the church
was
so packed
with the brethren as to resemble a hive of bees.

not
Ailred could
this
It
know
his
monks nor
control
all
the affairs of
large
establishment.
He
was by
conviction a mild disciplinarian.

life at
says
much
happy which
for his
moral influence that

was.
Rievaulx was as smooth and
as
it
He
knew well
that
one
of the greatest dangers

;
beset the monastic
life is restless
curiosity about external affairs
a chatterer about
politics might cause a wave of disturbance which would change the temper of the whole monastery. 2 He was a restless man himself, inclined as a young monk to let his thoughts
war and
wander, and one of

3
his
most grateful memories was of

sufficed
his
dead
collect
friend
Simon, whose presence had always

self.
to
make him
with
him-
He
keep
compared the monastic

just such "
life
to a castle,
its
ditch, wall
and
a castle as that of
Helmsley.
strong
if
Intrauit Jesus in
Lord Walter Espec at quoddam castellum," and no castle is

if
ditch or wall has to stand alone, or

rest
;
the keep
is
not higher
than the
in this castle humility

4
is
the ditch, chastity the wall
But Ailred had to suffer still more from and charity the keep. stupidity and envy within than from the assaults of curiosity without.
One
gathers that he
was
refined, courteous, gentle in
manner and
firm
almost to obstinacy.
principle rather than
He
was, one fancies,

;
just
and impartial from
by nature
he was inclined to favouritism and the
joys of spiritual friendship with charming
young men, like his friend Simon and the handsome young monk of Durham whom he had with him in his visit to St. Godric at Finchale. He was a man of pleasant
he was and easy speech, with a memory stored with anecdotes combinaan interesting distinguished, industrious, and physically frail
;
tion of qualities
which tended
to confine
him
to the society of a
few
chosen helpers.
1
By
special
permission of the general Chapter ten
See the
interesting chapter in the Vita,
ff.
69 d-70
a,
printed below,
p. 507.
Speculum Cmtatis, II., 34 (P.L., CXCV., 573 b). Speculum, 1., 34 (Ibid., 542 c, d). 4 Sermon on the assumption of the Blessed Virgin 'ibid. 303-304). passage is of some archaeological interest.
L>
The
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
459
years before his death the rule was relaxed in his favour, so that he might perform his abbatial duties in spite of the very distressing malady
from which he suffered.
He
lived
and
slept in a little
room
built
as his end drew nearernear the infirmary, took hot baths and In his cell, which contained a little oratory, crouched over a fire.
where he kept
his glossed psalter, the Confessions of St.
Augustine,
little
the text of St. John's Gospel,
some
relics of
saints
and a
cross
which had once belonged to Archbishop Henry Murdac, he would man of talk with his monks, sometimes twenty or more together.-
this kind,
who
offers
no sharp angles to the outsider and has more to
than to be forgiven, provokes unreasoning exasperation in 3 Ailred found enemies at Rievaulx as envious or unbalanced minds.
forgive
he found them
written in
part
at
King David's
court,
and Walter Daniel's
life
was
he
as a passionate refutation of the suggestions that
was
ambitious, a wirepuller, fond of luxurious living, a successful prig

in his time
who
had been no
better than
he should have been.

\
42) and the Speculum Caritatis (c. which was composed towards the end Dialogue on spiritual friendship, of his life, Ailred refers at some length to two intimate friendships
In
two
of his writings, the
Simon, the companion of his youth, had died shortly before Ailred wrote the Speculum, which 4 This contains a lamentation over the severance of their friendship.
at
which he had formed
Rievaulx.
model young man, well born, beautiful and holy, may possibly have been the Simon de Sigillo, whose psalter was preserved in the following century in the library, together with the psalters of
Abbots Ailred
and Ernald, of Turold, abbot first of Fountains and later of TroisFontaines, of Master Walter Daniel, Ralf Barun, Geoffrey of Dinant, 5 The name of Ailred's later friend Fulk, and William of Rutland.
1
Vita Ailredi,
f.
ff.
70
a,
72
c, d.
an
"
"
artetica passio," or
"
"
Ailred suffered from the stone and

(f.
colica passio
psalter
63
a).
70
a,
73
a.
The
was
after Ailred's death,
preserved with
others in the library of the Abbey. 3 See especially the story, told by Walter Daniel in his letter to " " who tried to throw Ailred into the fire Maurice, of the Epicurean
(Vita Ailredi,
*
5
f.
63
b).
;
P.L.,
CXCV., 539-546
cf.
698
b.
James, Descriptive Catalogue of MSS. in Jesus College, Cambridge, On the other hand Simon de Sigillo may have been the well49-50. pp. known canon of York who attested many charters. He had ceased to hold
460
is

The
abbot
tells
not known.
us that he brought
him from the
south, apparently about the time

his succession as abbot,
when he became novice master. On he gradually made the young man his confidant
and
finally,
with the consent of the brethren, sub-prior.

"
-the
staff of
He
became
the abbot's mainstay,
his old
age,"
who
soothed him
when he was
worried, and refreshed his
leisure.
He
died before the

tells,
Dialogue on friendship was written, for in

characteristic of him,
this
work Ailred
as
he refused any relaxation of the rule on his behalf, lest a suspicion of favouritism should Ailred, as we have seen, was sent to injure the abbot's authority.
during his last illness
1
how
Rome
shortly before
he became novice master
at
Rievaulx, and the
young man whom he
brought back with him from the south may have But this is an idle guess. been Geoffrey of Dinant. Walter Daniel says nothing of the friendships which meant most to
Ailred, but he gives the
names
of several
members
of the
little
band
from
whom
the abbot seems to have usually chosen his companions

of
and
little
fellow-travellers.
Henry of Beverley, Ralph Ralph (Radulfus paruus, breuis staturae]
Rothwell and
are
named most
frequently.
V.
THE DAUGHTERS OF RIEVAULX.

The
in
1
years between Ailred's novitiate and his election as

critical in
Rievaulx were
the history of the Cistercian
Abbot of Even Order.
135 the movement which St. Bernard had revived a few years before was spreading with a rapidity which alarmed its wiser followers.
Too many
Order.
In
persons unsuited for the religious

1 1
life
were degrading the
52,
when
it
comprised 330 houses, the General Chapter
prebend of Langtoft by 1164 (Fairer, Early Yorkshire Charters, I., William of Newburgh got information about the death of 137, No. 161). St. William (1 54) from an aged monk of Rievaulx who had once been a canon of York (Hewlett, Chronicles of Stephen, etc., I. 81). For Turold see St. Bernard's letter in Opera, I., 287 d, and Walbran, Memorials of the Abbey of St. Mary of Fountains, I., 04- 05 (Surtees Society, 863). The monks of Durham also kept a collection of psalters which had belonged to their more distinguished predecessors Catalogues of the Libary of Durham
his
1 1 1 1
:
Cathedral,
p.
7 (Surtees Society, 1838).
'P.L, CXCV., 700-701.'
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
forbade the foundation of
sent out colonists to
461
new
houses.
In the interval Rievaulx
had
The
history of
Wardon, Melrose, Revesby, and Dundrennan." these monasteries must be sought elsewhere but a
;
few additional notes or corrections may be gleaned from the materials

for the life of Ailred.
(1)
The Abbey
the
of
Wardon was founded by Walter Espec

his
in
clearing in
woods upon
naturally sought the co-operation of
house was generally known have seen that Ailred's novice master, the ing".
The
He Bedfordshire lands (1135). Abbot William of Rievaulx. " as Sartis (de essartis) or the clearlong-lived
We
Walter Daniel also Simon, was probably the first Abbot of Sartis. tells us that Ivo, one of the speakers in Ailred's Dialogue on spiritual friendship, was a monk of Sartis, and that Ailred dedicated to him a
noble exposition on the passage which describes the child Christ's discussion with the doctors in the Temple.
(2)
The Abbey
of St.
Lawrence
at
Revesby
in Lincolnshire
has
a place in the biography of Ailred, its first abbot. Walter Daniel that Ailred began to work miracles at Revesby and, if the names says
of the witnesses are a sure guide, the abbot took with him,
among
the dozen colonists, lord Gospatric (doubtless a
member
of the great
short.
Northumbrian house), Henry the

under
cellarer,
priest
and Ralph the

relative of
The
and
who
is
unnamed, was a
Ailred's,
previously caused him trouble as a novice at Rievaulx. Ralph the short and the unstable monk would seem to have returned with Ailred to Rievaulx in
another
monk was
the unstable scholar
who had
1147.
The
revision.
list
of
Ailred's immediate
to the
successors at
Revesby requires
According
ceeded by Philip,
Galo.
likely
3
who
Peterborough chronicler Ailred was sucdied in 66 and was followed by Gualo or

1
1
Philip was certainly Abbot of St. Lawrence in that he was the abbot of the daughter house who
64, and
it is
insulted Ailred
This
Guignard, Les monuments primitifs de la regie Cistercienne, p. xv. was not strictly observed, but checked the growth of the Order. 2 Another project seems to have come to nothing. Rievaulx before 1 140 was given land at Stainton, near Richmond, "ad construendam abbatiam," which was never built (Cart. Rievallense, pp. Ivii., 261). a Chronicon Angliae etroburgense (edit. Giles, 1845), p. 99.
statute
'
Cartularium Rievallense, No. 246,
p.
83.
462
at Rievaulx.

According
to
Walter Daniel,
visit
this
unnamed
1
abbot, on
the occasion of his statutory annual
to
Rievaulx,
so provoked
Ailred by his unjust railing and accusations that the latter was moved to pass a prophetic judgment upon him. He died soon after his return home."
It is
clear from the context that this painful incident

visits
occurred
just
before one of Ailred 's latest
to
Galloway, and
the only abbot of a daughter house

that of Ailred's
who
died between this date and

of St.
own
death in
1167 was Philip
Lawrence.
The
Peterborough chronicler, on the other hand, erred in stating that Philip was Ailred's immediate successor, for G., Abbot of St.
attests
If
4
Lawrence,
Stenton.
147-53 recently printed Gualo succeeded Philip, he had given place

a charter of
1 1 1
by Mr.
to
Hugh
have,
before the spring of

1
74 or
75.
Hugh, who was
still
abbot in
193,*
would seem
to
have been succeeded by Ralph."

list
We
:
then, the following revised
of the abbots of St.
Lawrence
Ailred, 1142-7.
G.,
c.
1150.
1 1
Philip, mentioned
64
died,
66.
Gualo,
166.
Hugh, 1175, 1193.

Ralph.
(3)
The Abbey
in
1
1
founded
Daniel
1
states,
Galloway is said to have been 42 by King David and was occupied, as Walter 7 Yet when Ailred visited it by monks from Rievaulx.
of
in
1
Dundrennan
visit to the mother house, see the instituta of 1 52, " per annum semel uisitat matrem ecclesiasm (Guignard, Les monuments primitifs p. 260). 2 Vita Ailredi, f. 70 d. Walter's story was too precise, and he after-
For
"
this
annual
c.
34,
'
quod
filia
wards modified it in his letter to Maurice, f. 61 b. The Abbot's death may, he admits, have been due to some other cause than Ailred's prophesy.
:J
Walter Daniel's chronology is confused. See below, p. 480. Documents Illustrative of the History of the Danelaw, No. 348,
p.
262.
5
Kal.,
10 Jan.,
p.
April, 1175 (Cart. Rievalfaise, No. 132, p. 82, and note); 1177 (Stenton, No. 285, p. 215); about 1193 (ibid.. No. 526,
381).
*Ibid.,
7
No. 524,
f.
p.
Vita Ailredi,
380 (end of twelfth century). 62 c. According to the statute
of
52,
which
presumably defined previous custom, the buildings should have been ready for the monks.
AILRED OF RiEVAULX
in
1 1
463
65 he was lodged in a poor, leaky hovel, as the conventual It was here that the rain spared Ailred's buildings were not finished. At this time the Prior of Dundrennan was Walter, mattress
!
formerly one of Walter Espec's chaplains, and sacristan of Rievaulx. (4) With Melrose, Ailred had personal as well as official ties,
for
between
48 and
more
59
its
abbot was
relations
his
old friend Waldef,
formerly Prior of Kirkham.

St.
But the
between Rievaulx and
Waldef
require
particular notice.
VI.
RIEVAULX, KIRKHAM, AND ST. WALDEF.

Waldef, Waldeve or Waltheof (erroneously Waldenus) was the second son of Simon of Saint Liz and Matilda, the daughter of the
famous Englishman, Earl Waltheof. Simon's elder son, another Simon, became in due course Earl of Northampton and a supporter
of
Waldef, who was brought up at the court of his David of Scotland, was attracted by the religious step-father, King As a child, while his brother played at castles, he had preferred life.
King Stephen
to play at churches.
He
became a regular canon

2
in the
Augustinian
About the time when his old Ailred entered Rievaulx he was elected Prior of Kirkham. companion The Augustinian priory of Kirkham had been founded by Walter 22, ten years before he found a home for the missionaries Espec in
priory at Nostell,
near Pontefract.
of St.
Bernard
at
Rievaulx.
The two
houses,
the same patron, and only a few miles apart,

into closer touch with each other than
owing their origin to were naturally brought
was
usual in the case of religi-
ous foundations which belonged to different orders. 3 The arrival of Waldef as prior of one, and of Ailred as monk in the other must have
strengthened the sense of relationship.
1
The
Prior of
Kirkham
joined
For this section, see Jocelin of Furness, Vita S. Waldeni, in the Acta Sanctorum, August, I., 248 ff. for Waldef s boyhood, 251 b. This was about 28 he attested one of David's charters 30, for c. (Lawrie, Early Scottish Charters, No. 83, p. 69). a Their lands, for example, were naturally grouped together and they had to make exchanges and other arrangements. The abbot of Rievaulx and the prior of Kirkham were joint custodes of the hospital founded c. 1225 by Robert de Ros at Bolton, in the Barony of Wark-on-Tweed. See Hodgson, History of Northumberland, vol. vii. (1904), pp. 202-203.
;
464

of Rievaulx
Abbot William
and the other leaders

York.
of the opposition to In
1
the election of Archbishop William of

1
143 he accom-
Within a few months this intimacy had a panied them to Rome. result which brought alarm and division among the canons of KirkWaldef decided to take the vows of a Cistercian. If his ham.
biographer
is
correct in attributing the step to the influence of Ailred,

it
Waldef had probably had

of
in
mind
for
some
less
time, since opportunities

latter' s
;
discussion with Ailred must have been
frequent after the
Some of the canons were angry departure for Revesby in 1 142. as their severe rule brought its votaries the claim of the Cistercians that,
nearer to perfection, an Augustinian might properly adopt it, whereas a Cistercian who left his Order for the Augustinians would be a backslider,
naturally
annoyed them.-
They were proud
of their
Order, of
their
work
as priests
among
of the
the people, of their churches with their
windows
of
stained glass.
Warden, the wrath
When Waldef began his noviciate at canons of Kirkham pursued him. They
had the sympathy of Simon, the earl of Northampton, who at this time had no respect for the spiritual extravagances of his brother, and,
according to Jocelin of Furness, the earl's hostility
was
felt
to
be so
dangerous
Rievaulx.
to
the
monks
of
Warden
that
Waldef
withdrew to
Rievaulx contains an interesting cirograph or agreement between the Abbey and the canons of Kirkham which (although his name is not mentioned) is almost certainly connected
cartulary of
The
with
Waldef s
reception into the Cistercian order.
Waldef s
intention
had
divided the canons, several of

1
whom
1
desired to join their prior in
John of Hexham, ed. Raine,

cf.
I.,
p.
42.
-Jocelin of Furness, 257;
the remarks of Raine,
Hexham,
ians
p. cxi.
The
less
relations
between
;
were none the
very friendly
The Priory of Bernard and the Augustinsee Vacandard, Vie de Saint

St.
p. 108.
Bernard, I., 186 ff. 3 Ca rtularium Rievallense> No. 149,
Canon Atkinson,
in his
introduction to this cartulary, misses the meaning of the text, which is correctly summarized in the Victoria County History of Yorkshire, III., 219220. saw, however, that it might be related to the history of Waldef,
He
a possibility which seems to

the narrative of Jocelin of
given.
me
to
be certain
if
the text
is
compared with
Furness.
The
Atkinson's reasons for placing it the cartulary (p. 243), though not quite convincing, have is right, it must be dated c. 1 139.
date of the agreement is not before the document, No. 347, in
much
force.
If
he
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
his
465
momentous change
with
its
of
life.
struggle ensued for the possession
endowments and churches. The patron, Walter Espec, tried to solve the difficulty by means of an ingenious The canons would surrender Kirkham and other procompromise.
of the priory
rich
perty to the abbot and
monks
of
Rievaulx,
all
who would
receive the
Augustinians
order.
who
remained into
the privileges of the Cistercian
In return the prior
and
his followers (auxiliarii)
were to
build
new
buildings on an adequate scale

etc.
church,
to
chapter-house,
at
Lin ton, perhaps Linton-on-Ouse, north of York, and the canons were to be permitted to remove thither their sacred vessels, books, vestments, and the
dormitory, refectory,
stained glass from the
The new home was
be
Kirkham windows.
The agreement was

1
not
executed, and ultimately
Waldef went
out alone.
He
had periods
of depression
and misgiving.
He
was
repelled
by the insipid food, the rough garments, the hard manual labour and As his mind the incessant round of offices and saying of psalms.
went back
to the years
he seriously
which,
if
which he had passed at Nostell and Kirkham, considered whether it was not his duty to return to a life
2
1 1
was better adapted for the discipline and salvaBut he passed through this crisis. In 48, he was elected Abbot of the daughter house at Melrose and returned
less austere,
tion of the soul.
to the land of his step-father,
King David.
By
this
time Ailred
Waldefs duty
to report to
draws some pleasant Once he came in summer.
was Abbot of Rievaulx, and it was therefore him once a year. Jocelin of Furness pictures of Waldefs visits to his old friends.
He
3
arrived at
were went
asleep in the dormitory.

but, after the
sit
He
midday while the brethren would not allow them to be dis-
turbed
to
in
customary prayer at the door of the church, he the cloister and, as he leaned against the wall and
;
dead Abbot William, appeared His thoughts were much occupied, on these occasions, with to him. of William, for at another time, when the convent had gone memories
tried to sleep, his closest friend, the
If the cirograph must be dated before 1 139 (see last note), the canons did not lose their prior until four or five years later. " * persuasum in mente habuit institutiones Jocelin of Furness, 257-258 illorum licet leuiores, discretion! tamen uiciniores esse ac per hoc saluandis "
:
animabus aptiores
(258
in
a).
summer is prescribed in (Guignard, Les monuments primitifs, p. 188).

siesta
*The
the
consuetudines,
c.
83
466
to

after compline,
he stayed behind and went into the Chapter1 tomb. house to pray by his At Melrose Waldef had visits from Ailred. The Abbot of
bed
Rievaulx was with him, not long before
his death,
when a
deputation
came from
him
near.-
St.
to accept,
Andrews to offer him the bishopric. Ailred urged but Waldef refused, because he felt that his end was
VII.
THE MIRACLES.
The Vita Ailredi was
sanctity.
It is
written
to
prove Ailred's claim to

Daniel's point
a piece of hagiography.
From Walter
life
of view the external incidents of the abbot's
so far as they helped to establish his case.
were important just Inevitably he saw or heard
from others the things which the friend and biographer of a saint would expect to see or hear. supernatural light shone round the
infant's
the youth was virtuous miraculous powers of healing, which could be possessed 3 he saw prophetic visions the elements transmitted by his staff
head
the child uttered prophesies
the
monk
favoured him, as
at
when
the rain spared his bed in the leaky house

rigidly
;
Dundrennan
he was
ascetical,
stern to himself,
while
in
gracious and
spite of his
forgiving to others
his
death was exemplary and,
age and intense physical sufferings, his corpse was as fresh

little
and white
as that of a
child.
a contribution to the hagiographical literature of the twelfth The century Walter's work has no special interest or originality.
repetition of familiar precedents
As
from the gospels
is
the basis of the
narrative
and
parallels to
most of the extravagant additions can be

for example, in the miracles of
found
St.
in
any other work of the period,
John
1
of Beverley, St. Cuthbert, St. Ninian, St.
Kentigeon, or
to
264 e, 265 a. 266 f. Robert, Bishop of St. Andrews, died in the spring of 1159, and Waldef died on 3 August in the same year. (Chron. de Mailros, p. 76; Dowden, The Bishops of Scotland, 1912, pp. 4-6). Ailred's yisit then was in the early summer of 59. "Vita Ailredi, f. 69 a. For the wonder-working power of the
Jocelin of Furness,
,
Ibid.
1 1
"bachall" or pastoral
staff
in the
lives of Irish saints, see

I.,
Plummer, Vitae
Sanctorum Hiberniae (Oxford, 1910), Vol.
p. clxxv.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
take
467
Godric
of
AilrecTs contemporaries
of
in
the lives of
Finchale,
William
York, Waldef
of
Melrose.
In the descriptions of disease,
apparently so precise and minute, in reality so vague, Walter Daniel adopted phrases in current use, just as the chroniclers used forms and
phrases handed
down from Livy

1
or Sallust
to
adorn a speech or
describe a military raid.

of Ailred's miracles
We
must not conclude that the occasions

one would argue that, benecks in cold water in order to
is
were invented.
No
cause other saints stood up to their expel the lusts of the flesh, the story that Ailred did the same
invention
;
an
and
it
would be equally hazardous

influence, because
to argue that Ailred's

his cures are described
lives of
saints.
personality
had no therapeutic
in the high-flown conventional language
used in other
orchard at Walter Daniel says that he was Rievaulx one dark evening while the abbot was discussing some domestic matter with the cellarers, and remembers how Ailred hurried
present in the
When
suddenly fallen sick, he is describing something which he had seen and which we can accept, although
off to minister to
a brother
who had
we need
historian
not believe that the subsequent recovery of the sick

it
man hap-
pened exactly as Walter says that

is
did.
But
at this point the
brought
to a stand.
He cannot
estimate the ratio between

narrative.
the true
and the
false in the conventional
He
cannot
measure the varying degrees of suggestion or hallucination, of folk-lore or falsehood. He can only call attention to the spiritual circumstances
in
his
which a monk
of the twelfth century lived. in
Walter Daniel and
companions breathed an atmosphere
which they could hardly
escape far-fetched or grotesque interpretations of the evidence of their

senses
:
The
dignities of plain
occurrence then
Were tasteless, and truth's golden mean, a point Where no sufficient pleasure could be found.
There would be no
of
limits,
save those imposed by the conventions

the conclusions which these eagerly
trivial in-
contemporary
literature,
to
expectant admirers of Ailred would draw from the most Lives of saints, as familiar to them as their psalters, cident.
1
set
before
See Delehaye, The Legends of the Saints (trans. V. M. Crawford, Cf. Plummer's introduction to the Vitae 1907) for the whole subject. Sanctorum Hiberniae, already noted, for the material of legend. 2 Vita Ailredi, f. 70 d; below, pp. 510, 511.
468

of perfection to
them the standard
which a good monk might
attain.
by
In this period of monastic revival the standard was actually attained many monks in all parts of Europe, for the Cistercian and other
rules attracted
their fellows.
men
of fine
and strong
personality, natural leaders of
Ailred was one
of these
recognize the type in their master. would signs of the divine favour and
manifestation to expect.
direct intervention of
men, and his monks could They would be on the watch for
know
exactly
what kinds
of
Prepared to see everywhere traces of the God, their senses were deadened to the commonof strange or peculiar circumstance.
place
and unusually aware
an unusual place, presentiment, a coincidence, a flicker of sunlight in They might suggest a miracle for which there were a dozen parallels.
would nudge each other with significant looks and, as they talked it over, would invest the original incident with its setting of appropriate The story would be complete, the witnesses ready, within an detail.
1
hour.
At
the same time Walter Daniel
was
not
unaware
of the criticism
which the indiscriminating regard for the miraculous had aroused. Like St. Bernard and Ailred himself, he had a sense of moral values,
if
not of the value of evidence.
The
Cistercians
were
tolerant of the
they could see no bounds to the ways in which God but they insisted that reveals Himself in the lives of His loved ones It is better not supernatural power, is the true mark of a saint. virtue,
marvellous, for
;
to conquer oneself than Jerusalem.
The two
trains of thoughts
can
be clearly seen in the

of
and teaching of St. Bernard. The stories Bernard's miracles which were freely reported, apparently without
life
any contradiction,
in
his lifetime,
must have done much to arouse
expectations of the marvellous in the lives of other famous Cistercians."
set out at length in his letter to Maurice, of which He had omitted many miracles which, in below, p. 48 given his view, were well authenticated, and of all those which he included, he had been a witness or had direct information. He consents to name witnesses as a concession to Maurice, but in his opinion the virtues of Ailred
Walter's views are

is
the text
1 .
are the real sanction

61
"
.preditos facere posse

(f.
michi facile credibile uidetur homines uita bona " uoluerit In a later passage (f. 61 a). c) he develops the argument that the canons of evidence are not the
:
"
quod deus
same
for
crimen and uirtus. See Vacandard's discussion
of the
Liber miraculorum, which contains

during the journey, of miracles
accounts, written
down
at various places
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
Bernard himself says
miracle in his eyes
of St. Benedict,
469
"
sanctitatem miracula probant,

also
doctrina pietatem, uita iustitiam 'V
But he
wrote that the greatest

of
was the voluntary adoption many young men, who were able to live lives
austerity as though held captive
of
by so such unwonted
in
the rule
by the fear of
God
a prison with
open doors.
Similarly Ailred,
of
inspired Reginald
Durham
to set
who wrote the life of St. Ninian and down the miracles of St. Cuthbert
of
and Godric
of Finchale,
and said that the concealment

of sacrilege,
3
undoubted
miracles of the
Lord was a kind
held strong views about

their sanctity
all
those who, conscious of their
own
was
virtue, exploited
by
the exhibition of miraculous powers.

of
spiritual
This was the worst of

to
4
forms
inquisitiveness
it
grapher was- forced by the criticism

subjected, to
Ailred's biotempt God. to which the Vita Ailredi was
expound
this
view
still
more
precisely.
Two
prelates
in
had
cast
doubt upon the incidents related by Walter Daniel, and,
his letter to
He named Maurice, Walter took up the challenge. witnesses who were prepared to swear to the truth of the narrative
and
also to several other miraculous incidents not
mentioned
in the
Life. But at the same time he repudiates the notion that Ailred's claim to sanctity depended upon any miracles
'
The
miracles of our father are great, yet

miracles
bad men are able
to
But only the good If, possess the perfect love (caritatem) which Ailred had. the apostle, I shall have all faith so that I am able to says
too.
work
and great ones
remove mountains, but have not love, it profiteth me nothing. Who will deny that to remove mountains is a great miracle ?
And
yet without love whatever a
man may do
1
1 :
is
reckoned
Vie de Saint 46-7 wrought by St. Bernard in the Rhine valley, Bernard, I., p. xxvii. ff. Vacandard also gives references to the pleasantries of Walter Map and other sceptics on the subject of Bernard's
miracles.
1
Opera,
3
I.,
col.
975
c.
His
tract,
its
attitude at
*
Sanctimoniali de Watton," which shows the monastic " miracula Dei et manifesta divinae pietatis worst, begins,
Caritatis,
lib. ii., c. 34 (P.L., CXCV., 573 "est d) pessimum genus, quo tamen hi soli, qui magnarum
:
:
"
Ibid., col.
1076
d.
De
indicia scire et tegere, portio sacrilegii est" (Decent Scriptores, col. 415).
Speculum
adhuc aliud
sibi
curiositatis
uirtutum conscii sunt, attentantur

est
miraculorum exhibitionem, quod
Deum
exploratio scilicet suae sanctitatis per tentare ".
470

nought, even though he
is
able to suspend the
whole earth
miracles, the
from one
finger."
Walter was
quite consistent.
Although he defended the
personality of Ailred
was
the really interesting thing, on which his
memory
preferred to dwell.
He
writes well and simply

in his private cell
when he
and
tells
describes Ailred talking with

us about his literary
young monks work and narrates the

bottom
less
story of his last days
and
It
is
death.
He
was
at
certain
about the miracles.

his
significant that, in the letter to
Maurice, he withdraws
support from
the one miraculous incident in the

creditable to Ailred.
Life which was not altogether
Ailred had lost his temper with a scurrilous abbot of a daughter house and foretold that evil would befall him. Soon after the tiresome abbot died, and in the Life Walter regarded
his
but in the letter to death as a fulfilment of Ailred's prophecy Maurice he says that he cannot vouch for the connection and has now
;
reason to believe that death indeed, that he
was due
to other causes."
It
is
I
possible,
was
led on to the generalizations,
which
have
just
quoted, by the thought that the competition in miracles
prevalent be-
tween the supporters of rival saints maintain Cistercian influence and ideals.
was a most ineffective way to Bad men could work miracles.

William
of
Just at this time the supporters of Saint

in
1
1
York, the arch-
40, William of Rievaulx had opposed as a simoniac, bishop whom, were pressing the claims of their hero." Miracles were worked at his
tomb
as startling as
any worked
at the
tomb
of St.
John
of
Beverley.
And
1
a few years later
we
find St.
William appropriating the most
Vita Ailredi, f. 63 a. The whole passage is important and is given below, pp. 489, 490. "Vita Ailredi, f. 61 b (foot). The story, as originally told, is in f. 70 d. For comments, see above, p. 462. Walter also modified slightly the story of the novice who tried in vain to leave the monastery. After giving the names of witnesses, he proceeds (f. 61 b, top) "quod eciam miraculum michi uenerabilis pater Aldredus expressit, non quidem quasi miraculum propter suam humilitatem, set quasi quandam praeclaram fortunam
in full
propter
3
meam
infirmitatem ".
William was restored to the see after Henry Murdac's death but ''hnrch died almost immediately, 1154 (/// III., William of Newburgh refutes the suspicion that he was poisoned 396-397).
St.
!cs of Stephen, etc., I., 81). collection of St. William's (Hewlett, miracles is printed from Dodsworth MS. 215, by Raine, Historians of tJte
Church of York,
II.,
531-543.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
remarkable of Alfred's cures, the miraculous extraction of a
471
live frog
1
which had been swallowed by mistake at an earlier stage of its career. Walter had to meet a criticism which affected him more than the
scepticism about Ailred's miracles.
that Ailred, during his youth at
He
was attacked
court,
life
for his assertion
King David's
had
lived like a
monk.
The
implication
was
that Ailred's secular

said to
had been
per-
fectly chaste, as
Waldef s was
have been/ and as Ailred

life
using this
his
same phrase
said that the

3
of the other
companion
of
Walter Daniel, presumably, youth, Earl Henry, had been. 4 Before intended his readers to take the phrase in the same sense.
he wrote
evidence
later
critic
his
apologia to Maurice, he had been reminded of some
perhaps the self-accusing passages which were quoted by a which pointed the other from Ailred's own writings 5
His explanation was interesting if not ingenuous. If his critics, way. he said, had been familiar with the practice of the schools, they would
have realized that he was using a rhetorical figure, by which the whole He was not thinking of Ailred's chastity is known from the part.
when he
been
said that Ailred in his secular days lived like a
monk
the
phrase was, of course, inapplicable to one whose continence had not

perfect.
He
was
thinking of Ailred's humility.

of his future perfection
In that single
virtue the
1
whole range
was
anticipated.
Ailred extracted a frog which a youth had swallowed while drinking In 1177 a woman who had swallowed a frog (Vita Ailredi, f. 71 b). cooked in bread was cured at the tomb of St. William (Raine, op. at., II.,
284,535). "
tatis
Acta Sanctorum, August.,

In the tract
uidelicet candidaturam ac utero matris

3
251 e: "illud singulare decus, uirginisecum uexit ad caelum ". on the Battle of the Standard, Ailred describes Henry as
I.,
;
so
uideretur
etc.,
iii.,
"ut et in rege monachum, et in monacho regem praetendere good " (Decem Scriptores, col. 342 Hewlett, Chronicles of Stephen,
191).
"
qui etiam
cum
Similarly of Richard, Prior of Hexham, Ailred says, esset in saeculo, et insigne castitatis et sobrietatis fere
I.,
monachus putaretur" (Raine, Priory of Hexham, 4 Vita Ailredi, f. 64 a, below, p. 493.

5
193).
Nova Legenda AngLie,
ed.
Horstmann,
II.,
552-553.
The writer refers
to a passage in Ailred's work sister, and to another in the
De
;
institutis inclusarum, written for his
Speculo Caritatis, lib. i., c. 28. Walter describes the below, p. 488. rhetorical figure as intellectio. He appears to have synecdoche in mind. Cf. Bede, De schematis et tropis sacrae scrip turae liber (P.L., XC., col.
6
De
Vita Ailredi,
f.
62
c,
182): "Synecdoche est significatio pleni intellectus minusue pronuntiat aut enim a parte totum ostendit ".
;
capax,
cum
plus
472

VIII.
CONCLUSION.
Walter,
we
of
have seen,
felt
the technicalities of the schools.

into the life
some complacency in his knowledge of The world would sometimes break

Ailred also could not disregard it. Isaiah or on the intimacies
his political interests.
the cloister.
While he was meditating on the burdens of

of spiritual friendship,
he could not forget
As
public man, he was indeed not allowed to forget them.
His know-
ledge of English history, the services of his reconciling influence be-
tween Norman and Englishman, between the church of Rome and the old ecclesiastical traditions of Northumbria, were too great to be
neglected in that age of conscious transition.
it
Cistercian house though
later
was, Rievaulx might have become a school of historical studies if a abbot had not intervened. At the close of the century Abbot Ernald, who had himself some pretensions to historical learning, de-
cided that interests of this kind were not quite consistent with the
He could not encourage his monks to purpose of the Cistercian rule. them. Yet he felt that the great events of the twelfth century pursue deserved a northern chronicler. He gave his encouragement, therea learned canon in the neighbouring Austinian priory. Admirers of the thoughtful and vivacious history of William of Newburgh
fore, to
have not always remembered to spare a 1 Rievaulx for his share in William's work.
little
gratitude to Ernald of
Even
of
in the interests of the Cistercian rule,
it
Abbot Ernald
and
to check the study of history.
was perhaps unwise Times were changing

born
of
for
and Rievaulx could not hope

theologians
to
retain
its
influence as a centre of
contemplatives.
experiences which no
traditional discipline
Contemplative study is can transmit.
As
it possessed the nucleus of a good library, could not provide the stimulus or equipment of the schools. Theology was already, in Ailred's later days, a science,
theological work, a provincial monastery, even though
a professional striving between experts, not a matter of easygoing reflection

1
upon the Scriptures and the Fathers.

of
The
tradition established
See William
Newburgh's dedication
of his chronicle (circa
1198)
to
Abbot Ernaldus, in Hewlett, ( 'hnmiclcs of Stephen, etc., I., 3-4. The Canon Picard, the first editor of William, who is followed by Hearne, confused Ernaldus with Ailred.
AILRED OF RIEVAULX
of
473
by William, Maurice, Ailred and Walter Daniel, died with Nicholas

Rievaulx early
they went,
in
the following century.
We
out.
may be
sure that,
after
the world
was
not
kept
Building,
sheep-
farming, contentions with neighbours

historical studies.
would be
quite as distracting as
The men whom
have
just
named were
all
good Cistercians, but
were by no means of the same type. Indeed, the differences in temperament between Ailred and Walter Daniel can be seen very
clearly in their attitudes
towards
this
problem
of the cloister
and the
world.
pulsive
Walter, as though half- conscious of the weakness of his im-
and imaginative
nature,
was more
literal.
The
rule
was
in his
mind the important
thing, both in the monastic life and the teaching of He knew all about the divisions of philosophy and the the schools. of rhetoric. Ailred untrained though he was understood the figures
Cicero or of St. Augustine far better than Walter did. Walter wrote well and clearly about the Cistercian rule 1 he could analyse with some insight the perturbations of the soul which is hesitating to
spirit of
:
enter
the
"
cubiculum Dei
"
2
;
but he could never

in
have written
dis-
illusionment and
faced.
Ail red's dialogue between himself and the novice, acedia which beset the monastic
which the
life
are fearlessly
to
Walter
gives the impression that the ideas

his
;
which he wished
convey were not quite

drifted
into irrelevance,
own he misunderstood their bearing and as when he made a point of the fact that
passage in which he tries to expound Ailred's attitude to grammatical rules is a good He realised that Ailred had example of his uncertainty of touch.
Cicero's Topics are not read in church.
intellectual ability
A lengthy
(anima ingeniosa) and was not an uneducated man

felt
(rusticus)
but he
that the abbot's characteristics as a teacher
and writer required some explanation.

Ailred did not observe the methods of
instinctive
arts.
Stimulating though he was,

the schools.
He
had an
rather than a trained appreciation of the so-called liberal

spiritual,
His comprehension was
more penetrating than the
learning of those
who acquire an uncertain knowledge of Aristotelian or Pythagorean calculations. His ready intelligence passed concepts
beyond these
things
region of real truth
to the knowledge and unapproachable
of
Him who
(ipse
inhabits the
light
autem omnem
65
a.
See below,
p.
495.
Vita Ailredi,
f.
474
nnmcrnm transnolans uelocitate ingeniisuiet omnemcoviposicionem

figure fate uelfacte supergredicns ipsum intellect in scripturis >cnit, (jui solus kabet immortalit atem ubi non est numcrus
et
lucem habitat inaccessibilem ubi non apparet figura sed ipsa ueritas que finis recte intelligitur uniuerse doctrine naturalis).
Walter goes on to say that, where the truth is present, words will not Truth is self-sufficient and suffers from admixture with be wanting.
other things.
is
Words
;
are powerless to persuade without reason which
a part of truth
for
mere endless words may have no more mean-
ing than the barking of a dog.

rules of
And
so Ailred refused to exalt the

1
grammar
or the pursuit of fine speech above the truth.
This
passage, for
sesses
anyone
interested in the history of medieval thought, pos;
some
significance
it
shows
how
the immediate successors of St.
Bernard regarded the

in a Cistercian
later,
new
activities
of the schools.
Walter Daniel
monastery another Master Walter, the well-known prior of St. Victor, was to say, only with much more vehemence, in his book Contra quatuor
But, as an exposition of Ailred's attitude, the
is
in
Yorkshire was saying what, a few years
labyrinthos Francie?
passage
of
misleading.
grammar
or rhetoric,
Ailred was certainly not interested in the rules and no doubt would have agreed that the
exercises of the schools
gation of divine truth.
were not a necessary preliminary to the investiTo this extent and possibly Walter did not
his
intend
carried
to go
further
biographer's
his
analysis
was
correct
but,
his
away
as
usual
by
train
of thought,
he suggests
in
master a contempt for learning which was quite foreign to Ailred's mind. Ailred, like St. Bernard, passed his boyhood among people
with intellectual
interests.
His family cherished a
tradition of learning.
had begun as a boy to learn grammar in the best sense of the word, the sense in which John of Salisbury and the best scholars of the century insisted that it should be used, the literary study of the
Vita Ailredi,
1 f.
He
67
d.
The
four labyrinths
of St.
II.,
bardus, and Peter of Poitiers.

of
Walter
,
were Abelard, Gilbert de la Porree, Petrus LomFor extracts from the book and bibliography Victor, see Grabmann, Die Geschichte der Scholast.
124-127. The clearest expression of the opposite view, that the liberal arts are necessary to theological investigations (provided that rhetoric
is
subdued) was given by Robert of Melun. See Ailred on the Saints of Hexham,
::
in
Raine, Priory of
I.,
p.
190; and Raine's preface, pp.
li.-lii.
AILRED OF R1EVAULX
Latin authors.
of those
1
475
He
protested,
it is
trte, against
the restless curiosity
He
could not discriminate between truth and vain philosophy. had no patience with the monk who fused his meditations on the
who
the Scriptures with tags from the classics, the Gospels with Virgil,
prophets with Horace, Paul with Cicero." But, again like St. Bernard, he was attacking the moral dangers which beset the learned, not
learning
itself.
to a certain
Indeed, his writings owe scholarly quality in them.
much
of their attractiveness
direct, but not
abrupt or impatient of
His mind was simple and argument. As a boy he had rebook was the
joiced in Cicero's
De Amicitia
y
3
;
in later life his favourite
Confessions of St. Augustine his favourite gospel that of St. John. In one of his last works, the dialogue on spiritual friendship, he gathered
together and gave a spiritual meaning to the memories of a life which had sought its inspiration in the companionship of these books.
He
made Cicero
his model,
and found
to
in the intense
human
friendships
which had meant so much

intense, relations.
And
as
him the foreshadowing of finer, more he wrote his mind lingered more than once
amare
et
over Augustine's haunting phrase, charged with Virgilian memories,

41
et
quid
erat,
quod me
delectabat, nisi
in
amari".
Speculum Caritatis suggests that Ailred was acquainted with the Arthurian legend. The novice who
casual
reference
A
1
the
Giles, v.
Cf. John of Salisbury, Metalogicus, lib. 34 (1848). Ailred was at school at
i.,
c.
13, in his
Opera,
edit.
Hexham
or
Durham
(below,
note 3).
For the Yorkshire schools and grammaiici in the twelfth century, see Leach, Early Yorkshire Schools, in the Record Series of the Yorkshire
Archbishop Thomas I. of Archaeological Society, Vol. XXVII. (1899). York founded the school at York, and Archbishop Thomas II. was educated there (Hugh the Chantor, in Raine, Hist, of the Church of York, II., 107,
124.
2 3
Speculum
Caritatis,
lib. ii., c.
24
(P.L.,
CXCV.,
573).
:
Prologue to the De spiritual amicitia (P.L., CXCV., col. 659 a) " cum adhuc puer essem in scholis et sociorum meorum me gratia plurimum delectaret, inter mores et uitia quibus ilia aetas periclitari solet tola se mens
mea dedit affectui et deuouit amori. Tandem uenit mihi in manu liber Ailred felt the distaste of the Ciceronian quern de amicitia Tullius scripsit ". for the sermo barbaricus of the early English writers who, owing to their lack of culture, were denied the gift of eloquent speech ( Vita Niniani,
.
.
prologus, ed. Forbes in the Historians of Scotland, V., 137, Edinburgh, That Ailred, in his life of St. Ninian, modernized an old Latin, not 1874). an English or British work, has recently been urged by Karl Strecker, after
a careful and exhaustive examination of the literary history of (Neues Archiv, 1920, XLIIL, 1-26).
St.
Ninian
476

fact that religious
was perplexed by the
emotion came
at
first
less
readily in Rievaulx than in his secular life, confessed to Ailred that The he had often shed tears over the story of a certain Arthur.
1
Speculum Caritatis was

reference
written before the end of

draft of Geoffrey of
its
42, and this
shows
that the
first
Monmouth's Historia
Regnm,
of
or some account of
contents, must have reached the north

2
England
at a very early date.
Possibly Ailred had noted the

\
first
stirrings of the interest which Lord Walter Espec and his household at Helmsley took in this strange history, and which led Walter to
borrow the book from

pass
it
his friend, Earl
Robert
of Gloucester,
and
to
on to friends
in
Lincolnshire:
To
Ailred, with his English
traditions
and keen
fifty
historical
sense, the story of Arthur

it
was
doubtless
as repellent as,
years later,
was
to
William
of
Newburgh.
Ailred
felt
The
that
;
chronological system of
this
Bede had no room sham Alexander. 4

to
for the fanciful exploits of
Welsh
hero, this
his like
And
Arthur and
they drew
were dangerous
more
than historical truth
the idle tears of
young men who

full
are always too willing to
find in the luxury of sentiment a relief
from the austere pursuit of

extent of the danger.
Christ.
But he could not know the
He
train-
could not forsee that the Arthurian legend
would
give the sanction of
beauty to most of those earthly joys and

ing his novices to forget.
activities
which he was
The
spirit of
romance, a mightier influence

it
it
than
St.
Bernard's,
was abroad.
In the course of time
has subreigns in
mitted even
monks and
cloisters to its fancies.

its
To-day
magic
the place where Ailred taught, and waves

ruins of Rievaulx.
wand
over the
eculum Caritatis (P.L., CXCV., ed. 565 c.). Ailred' s reference strengthens the case for the existence of a first draft 1 of Geoffrey's work, For the evidence see W. Lewis Jones, in the 38. Trc of the Cymmrodorion Society, 1898-1900, pp. 62-67.
< . 1
s
Walter Espec borrowed it for Dame distance, wife of Ralf fitz Gilbert, she was interested in the compilation of Gaimar's Scampton Lestorie des Envies and helped Gaimar to collect materials. See Lcstorie II., ix. ff. nglcs (Rolls Series, 1888-9), I., 275-276 In his preface to the Historia Rtruin Anglican^ nn)i, William of criticized Geoffrey of Monmouth mercilessly. He regarded him Newburgh
:|
lord
of
as an impudent
facit
Profecto minimum digitum sui Arturi grossiorem " dorso Alexandri magni (Hewlett, Chronicles of Steflien^ etc., I., 17).
liar.
"
APPENDIX
A.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
In the following table
I
have inserted the ascertainable dates of
Ailred's
life
and
writings.
Not much
some idea
information exists about his adof the additions to the property
ministration as abbot, but

of
Rievaulx during his rule
may be
obtained from a summary of the

register in the
abbey's possessions, printed by Atkinson from a
Cot-
Walter Daniel, tonian MSS. (Cartulariiim Rievalleux, 260-261). who was apparently the abbot's amanuensis or copyist (Vita, 68 a),
f.
gives
useful
(f.
information
b, c).
on the order
tract
of Ailred's
more important
Mary's Abbey,
list
writings
70
of
The
on the
origin of St.
York, and
Fountains should be deleted from the
of Ailred's
writings given in the
where
volume
it
of
Dictionary of National Biography and elseis identical with the tract edited by Walbran in the first his Memorials of Fountains Abbey (Surtees Society,
1863), from a
dialogue,
MS.
in
Corpus
(his last
De Anima
his other works, survives in
Ailred's Cambridge. which has not been printed with work), Bodleian MS. E. Mus. 224 (a little book
Christi College,
of
1
62
leaves, written
it
28, where
1200) and in a Durham MS. B. iv. 25, ff. 83follows William the Archdeacon on the Sentences (Rud,
c.
Codicum
classicus,
c.
MSS.
ecclesics
cathedralis
Dunelmensis
Catalogus
c.
p. 219). 1110. Birth of Ailred (above, p. 339). \ \ 24. After his boyhood at Hexham, where he probably went
Durham, 1825,
to school (cf. the prologue to the
P.L.,
in his
CXCV.,
I.,
1
col.
659
a,
Spirituals Amicitia, with his reference to his boyhood
De
work on the
Saints of
Hexham, Raine, Priory of
74), Ailred was received by David, King of and brought up with the King's son, Henry, and Scotland,
Hexham,
his stepson,
Waldef.
He
became seneschal
or
economus
at
c.
p. 343). 133-4. Ailred entered Rievaulx on his return from a journey on King David's business to Archbishop Thurstan at York. " the Cistercians had arrived ferme (Vita Ailredi, f. 65 b
477
Court (above,
478

ante duos annos" His novice master above, p. 453). was Simon, afterwards Abbot of Warden. 1138. The Battle of the Standard. Death of Eilaf, Ailred's
;
father.
Ailred probably accompanied William, Abbot
of
Rievaulx, to Wark, in order to arrange the surrender of Walter Espec's castle to King David. (Above, pp. 340, 348). By this time Waldef was Prior of Kirkham.
1
1
40. Death of
election of
Archbishop Thurstan and dispute about the
Archbishop William.
141.
Ailred sent to
Rome
by Abbot William (Vita Ailredi,

this
f.
67 b. For the date see above, p. 347). 141-2. Ailred novice master of Rievaulx. In
the
year he wrote
Speculum Caritatis
p.
at the request of
cf.
Gervase,
f.
Abbot
d,
of
Louth Park (above,

p.
1
454,
Vita Ailredi,
67
below,
500).
first
142-7. Ailred,
Abbot
St.
Lawrence, the daughter house
of
c.
1
1
44-8. Waldef, a
Rievaulx or Revesby (above, p. 456). monk at Rievaulx (above,
p.
464).
of Rievaulx.
45,
2 August.
of
Death
of
William,
first
Abbot
Election of
writings
Maurice as
Maurice,
his successor.
see
English
17
life and (For Historical Review,
the
January, 1921, Vol.

1
1
XXXVI.,
co-operated
ff.).
47,
30 November.
Rievaulx.
First certain reference to
Ailred as Abbot
of
He
Durham and
others in
Bishop William of the inquiry which settled the dispute

with
about the seat
of the prior at
Durham
p.
(Greenwell, FeoSurtees Society,
darium Prioratus Dunelwensis,
Ixi.,
1872). 1151. Ailred's judgment in the disputes between the Abbeys of Savigny (Normandy) and Furness for the control of Byland
Abbey (Momuticon,
1
1 1
V., 353).
1
52. Important general chapter at Citeaux.
152-3. Ailred wrote his work, (tcncaloîa

before
to
Rcgum Anglorum
is
Henry him as Duke
II.
became
king, since the prologue
addressed
col.
of
Normandy (DecemScriptores,
347).
;
We
Reginald
and Ailred, of course, must have attended general chapters at Citeaux of Durham definitely refers to one journey (above, p. 341 n.).
that
may assume
1 1
he was present
at the
important general chapter in
September,
52.
APPENDIX A
It
479
recently dead.
1 1
contains a eulogy on
finished,
King David,
The
work was
King
therefore,
between 24 May,
1 1
53, the
date of David's death, and 25 October,

Stephen's death.
1
54, the date of
1155. Ailred's work on the Saints of
Hexham was
probably based
on a discourse delivered on the occasion
of their translation
on 3 March, 1155/
c.
1
157.
The
general chapter at Citeaux allowed Ailred certain
privileges in
view
of his physical infirmities.
Walter Daniel
states that this action
was taken
ten years before Ailred's
death (Vita,
1 1
f.
70
at
a).
59. Ailred
was
Melrose when,
offered the
in
the
summer
of
59,
Abbot Waldef was

(above, p. 466).
It
bishopric of St.
Andrews
from
was
doubtless on his
way
to or
Melrose that he
visited
Finchale and St. Godric prophesied
the death of St. Robert of Newminster which occurred 7

1 1 59. (Reginald of Durham, Libellus de idta et miraculis S. Godrici heremitae de Finchale, edit. Steven-
June,
son, pp.
1
160, 21 December.
169-173, 176-177, Surtees Society, 1847). Pope Alexander III. sent to Ailred and the
Rievaulx a bull of protection and confirmation (Cartulamwn Rievallense, pp. 85- 88). Earlier in the
monks
of
year Ailred had been partly responsible for the recognition of
Alexander
1
III.
by King Henry (above,

translation of
St.
p.
350).
the Confessor.
63, October.
The
Edward
Vita Confessoris at the request of his kinsman, Lawrence, Abbot of Westminster (above, p. 349.). 163-4. Publication of the sermons on Isaiah (De oneribus),
Ailred composed his
which were dedicated

after April,
1
1
London, i.e. 63, when Gilbert Foliop was removed from

Giles) ascribes this or a Rievallensis ex " Scotorum scripsit (p. 96). For the
(ed.
to Gilbert,
Bishop of
The Chronicon Angliae Petroburgense

work
to the
similar
year 1156,
"
Sanctus Alredus abbas
abbate Revesbiensi Epitaphium regum Genealogia see also Vita, f. 70 b. 2 " Ailred's words are, anno autem ab Incarnatione Domini millesimo centesimo quinquagesimo quarto, paratis omnibus, Prior diem sollemquem " quo sacrae reliquiae transferrentur constituit quinto nonas Martii (Raine,
Priory of Hexham,
I.,
194).
This was 3 March,
15.
480

Hereford
to
London.
As
the twenty-fourth sermon contains
a reference to the cardinal Octavian, the anti-pope Victor

IV.,
who
to
died at Lucca on
20
April,
this
164, the series
would
seem
col.
have been preached before
date (P.L.,
CXCV.,
361, 460-461).
logical
According to Walter Daniel's chronoaccount, the sermons were written before the life of
f.
the Confessor (Vita,

1 1
70
b).
64. Ailred, at Kirksted, attested the agreement between the religious orders of Citeaux and Sempringham (Cartulariitm
Rievallense, pp. 181-1 83). 165. Ailred visited the daughter house at Dundrennan, in Galloway. The date is fixed by his presence at Kirkcudbright
of
on
St.
Cuthbert's day,
20 March,
to
164-5 (Reginald
nirtntibut,
Durham De admirandis Beati Cuhberti

178-179).
it
pp.
fixes
In
his
letter
Maurice Walter Daniel

Ailredi,
f.
as
two years before Ailred's death (Vita

1
62 b) but in the Life proper he refers only to a visit made c four years before the abbot's death (f. 7 below, pp. 5 2; ;
1
5 3 and note).
1
66.
If
the chronology of
(ibid.,
Ailred doubtless was frequently in Scotland. another story told by Reginald of
pp. 1 80- 1 88) can be accepted, Ailred was in Lothian and the neighbourhood of Melrose in the spring of
1
1
Durham
66.
In this year
left
he was
at
f.
which he
unfinished (Vita,
work on 70 c).
his
De
Anivia,
1167, 12 January. Death of Ailred. The evidence for dating those of Ailred's writings which are not mentioned in the preceding table is meagre. The description of the
Battle of
the
Standard was apparently written
after the
death of
Walter Espec, whose eulogy is couched in the past tense. Walter is said by a not very reliable source to have retired to Rievaulx in 1153, and to have died two years later at a great age the date of his burial
;
is
given as
5 March,
(Cartularinm Rievallense,
p.
264-265).
The
of
dialogue,
DC
life,
it
Ailred's
for
Spirituali Armcitia, the abbot describes himself
also belongs to the last years
as an old
man.
Walter dated
for
between the sermons on Isaiah and the

life
work written
Ailred's sister on the

life
of the recluse.
f.
This was followed by
the
of the
Confessor (Vita,
70
c).
APPENDIX
EXTRACTS FROM MS. Q.
1
B.
B. 7
OF JESUS COLLEGE,
61
CAMBRIDGE.
Patri
et
domino eximie
sanctitatis uiro
Mauricio suo Walterus*Breuitati
Danielis sinceram et nimis deuotam dileccionem.

longiori
illi,
studens
processioni
non indulgeo
gressum,
quamquam
prelati
duo
qui
nostra
quadam
et
incertitudine obfuscare nituntur,
me
filio
cogant
procedere
pellere
longius et quasi
uoraginem
infidelitate
per angariam maculare.
in sue cupiunt suspicionis im-
Set absit a
tuo ut
scienter cauterio falsitatis uri uelit uel ualeat, qui nouit
quod
sine ueri-
tate salus nulla consistat.
Igitur,
domine, ut ad rem ueniam iniungis

qui conscii
quatinus
interseram
nomina
testium,
michi
existunt
in
relacione miraculorum,
que in uita patris nostri uenerabilis abbatis Aldredi deo auctore descripsi, turn propter simplices qui Ryeuallensis magna non capiunt nisi multi eadem dicant, turn propter infideles qui
etiam uera subsannant, turn quoque propter duos, ni fallor, illos prelatos, qui uobis legentibus ipsa miracula credere noluerunt, cum tamen omnibus
ad
meam
uero defensionem sufficere debuisset, quod in serie ipsius
operis asserui
me non
nisi uisa
uel audita in
medium
protulisse, pluri-
maque preclara pretermisisse que sanctorum ore monachorum probata

susceperam.
affectus et
1
Quoniam autem
uotis tuis
mea
militat uoluntas et deseruit
obtemperat
caritas in iussione tua, licet
non eiusdem
libri
The
recto
two columns.
folio,
manuscript, which measures 267 mm. x 189 mm., is written in The references a, b, c, d refer to the four columns of each
(a,
b)
and verso
(c,
d).
The
relation
between the
letter
to
Maurice, here printed in full from the Jesus College MS., and the life proper is described in the third section of the The marginal preceding paper. references N.L., I., N.L., II., are to Horstmann's edition of the Nova Legenda Anglie (Oxford, 1901) of which the first volume (pp. 41-46) contains the
:
summary of Walter Daniel's work made by John of Tynemouth and printed by the Bollandists from Capgrave's edition, and the second volume (pp. 544553) contains the summary found in the Bury MS., now MS. Bodl. 240.
See above, p. 333. v and u somewhat
I
have standardized the spelling of the copyist,

4 8r
who
uses
arbitrarily.
462
corpora quo uita patris continetur contestantia uocabula uirorum fidelium uelim constringi, hoc tamen agam ut hac epulari pagina conpingantur
et excellenciora
precedant miracula, uel eciam subsequantur.

l
Quoniam
hoc genus assercionis in uitas patrum describendas seruarunt, ut singulos nominatim ponerent per quos acceperant que scriptitabant, et michi facile credibile uidetur homines uita bona preditos
pauci
facere posse
admodum
quod deus
uoluerit,
sic
ut digestus est
ille
libellus
per
consilium amicorum remansit, imperii duntaxat

lato
tui effectu, ut dixi, trans-
et eos
ut
ad presentem paginam, ut ad hanc quoque mittas quosque infideles maxime, qui me finxisse mendacium suspicari maluerint. Igitur secundum ordinem procedam et primo posicione libri miraculo
proprios testes attribuam, et secundo suos, et sic de ceteris agam, ecce

illud, quod est de nouicio a monasterio recedente, quern patris dominus miserecorditer reduxit. Isti testes continuant Henricus prece sacerdotes et Radulphus et Robertus Beuerlacenses monachi et
primum
Diaconus,
f.
61 b.
alii
plures.
cognomento paruus et ipse monachus probatissimus, et Quod eciam miraculum michi uenerabilis pater Aldredus
1
expressit
non
quidem
tria
quasi
miraculum
propter
propter
suam
humiliinfirmifecit
tatem, set quasi

tatem.
quandam preclaram fortunam

ilia
meam
Sequuntur dominus, eodem existente abbate apud

talibus testibus
fulciuntur,
nobilissima miracula
que per ilium

Laurencium,
sanctum
que
domino
uidelicet
Gospatrico monacho et
Henrico presbitero et Radulpho paruo et aliis Post hec primum est quod pater sanctissimus per sompnum uidit de monacho suo crastina die uenturo ad portam monasterii
sacerdote nostro et
multis.
Rieuallensis et cito inter

fuere
testes
manus
eius morituro.
Huic
signo tot inter-
quot
illi
morienti assistebant
uisionem.
fratres,
quibus pater ante
monachi mortem
retulit
Ex
tres
dominum
uidelicet
Danielem
patrem
quibus tantum nominabo, meum, Galfridum sacristam,

succedit illud
Henricum Beuerlacensem.
Huic miraculo
cardiaca passione dure detentum, qui mutus fuerat

dei gratiam reddidit et loquentem.
1
quod fratrem effectus, sanum per
De
hoc signo testimonium perhibet
The practice of authenticating miracles with a list of witnesses was frequently adopted about this time, doubtless in order to avoid such criti as that of which Walter Daniel complains. Jocelin's life of St. Waldef and the various descriptions (edited by Raine in the His: 210)
the
Church of York)
of
the miracles wrought at the
tomb
of St.
Beverley, are cases in point. of course, that of St. Bernard
The most
;
important and see above, p. 468.
difficult
John of examp
APPENDIX B
idem
ipse qui pertulit
et
483
incomodum
Willelmus
dicitur
Beniamin, Martinus diaconus conseruus meus
et per patrem sensit remedium, et Ruffus monachus et sacerdos, et
in
domino
et
amicus carissimus.
Porro
testes miraculi subsequentis hii sunt,
Radulphus de Rodewella
meritis
et
sacerdos et bene monachus, et Radulphus paruus, et conuersus opilio

noster qui duobus diebus loqui
recepit.
non ualens
testimonium
patris
loquelam
est
Nam
de
se reddit ipse
scimus quia uerum
testimonium
eius.
Est autem Argarus
nomen
eius.
Miraculum quod
uiri
huic subicitur est de adolescente qui, tactus dolore intolerabili intrinsecus

et uelut in extremis positus,
ad tactum
et
benedictionem venerabilis
fratres
continuo conualuit.
Huic
signo interfui et nonnulli
nostri
mecum, ex quibus duos assumam

trium
stet
in testimonium ut in ore
duorum
uel
omne uerbum
nostrum.
Et unus quidem
erit
Arnaldus noster
quondam
cellerarius, alter
uero
Thomas
Eboracensis diaconus bone uite
adolescens et sancte
filius
conuersationis.
Sane de miraculo quod
sequitur nolo nominatim testes producere, quia non expedit, quia potest fieri ut non sit mortuus abbas ille, de quo continetur, propter quod
uidetur esse,
cum tamen de
et
illo ita
si
euenerit
quomodo
et
in libro scriptum
habetur.
Illud
Istud miraculum uel,
ita
placet dici, similitudinem miraculi.

laruali
effigie
f.
de rana deglutita
set
homine monstruoso
61
c.
deturpato,
liberate,
per venerabilem patrem sanato et a periculo mortis
subsequi certum constat.

uidelicet
De
quo plane signo

et
certificando
uir
testes presto sunt veraces,
Robertus supportarius noster,

in
bonus
f rater
et optimus,
et
Henricus Beuerlacensis
Baldricus conuersus
uiri
probatus in multis et pene innumerabiles
Galwadia.
Ceteris omnibus que sequntur interfui ego ipse, excepto

uidi
raptum
in corpore,
an extra corpus nescio,
quod eum non deus scit, ad mellifluas
uisiones et inenarrabiles, nisi
quod
ipse michi secreto retulit tales se uisus
degustasse,
carne
si
quorum comparacione in oblectacione dulcedimis quod in quoquomodo existeret penitus obliuisceretur, et omnia temporalia ulla essent omni modo ignoraret. Credant ergo qui uoluerint et qui
utrumque noluerint utrumque contempnant et scripsi de patre filius, dum tamen aduertant semper
uoluerint legant, et qui
ea despiciant que
ignobiles animos degeneres parturire affectus, resque ueritate signatas non aliter approbare quam falsas, id est, iudicio iniuste indignacionis non
equi libra examinis.

1
Poterat sufficere ad credulitatem fidelium cordibus
Below,
f.
70
d, p. 51
1,
and above, pp. 462, 470.
32
484
quod
dixi

me non
nisi
;
que uideram vel que

at prelati
alii
conspexerant et michi
retulerunt scripsisse
duo
illi
nisi testata
non capiunt argu-
mentacione
crimen
et
uirtus
uerborum puplica proclamacione prolatorum, tanquam una fidei facilitate fulciantur, ut hoc et illud parem
agnicionis discrecionem admittant,

lucis
cum
uirtus utique uelut similitudo
ex
sui
qualitate sese conspicabilem preheat eciam dormitantibus

vicii
oculis,
crimen autem
colore uestitum
tanquam
!
figura
tenebrarum
intelligit ?
non
facile uideri ualeat,
sicut
scriptum
est
est
Delicta quis
si
Quicumque
igitur
quod uerum
credere contempnit,
honesti
se
tamen
habuerit lucem
quod predicatur, ipse quidem tenebrosum
monstrat
auditorem qui luminis imaginem non agnoscit.

agnosceret
Nam
si
lux esset lucis
membrum quod
est
verum, quia
similia similibus familiarem
conspectum prestare consuerunt. Malus autem mali causam tuetur ut suam. Et facilius credit huiusmodi horrorem tenebrarum lucis fulgorem
induisse,
quam naturam
prelati,
luminis perseuerasse
neggligentes
sit
quod
fuerat.
Prothpudor
omnibus
non credunt
peperisse,
f.
prelati,
merita
in
sancti
miracula
cum non
:
difficile
patri
luminum
|
quod
61 d.
uoluerit generare, credentibus
que
christus
promittat- opera eius ad-
mirantibus
maiora
hiis
facietis.
Qui autem
operantur.
faciunt credunt.
At qui bona non facit non credit. Non autem credere non possunt que
Mali
igitur
Boni ergo maliue actio fidem recipit uel contempnit. Non itaque mirum si tales subsannant facta bonorom.
uirtutibus patris nostri.
titubant
accomodare fidem
3
Tuum
testium
4
:
est prorsus
repugnare
nolentibus obaudire.
Oppone turbam
temeritati
eorum
Dicito Intellectus et conuince ignauiam hesitare non gratiam. enim non faciunt bonum intelbonus omnibus facientibus eum. Quia
lectum, non intelligunt rectum.
Quid autem
uiuentibus
rectius
quam
ut
intelli-
gamus
sobrie
et pie et
iuste
a deo dari
'
uirtutis
opera
tu, ergo, Siquidem omni habenti dabitur et habundabit. tibi enim loquor, tu inquam crede me scripsisse ea tantum que pater mi, uidi et audiui de patre meo, nee plane omnia uerum et nonnulla pre-
Rectissime
termisi relacione dignissima.
De quorum
tibi
eciam multitudine hie iam

diffido.
in
hac epistola quatuor ponam que
placere non
'Ps.
-
xviii.,
v.,
13.
Joh.
:;
12
Qui
credit in
me
opera, quae ego facio, et ipse faciet et

'"
maiora horum
faciet.
MS.
repungnare.
*M.S. testum.
Matt,
xiii.,
12.
APPENDIX
Igitur
B
et ecce
485
aduenit ad
filius
infantulus
iacebat in cunis
Aldredus
domum
carnem
N.L., I., 41 II 544 545
patris eius archidiaconus

1
quidam nomine Willelmus

et
Thole
uir preclare gratie.
Erat autem idem propinquus Aldredi secundum

patrem.
Is
et
intrans in
illius in
multum quoque matrem eius dilexit domum, ut dixi, ubi Aldredus iacebat
ergo
in cunis, uidet
faciem
tantum
sibi
speciem solis conuersam et splendidissimis choruscare radiis et mutuasse luminis, ut sue manus apposite umbra succederet
a parte auersa,
infantis
cum
in
piano palme quod respondebat ad faciem

fulgore
quasi
Solaris
lucis
splendescere
paruuli
uideretur,
ut
tamque
in
serenus innotuit intuentis
aspectibus
uultus
tanquam
speculo in
hoc
sui perfecte
imaginem
Fit
intueretur.
refert
Miratur
homo nouura
in
felicitatis
solem exortum in domo, parentibus

nati sui facie sibi apparuisse.
incomparabilem gloriam
gaudium audientibus hec et
ilium in matura etate
exordia in primordiis Aldredi pululasse intelligentes exultant. Affirmant hominem uirtutis esse futurum cui tarn eminens
gratia in etatula infancie arrisisse.
Hec
hec
pater Aldredi narrauit

intelligibilem
illi,
hec mater, hec

etatem,
fratres
retulerunt
accepi,
cum ad
ab
peruenisse
audierunt,
hec
ab
ore
illius
eo
et
alii
Radulfus de Rodewell, Henricus Beuerlac, Radulfus paruus ceterique
quam plures. Verum et cum puerulus esset ad modum paruulus rediens a ludo quern habuit cum coetaneis suis in locis publicis paternum
|
f.
62
a.
ingreditur domicilium.
edicis
Quern
ille,
pater intuens
eia,
inquit,
2
fili,
quales
obiit, N.L.,
I.,
rumores
Et
archiepiscopus
auditis
Eboracensis
hodie
41
pater mi.
cum uniuersa familia et lepida urbanitate Aldredi uaticinium commendans vere, fili, ait, ille obiit qui male uiuit. Et puer aliter iste, pater, nam carne solutus ultimum
Ridet
hiis
:
homo
:
hodie uale
fecit
mortalibus.
Ad
hec stupefacti omnes qui audiere,

et
mirantur pueri
animum
circa talia
occupatum
de absentibus indicare
uelut prophetando, cupiuntque transitum antistitis

fuisse, ut annunciantis
quodam modo iam

Set quia locus ubi
uerbum
eis
consistat in uero.
archiepiscopus obiit ab
exitus
longo prophecie, nee eo die nee altero
distabat
itinere
pendet
in
dubio
ulla
certitudinis
auctoritate
roboratur.
1
At
in
tercio Celebris
rumor per prouinciam
uolitat, fertur
the William,
2
have suggested above (p. 339 n.) that this archdeacon was probably named Havegrim, who was present at the translation of the book of St. Cuthbertin 1104.
1
Thomas
II.,
who
died
at
Beverley,
29 February, 1114.
Above,
p.
340.
486
passim
et

per omnes pontificis transitus, tuncque qui ante ridebant
flere incipiunt et lamentari,
quod puer Aldredus predixerat

ilia
illi
non quia
dicunt
prophetauit sed quia papa occubuit.

qui hanc rem eum
predixisse
Nam
de Aldredo dulcissimo
aduiuicem
illi
:
cognosciunt
hex:
Quid putas puer
iste erit ?
etenim dominus
reuelauit.
Et
pater eius repletus gaudio conseruabat hoc

ferens in corde suo.
Qui Aldredo
facto
quod de eo dicebatur, conmonacho ueniens Rieuallem
hoc ipsum plurimis fratribus loci eiusdem dulcissimum duxit indicare. Et ipse pater noster Aldredus uenerabilis Radulfo de Rodwell et
Radulfo breuis stature

N.L., I.. 41 1 1.. 547-548, al- . most verbatim, HI
;
et michi
de hoc a parentibus audisse professus
est.
Porro
,,
in
hospicio Rieuall'
.
i
cellam nomciorum tale quid Ignis ualidus accensus in ede ilia porrexit perpurentes flamme globos, primo usque ad trabes, dein eciam usque ad laquearium iuncturas
superiores,
et ita
-j
cum esset pridie antequam reciperetur j jper eum dominus operan dignatus est.
seuiens
vehementer preualebat ut culmen
edificii in
momento consumere
ad
crederetur.
Fit in abbathia lacrimabilis ululatus,
velox concursus conuersorum

illud genus infortunii, qui
monachorum mercenariorum hospitumque
subuenire credebant, uti

uino,
alii
omnes modis omnibus, quibus tante miserie Alii aquis, alii pro necessitate non cessarunt.
liquoribus ceteris edacissima incendia temperare conabantur.
Set quanto plus desudabant sedare liquidis calida tanto plus in aridis
et
f.
humida consumebantur.
quia
inaniter
|
Unde
desperacio tandem
cum
dolore
l
62 b
comitatur,
tantarum
conamina
indicionum
ceteris
im-
penduntur. sedebat in latere australi eiusdem domicilii.

perturbacione dicerent, ue nobis ue nobis,
subridens apprehendit
"
Aldredus autem eadem hora cum
ad mensam
Qui
utique in
set
omni
singuli
ilia
non
est
motus corpore uel animo non est ultra spes, ille cum
cum
uirili
grauitate
ciphum qui coram eo ponitus
fuerat in
mensa
et
plenus anglicis poculis et cum fiducia miserationis domini lenauit eum extensa dextera siceram quam continebat uasculum illud projecit in
et,
medio flammarum
inundarum
fratres.
ibi
mirum
y
dictu, statim conciderunt et uelut
mare
extincte sunt.
qualis tune exultacio inter pauperes
O quam
Huic
rei
dominus Gualo
solempnis laus ad deum, qualis deuocio in Alredum. interfuit, que tanta eius cordi quoque admira-
cione adhesit, ut hucusque concepti stuporis impressa uestigia obliuionis

"
N.L.,
II.,
547
moliminum.
N.L,
N.L.
angelicis potibus ".
End
of
passage
in
APPENDIX B
incuria obliterare
487
1
Et ut per quatuor quater huius continencia epistole insinuare studeo Alredum nostrum per omnes etatis gradus, quos attigit, uirtutis dedisse indicia, et sicud hoc predicto
non
possit.
miraculo ignis ualidissimi sedauit incendium, ita et sequenti addiscas eum eciam aque fluidam substantiam a cursu proprio suspendisse,
queso paucis aduerte.

2 Galwadiam pergens ante duos annos quam de corpore migraret, peruenit Dundrenan,* sic enim uocatur abbathia quam ibi fratres RieualF construxerunt, et in eodem loco mansit diebus sex seu
In
septem.
At quoniam
ilia
in terra ilia patriote casas pastorales et tuguria
uilissima pocius
quam domos
uel quadrata edificia inhabitant, et abedificare officinas regulares, in

suis fratribus
bathia
parum ante ceperat
parua
domuncula dominum abbatem cum
deuotissime collocarunt.
In cuius domatis angulo lectisternia patris ministri strauerunt et
quam
Set quia sedulo potuerunt, in quo quiete pausaret, lectum parauerunt. statim etiam ut tenuosissimam pluuiam de nube descendere contigisset
furtiua
fratres
detursione huius
totum solebat madid are

iniuriam
pauimentum, timuerunt
uenerabilem
indebita
inquietacionis
uirum
lam ne duorum quidem pedum spacium per tectum domus eiusdem ab imbrium infusione quin instillaret minime seruabatur. dormiuit ibidem Set postquam Alredus
molestia perurgere debuisse.
pluuiarum decursus a
super aliorum
largiter
solitis latrociniis cohibiti
defecerunt, et quamuis
ingens et fere continuus fieret per illos sex dies
descensus imbrium et
omnium
cubilia, qui
cum eo
in
specu
illo
quiescebant,
influerent
per dissipati culminis hiatus latissimos,

patris uel
nunquam
uide-f. 62
c.
tamen tanto tempore super lectum

agnoscitur
licet
illius
una quidem guttula

ecclesie
cecidisse.
|
Quod postquam
et ceteri
fratres
uiri
aduertunt,
prepositus,
supra
quam
credi potest ad-
mirantes non ob aliud

fieri
quam ob
sanctitatem
arbitrantur, ut
aqua sue nature

et
obliuisceretur,
liquiditatis,
Deo gratissimam que, cum sit fluida
et humiditate
labilis
ponderose
cursum debitum non
teneret sed
uacuum foraminum
4
subter se patencium contorta deriuanouitatis
cione declinaret.
1
Nam
ut pro certo tota huius
mirabilis
The
writer
is
describing miracles from infancy, childhood, youth, and

for other visits,
old age.
-
For the date, see above, p. 480 and, See above, p. 462. This type of miracle is very common.
;
below
p.
512.
"
Jocelin's
Life of St. Kentigern,"
c.
35, ed. Forbes,
For a more startling story, see The Historians of Scot-
land, V., 221 (Edinburgh, 1874).
488

et
mutacio merita commendaret Aldredi

cordibus
fratrum, quin
extunc
facta
nil
dubii resideret in
loci
ad
eius
gloriam
fuisset
predicti
desiccatio singularis, statim
postquam stramenta patris exinde sublata

ibi
sunt et celum
dedit pluuias,
ubi dormierat, sicut alibi per
omne
pauimentum
ipsius edis,
more
solito dissipate stipule disiunctiua reflexio
aquarum
infestas copias infundere
non
cessauit.
stud
delectabile
miraculum
ueritatis testimonio sufficienter corroborat
dompnus Walterus
Walteri
facta sunt, in
monachus noster
et
sacristes,
illo,
quondam autem
quo hec
functus
in
;
capellanus
Espec, qui etiam tempore
de Dundrenan prioratus
enarrare.
licet
officio
Galwagia rem quam
domo
uidit fideliter solet
alium hoc ipsum contestantem Ogerum, uideRieuallie filium et testem fidelissimum. Dabo et tercium Henriet
scilicet
Habemus
cum,
Beuerlacensem, uirum eque amabilem et ueracem. Ecce habes epistolam, onustam quidem littera, sed non uenustam
eloquencia, non
auream
uel deauratam, sed ferream et deargentatam,

et
eciam
miraculis
licet
gemmatam
testium
astipulacione
confirmatam.
Que
iam hie congrue
finiretur,
ante tamen duobis amicis meis
breuiter respondere
hendendum
uixisse in
temperabo equidem simplicissimus, qui me repreputarunt, quod Alredum nostrum quasi monachum
Regis Scocie ab primo inuentutis
faciem
flore
curia
asseuerare
uoluerim.
O ignaros homines rethorice discipline que splendore colorum

figuris
artis delectabiliter
?
suorum sub multimodis

illuminat.
specificando
Nam
quid
cause
pretendunt
Idcirco
uidelicet
quod
Alredus eodem tempore uirginitatem suam aliquociens deflorauerit talem hominem a me non debuisse monacho comparari. Ego autem illo in loco non de castitatem Alredi sum locutus sed de humili-
commendaui nomine monachi, non lasciuiam introDe uiciis tacui, duxi. Triticum ostendi, non lolium predicaui. uirtutes insinuaui. Et quando, queso, frumentum nichil habebit acuris ?
tate.
Hanc
itaque
f.
62
d.
Sic
nemo mundus
res tola
ibi
a sorde, nee infans cuius est

rethorica
diei unius uite super
terrain.
Est autem figura
quam
uero
appellatur per que Hac parua ex parte cognoscitur aut de toto pars.
ut
intellectio
nomine monachi Alredo designarem, de toto astruens partem, uocans eum monachum, non quia castus tune ad
usus
sum
set
modum
fuerit,
quia ualde humilis.
Humilitas
et castitas proprie
monachum
1
faciunt.
Et quoniam
sine humilitate
bonus nunquam est
So
the
MS.
for accris, genitive of <icus (Columella, Pliny, etc.).
APPENDIX B
monachus
et res tota
489
parua ex parte cognoscitur, nee per hoc dicendi sed landibiliter seruatur, bene pro humili monachum regula infringitur Et hoc inquiunt dixi, male ergo uituperauerunt me amici mei isti.
quod
ut
in libello tuo
thus
redoluisse
corpus Alredi defuncti luxisse ut carbunculum et professus es ? non satis caute posuisti, immo
regulariter,
at rusticis et idiotis aliter

licet
Talpa nempe Et amici mei

causa.
non immerito oportuit uideri. oculos non habet solis tamen radios reformidat.
offendere in
ceci
lumine non erubescunt.
Etenim
superlacio est oracio superans ueritatem alicuius augendi minuendiue
Hoc
colore mater sapiencia in pittura eloquencie
cum
ceteris
artificiose operatur.
Hinc
est illud
Henrici dicentis cuius ore sermo
melle dulcior profluebat.

forciores.
Et
in libris nostris, aquilis uelociores leonibus
Illudque in uita beati Martini, uitro purior lacte candidior.

!
O hebetes
res
note
iste
non sunt
notabiles,
immo
plane commendabiles,
magnas commendantes et stultos reprehensores irritantes. Quid enim ? Alredi corpus num mihi non luxit cum lauaretur defunctum ?
Vere
lux nobis omnibus qui affuimus.

si
At quomodo
Plus multo
quam
carbunculus
sic
affuisset.
est,
redolebat,
nobis uisum
Quod eciam super odorem thuris Nee mirum. sic sensimus omnes.
carnem
sic
Nunquam
ille
enim antea
in uita sua
1
candidam
gessit
pulcher
et
decorus
scrupulo
cuiuslibet
Dico sine quomodo quando iacebat defunctus. mendacii nuncquam ego tarn candidam carnem uidi alterius uiui uel defuncti. Ignoscite ergo michi quod rem incomlicita
parabilem
superlacione merito magnificaui.
Alioquin auctores
eloquencie stoliditatem
uestram
publica
redargucione
te,
Ego
finis
interim
parco
uobis.
Et hoc propter
dampnabunt. domine mi pater

tui
Maurici, ne prolixitas epistole intencionem exasperet animi
sitque
protractus onerosus auribus occupatis. Igitur ecce iterum ad te uenio. Libenter audi, nam breuiter dicam miracula patris Alredi.
Magna
sunt,
bene
et
nosti.
Si
magna non
fusca
est
;
essent
nemo
|
minderet.
;
Et
f.
enim splendida
nostri.
gloriosa,
Sit
non
ita
et
despica
bilia
emulacio
63
a.
sequitur inuidencie.
Set miracula et
perfectam caritatem
magna patris Set magna habere possunt homines mali. habuit Alredus boni possident soli. Si quam
nichil
ita ?
sunt miracula
habuerim
omnem
fidem, ait apostolus, ita ut monies transferam, cari-
tatem autem non habuero,

1
michi prodest."
Quis non dicat

2
1
The same
use of
quomodo
at the foot of
f.
63
a.
Cor.
xiii.
2.
490

esse
magnum
miraculum transferee montes
Et tamen
licet
sine caritate
pro nichilo reputatur quicquid

suspendere molem
dulcis,
homo
fecerit,
possit
uno
digito
uniuerse terre.
res utique
res amabilis,
cionis eterne suauitatis.
describit
apostolus,
id
Ergo que nunquam caret fructu remuneraHanc habuit Alredus et talem certe qualem est, benignam, pacientem, non inflatam, non
1
caritas res mirabilis est, res
agentem perperam, non querentem que sua sunt sed que Christi Jhesu. Habitum ego miser monachi porto, ego tonsus, ego cucullatus, ego
talis
loquor, ego dico contestor confirmo iuro in eo
autem
uiro, qui est
ueritas, Christo
Domino
fuisset
nostro,
mirerer
si
or
iiij
suscitator
ego caritatem Alredi plus miror quam mortuorum. Rideant auditores mei,
epistolam
in
derideant
sermonem meum,
proiciant
ignem,
quod
uoluerint agant, ego in hoc perseuero et perseuerare

caritas
me
spero, quia
Alredi
omnem
superauit miraculi nouitatem,

ficta
quam
habuit ex
corde puro et consciencia bona et fide non

diffinicionem."
secundum apostolicam
Et ut breui quasi argumento probem

narratiunculam
filii
me
sentire bene,
audi,
mi
pater,
tui
perspicuam
quamdam
pro-
ferentem caritatis imaginem.

N.L,,
i.,
Quodam
torcione
tempore pacificus Alredus, laborans passione colica et calculi, super nattam uetustissimam stratam secus focum
limiauit miserabiliter doloriferos artus, et quasi
membrane
folium iuxta
ignem appositum totum corpus in tantum contorsit, et inter genua capud Etenim incomoditas saeuissima urgebat prorsus habere uideretur. eum et dum lenire putabat dolorem per calorem prope modum linguam
flamme liniatum lambere corpusculum crederes. quiniscit nunc hac, nunc iliac, ego filius cum patre
mestus ad
sic
Ita
ergo
dum
con-
solus affui sedens
modum,
quia
tristis
anima mea conturbauerat me, nee tamen
dolebam mentis proprie acutissimum stimulum quomodo patris incomodum. Nobis igitur solis duobus in domo consistentibus ecce
f.
63
b.
quo Fremens itaque crudeliter et dentibus frendens apprehendit utrisque manibus latus unum natte cum patre qui desuper certe centum iacebat, et excuciens utrumque totis uiribus, uirum
iacebat
quidam epicurus monachus iratus utique criminaliter aspectu motu turpissimo, ingrediens ad nos uenit usque ad locum
|
taurino,
in
Alredus.
monachorum
ignem,
patrem
in
fratrumque
proiecit,
laicorum
quingentorum,
dicens,
tarn
in
quam
1
cineres,
clamans
f
et
O
5.
miser, ecce,
Cor.
xiii.
4, 5.
Tim.
i.
APPENDIX B
modo
que
te occido,
491
uanissime,
modo te morte dura perdo. stultissime, amodo non erit quod

Ego hec
Quia
hie iaces fictissime,
menciaris, quia
nunc
uti-
morieris.
respiciens contabui et patris periculum

et
non
paciens, concepi
cepi
hominem per barbam

I lie
ardorem indignacionis contra tirannum consurgens uolens uicem reddere in momento durissime,
gigas corporali
temporis.
autem
mole
in
me
post patris iniuriam
insurgebat et ego, quia uiuacis animi eram et magni cordis, resistebam

uiriliter
et
conatus
iniquitatis
retardabam.
Inter
hec
monachi
lupum super ouem stantem, immo pastorem inuadentem et quasi dentibus discindentem et ore deuorantem crudeliter. Ut autem uiderunt, contabuerunt et zelo accensi uoluerunt
ueniunt
et inueniunt
inicere
caritatis
manus
in
filium
pestilencie,
et
ait
:
set
pater oblitus infirmitatis et

nolite,
memor
precepit
Nolite,
spoliare.
films
queso,
nolite,
filii,
patrem uestrum tunica paciencie sum lesus, turbatus non sum, quia
meus
Non sum commotus, non est qui me proiecit in

meus
est set infirmus
ignem
est.
et
per hoc purgauit, non peremit.
Filius
Et ego quidem corpore non sum sanus, sed sanauit

ille,
me
in
anima
Itaque
infirmus
quia beati pacifici quoniam

eius
uir
filii
dei uocabuntur. deosculatur,
apprehendens caput
beatissimus
benedicit,
amplectitur, et quasi doloris nil sensisset ex infirmitate corporea nulla-
que mestitudine tangeretur ex

miraculis
iussit
illata iniuria, ita dulciter linire
studuit
furorem irascentis in se sine causa.

!
caritas
hominis multis maior
Non
iussit
eum
a monasterio expelli, non uerberari, non
quasi freneticum ligari uel
uel uerbo increpatorio patitur a
compede constringi, non eum denique quoquam conueniri. Quia ruguit in

uoluero,
persona
mea
peccauit,
ego,
cum
uindicabo, sed ego nun-
quam
quia caritas in patre uestro
non
est
destruenda, set per talia f. 63

erimus.
c.
pocius perficienda iugiter usque in finem, et
sic salui
Quando
non, ubi non, cui non placet
ista tarn
perfecta caritas que, a
minore tarn
grauiter exulcertata, talionem

dilectionis insigne,
non
reddit,
immo quod
ut sciant
est perfectissime
Ista,
pro temeritate beneficium impendit.

illis
mi pater
merito
Maurici, lege, queso, duobus prelatis
Alredum
miracula perpetrasse, qui tales protulit fructus in caritate, iureque fecisse uirtutes qui tarn extitit benignus ad sibi subiectos fratres. Et reuera
cencies et iterum tociens exemplis huiusmodi formam uite sue decentissime subornauit cocci bis tincti * mirabiliter ille artifex. Hanc uero
MS.
cocti bis tincti.
The
phrase
is
scriptural, e.g.
Exodus xxv.
4.
492

libelli
epistolam ad capud
uelut
nostri
deorsim quidem apposui ut ad earn
ad capitula quedam recurratur maxime cum opus fuerit rerum Ora pro me pater mi. gestarum testes nominatim producere.
[In the
MS.
the
life
follows the letter to Maurice without a break.
the chief facts are given in the summaries printed in Horstmann's edition of the Legenda, I have not given the text in full. All
As
Nwa
passages throwing light on Ailred's personality or adding definite information about him are given, also Walter Daniel's comments on the
monastic
matters.
life,
I
the true methods

all
of
theological
study,
and
similar
have omitted nearly
the detailed descriptions of Ailred's
miracles, as they
do
not, as a rule, contain
anything of particular interest

I
which cannot
easily
find
parallels
elsewhere.
have added
clearly
the
numbers and headings

63
to the chapters,
which are
marked by
illuminated capitals in the

f.
c.
[I.
Prefatory letter to Virorum dulcissimo abbati H. suus

quidem pater noster obiit multorum animo insidet
et
MS.] Abbot H\
W.
Daniel, laborem et salutem.

lux matutina euanuit e terra
Quum
et quasi
nostra et
ut radius tanti luminis refundatur
ad
memoriam
illuminacionem futurorum,
et
immo
eciam
et
quorundam
presencium quibus ipsum lumen emicuit in fulgore suo, non possum, fateor tibi, in hac re sensus mei rationem et scienciam denegare, cuius
debeo pro uiribus parere preceptis et maxime in caritatiua iussione que non sine uexatione anime poterit preteriri. Bene dicitur Pre uictima
:
Ad hanc pinguium arietum oblationem. nihilominus tuam intentacionem accedit et imminet recens patris " abscessio que nos ultro prodire prouocat, obedire iubet, et tuis
est
obediencia
et
ante
ammonet parere mandatis.

discriminis,
At
mea
quid faciam miser inter has ambages

stringunt et constringunt affectum et
ille
que
sic
latera
?
uoluntatem retundunt
Nam
hec uera tantum tenere suadet.
quidem Sed quid ?
plus cupit
quam
potest,
Oret pro
me
paternitas
tua et tuorum deuocio filiorum suis

ueris
ff.63d-64b.
[II.
meo
.
.
.
astipuletur conatui precibus et
uincam opinionem multorum.
Ailred's youth at
King Davids
court \
Igitur pater noster in
puericia mirabilis fuit et fere uirum fecit prenisi

.
clarum cum minusculam etatem ageret, uirtutem ubi uicium esse non potuit.
.
quod ibi habuit maiorem Licet enim seruicium domini

in
Kings
xv., 22.
Ailred died
January,
167.
APPENDIX B
sui, regis
493
utique magni, secundi David,

uitis
Regis Scocie, talem puerum,
tarn
egregium florem
uere, teneret in seculo, in celo
tamen mente
ac uoluntate conuersabatur, et iam plane infantulus fecisset ne ulla ex

tern pore parte seruiret mundo, nisi tarn pure sanctitatis domino pro . in quibusdam deseruire uoluisset. Denique uitam prefati Regis f.
.
.
|
64*a.
luculentissimo
stilo
composuit
sicut
est
ita
postmodum declarabimus.
quo
tanto
amore complexus
omnibus
ut
ut
eum
faceret
magnum
in
domo
sua et in palacio gloriosum,

plurimis et
rebus preesset multis, mancipiis
palatinis quasi dominus alter et secundus princeps haberetur, egrediens et ingrediens ad imperium regis, in uniuersis fidelis, bonis tamen familiaris et cum amore gratus, malis uero terribilis et cum
dilectione
uestros," et
seuerus.
Jam enim
".
non dissimulabat
saluos
illud
tune adimplebat "

:
"
:
diligite
inimicos
omnia omnibus
factus
sum
et
ut
N.L.,
2"
I.,
omnes facerem
Unde Rex uehementer amabat eum,

nisi
magis
41,
ac magis de die in diem ad altiora prouehere cogitabat in tantum ut 545
eum
episcopatu nobilitasset primario terre sue,
ad cisterciensem
*
religionem cicius aduolasset.

regalis et preter ilium nichil
Erat tamen
cum eo echonomus
foris,
domus
agebatur intus uel

delinquens.
placens et in nullo
unquam
...
In tantum
omnibus per omnia enim seruebat
spiritum, in regali triclinio positus, ut magis

secularis potencie et
est
et
pompatici ministerii
staret
monachus 4 putaretur quam officialis discipulus. Hinc

. . .
quod sepe dum
coram Rege ad prandium

unicuique
in
fercula distribuens
particiones diuidens ciborum uiritim

5
conuescencium
|
f.
64
b.
prout uolebat, ut primor
hac parte, uidelicet mense

obliuiscens exteriora et
regalis dapifer
summus,
cogitans,
inter
prandendum
per
que futura sunt
quasi
agoniam raptus ad superos,

In uestimentis
uentrium negocia
obliuiscerctur.
...
quoque
et
ornatibus corporis taliter
incedebat comptus et coopertus ut nulla superfluitas notaretur in superficie uel uane glorie seu cupiditatis affectus, prognosia quadam ueraci
future uite sue prophetans laudabilem paupertatem.
1
the chapter on
The rest of ( Ailred s virtues is summarized in N.L., //.,

.
Below,
\
f.
70
"
b.
"The summary
Walter's text
:
in
the
in curia
Bury MS. contains a sentence not found Dauid regis Scocie, cum Henrico filius regis
".
in
et
Waltheno postmodum abbate de Melros, nutritus fuit et educatus See above, pp. 336, 343. II., 545, 11. 20-21). 3 4 See above, p. 343. Above, p. 471 5 So MS. for primus or primoris.
.
(N.L.,
494
N.L.. I..4I.
II.

story of the scurrilous knight who attacked Ailre d\ Erat enim quidam durus et rigidus ualde stolidique cordis
[III.
The
30-42, 1. i. II., 545-546.
et
penitus exercebat insignia et
indomabilis
qui
satis
militaris
quidem
discipline
nomine tenus
malum.
uiribus et crudelitate proficiebat in
Hie
insaniens contra
iuuenem eo quod a rege pre omnibus amaretur,

palacio, utpote inuidens et frendens dentibus
omnibusque
ille infelix
placeret in
super hiis que uidebat, gratie donis quibus decorabatur noster adeo ut tanquam pater a militaribus ceteris coleretur, ueneraretur Joseph
et
f.
solempniter publice et priuatim precipuus predicaretur, cepit perille
64
c.
sequi uirum uirtutis uir

inflacione sua
insurgit in
et
graui
odio insectari.
.
|
Tandem
commotus
et agitatus rancore miles et

;
malus magno impetu

et aulice fre-
bonum hominern
benignum, rege presente

sicque oracionis
L
quencie solempni comitatu
principio
galeam
im-
pudencie
illis
innectit ut spurcissimis
uerbis et horrorem concucientibus

militis
qui audiebant, meretricis
non
litem et luxuriam redolerent,
dicens et contestans indignum esse

regio uultui assistere, tante glorie
hominem regales dispensare diuicias, nomen et laudem optinere. Addit

uerborum ne
ad hec quedam que
silencio pretermitto propter fetorem
fedent os nostrum et aures audiencium, euomens contra electum
Domini
et future felicitatis {Ailred treated this attack with such humility and generosity that the knight was abashed and finally
heredem.
King Davids regard for Ailred was sought forgiveness. creased and he was admitted into his confidence in important
f.
64
d.
matters.
siliarii,
facit.
Congruit eciam eius nomini interpretatio magni conquod, uersum in latinum totum consilium uel omne consilium " " Aired Etenim anglicum est, illudque quod diximus ex.
.
.)
primit in latino.
f.
65
65
a.
[IV.
f.
b.
Ailreds desire for the cloister\ Ailred's journey to York where he hears of Rievaulx\ [V.
'
N.L..II.. 546-547.
Paulo post namque in partes Eborace ciuitatis pro quodam negocio deueniens ad Archiepiscopum eiusdam diocesis," didicit a quodam
familiarissimo
3
sibi
rumore laudabili quosdam monachos ferme ante

in
duos annos ex transmarinis partibus uenisse

1
Angliam, mirabiles
So
read the
MS.
Some words seem
to
have been omitted by the
copyist.
Archbishop Thurstan. Perhaps Waldef, who about Kirkham.

3
"
this
time had been elected prior of
APPENDIX B
quidem
et religione insignes, uestituque albos
et
495
of the chapter, describing the Cistercian rule foundation near Helmsley is stimmarized in the
The rest and Walter Especs

nomine.
(
Bury MS.
N.L.,
potum
5^6-5^7, but the following passage is much abbreviated. ) Panem libra, Omnia illis constant pondere, mensura et numero.
If.
,
.
Si cenauerint f emina, olus et faba conficiunt pulmenta duo. partes prelibatorum iterum in publicum veniunt, excepto quod pro coctionibus binis quedam si affuerunt succedunt nascencia leguminum.
|
65
c.
Singuli et cincti lectis
hieme nunquam quod non loquuntur
repausant minus habentes.

simul,
suis,
cuculla
et
tunica
estate
uel
Nichil possident proprium preter
nee propria quid quis aggreditur uoluntate.
Ad
nutum
1
prelati
excitata
que geruntur
simili
exitu
flectuntur
ad
Pusillus et magnus, puer et senex, prudens et ydiota una lege tenentur ad mensam, ad processionem, ad communionem usumque ordinum ceterorum. Personalitas idemptitatem parit, singulis
quelibet.
unam ipsamque omnibus
similem, nee est gratia

3
quemlibet excepcionis
indicium preponderans equitati, nisi quern maior sanctitas aliis potuerit Sola hec distinccio digniorem approbat que nouerit dinoanteferre. scere meliorem. Quanto ergo quis humilior tanto et maior est inter
ill os.
Et quanto
abjectior fuerit
secundum estimacionem propriam,

5
tanto aliorum opinioni et arbitrio plus placebit.
Januas monasterii
sui
The
3 5
punctuation in N.L. differs from N.L. erga. The Bury text appears N.L. equitatem.
that of the to
4
MS.
quanta.
be better here.
MS.
Most
Benedict
of this passage is taken, sometimes verbatim, from the rule of St. or from the Cistercian constitutions. It may be compared with
Ailred's description in the Speculum Caritatis (P.L., CXCV., coll. 559In one of his sentences Walter Daniel wrote a eulogy of the Cistercian 560).
rule in
thiara
more general terms
"ordo
cisterciensis est ut
lampa
inter astra, ut
inter pontificalia, ut ephod Dauid inter regalia, ut urna aurea inter Dixit autem Dauid sponso de sponsa : tabernaculi testimonii uasa cetera.
astitit
Aaron
regina
dextris suis in uestitu deaurato circumdata uarietate.
Ita
pulchre sponse uarietas quasi uisibilibus distincta coloribus ; nitore colons albi albos cisterciensis ordinis monachos signare uidetur. Sicut enim uidetur.
Sicut enim color albus pre ceteris coloribus naturali
quadam
uenustate oculos
sectis,
mulcet intuentium,
ita
ordo
cisterciensis
pre ceteris professionum
pictura
egregia et spirituali, omnes in se recapitulat uirtutes in quo si quid minus habetur, hoc earum chatalogo certum est omnino deesse. Sciunt plane illi uera esse que dico, qui eumdem ordinem strenue custodiunt quomodo a
quadam
prioribus patribus in primordii sui est incoatus exordio. Ego eriam hec optime noui, quod professionis huius observatores perfect! pro uirtutum pulcher-
496

nisi
mulieres non ingrediunt, non accipitres, non canes
tales qui fre-
quenti latratu fares ab edibus abigere consuerunt.

et
Pestem indignacionis
omnem
plantacionem iracundie superbieque fumosas figuras e medio

nimia dileccione, quibus secundum actus apostolorum cor est et anima una spiritus sancti gratia et amore.
.
.
sui exsufflant
unum creatum
f.
65
d.
II..
[VI.
547.
N.L.,
Aih-ed leaves York for Helmsley.] Hucusque uir uenerabilis ab amico fabulam non
fictam sed factam

istos
audiens, et "eia," inquit,
"que
est
uia
que ducit ad
ait
ille,
si
angelicos
homines, ad hec loca celestia?"

iuxta te sunt et nescis,
"Noli,"
uehementer
"
".
"
turbari,
nam
"
facillimeque reperiri possunt
quesieris
O,
"
"
Jnquit,
desidero plane
multum
et
sitio
aspectum illorum et
Aggredere," refert ille, iter, sed prius ab archiepiscopo licenciam pete et accipe benedicionem eius, et post ante diei presentis occasum si uolueris, implebit deus desiderium
loci prefatas
opportunitates conspicari
tuum
".
Currit cicius ad presulem, cupiditate ductus futurorum, et

antistitis
recepta licencia et benediccione
ad hospicium concitus
recurrit,
equos ascendit nee

salutatos
nescit.
moram
innectit ingressui
domus, immo pene
in-
apud quos hospitabatur relinquens, iumenta urget ire quo Sed relator prefate fabule ilium post se cogit sequi et sic
noctem castellum introeunt
agitantibus caballis et ualde uelociter ante
In quo dum eos Helmesley, quod a loco distabat miliariis duobus. ouanter recepit uir nobilis et fundator illius cenobii Walterus Espec,
noctem illam cum eodem letam duxerunt.
quedam
preteritis
addens de
religione
Qui monachorum
et ipse
presencia
illorum humillimi,
Alredi spiritum magis ac magis gaudio accendebat inenarrabili.

[VII.
A i/red
to
enters Rj'ei'an/.v.
This chapter, like the

in the
last,
c,
is
summarized at some length

omission in the latter
is
Bury MS.
The
the fact that
Ailred did not
decide
become a
monk on
his first visit to Rievaulx, but mi the

to
following day, after he had begun his journey back

tland\
N.L.,
II.,
547.
Mane
nonnulli
igitur facto peregit
cum illis ueniunt.
pater cum eo ad monachos et uernaculi Occurrit prior, hospitalis et portarius, ducunt
ad orationem iuuenem
lacrimis faciem
abluentem
et cor
conterentem
rimos floras [sic] tricesimum et sexagesimum centesimumque faciunt fructum.

Sit
pax et veritas cum his omnibus usque v r Sentence, no. 97, f. 37 -38 .)
in
finem.
Amen."
(Centum
APPENDIX
humiliter in confessione domini.
. .
.
B
illo
497
die imperauit
Tamen non
animo locum ipsum eligere ad ibi manendum, sed remeans cum domino W. Espec ad castrum ante nominatum alteram in eo peregit noctem
priori
consimilem.
et
pluribus
post
Loquuntur simul qui dormitum est usque ad

|
aderant
illud
sumcienter
def. 66
a.
exortum
primo mane micando resplendet et lucifer appellatur. expergefactus a sompno ille tociens nominatus quatinus
frena suspendant.
stelle que Clamat iam
ministri equis
Sellas eciam superponant et alia equitancium in-
strumenta
componant.
arripuit
in
Waltero
iter
Quibus patratis uale faciens nobilissimo Scociam ad dominum suum regem. Quum
autem oportebat eum transire per montis supercilium qui descendebat in uallem monasterii de quo diximus, et ducebat ad portam illius, cum
uenisset illuc inflammatus calore spiritus sancti,
amore
uidelicet
domini
Jhesu, interrogauit quendam suorum, uocabulo amicum, utrum uellet descendere ad abbathiam et plenius quod pridie conspexerat contem-
(The event was decided by the desire of the companion to go down to the abbey, and Ailred became a monk, with one of
plari.
his company.}
[VIII.
Ailred in the prob atorium.\

igitur in hospicio
;
f.
66b.
1
Complete
probatorium
quaternario dierum numero recipitur inN.L.,11.,548.
ante tamen coram toto conuentu conuentus de proposito
quod spopondit et ibi quoque ut alibi responsis gratie que procedebant de ore illius omnes commouit in fletum. In probatorio uero non facile
dixerim qualiter
extitit.
Ibi
enim
terra in
aurum uersa
ilia et est
est.
Adhuc
famose
in carne superest qui

uir
ille,
eum
erudiuit in scola
2
religionis
iam Qui ad brauium, tamen interim dicat qualem uiderit iamque propinquet patrem nostrum amantissimum Alredum in probatorio noniciorum. Noli timere illud Die, senex, die, die de illo, dum uiuis, ueritatem.
uidelicet
Sartis.
licet senio lassatus
Simon
abbas de
ne laudes hominem
et porrexit
in
uita sua, quia iste
iam obdormiuit
in
domino
ad celum.
Vere,
inquit, socius
meus
fuit
non
discipulus et
Ergo, o tu bone senex, super te bene uixisse quern te in bono astruis meliorem. predicas (The re'St
industria magisterii uicit doctorem.
After the summary of the previous chapter, the story of the fire in the This was taken from the later letter guest house follows in the Bury MS. to Maurice. See above, p. 486. In his summary of Chapter VIII., the
compiler omits the references to Simon, a Above, p. 453.
Abbot
of Sards.
498

II.,
of the chapter, which is briefly summarized in N.L., with Ailred s virtues as a novice.}
66
c.
5^,
deals
[IX.
548.
Ailred makes his profession\
N.L.,
II..
Igitur
cum
orbita tocius anni uolueretur et
ad
sui
principium tempus
rediret et ipse
totum expendisset
in cella ubi Christi
probantur tirones,
beatus
ante altare, ut
professione
mos
est, in oratorio
coram omnibus uotum suum firmauit

sua
scripsit,
litterali,
1
quam
et
manu
ut
ammonet
Benedictus.
Deinde
uestitur stola sancta, cuculla uidelicet abbatica
benediccione sanctificata, et deinceps in congregacione reputatur. Et rufus erat ut Dauid, pulcher et decorus aspectu quoniam aliquantulum
inicia milicie
plurimum delectacionis intuencium oculis ingerebat. Qui tribus quoque monachatus decorabat insigniis, uidelicet sancta meditaExtra horum
cione, pura oracione, honesta exercitacione.
unum
re-
pertus est
nunquam.
In hiis delectabatur sicut in
omnibus
diuiciis.
Aut enim
utili
meditabatur in lege diuina aut
deum suum
circa
actioni
operam
dabat.
Primo autem
deprecabatur aut que meditacio illius
fuerat intenta propalemus.

ff.
66 <>67
b.
[X., XI,, XII. Meditation, prayer, work.
The nature of Walter

,
548-549.'
Daniefs
548-549'}
reflections
is
sufficiently indicated in N.L., II.
h 67
b.
[XIII.
General eulogy on Ailred as a monk, written in the nia

huiusmodi uirtutibus uictitans miles inuictus, qui
per
of the Centum Sententicz\

In hiis igitur et in
quasi
apis argumentosa
campos
uolitabat uirtutum,
cordis tribus impleuit speciebus, melle uidelicet oleo et butiro.
apothecam Et mel
dixerim contemplacionem quia celestia oblectamenta hauriebat, oleum

pietatem quia lucebat, biturum compassionem proximi quia pro eorum In con tempi acione mel sensit et peccatis preces ad deum fundebat.
gustauit per
dicitur
"
:
quam
gustatur et uidetur
et uidete
quam
suauis est dominus, sicut
Gustate
quam
suauis est
dominus
expertus est lucem miseracionis domini, quia sicut Comedit eciam butirum lucet, ita et pietas in miseracione resplendet.
Per pietatem oleum in superficie

"."
3
proximo compaciendo, quoniam

compassio
1
sicut
butirum ad ignem
liquescit
ita
in
proximi subuencione resoluta infirmam animam refrigerat.
Walter Daniel follows the constitutiones. See Guignard, Les moni4ments primitifs de la regie cistercienne, p. 220. 3 MS. buturum. Ps. xxxiii. 9.
APPENDIX B
Quod
propheta considerans
dicit
499
deo
"
:
'
Reraitte mihi ut refrigerer
prius quam abeam et amplius non ero." [XIV. Ailred and Abbot William.
The journey
to
Rome.
Novice master}
Cum
cogitabat
ergo
sic
floreret uir religiosus
Alredus, considerans laborem

uidelicet
eius et sollicitudinem in
bono abbas suus dominus

consilii
Willelmus
admittere
ilium ad
sui secretas interrogaciones et
necessarias causas
examinandas domus RyualF.
Quod cum
quam
facilius
fecisset
decuplum
uerat.
inuenit in eo sapienciam ac prudencie super

res difficiles graues et
estima-
Nam
opinabatur
expressit in
lucem
et
permaximas multo prouexit ad gloriam.

Willelmus
si
quam
des-
Neque
ad
perare potuit de bono
rei exitu uenerabilis
eius ingressus
instar
interf.
Alredum non
alterius
latuisset.
Nam
cognitis
causarum
et
|
principiis
Danielis
solucionem
est
earum
-
finem
prudenter
tanta
67
c.
pretabatur.
dissensionis
Hinc
quod eum
causa
prefatus abbas
Romam
dirigens pro
Eboracensis
maxima
mitiganda
gracia
receptus est
a domino papa, tarn strenue negocium expressit et consumCui quoque mauit ut rediens multis admiracioni fieret et honori.
reuerso iniungitur a
domino Willelmo cura nouiciorum, quatinus uasa eos faciet digna deo et accepta ordine et quasi quedam perfectionis exemplaria eorum qui bene bonorum gestiunt formam emulari. Quod
et fecit et tarn dolatos
ex
illis
monachos
tradidit ut
eorum quid adhuc
in carne superstites illius predicabilem industriam tarn
morum
suauitate
flores
quam
uiua uoce affirmant,

ita
quorum conuersacio
Et
ut
inter
candidos
candidiores ut
dixerim flosculos preferunt, et maiorem pretendunt
uenustatem decoris incomparabilis.

et perfectio
uno compassio cordis
eius
religionis intelligatur audiant, qui audire uolunt, quid profecerit uel
ferre
illo.
quodam
pocius quid deus per ilium fecerit pro fratre
[XV. The
Venit
story of the clericus scolaris\
aliquis illo
tempore
scolaris clericus
ad Rieuallem monachi
in
N.L.,
n.
I.,
42,
nomen
1
et officium desiderans adipisci.
Recipibur primo
a
hospicio, 549,
9.26*
Ps. xxxviii. 14.
3
4
Two
or three
words seem
(II.,
to
See above, have been omitted here.
p.
347.
The summaries
Bury
and
the
MS.
of this story in the Sanctilogium Anglic (N.L., I., 42) 549) are equal in length and very similar, but are
clearly independent.
E.g. the former takes the

it.
word
clericus
from Walter
Daniel, the latter omits
33
500
paulo post in cella nouiciorum ubi Alredus precipiebat ut magister. Qui clericus ualde instabilis animo persepe ad diuersa titubabat, nunc
hue nunc
(explicit}
inter
f.
illuc,
ut
lam
in sancto habitu frater ille per patris
arundo pro aura mutabilis uoluntatis ferebatur puram oracionem Alredi

.
.
.
eiusdem
manus
uite finem terminauit
67
d.
!.,
N.L.,
42.
[XVI. The spring in the probatorium\ Nee pretereundum quomodo in probatorio
cassellum testeam ad
modum
aqua
paruule cisterne sub terra fabricauerat, cui per occultos riuulos
influebat.
Os autem
In
eius lapide
latissimo
claudebatur ne
intrans,
si
quoquam
secretum
cerneretur.
quam Alredus machinam

et
quando
silencium
reperisset,
in sese
aqua
frigidissima
totum corpus
humectans calorem
omnem
extinxit uiciorum.
N.L.,
II.,
549'
[XVII. Ailred's writings during this period\ Per idem tempus cepit scribere ad diuersas personas
epistolas
quidem sensu serenissimas et litera luculentas. Scripsit eciam tres libros secundum iudicium meum pre omnibus quos scripsit laudabiles,
quos uocauit speculum
caritatis," eo quod opus illud sic in se contineat Dei amoris et proximi, sicut in speculo imaginem considerantis imaginem Et hie plane uolumus, deo nos adiuuante, ingenii constat peruideri.
eius
limatam paulisper detegere subtilitatem.
[XVIII. AilrecCs intellectual qualities^
Nempe
Quid modo
sciuit
acceperat
animam
parum
sapide
ingeniosam,
acceperat
tanta
et
habebat.
habebat, qui
sciuit tarn
sciens in seculo,
sciuit ?
postmodum
eaque que
iste
auctores
attinet
magis palpando sensit ad erudicionem illam que ore magistri
Artes quos liberates uocant quam bibendo gustauit, quantum

discipuli pectus ingreditur.
Alias autem
qui
magisterium secum, intelligens bene super eos scolaria didicerunt rudimenta iniectione uerbi pocius quam intulit
omne
fusione spiritus sancti.
Et
isti
aristotelicas figuras
et pitagorici
comautem
putacionis
infinites
calculos doctore indicante vix capiunt, iste
omnem numerum
f.
transuolans uelocitate ingenii sui et

ficte
omnem comintellexit
est
68
a.
posicionem
figure
uel
scripturis et docuit, qui solus
ipsum habet immortalitatem ubi non
facte supergrediens,
in
numerus
See above, p. 312 and below, pp. 502, 504-506. Above, PP 454-455. J Above, p. 473. This important chapter was not summarized by Tynemouth nor by the author of the summary in the Bury MS.
1
APPENDIX B
et
501
figura sed ipsa ueritas
lucem habitat inaccessibilem ubi non apparet

finis
que
recte intelligitur uniuerse doctrine naturalis.
Qui non
fucos
quesiuit assumere
uerborum
in
assercione sua, que dignitatem sensus
magis onerant
quam
honorant,
nam amputant
a uero indicium ueritatis
dum
post se trahunt
quod
aliena
declinacione
non indiget
et
in
hoc ducunt quod ueritas dedignatur. Se sola enim ueritas contenta est nee uerbis indiget ad deprecandum compositis uel intelligendum.
Sicut sol nullius rei opus habet ut luceat
si
autem
ei
aliquid
quo magis luceat quam lucet, aliud coniunxeris iam minus lucet, ita ueritas se
si
sola sufficit intelligent! ut uideatur, cui
aliquid aliud inpresseris uel
admiscueris, eo minus comprobatur sufficiens,

aliena munire presumit insipiencia.
que
membrum quoddam
uel
est
ueritatis
quo dignitatem propriam Neque enim uerba sine ratione, ad boni aliquid suadendum uel
deprecandum
iccirco
ueritati
tenendum,
ulla sufficiencia fulciuntur.
Nam innumera
Quod
uerba esse possunt sine sensu et nichil distabunt a latratu canis.

dico quia pater noster refutabat
anteferre,
omnino regulas gramaticas

utpote
quas
illi
ubique
postposuit,
cultum con1
tempnens eloquii superuacuum reique de qua diceret, approbans puram et meram ueritatem. Nee tamen ad modum rusticus in pronunciando sermonem
innotuit, cui et diserto suppeciit splendidissima et
non parue
glorie
uenustam eloquiam habundauit.
Habuit autem ad
manum
hiis
facile dicere
quod
uellet et ita proferre ut deceret.
Sed de
sit
satis.
Siquidem
scripta illius
et labore
ostendunt sufScienter
qualiter
locutus
que manu mea
memorie posterorum reseruate
sunt.
Jam
ergo ad sequencia procedamus.
[XIX. Foundation of Revesby] Domus igitur Rieuall' concipiens

peperisset,
in
utero terciam filiam

a
genitiui
tumeris distensione partum propinquum nuntiauit.

obstetrices
cum Alredum nostrum ad prolem recentem fusam
Que
uero
gerulum
si
et nutricium elegerunt, affirmantes cito
grandiusculam futuram,
est ita.
eius sollicitudinis lacte nutriretur.
Et factum
Quid
Elexe-
runt ilium in abbatem fratres qui de Rieualle ad locum
quemdam
ci
|
mittendi fuerant in prouinciam Lindisse, qui locus a Lincolnia

regia uiginti distat milibus.
uitatef. 68
b.
diceret in margin.
The two
earlier
daughter foundations were
Wardon and
Melrose.
MS.
minictauit.
502
I.
68
b.
[XX. AUred as Abbot of Revesby\

igitur cum illis illuc in paruo tempore numerum fratrum uehementer gratia Jhesu Christi. Abbacie autem nomen multiplicauit bipartitum est, nam de sancto Laurencio dicitur eo quod in uilla qua
Veniens
eadem
constructa est abbacia ecclesia olim sancti colebatur Laurencii,

;
et ex uilla alterum sortitum est uocabulum que usque modo manet In hac dicitur, unde uero et abbacia sic appellatur. que Reuesby
N.L., 33 \.
II.,
to
549, 550,
pater sanctus miraculis florere cepit.
scrjbing the
growth
of the abbey
(The rest of the chapter deand Alfred's busy life, for he

is
foundfavour both with King and bishop, in the Bury MS.)

f.
given almost verb
68
c.
[XXI. AUred cures the subprior of Revesby of afever\ Supprior itaque eiusdem domus uir religiosus et timens Deum
acutissimis febribus tenebatur longo
iam tempore.
Et ecce pater
singuet
:
sanctus
eel lam
infirmorum
in
ingrediens
lectulosque
inuisens
lorum,
tandem
ilium inpingit, et
eum
intuens iacturam
domus
inuisam uiro ualetudinem dedignatur, sicque tandem affatur iacentem " Cras in nomine domini ad ecclesiam perge, in spallencium chorum
irrumpe, canta
pocieris ".
cum
illis,
ora
deum
so,
et
per ipsum, ut credo, sanitate
(The monk did
recovered his health,
and
lii'cd
long.)
[XXII. The unstable monk again\
Eodem
uidelicet
de quo in superioribus diximus, ille cuius animam deum rogauit Alredus ut sibi daretur, pristine
tempore isdem
frater
incendio conflagratus de monasterio recedere uolebat. N.L., I.. 42, (After a conversation which is copied in the summaries, tin 3 i/red to pray.) Jam accedens subcellerarius 55oV 3-3o" wen t t the gate ^ " ad eum, proximus uidelicet ei secundum carnem, dicit, tu, quid f. 68 d.
mutabilitatis
facis,
fecisti
te ?
excecans oculos tuos pro miserrimo illo ? Insuper et uotum " Et sanctus, ut te fame occidas si non redeat ille." Quid ad dolorem dolori meo addere, nam crucior in hac Noli, queso,
"
nisi
Quid ad te ? (The n Fugitiuus autem ad portam ueniens exire festinabat. the gates were The monk, although given in the summarn was invisibly restrained from pi oceeding.) open,
flamma, et cito morior
subueniatur
filio
meo.
APPENDIX B
[XXIII. The
503
I.,
monk with
the
dead arm, who was cured by Ailreds N.L.,

in
42,
Per idem tempus

batur mortiferum.
triplici
frater
quidam
monasterio eius artificiosus ualde
unius brachii mortificacionem incurrens, totum corpus perinde arbitra-
Nam
uis inualitudinis
arietis
totum occupans
reflexu
tanquam
cornu interius replicauerat
membrum et manum
quoniam
isdemf- 69a
-
emortuam
uni
infra triplicacionem
eandem
miserabiliter contorserat, ita ut

potuisset,
|
in lecto super latus partis infirme
nunquam pausare
membro
infirmanti
cetera
et
monachus bene simplex

ualde.
omnia compaciebantur. admodum religiosus et bone

die
adiret
Erat
fidei innitens
Qui cum quadam
ecclesiam quatinus
missarum
in ligno
sacris interesset solempniis, intuens
baculum abbatis infixum
quodam
secus ostium oratorii,

Christi
eadem
uirga per merita beati uiri et
graciam Jhesu
sanitatem recuperare presumpsit.
Accipiens
enim sana manu eundem baculum

infirmanti particule,
trina circuicione circumduxit et
eum
signo crucis tercio repetito,
mox ad
resilit
tercium
circuitum ligni et tercium salutiferi signi brachium
ad solitam
longitudinem, manus
redit
ad naturalem mobilitatem
et sanitas abegit
omnem
incommoditatem.
[XXIV. Death of Abbot William]
Cum
igitur
multis
radiis
aliis
et
huiusmodi uirtutum
et
miraculorum
splendidissimis
2
pater
uenerabilis
Alredus
fulgeret,
domino
diem
Willelmo abbate RieualT ultima inimica mors extremum

uite presentis.
clausit
Cuius uita uere
in benediccione est quia
benediccionem
illi dominus et testimonium suum confirmauit super capud eius. eo siquidem tanquam ex indeficiente fonte religionis riuuli ad posteros deriuati sunt, qui usque hodie in domo Rieuall' et in filiabus
dedit
Ex
eius sufficienter fluunt et superfluunt,

et
ad potum habiles
et
commodi,
ad ablucionem infirmorum salubres
et indeficientes effecti.
N.L.,
II.,
[XXV. Abbot Maurice]

Huic
successit
550,
utpote qui
Mauricius magne sanctitatis uir et preclare prudencie potauerat a puero uiuum leticie spiritale in claustro
et
Dunolmensi,
1
ex pane Cuthberti
uiri
Dei
refectus creuerat in
sub-
For
this cf.
;
to this miracle
above, p. 466. Tynemouth devotes three incorrect lines the Bury MS. omits it.
the
extracts in Raine,
-Abbot William died 2 August, 1145. See Priory of Hexham, I., 108-109.
references
and
504
lime
ita ut

a
sociis
secundus Beda cognominaretur
cui reuera erat in
tempore suo tarn uite
quam
sciencie prerogatiua secundus.
Hunc
uero
ego ipse uidi et bene noui et scio quia paucos tales modo terra tenet Hie autem moleste ferens inquieta onera cure pastoralis moriencium.
portare, uilicacioni
abrenuncians post duos annos in claustro maluit
consedere.
N.L..
II
oc
II.,
550,
Af\
[XXVI. Ailred elected Abbot of Rici>unlx.

Cui Alredus a
cepit et quasi sol in
His
critics]
fratribus iure subrogatus amplius solito lucere
iam
centro eleuatur claritatem sue
lucis is latius effudit.
Quidam
uero ad huius
domus regimen
proprie uoluntatis ambitione
ascendisse ilium arbitrantur,
quod falsum esse boni omnes nouerunt.

emulos ad falsum prouocauit ? Res Et quantos male zelantes pacificus
aliquanti, sed
Quid enim mirum

est uirtus
ille sustinuit ?
si
uirtus uiri
que nunquam
caret inuidia.
Adhuc
uiuuut
eorum
mors
eius preciosa
|
in
f.
69
b.
aspectu domini errorem inuidencium amputauit. Et in uita quoque sua monstra placauit. Quasi enim monstra quidam insurrexunt in eum
malignantes et peruersi homines quorum lingua contra iustum locuta est mendacium, et superbia eorum qui oderunt eum ascendit semper. " " Alii dicebant non, sed est homo uorax, potatorum quia bonus," alii
uini et
publicatorum amicus, balneis
et unguentis
dedens corpus suum
".
Quibus respondeo. This chapter [XXVII. Walters answer to Ailred's detractors. is summarized sufficiently in N.L., //., 550, /. 39 to 551,
/.4.]
[XXVIII. Ailred's prophetic

J
vision
of the death of the nn

futura manifesta uidit
monk.}
Qui plane eodem tempore per sompnum

sua retardauit.
de
supradicto uidelicet fratre cuius exitum per portam in seculum prece
Iam idem
frater missus
cum domino Daniele
patre
quibusdam aliis de domo nostra a uiro uenerabili Alredo ad abbathiam quamdam religione Cisterciensi ab eis illuminandam, nomine
et
meo
Swinesheued," in redeundo domi appropinquabat.

1
Nocte autem
ilia
Above,
p.
312.
of
The abbey
was
Holland or Swineshead,
in Lincolnshire,
whose abbot,
a friend of Ailred (above, p. 312) was founded by Robert Manci. Grelley and settled by monks from Furness (see Tail, Mcditiva/ The statement in the text that Daniel and his companions were 1 32). p. sent to enlighten or advise the monks of Swineshead suggests, so far as it
Gilbert,
APPENDIX B
1
505
que diem crastinum induxit in quo ad portam Rieuall' uenturus erat abbas Alredus dormitans uel dormiens, nescio, deus scit, in lecto uir ille,
|
f.
69
c.
suo iacebat. "

apparebit.
Et ecce homo uultu uenerabilis

ille
astitit
coram eo
et dixit,
Abba, mane hora prima

dies
tuus
monachus ad portam monasterii

claustra
corripietur
Fac ergo eum ingredi

grauissima
infirmitate
monasterii,
et
quia
post
tuas
paucos
inter
manus
morietur."
Quibus
prophetatis uates in uisione disparuit, et uir sanctus
a sompno
euigilauit.
Recedente itaque nocte dieque subsequente

lucis
secundum ordinem temporis prima
hora
mundum
ingreditur, et
homo
prophetatus pre foribus abbathie adesse abbati nunciatur.

patri
Qui
mandans
et
quatinus ad eum dignetur
exire, et (sic) libenter paret

uidit,
sanctus ad ilium descendere.
Quern, ut
super
osculatus est dulciter
de uisione cogitans
fleuit
eum
ualde suauiter.
Rogat eum
ingredi et letari spiritali
leticia,
quia "iam, iam," inquit,
"deo
uolente
Cuius eloquium non capiens homo subridet et perficieris in gloria ". " submurmurat ut quid inquietis, intrabo ad mortem illam interminatam
quam semper paciuntur claustrales ? Immo uel saltern per unum mensem licencia tua uisito parentes meos et cum eis uel tantillo tern" Non erit pore fruor bonis presentibus et sic iterum ad te redeo." " sed nunc intra, quia sine te diucius non uiuo ita, fili mi," ait pater,
nee tu sine
ut
me morieris ".
Blanda igitur allocucione
illexit
monachum quam
credi
secum
intraret in
monasterium.
Quo
introeunte supra
potest
inchoat celebrare.
gaudet abbas et in corde iucundum licet occultum festum 2 Transacts autem quinque diebus uel sex hospes
Sanguis ex
illius
qui aduenerat infirmatur et fortissimo languore concutitur.
naribus profluit sine intermissione

uita desperare.
incipiunt fratres
omnes de
Inter
hec
currit et discurrit pater solaciando
filio
et
seruitoris officium sedulo inpendit egroto.
At
post dies perpaucos eger
urgetur reddere animam, pro qua exeunte de corpore abbas more solito 3 sed, cum dicit, sue uisionis immemor solempnem recitat letaniam
;
goes, that the

1 1
48 (given
given in
1
'
abbey had been recently founded and thus supports the date coucher of Furness) as against the less likely date 34 other sources. For the date see Coucher Book of Furness, ed.
in the
1 1
Atkinson (Chetham Society),
I.
i.
11-12.
MS.
sit.
is
Walter, of course, Consuetudines, ch. 206-207.

s
not using this

in
word
in a precise sense.
xciiii
Guignard, Les monuments pnmitifs, pp.
506

non amplectitur
;
manibus morientem
uncle
semel
cogitur.
atque
iterum
in
letaniam concludit et tercio
eandem
incipere
Tandem
caput inter manus apprehendens, pro" Sancte Benedicte, ora pro eo ". clamat, Qui cum caput tetigit et sanctum nominauit, statim inter manus eius ultimum monachus spiritum
uiderat,
efflauit.
mentem reducens que
Sed iam sequencia prosequamur.
[XXIX. Rievaulx under Ailred\ Hie ergo domum Rieuallem fortissimam

.
reddidit
ad tollerandas
69
ad pacem habendam et pietatem et ad plenissimam possidendam Dei et proximi caritatem. Quis ibi licet abiectissimus et contemptibilis locum quietis non inuenit ?
infirmos,
|
ad
fortes nutriendos et perfectos,
Quis
debilis
unquam
uenit
ad earn
et in
Alredo non repent paternam

?
dileccionem et in fratribus debitam consolacionem

fragilis
Quis aliquando
nisi
corpore uel moribus a
domo
ilia
expulsus est
eius iniquitas
uel uniuersitatem offenderet congregacionis uel propriam
omnino salutem
remotis terre
indigentes
extingueret ?
finibus
Unde quidem
ex exteris nacionibus
et
conuolabant ad
Rieuallem
monachi
misericordia
fraterna et compassione reuera, qui ibi reperunt

sine
pacem
et
sanctimoniam
qua nemo uidebit Deum.

nullus
Et utique
prestabat
illi
qui uagantes in seculo
quibus
locus
religionis
ingressum, accedentes
ad
"
matrem
misericordie Rieuallem et portas apertas inuenientes libere
introierunt in eas confitentes
Domino.
Quorum
siquis postea insulsos
mores cum
strepitu
iracundie
frater,
"
Alredus
mortuus
et
"
inquit,
est, noli
reprehendere
occidere
presumpsisset,
noli,"
noli,
effugare gloriam nostram a
animam pro qua Christus domo ista, memento quia

hec
est
nos peregrini sumus, sicut omnes patres

gloria
nostri, et
suprema
et
singularis
domus
Rieuall'
quod pre
ceteris
didicit
est
tollerare
infirmos et necessitatibus compati aliorum.
Et hoc
testimonium
filios
consciencie nostre, quia sancta est
domus
"
hec,
quoniam
pacificos
general
Deo
suo.
Debent,"
inquit,
omnes,
et infirmi et fortes,
locum
in Rieualle pacis inuenire, ibique, uelut in maris latitudine pisces,
et
iocundam ac spaciosam
:
caritatis
possidere quietem,
ut
gratam de ilia
dicatur
Illuc
ascenderunt
tribus, tribus
3
domini, testimonium Israel ad

et
confitendum
firmorum.
nomini
Domini.
Tribus utique forcium
tribus in-
Neque domus
ilia religiose
creditur que infirmos tolerare
MS. umquam.
In
margin.
Ps. cxxi. 4.
APPENDIX B
contempnit.
507
oculi
tui
Inperfectum
meum
uiderint
et
in
libro tuo
omnes
scribentur."
[XXX. The same
subject continued^
sancta hec habitacio, uide-N.L.,
patris.
1 1.
Nee pretermittendum quomodo creuerit licet domus Rieuall', sub manu uenerabilis
in ea,
,55 1,
Omnia
quidem.
duplicauit
f 4
monachos, conuersos,
diebus in oratorio,
laicos,
fundos et predia
et suppellectilem
uniuersam.
festis
Religionem uero
et caritatem triplicauit
Videres
tamquam
in alueolo apes, fratrum turbas con-
conglomerari, nee pre multitudine usquam progredi ualentes, set consertas aduinicem et collegiatas unum quoddam exprimere corpus f
stringi et
|
70
a.
angelicum.
Hinc est quod

~
post se Rieualli reliquit
monachos bis
sepcies
N.L.,
'
decem
et decies sexaginta
laicos fratres pater recedens

illis
ad Christum.
I.,
'
43,
"
Substancias eciam tantas dimisit

sufficiant multitudini,
si
que ad uictum
et
uestitum maiori
res
cum
prudencia tractentur,
et preteris super-
habundent.
Qui uero
in recipiendo
uolentes conuerti
ad ordinem
fingebat se longius ire, ut fratrum
precacionibus nolens urgeretur ad

in monasterio
consensum
unde factum
est
quod plurimi exciperentur
quos ipse ignoraret.
Nam
sepe illorum iudicio et discrecioni relinque-
Erat nempe uerecundissimus et bat ut quos uellent assumerent. condescendens imbecillitati singulorum, nee quemquam adiudicabat
contristari, preces
ad ilium porrigentem causa
caritatis.
[XXXI. The privileges allowed him on

Hie
igitur tarn
sanctus uir
account of his illness.,] per decem annos ante obitum suumN.L.,

'
1I..55I,
artetica passione
nouos
pristinis adiectos persensit sepissime cruciatus, qui-
bus tarn horribiliter detentus
est ut
uiderim
eum in lutcheamine
iniectum
per quatuor eius inicia, quatuor manibus uirorum apprehensa, inter celum et terram suspendi, et sic ad necessitatem nature deportari, uel ad
lectorum alternacionem remoueri

uelut diri uulneris
indicabat.
qui cuiuslibet attactu corpulencie,
mucrone
percussus,
clamando
doloris
Causa uero huius

est
passionis in generali
illi,
magnitudinem abbatum capitulo
apud Cistercium concessum

1
quatinus in infirmatorio
manducans
Ps. cxxxviii.
6.
The
original reading
if
given in both the summaries.
was about 300,

(P.L.,
'
was apparently " decies quinquaginta," a figure The total number subject to the abbot in 42 a passage in the Speculum Caritatis can be taken literally
1
1
CXCV.,
563).
local Latinised
Probably a
word
cf.
the Yorkshire dialect word, lutch,
to
lift.
508
et

et cetera
dormiens
necessaria infirmitati sue sedulo exhibens,
non
in
tamen
se in officio suo ut infirmus haberet, sed pocius per
omnia
conuentu
quando
uellet ordinis
sui
administraret
negocia, cantando
et
uidelicet missas publice et priuatim,
ad grangias pergendo
curia
quando
redeundo horas regulares tando, et in chorum temporibus

uellet
in
ubi
sibi
placeret decan-
ceteris abbatibus
non determinatis
ueniendo,
et
nonnulla
alia
utilitatibus
ecclesie
sue subministrando.
Quam
ferens,
liberalem condicionem uerecunde quidem suscipiens et grauiter

iussit
sibi
fieri
mausoleum
iuxta
communem
curam
cellam infirmotocius infirmitatis

et
rum
sue
et ibi consistens
subiecit,
duorum
solacio fratrum
omnem
detestans
uoluptatem deliciarum
blandinas
uanitatis.
Quod quidem
edificatum
est,
tugurium patris ad tantam consolacionem

uenientes
fratrum
uiginti
1.
ut
1
ad
illud
et
in
eo
sedentes
simul
uel triginta
singulis diebus conferrent
ad inuicem de
70
b.
spirituali iocunditate scripturarum et ordinis disciplinis.
Non
erat
|
qui
diceret
N.L.,
II
*>
I.,
43,
lectum abbatis nolite tangere," sed super illius ambulantes et decumbentes loquebantur cum eo ut grabatum " Dicebat autem eis, Filii, paruulus confabulabatur cum matre sua.
eis,
"
recedite, abite,
loquimini que uultis,

turpe,
tantummodo non exeat de ore

suis ut est
socii
uestro
uerbum
detractio in fratrem et blasphemia contra
deum ".
Non
sic
infrunite agebat
cum
si
quorundam consuetudo abbatum
in-
sipiencium qui,
dixerit
sic.
monachus
displiceat,
manum
tenuerit sua (sic) uel aliqua
quod
illis
carpam
postulant.
Non
sic
Alredus, non
Decem
et
omni tempore
illo
septem annis uixi sub magisterio eius et neminem in de monasterio fugauit mansuetus ille super omnes
qui morabantur in terra.
Quatuor tamen de
in
illo
interim exierunt eo
cuius conuersacio
nesciente, sed omnes reduxit dominus preter
unum
sequitur Sathanam.
Plane
angulo supradicte
celle quasi
quoddam
locum
ibi
interim cubiculum constituens, claudi illud lignea interiectione precepit.

In
quo crucem
et
reliquias
quorundam sanctorum
collocans,
orationis dedicauit.
Et cogitans quia non dormitat neque dormit qui

ipsius uicarius et ipse
loco.
custodit Israel,
tanquam
"
parum dormiuit
in lecto,
plurimum
orauit in
eodem
flexis
Ibi permittente infirmitatis eius
quam-
culacumque quiete
genibus patrem pulsabat precibus in animo
contrito et spiritu ueritatis.

1
ginti
nunc x., nunc xii., nunc eciam plusquam monachi simul conferrent ad inuicem" (N.L., II., 551, 11. 17, 18).
reads
ti
The Bury MS.
"
ui-
margin.
APPENDIX
[XXXII. Ailreds writings]
Multa
in ilia uita
509
mansione memoria digna
conscripsit.
Ante tamenN.L.,
II.,
551
hoc tempus
1
Dauid Regis Scocie sub
specie lamentandi edidit cui
genealogiam Regis Anglie Henrici iunioris uno libro comprehendens adiunxit. Eciam ante illud tempus de lectione euangelica que sic
incipit,
cum foetus
est
cin Jhesu ci'inorum xii \ exposicionem nobilem
et tripharia distincione, historica uidelicet et
morali atque mistica
ful-
gentem, cuidam monacho de

cordis transmisit.-'
Sartis,
nomine luone, ex bibliotheca
sui
Ac
in illo
secretario
omelias super onus babilonis in Isaia et

subtiles et utiles
tres libros
supramemorato triginta tres quedam de sequentibus ualde

Post quas edidit
In
manu
sua scribendo consummauit.
de
spirituali amicicia
sub dialogo.
quorum primo luonem

f.
supradictum se interrogantem introduxit et me in sequentibus loquentem secum ordinauit. Et post hos unum librum scripsit sorori sue incluse
castissime uirgini,
70
c.
quo docebat huius
professionis sequaces, institutum
inchoacionis, eiusdem feruorem
Quo completo perfectionem/ uitam edidit sanctissimi Regis Edwardi literali gloria magna lucentem et fulgore miraculorum. Deinde euangelicam lectionem exposuit ad
et illius
honorem eiusdem
sancti et
ad earn legendam
in eius solempnitate
ad
uigilias, que hoc modo incipit, Nemo accendit luccrnam et ponit earn sub modio sed super candelabmm. Hec scripsit rogatus a Laurencio
abbate Westmonasterii cognato suo et fratribus ibidem Deo studentibus 4 Post que de anima, id est de illius natura et quantitate complacere.
ac
subtilitate,
atque nonnullis
in
perfecit, et tercium
in
hac uita eius
ad animam pertinentibus, duos libros ad finem deduxit, set ante finem suum pene usque terra finem non conclusit. Nam debitum uniuerse
aliis
;<
carnis
antequam
ille
fineretur exsoluit.
Inter hec epistolas
ad dominum
description of Henry *& junior, shows that Walter Daniel wrote Ailred before the coronation of the young King Henry in 70. " " de duodecimo anno aetatis Christi "This is the or "tractatus de Jesu puero duodenni," edited by Mabillon with the works of St. Bernard,
his life of
1 1
The
and reprinted
of
in
The " St. Maur
Migne
de
(P.L.,
CLXXXIV., "
inclusarum
St. col.
text.
liber
institutione
with the writings of
col. 849 ff.). was printed by the Benedictines Augustine and is reprinted by Migne in
the
same connection (P.L. XXXII.,
1451
ff.).
The
medieval English
translation
translation
4 5
was made from a
(Vernon MS.) in Above, pp. 349, 479. For the existing MS. of the
See Horstmann's edition of the Englische Studien, VII., 305-344 (1884).

fuller
De Anima,
see above, p. 477.
510
THE JQHN RYLANDS LIBRARY
papam, ad regem Francie, ad regem Anglic, ad regem Scocie, ad archiepiscopos Cantuariensem et Eboracensem, et fere ad omnes episcopos tocius Anglie atque ad illustrissimos uiros regni eiusdem et
maxime ad comitem
Leicestrie, illustri stilo exaratas transmisit, et
ad
sibi
omnem ordinem
reliquit
ecclesiastice
dispensacionis,
in quibus
uiuentem
imaginem, quia quod ibi literis commendauit hoc in uita ipse Sermones compleuit et multo melius uixit quam ibi dicere potuit.
disertissimos et
ad
populos
1
omni laude dignos in capitulis nostris et in synodis et perorauit, qui ad ducentas infallor determinaciones
peruenerunt.
ueraci stilo prosequemur. Iniustum enim indicamus testam," lignum, es et ferrum,-' quibus in exterioribus habundauit pater, ostendere legentibus hoc opus, argent um
[XXXIII. Ike miracles.} Igitur cum tales fructus parturiret eum nichilominus miracula que nunc
uenerabilis pater, comitabantur
uero et
reticere.
II.
aurum
et lapides preciosos,
quibus in spiritu superhabundauit,
13-17*;
II.,
if.,
XXXIV.
The monk
ivith heart trouble
who became dumb\

three days
552
f
6- 10.
70 d
M:
f.
[XXXV.
552 '
The
to
opiiio
who was dumb for
and was
brought
Ailred\
with syncope, who
sincopis
lost
70
d.
[XXXVI. The young monk

his senses.]
43.
the use of
N.L.,
I.,
Adolescentem quemdam monachum

urgebat spiritum eius relinquere corpus.
aures
nichil
passio
nil
perurgens
uidentes et
Oculi enim
ilia
audientes.
Pater uero
cellerariis
quarundam causarum
writer in the Bury
pomerio cum Et ibi acta residens disponebat.

hora
in
The
MS.
an idea
of the extent of Ailred's literary
Sermones eciam disertissimos in capitalis et in synodis centum perorauit. Inter hec epistolas ad papam et regem Francie et Anglie et Scocie, ad archiepiscopos cantuarienses et eboracenses, et fere ad omnes Opuscula autem episcopos Anglie et alias plures personas, trecentas edidit. eius in libris et tractatibus pretactis, et aliis similibus, ad uicenarium numerum uel ultra pertingunt, preter sermones centum, et xxxiii omelias in oneribus In the fifteenth century superius memoratis et preter epistolas trecentas." Boston refers to a copy of Ailred's letters in the library cf Glamorgan John
original as follows
:
"
(N.L., II., 551, 11. 36-42) tries to give His summary modified the work.
(Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue,

J
II.,
294).
Daniel
ii.
45.
APPENDIX
presens
affui,
B
sic se
511
habere fratrem.
cum
"
Erat Et adiungens, festina," inquit, domine, priusquam moriatur ". autem nox. Cerneres tune senem cursitantem offendere pedibus et
ecce quidam nunciauit abbati "
Ast ubi uenit repurgium baculi, quo semper utebatur, contempnere. ad miserum extinctum putauit, quia signum uite ubi quesunt nullum Nam a pulsu motus omnis abscesserat. Cucurrit itaque inuenit.
tristis
et
gemebundus magister ad oratoriolum suum

et
cilicio
et
inde assumens
lohannis quod
tulit
reliquias quorundam sanctorum
textum euangelii
super se portauerat annis multis, indutus

et
ad nudum
omnia
Dilecte
ad pectus
infirmi astrinxit et
filius ".
cum
lacrimis proloquens dixit,
"
fili,
sanet te dei
Et confestim dolor omnis conquieuit.
[XXXVII. The
mysterious death of the scurrilous abbot of a * daughter house \

spiritualis
Eodem tempore
quidam sponsus unius
filiarum RieualF N.L.,

'
I.,
43,
uisitandi gracia peciit
matrem suam. Qui quoque abbas promtulus ualde ad conserendas contumelias et male astutus ad tendenda retia
ante oculus pennatorum,
ilium
cum
iaculis
irruit eciam in patrem nostrum et impetens maledictionum uehementer, et multarum blasphemi|
persequens crudeliter, comouit spiritum eius ad Nam nacionem contra se et merito in se prouocauit iratum. iniusta controuersiam confecerat contrariam sibi, quam dum
spiculis
arum
indig-f.
lis
71 a.
eius
nititur
excedere,
ruit
ipse
in
malum
et
luminis rebellio super se congerit
densum lucum, dum

uiri
cor sancti lustratum luce iusticie opinatur extinguere.
maliciam grauiter ferens, ueritatis amator ad celum eleuat Quam oculos unacum illis in altum dirigens manus, uerba exserit terribilia
nimis aduersum seuientem linguam hoc
glorie, sentiat, queso, cito iste
modo
"
:
Domine
?
rex eterne
finem malicie sue, quia tu

".
scis falsa esse
que nomini meo stomachatur ascribere

delirus
ille
At
quid
Postquam uero
animo
inflate satis egerat
reumatizando in patrem sputa
mendacii, rediit ad
domum suam
sine benedictione uenerabilis patris
cum magna At quum sanctorum

Alredi
eciam indignacione omnium fratrum Rieuallis. uerba non pereunt, quorum non unum quoque
iotha sine causa prolatum cognoscitur,
idem
ipse, qui
paulo ante in-
cinnuerat contra iustum,

decidit
in
mox
ut tangit proprie limen
domus miserabiliter
lectum et die septimo post initium mali uite finem
cum
magnis cruciatibus terminauit.

1
See above, PP 462, 470, 483.

.
512

.
[XXXVIII.
N.L.,
I.,
lilred's visit to
in
et
Galloway.
43,
Post
hoc pater
uisitandam
Galwadiam
consolandam,
Social conditions \ descendens ad filiam unam

inuenit
in
Rieuair
contra
regulum
terre
illius
filios
suos iratum nimis et
filios
inuicem
fratres."
Est autem terra
ilia
patrem seuientes et in (era et homines bestiales
se
et
Veritas ibi non habet ubi caput suum gignit. a planta pedis usque ad uerticem non est in terra ilia quia Nam neque fides neque uera spes neque caritas conulla sapiencia.
reclinet,
barbarum omne quod
stans perdurat in ea longo tempore.
Ibi
castitas
tociens patitur nau-
fragium quociens libido uoluerit, nee est inter castam et storcum ulla
distancia nisi
quod
castiores inibi per
menses uiros alternent
et uir
pro
si
una bucula uendat uxorem.

fuerint in
Quidam tamen homines

redduntur ad
terre
illius,
domo quauis
occurrent
regulari constituti,
modum
religiosi,
aliorum tamen consilio et ducatu,

in
nam
;
perfectum animalem habentes spiritum ac per hoc semper intendentes uoluptatiIn hoc tamen barbaric plantauit Rieuall* plantacionem bus carnis. unam, que nunc fructificat fructum plurimum adiutorio dei, qui dat
uirum
propria industria uix aliquando sunt enim naturaliter ebetes et
incrementum nouelle plantacioni.

inuenit principes
illius
Quam,
ut
dictum
est, uisitans
pater
et
prouincie dissencientes inter
se,
quorum odia
rancores
f.
animorum
et
tirannidem ad inuicem nee rex scocie humiliare

suffecit,
71 b.
potuit
nee episcopus mitigare
et pater in filios et frater in fratrem et
sed filii in patrem consurgentes e conuerso multo sanguine in-
felicem terrulam polluerunt cotidie.
Quos omnes
conueniens Alredus
Considering that Walter Daniel wrote within ten years of the events He says that which he describes, his chronology is strangely confused. Ailred's visit to Galloway, during which he reconciled the prince (regulus) and his sons, took place four years before his death (i.e. in 162-3). But Fergus of Galloway resigned and took vows at Holyrood, Edinburgh, in 160 after the subjection of Galloway by King Malcolm in three campaigns. He died in 1161 at Holyrood (see the passages from the annals of Melrose and Holyrood, quoted by Lawrie, Annals of the Reigns of Ma
1
It is clear from Walter's narrative that Ailred's pp. 56, 67). occurred before the campaigns of 60, or at least before their victorious completion. Probably the writer has combined the events of two different journeys, one in 59, in which year Ailred is known from the life of St. Waldef to have been in Scotland (above, p. 479), and another in Ailred was again in Galloway in 164-5 (above, pp. 480, 487). 1 162-3.
.
visit
See the
last note.
Dundrennan Abbey.
APPENDIX B
natos iratos firmissima pacificus uerbis pacis et uirtutis
in
513
pace federauit
unum
dilectionis uinculum, et ueteranum genitorem illorum religionis
habitum suscipere uiuaciter admonuit et admonicione mirabili ad quod intimauit flexit, et ilium qui multa milia hominum uita priuauerat, uite
ad hoc profecit, ut uir ille in participem eterne fieri docuit et docendo l diem uite clauserit extremum, et iam monasterio religiosorum fratrum Filii uero ubi ceciderit lignum ibi eritde eodem recte dici
possit,
eius,
adhuc perdurant in postea colentes patrem multa ueneratione, 3 Hiis quasi per excessum expeditis ad miracula tranquilla pace.
reuertamur.
[XXXIX. The young man who

4
swallowed
a frog while
suis
drinking}
Itaque
equitaret,
cum
in
terra
sibi
ilia
reuertens Rieuallem
cum
dominusN.L.,
I..
44,
obuiam
habuit adolescentem distentum ante et retro, et 552,

(explicit) Deindef. abbas in breui prospero cursu consum.
.
II.'
13-22.
tergo uidelicet et uentre horribiliter
tumidum
or
71
c.
ceptum carpens iter ad filios Hec ab eo acta sunt ante mauit.

ad
[
iiij
annos transmigracionis eiusdem
celestia.
X L.
In
The
illis
last four yea rs
of
A tired s
life.}
autem annis quatuor quomodo, tanquam
alter
quidam Noe,
archam
uite sue in
unius cubiti latitudine constrinxit, et sarca tecta
templi mundissimi sui corporis restaurauit in melius, et

sanctuarii immaculati pectoris
polliuit et
omnes
lapides
quadratos reddidit et per-
pendiculo arctioris conuersacionis in parietem perfectionis copulauit, Non enim omnia scribimus que breuiter deo uolente comprehendam.
mirince ab eo factitata noscuntur.
'*
Set uelut quibusdam laudabilibus
notis
militis
Christi designamus triumphos aliquantulos, pro
modulo
ingenii
quo
innitimur
He (
will describe only fitlly attested
and well-known facts?)

1
Holyrood, see
p.
512, note
1.
-Cf. Ecclesiastes,
xi. 3.
1 1
and Uchtred, revolted in August, 74, In after the capture of King William the Lion at Alnwick in July. September Gilbert murdered his brother (William of Newburgh, in HewIf proof were needed, this lett, Chronicles of Stephen, etc., L, 186-187). reference to the peaceful condition of Galloway under the two brothers is additional evidence of the early date of Walter Daniel's work. 5 4 MS. noctis, the c punctuated. Above, p. 471.
brothers, Gilbert
The two
514
f.

his life his austerities increased and, rejecting the advice of his physicians, he conlast
71 d.
I.,
[XLI. During the

44,
four years of
N.L.,
sidered only the welfare of the sonl\

/
[XLI I. His private

In uigiliis
devotions. \
et
autem
orationibus ita extunc se armauit assiduitate
infatigabili et uelut inmersit in contemplacionis abysso ut multociens in
oratoriolo inclusus regulares horas obliuisceretur et cibi refectionem.

Solito
enim sedulior in
lectione, in oratione, in contemplacione, neglexit

et
*
ex
multa parte presencia
se iugiter representauit
futuris.
Legebat
autem
libros
quorum
litera
lacrimas elicere solet et edificare mores, et
Augustini manibus portabat assidue, eo quod illos libros quasi quasdam introductiones habebat cum a seculo conSedebat eciam in fouea quadam in solo prefati oratorioli uerteretur.
confessiones
sui et cogitans
maxime
deo
in
oratione
quia puluis esset "

:
in ea singulis diebus flebat et dicebat
Quam
diu,
domine,
ista
complectetur
miseria,
quam
f.
diu nox,
quam
abuntur
7! d-72
I..
a.
N.L.,
II.
44,
[XLIII. Set non erat
me uestimenta mea ? His heavenly visitors.]

spirit
diu tenebre circumdabunt me, "

*
quam
diu abhomin-
in tenebris pater noster in illo loco.
15-17.
f.
72
a.
[XLIV. The
ofprophecy given him so that he knew the sins of the brethren before they confessed them \
ibid., n.20-25.
[XLV. His comment, when

by the devil,
had
he was told that two monks, tempted cried out in the dormitory at night \
ibid., n.26-32.
f.
wWA
};
72
a-c.
[XLVI. His sermon in the chapter house \ [XLVI I. The vision which one of the monks had about
the death
72c.
N.L.,
I..
46,
ofAilred\ [XLVIII. The Abbot's sufferings during the last year of his His words in chapter\ Igitur per ilium annum integrum qui decessionem patris precessit, tussis quidem sicca pectus eius uentilans eciam cum aliis plurifariis infirmitatum generibus in tantum debilitauit eum et cuiusdam tediosa
lassitudinis
affecit,
ut
non
nunquam
suam
et
rediens
de oratorio missarum
loqui nee
solempniis celebratis in cellam

1
per
unam horam nee
N.L
The
lectio.
full
Sanctilogium Anglic (N.L., I., 44-45) gives a The Bury MS. omits them. following five chapters.
summary
of the
APPENDIX
mouere
ceeds
se
515
usquam
preualens, cubaret in stratu
(After describing the nature of the

:)
quodammodo insensibilis. cough Walter Daniel pro-
Hanc
itaque molestiam paciens per

in
uigilia
integrum,
tandem
natalis
annum, ut dictum est, Domini cepit non solum dolore

1
corporis solito plus torqueri,

set et
uitamque presentem inualitudinem

"esse
agitare,
animo ualidissimo
et
inuictissimo cupere dissolui et esse
cum
72 d.
Christo.
Unde
fratres.
dicebat,
"cum
Christo," inquit,
optimum,
molestia carnis ?
me
Et quomodo diu durare potero in Ego igitur uolo et desidero, si deo placet, quatinus de hoc carcere cito educat et in locum refrigerii deducat, in locum
multo magisf. hac durissima

|
tabernaculi admirabilis usque ad seipsum."
Hec
fratres audientes,
nam
et
in capitulo ista dicebat, hoc,
inquam, audientes
et
fratres,
suspirabant
?
lacrimabantur.
At unde
suspiria
eorum, unde lacrime
Quia
nimirum uiderunt infirmitatem

sensus et
uoluntatem patris unius esse conhoc occurrebat mentibus filiorum ilium quantocius migraper
eis.
turum ab
Quo
die
multum
illos edificans
testimoniis diuini uerbi
reuersus est in cellam suam.
[L.
Ailreds
last days..
He
calls the
brethren together\
Qui ad
2
uesperas ueniens et iterum nocte ad uigilias et
mane ad
et
capitulum
sermonem habuit ad nos humillimo coronatum proemio

affectu
et
prolatum cum
cordis
et
corporis multa fatigacione.
Affuit
eciam ad missas
presbiterii.
ad uesperas quidem illo die sedens iuxta gradus Vesperis autem completis in cella sua recipitur et per
in
manus ministrorum
lecto reclinatur.
lacet
cite
horas uelut insensibilis et demimortuus,
cum
ergo quasi per duas venio et uideo patrem
sudare pro angustia et faciem uersam in pallorem subrufam et oculos lacrimantes et pirulam narium fluctuantem et labia constricta dentibus,
et dico
cuidam
*'
fratri,
Vere, dominus abbas ualde dure patitur
modo
nam
sunt indicia magni doloris iste uarietates

dulciter
membrorum
"
ita, fili
".
Ille
autem
inquit,
me
intuens,
ut erat dulcissimus,
mi,
ita, ita,"
"
finis erit
ilia
est ut loqueris,
ualde uexor ualitudinis huius cruciatibus accito
calamitatis tante per
uoluntatem domini ihesu
".
Volebant
hora loqui cum eo fratres quidam super domus negociis et stabant circa lectum eius. Ille uero rogauit me quatinus eis dicerem, quod non sufficeret spiritus eius ad formanda uerba et languor intencionem circa
1
So
the
MS.
34
Christmas Day,
1 1
66.
516
*

Quod
"
feci et
se
retineret.
non
sine lacrimis.
Nocte uero sequenti

hilariter
lenius aliquid senciens et die postero, et
me
uenientem ad ilium
respiciens dixit, loqui et iccirco
Heri,
fili
mi,
turbati
fuimus et parum potuimus

fratres
non parum doluimus, maxime quia consolari

nostris,
non suffecimus uerbis
nee
sicut
quidem fecimus nudius
tercius ".
At
subsequens
nox dolorem
illius
patri
magnum
induxit,
nobis
autem
maximum, quia
et contristati
fragilis, spiritu
corporis tantum erat, noster uero animi merentis
pro eo uehementissime.
Siquidem deinde carne nimium tamen fortissimus existens, corpore sensim deficiebat ex
nocte
reliquum quinque, animi virtute semper idem, qui esse Exinde enim lecto decumbens assidue hanela uoce solebat, perduraret.
ilia et
in
loquebatur, et
iij
de die
J
in
diem corpus
illius
debilitabatur in tantum ut
Non Januarii iusserit modo allocutus est [LI. His speech]

:
ante se vocari omnes monachos, quos hoc
73
"
Sepe
pecii a uobis licenciam uel
cum
transfretare habuissem
|
uel
debuissem ad remotas quasque prouincias prepare uel institissem regis curiam petere at nunc uestra cum licencia unacum orationum
;
uestrarum suffrages uado de hoc exilio ad patriam, de tenebris ad lucem, de hoc seculo nequam ad Deum, quia iam tempus est ut me recipiat
redemit per se sine me, sibique gratia sua inter uos uite melioris uinculo dignatus est colligare arcius. Satis est, inquit, quod
se qui
ad
me
hucusque uiximus, quia bonum dominum habemus et uultui eius assistere iam placet anime mee. Vos autem ipse custodial in bono
semper
.L,.,
L,
et
ab omni malo
"
liberet, et qui sanctos suos
non
"
deserit
unquam
Quibus
nunquam
I
uestri obliuiscatur qui est benedictus in

:
secula."
45,
Amen," adiecit piissimus pater respondentibus ego cum bona consciencia conuersatus sum inter uos, quia dominum testem inuoco in animam meam utpote constitutes, ut cernitis, in articulo mortis quod
nunquam postquam habitum
malicia uel detraccione uel
huius religionis accepi cuiuslibet hominis

litigio in
ilium exarsi aliqua
commocione,
que diei finem in domicilio cordis mei expectare preualuisset. Semper enim pacem diligens et fraternam salutem et propriam quietem, hoc
gratia
1
christi
animo imperaui ne turbata mentis mei paciencia

"
solis
The originally read languor circa intcncionem se retineret". :n scribe put a mark of omission before the word sc, and addc margin. The first circa is crossed through a later hand.
by
-
MS.
3 January.
APPENDIX B
occubitum
pertransiret."
517
fleuimus omnes,
et
Ad
hec
uerba
pro
proximum suum, et maxime cum ille flens diceret " scit ipse qui scit omnia deus, quod uniuersos uos diligo ut nobis, me ipsum, et sincere ut mater filios cupio uos omnes in visceribus
lacrimis uix uidit quis
ihesu christi
".
His advice on the choice of a successor} Post hec precepit afferri coram se spalterium glosatum et confessiones augustini et textum euangelii iohannis et reliquas quorundam
[LI I.
sanctorum
paruulam crucem que fuerat bone memorie archiepiscopi " 1 ecce hec in oratoriolo meo penes Henrici Eboracensis, et dixit nobis,
et
me
retinui et
in hiis
;
pro posse delectabar, solus in eo sedens

et
cum
facio
uacarem ocio
testamentum,
argentum
aurum non
est michi,
unde non
est
quia nichil
possideo proprium,
uestrum
quicquid
habeo
eius
et
ego ipse ".
Admonuit nos eciam

set
ut in electione successoris
queremus non que nostra sunt
priores
domus
et maturiores et
que sunt dei, et ut iuniores sapienciores in hoc iudicio maxime
sequi dignarenter."
et optauit diuinam.
Deinde dedit omnibus paternam benedictionem
[LIII-LXI. Ailreds death.}
Die uero
altera oleo sanctificacionis perlinitur a

3
Rogero venerabili
"domine, non sum
uiuaci-
abbate de Beilandia
et
uiatico uniuit misterii sacrosancti dominici
corporis et sanguinis, illo
cum
lacrimis clamante,
dignus ut intres sub tectum
meum ".
Quibus completis faciem
orem
et
corpulenciorem mutuasse uidebatur,
et toto die illo et sequenti
usque ad secundam horam noctis uegetacionem eandem in uultu pretendebat. Null us tamen masticabilis cibus in os eius insumitur a die
mo
usque ad obitum.
[LIV.]
Igitur post
secundam horam
eciam
in
noctis alterius
sacri dei suscepit, cepit

1
verborum
deficere prolatu et quasi
postquam sacramentum iam
Henry Murdac.
'
quern
ilia semper consideretur ratio ut hie constituatur omnis cohors congregations secundum timorem Dei siue etiam pars quamuis parua congregationis saniori consilio elegerit." Rule of St. Benedict, as observed by the Cistercians (Guignard, Les monuments primitifs,
:
In abbatis ordinatione
sibi
P
1
51).
3
Roger, Abbot of Byland
(c.
1146
to
1196).
This was 5 January,
167.
518

Sensus quinquepartiti per-
interesset celestibus terrena sapere minus.
73
b.
durantes in eo integerrimi et inuiolabiles usque in finem, verba tamen breuissima et diuisa fatiebant. lam omnes in uno conuenimus et de
|
itinere patris
ad deum non dubitamus

t!
et pio zelo
unusquisque contendit
circa ilium
paterne
infirmitati ministrare
cim
,
necessaria.
xl
ta
,
Eramus autem
nunc
sic
ille
xii
nunc xx
nunc vero
est
vehementer amatus
abbas qui
sic
nunc eciam monachi centum quia a nobis amator ille omni nostrum. Et beatus
suis
amari meruerit.
sic
Hanc enim
et
ille
maximam
beatitudinem estimauit ut
amaretur dilectus a deo

eteruum.
hominibus cuius
memoria
in benedictione in
[LV.] Et ego fateor

assistere, sed
in diebus
illis
sensi et ter[r]ibile nimis
lecto illius
porro plus iocundum.
Terribile
quantum ad hoc quod,

iugiter
ut conicio, angeli confabulantur
cum
eo, sed illo solo audiente quibus
ni fallor sine intermissione respondebat.
Hoc enim
quidem, quia
ex ore
illius
sonuit in aures nostras,
"
festinate, festinate ".
Quod
multociens per
christi
nomen
christi
commendauit,
Dicebat
est
et anglice
nomen
"
hac
lingua una
silliba
continetur et facilius profertur, et dulcius

igitur,
quodamfor
modo
crist
auditur.
ut uerbis suis utar,
Festinate,
luue,"
id
?
"
quid,
"
domine
pro extendens
christi
ille
amore
festinate.
Cui cum dicerem,

celestia et oculos eri-
manus
quasi ad
" ad gens ut lampades ignis ad crucem que ibi aderat in facie, dixit, ilium quern uideo ante me, regem glorie, dimittite me quamtocius abire.
Quid moramini
christi
Quid
agitis ?
Quid
omni
uita
expectatis ? festinate
pro
sunt
amore, festinate."
sic
Dico
uniuersis qui
hunc locum
ut uerbis
lecturi
istis
nuncquam
et in
compunctus sum
in
mea
tociens
repetitis, ita terribiliter prolatis, et tali
uero et
in tali hora,
a uiro uirtutis
Et hec quidem verba per tres dies continue procedebant de ore illus. Tribus namque diebus lento hanelitu spiritum
hora mortis.
trahebat, quia, spiritum fortissimum in corpore tenero possidens, eciam
corpore deficiente ipse uix morti cedere potuit.
[LVI.]
N.L.,
I.,
45,
Eodem tempore quidam ex

bus
ut
patris,
sociis nostris,
unus uidelicet ex
illi
seruitori-
resupinus dormitabat pro tedio et ecce pater

dixit,
apparens,
erat
infirmus,
"quando,
;
frater,
putas
transibo?"
Ad
"
quern
ille,
domine, nescio"
"
et pater,
pridie Idus Januarii migrabit
ancilla
domini
anima mea a domo sua
terrena
quam hucusque
APPENDIX B
inhabitauit ".
519
Quod
ita
euenit ut dormienti fratri pater predixerat.
Nam
cessit
secunda die postea

a corpore.
quam hoc
audiuit frater a patre, pater re-
[LVII.]
Pridie sane
quam
obiret,
illi
abbas de fontibus
et et
abbas de Beilandia
Rogerus
assistebant
|
et
pene omnes monachi
non
nulli conuersi.
f.
73
c.
Legebat autem quidam frater passionem domini, illo audiente, qui At tamen ubicumque verba iam formare non ualebat ut intelligerentur. aliquid est recitatum uel ex humilitate domini uel ex constancia discipulorum,
quum
eloquio nequibat
signis
manuum
mirabiliter
collaudabat
lectionis leticiam et
interdum mocione labiorum
et similitudine
cuiusdam
risus prorsus spiritalis.
Alias autem, ubi uel Petrus negat uel ludei

crucifigit,
accusant uel Pilatus addicit uel miles

digitis
lacrimatur et significat
contristata
figura.
crudele esse quod agitur, et uultus tocius
hec uideres gaudia omni et dolores concurrere simul, risus et lacrime, uox exultacionis et suspiria uno ex ore, uno in tempore, eadem
Inter
in
omnibus
et
fuit
omnia ex
singulis in
rem quandam publicam progredi

piumque cum
patre dolere,
quia pium
et
filii
gaudere cum
patre,
dum
sit
obitum
patris plangere et
eiusdem nichilominus
patris leticie
congaudere.
[LV1IL]
In
illo
die sedi ego et sustentaui
longius consedentibus nobis.
capud eius manibus meis, aliis Dixi autem demissa uoce, nemine nobis
et ibi sit
"
intendente,
domine, respice ad crucem
oculus tuus ubi est
Statim igitur palpebras eleuans et pupillas luminum porrigens ad figuram ueritatis depictam in ligno, dixit ad ilium qui pro nobis in ligno " Tu es deus meus et dominus meus, tu refugium pertulit mortem,
cor ".
meum
manus
et
saluator meus, tu gloria
mea
et
spes
mea
in eternum.
In
tuas
ut scripta sunt,
commendo spiritum meum ". Hec ita locutus est aperte cum tamen ante per duos dies tanta simul non sit
quidem
tria
locutus, nee deinceps
uerba simul.
Statim enim nocte
sequenti spiritum solito lentius trahens usque ad quartam pene uigiliam sic iacebat. At tune nobis J eum iam iamque obiturum sencientibus,
positus
est super cilicium et cinerem more monachorum, filiorumturba circa ilium adunata cum abbatibus que quatuor qui affuerant, in
1
Richard, abbot of Fountains
(c.
47
to 11 70).
Nobis
in margin.
520

patris inpollutum spiritum emittens, quieuit in
man us
autem
Christo.
Obiit
circa
N.L., I., 45, uidelicet incarnacionis II. 33-36 ; II..

552.
fl.
quartam uigiliam noctis pridie Idus Januarii, dominice mo to anno millesimo c lx vi qui fuit annus vite
,
22-24! illius
quinquagesimus septimus.
[LIX.]
1
.73d.
Cum
coram
cuius
autem corpus
uitro
eius
ad lauandum
delatum
fuisset et
nudatum
nobis, uidimus
quodamodo futuram gloriam reuelatam in patre,

niue candidior,
quasi
caro
purior,
quinquennis
pueri
induerat, que ne parue quidem macule neuus fuscabat, sed erant omnia plena dulcedinis decoris et delectacionis. Neque defectio
membra
capillorum cateruum
fecerat
eum nee
lippum
longa infirmitas curuum, nee
ieiunia pallidum nee lacrime
sed, integerrimis partibus corporis
existentibus, lucebat pater defunctus ut carbunculus, ut thus redolebat,
apparabet
potui
in
Non me
plusquam
admirandi
abstinere
affectio
candore carnis ut puerulus purus et inmaculatus. ab osculis quibus tamen pedes elegi, ne
damnaretur michi
dilectio sic iacentis.
magis quam amor, et pulcritudo dormientis Adhuc non me capio pre gaudio illius
cogito.
illam,
decoris
cum de hoc
Set
quando non
seculi,
cogito ?
Quando
gloriam ?
non rumino dulcedinem
illam
venustatem,
illam
Deus meus, non
obiit ille sic ut
mortui
non, domine,
in obscuris set in limine tuo, quia in limine
suo uidimus lumen tuum.
[LX.]
Cum
igitur
corpus eius
baptizatum
fuisset,
nam aque
pro consuetudine, non pro necessitate, ipse ab eo limpidiores reddebantur, cum

uasculo
ergo baptizatum esset aureum ilium uasculum, in
quodam
parum balsami attulit quidam ad nos, quod ipse pater habuerat ad medicinam. Hoc ergo liquore, immo guttula liquoris huius, nam
uasculum quidem quo continebatur uix amigdale magnitudinem excedebat,
hac, inquam, guttula
ego
tres
digitos
patris dextere,
pollicem
digitis
uidelicet
indicem
et
medium
;
inungi adiudicaui, eo quod
illis
autem linguam, alii faciem, maluerunt, cum tamen nulla uideretur sufficiencia uel ad unius articuli peruncAt cum uenerabilis abbas Rogerus de cionem habundare potuisse.
multa de deo scripserat
alii
Beilandia summitate pollicis totum pene tenuisset unguentum extractum
The Bury MS. adds, et anno xx 12 January, 1 167 (n.s.). domum Rieuallie suscepit regendam ". (N.L., II., 552, 1. 24).
1
"
postquam
APPENDIX B
a uasculo iniectione minutissimi
aures et collum
oculos et
ligni, patris
521
faciem inunxit, frontem
et
nasum totumque capud
adhuc tantum
quantum uidebatur esse quo incepit. Miramur omnes unguinis habundanciam tantam et mirantibus nobis manus patris abbas Rogerus unguere aggreditur et eadem copia perunxit qua Undef. cepit, nee sic in aliquo minuisse balsamum deprehendimus.
uncture
illius
superfuit
74
a.
brachiorum partem non minimam ab eodem perfusam fuisse Et nee sic utique cessauit unctio, set pendebat e digitis agnoscimus.
quidem
et
abbatis Rogeri infuse
copie
celestis benedictio.
illos
At
nos,
conuentu
fratrum expectante,
festinauimus patrem ad
reportare, tuncque
tandem balsamum
cessauit habundare.
[LXL]
corpus eius in oratorium et in crastino, missis celebratis debitis circa patris exequias, obsequiis exhibitis et conest
Post que delatum
summatis, in capitulo traditur sepulture iuxta predecessorem suum uirum uenerabilem et sanctum primumque abbatem Rieuall' Willelmum,
cuius in superioribus fecimus mencionem.
et gratia saluatoris per
Cum
quo
iure pro meritis

et
eum
gaudebit et exultabit ante
deum
dominum
nostrum ihesum christum cui gloria in secula seculorum. Amen. Explicit uita uenerabilis Alredi abbatis Rieuall'. Incipit lamentacio
auctoris uite eiusdem
1
de eadem
re.
Walter Daniel's lamentation
follows,
f.
74
a-f.
75
b.
BRIEF NOTES
ON SOME OF THE RARER OR ARABIC AND PERSIAN-ARABIC MANUUNIQUE
SCRIPTS IN
THE JOHN RYLANDS

BY A. MINGANA, D.D.
LIBRARY.
ASSISTANT-KEEPER OF MANUSCRIPTS IN THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY.

has been decided to print, from time to time, in these pages, on some of the rarer works to be found in
IT
brief descriptive notes
the collection of Arabic, Persian and other Oriental Manuscripts
preserved in the John Rylands Library. The whole of the items dealt with in the present issue have been
already fully described in the manuscript catalogue, which has been prepared with a view to publication when the cost of book- production becomes more normal.
terested in such studies
In the
meantime students
access to the
full
who
are in-
may have ready

is
catalogue,
and
also to the manuscripts.
The
works
of
object of these notes
to direct attention to a
field
number
the
of
importance
in
this
particular
of
research,
very
existence of
which would otherwise remain unknown,
since the
whole
of the items at present dealt with are either unique, or of such rare
occurrence in the public libraries of Europe as to render them almost
so.
To
tion
have dealt with the whole
of such manuscripts in the collec-
would have taken up more space than can well be spared.
We
have therefore confined our attention to those coming, under the head
of Theology. In subsequent issues
it
is
our intention to deal
in the
same manner
with other rare items
in the
departments of History, Natural Science,

etc.
Philosophy, Literature,
Language, Prayers, Charms,
CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY.
No.
%.
''TUHFAH'AMMlYAH.''
It
contains
quatrains
on
the
twelve months of the Christian year, their beauty and their defects,
in the
ARABIC AND PERSIAN-ARABIC MANUSCRIPTS

form of a dialogued dispute.
half of the eighteenth century.
523
The author is Philippus The MS. was written
Fadul, of the second

at
Damietta in
769,
one year
after
its
composition in Cairo.
No. 100.
"KITAB UT-TUBB UR-RUHANI."

in general.
It
An
to
anonymous
of
work on Christian mysticism

with various vices affecting
origin
origin.
consists of thirteen fasls dealing
human
life.
;
The MS. seems

the binding
is
be
Spanish
and
is
written on
European paper
also of
European
works
of
Eighteenth century. ISAAC OF No. 802.
NINEVEH.
who
Arabic version
of the
the Syrian mystic, Isaac of Nineveh,

Christian century.
died towards the end of the seventh

it
The MS.
of St.
has no date but
may be
ascribed to about
A.D. 1450.
it
It
belonged
of Isaac of
to a certain Athanasius Tabutlka,
who
dedicated
to the
monastery
Anthony
The works
Arabic
in Egypt. Nineveh, which were translated from Syriac into
in the ninth Christian century, exercised a great
and
lasting influence
on Christian mystics and
Muslim
Sufis of later generations
MUSLIM THEOLOGY.
1.
KUR'AN.
This beautiful manuscript,
in
Nos.
760-773.
KUR'AN.
fourteen
volumes, contains, in a fifteenth century

into Persian
trilingual.
script, the translation of the Kur'an
and Turki (Eastern Turkish) languages. Every page of it is The first line contains, in thick Naskhi characters, the text of the
Kur'an and below every Arabic word is written, in much thinner letters, its Persian equivalent, and 'immediately below the Persian word comes its Turki
equivalent.
Both
translations being very literal, the Eastern
Turkish version
furnishes the handiest text for the study of the imperfectly
Turki
works.
in its relation to that
used
in
known dialect of Kudatku Bilik and in Rabghuzi's

on the writing and sections under Surah headings. The
No. 347.
"HUJJAT UL-ISLAM."
ul-Islam
is
A work
pronunciation of the Kur'an arranged in
author
is
called
given as
Muhammad Badr The MS. 1157/1744.

" SIRAJ
b.
and the date
of the composition
is
either an autograph of the author, or
written under his direct supervision.
No. 438 C.
author
the
UL-HUFFAZ."
ul- Hakim,
A treatise in Persian about

words
in the
the distinction and interpretation of doubtful

is
Kur'an.
The
Haddad
is
'Abd
and the date
of the transcription of
MS.
No. 601.
apparently 1002/1593. Glosses on Baidawi's commentary on Surah
XIV
(Nur) by
524

who
died in 1069/1659.
different
Shihab ud-Din Khafaji,
The MS.
is
an autograph,
(I,
and the
text that
it
contains
is
from
that of
Khed. Libr.
No. 337.
(Yusuf).
"BAHR
is
UL-'ISHK."
181).
commentary
is
on Surah
XII
The work
"
anonymous, and the manuscript
dated 1233/1817.
No. 650 D.
SH ARH WAJ AWAZNA."

1 1 1 1
A commentary on Surah
I
1 ,
X, 90-92, written in 133/1720 by Khalilb. Mustafa stanbali, called Paid, who died about 40, 727. The MS is dated 34/1 72 a year after the
1 1
composition of the book.
No. 650 L.
"MABAHITH AS-SAYID MA'A TAFTAZANI."

which took place
at the
A record
Taftazani,
of a discussion
court of
Amir Taimur
(Tamerlane) between
Jurjani,
who
died in 816/1413, and Mas'ud b. 'Umar
who
died in 791/1389, on the force of Kur'anic comparisons.
2.
TRADITIONS.
FI
No. 800.
autograph
of
"IRSHAD US-SARI
Kastallani.
SHARH BUKHARI."
An
Kastallani on the
Sahik
of
the margins and erasures in died in 923/1 51 7.
The famous commentary of Shihab ud-Din Bukhari. The MS. contains many additions on the text, all in the handwriting of the author, who
No. 679.
" TAJZI'AT of
"
KHATIB on
Sunan
of
the
SUNAN
of A.
UA'UD."
it
The MS.
of the
contains the famous
A. Da'ud,"
are familiar.
but the text that
ex-
hibits is different
from that with which
we
From
is
the indications
MS. we
are given to understand that

in
this text
the one edited
by
Khatib al-Baghdadi, who died The (I, 329) is a misprint.)

handwriting of the Kadi of
463/ 070.
1
(The date 403 given by Brockel.

in the
MS.
is
dated 1117/1 705, and contains
Macca a
long note specifying the chain of authorities
by which the
genuine.
text preserved in this
Maccan MS. was guaranteed
to
be
No.
414 L.
"AHADfTH
Kari Harawi,
FI
FADA'IL AL-MADiNAH."
on the merits
died
in
work containing forty-one

b.
traditions
of
Madinah, by 'Ali
Sultan
Muhammad
who
1014/1605.
commentary in Persian upon Ibn Hajar's Arabic commentary on Tirmidhi's well-known Shamail. The author is Raji Hajji al-Haramain, who composed his work
in letters of the title, as
No. 735.
"SHARH SHAMA'IL NABAWI."
This precise date is formed from the numerical value of the counted on the margins of fol. 217 b Raji was a follower of the famous Sayid 'Ali Hamdani, who, having incurred the wrath of Amir Taimur (Tamerlane) fled from Hamdan to
978/1570.
.
Kashmere, where he arrived
in
782/1380.
He
was
also a pupil of Ibn

Hajar,
is
525
whom, on
*'
fol.
3 a he
,
calls
"
my
teacher and
my
sheikh ".
The MS.
with un-
dated 1225/1810.
No. 540.
FUTUHAT KUBRA."
The
first
A work
on
traditions,
common
divisions.
division comprises traditions of the
which the
authorities of six traditionists are in agreement.
The
Prophet in second those
i&five, the third those of four, the fourth those of three, the fifth those of Then proceed the traditions for which only a single authority can be two.
cited.
The
author
is
Muhammad
b.
'Abdallah Hasani,
who
prefixes to his
work the
profession of faith of his Sayid
Muhammad
b.
Zaid Kairawani.
state-
The MS., which may be ascribed to about A.D. 1740, contains ments by judges who had read the book in Madina in 199/1784. " JAWAHIR UL-USUL FI 'ILM HADlTH No. 452 B.
1
Rhave
RASUL."
An
anonymous work on the science

It is
of traditions, their value,

all
and the history of traditionists. read on the science of traditions.

In
the handiest of
the treatises
we
order
of
date
the latest
author
quoted in the
text
seems
to
be
Muhammad
Shami,
who
died
in
942/1535.
The MS. was
copied in
1184/1770. No. 554.
"
MUNYAT US-SALIKIN WA BUQHYAT ULon the forty traditions

of the Prophet, related,
'ARIFIN."
A work
com-
mented upon, and interpreted after a legal and theological fashion. The book is mentioned by Haj. Khal. (VI, 226) but without its author's name and its date. The present MS. gives the author as 'Abd ul-Hakk b.
Hasan
Misri,
and the year
of his death as
838/1434.
It
was written about

free translation
A.D. 1550.
No. 545.
"TARJAMA'
.
KUTB SHAHI."
into Persian of the forty sayings of the Prophet, as edited
'Amuli,
who
mad
b.
'AH 'Amuli,
The author is died in 1030/1621 called Ibn Khatun, who died about A.D. 1680.
:
by Baha' ud-Din another 'Amuli Muhamat the instance of
The work,
Sultan
as the
title
implies, has
b.
been undertaken
Muhammad Kutb Shah

the
fifth
Kutb Shah, who reigned A.D. 1612-1621.
He
his
was
ruler of the
Kutb Shah dynasty of Golkanda, and succeeded

is,
more famous brother Kuli Kutb Shah.
The MS.
author.
is
dated 1087/1676, and
therefore,
contemporary with the

professes to con-
No. 740.
tain advices or
"
SHARH 'AHDNAMAH."
by 'AH
is
The book
of
instructions given
b.
a-Talib to Malik b. Harith
Ashtar,
is
when he
sent
him
to take over the

in
government
Persian.
Egypt.
The
text
in
Arabic, whilst the
Commentary
The MS.
presents an
Indian Ta'llk of about A.D. 1680.
526
No.
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY 639 C. " KANZ UL-AKHYXR." A collection

About A.D. 1780.
(II,
It
of
sayings of
the Prophet.
is
in
every respect different from that
mentioned by Brock.
183), as by 'Imad ud-Din.
3.
SUNNI THEOLOGY.
No. 631.
defence
of
"KITAB UD-DIN WAD-DAULAH."

written
at
A
of
semi-official
the Caliph by Mutawakkil (A.D. 847-861). The author is 'Ali b. Rabban Tabari, who died before 250/864. The MS. is dated 616/1219. are glad to be
court,
Islam
the
and
order,
We
in a position to
critical
announce
that
an English translation, accompanied by a
apparatus, of this important
work
will
be published very
shortly.
No. 632.
"KITAB UL-IBANAH."
of the four pious Caliphs,
work concerning
b.
the
life
and the Caliphate

b.
by 'Ubaidallah
Muhammad
Hamdan
b. Batat,
who
died about 460/1065.
The MS.
and was written not one

of the copies
later than
510/1116, and may
very important, be considered as part of
is
made by
"
the disciples of 'Ali b. Ubaidallah b. Zaghuni,
who
died in 527/1 134, from his
own
original.
No. 428 C.
phrases of
RISALAT MAULANA SUFI."
Glosses on some
who
an anonymous commentary upon the 'Aka'id of 'Adu d-Din Iji, died in 756/1355. The author is Sufi Kaman (?) Karrati, a man ab-
solutely
No. 449.
author
is
unknown to us. The MS. is dated 1218/1803. " HASHIYAT 'ALA SHARH 'AKA'ID NASAFI."
given as
The
known.
Mulla
is
'
Ismat Allah, a
man about whom

FI
little
is
The MS., which

No.
262.
undated,
"
may be
ascribed to about A.D. 1600.

-
HADA'IK UL
HAKA'IK
MAWA'IZ AL
KHALA'IK." A curious work of an eschatological and ethical character. The author is given as Fakhr ud-Din Razi, who died in 606/1209, but the indications of the copyist are probably erroneous, because the MS. seems See to contain the work of Taj ud-Din Razi, who died after 720/1320. Khal. Ill, 20. The MS. is dated 156/1743. Haj.
1
No. 422.
"
WAJIB
WA
SUNNAH."
A treatise
on the duties
of
is
Muslims and on the best way
of
performing prayer.
given as Kidani, doubtless Lutf Allah Nasafi Kidani, Haj. Khal. IV, 368, as the writer of a work on Fatawi.
The author's name who is presented
in
He
lived about
900/1494.
No. 373
on points
of faith
TUHFAT UL-MUTAKALLIMIN."
A dogmatic work
and
the
sects opposing their belief,
of the principal according to the Sunnis, with the refutation such as the Kharijites, the Mu'tazilites, the
Kadariyahs,
Rafidites.
the
Murjiyahs,
the
Karamiyahs,
the
Jabriyahs,

The
five babs,
527
author
is
Burhan Kuraishi 'Abbasi,
certainty with any other writer
known
to us.
who cannot be identified with The book is divided into sixtyA.D. 1750.
and the MS. may be ascribed
to about
No.
logical
446 A.
ethical
and
is
"ITHAF UL-HUDUR Bl SATI'NOR." A theoThe author, whose explanation of Surah XXIV, 35-45.
name
Wahid
purposely obliterated, was probably 'Abd ul-Kadir b. 'Abd ulThe MS. is an autograph, and is dedicated to Aurangzib Maghribi. 'Alamgir, who reigned A.D. 1659-1707.
No.
614 B.
of the
"SHARH WASIYAH."
imam Abu Hanifa by Mahmud
A
b.
commentary on the
Wastyah
Ahmad
Babarti,
who
died in 786/1 384.
No. 614 C.
treatise
An anonymous by a Hanafite Doctor, on some Kur'anic and theological points.
"TADK1RAH
LI
ULI N-NUHA."
KASB." An anonymous commentary on a work on the power and prescience of God and the free will of man, by Sayid Muhammad Kumaljanawi. No. 414 B. "SHAWARID UL-FARA'ID." An incomplete treatise on religious beliefs, by Abu Hasan Sindi Athari, who died in
FI 1136/1723.
4.
Dated 1053/1643. No. 414 A.
"PAID UR-RABB
L'KHALK
WAL
SHI'AH THEOLOGY.
UL-A'MAL."
The
author
No. 362.
and punishments
"THAWAB
of
A work
is
upon the rewards

b. 'Ali b.
human deeds.
Muhammad
II,
Babuyah al-Kummi, who died in 381/991. It should here be stated that No. 14522,
G.
Ellis' s
b. 14 (Vol.
p.
Cat. of Arabic printed books
in the Brit.
if
Mus.
entitled
163) "
in
A.
"
Amali
contains a
is at least
work which
exhibits a text which,
not always identical with,
very similar to, that contained in the present
MS.
It
may be
as-
cribed to about A.D. 1780.
No. 686 A.
of
"
RISALAT UT-TAUHID."
cxii,
1,
A treatise on the Unity

is
God, based on Kur'an

Bakir
the author of which
Muhammad
b.
Muhammad
date
is
Damad
do not
Husaini,
who
died in 1041/1631.
This precise
taken from Muhibbi's
1284 A.H.).
We
in
Khulasat al-Athar (Vol. IV, p. 302, Cairo, know on what authority Brockel. (II, 341) and
1
others assign the year of his death to about
070/ 659.
1
No. 686 B.
same author,
"
RISALAH KHAL'IYAH."
Another work by the

vision in
No. 686 C.
in
which mention is made of a mystic " RISALAH 'ALAWlYAH."
1023/1614.
third work, written
1024/1615, by the same author, on a saying of the Prophet concerning
'Ali.
528
No.
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY 686 D. " SAHfFAH MALAKUTIYAH." A work written
"RISALAT UL-KHILKAH."
in
1012/1603 by the same author on philosophical, theological and mystical

subjects.
No. 686 F.
A A
treatise written in
1034/1624 by the same author on the creation of the world by God. KITAB UT-TAKDfSAT." No. 686 H. work by the same
author on the divine ordination of
human
nature and existence.
No. 686
'
J.
RISALAH MAKKIYAH."
spiritual value of
A mystic
the Ka'bah.
treatise
by the
same writer on the
Macca and
5.
SOFI
THEOLOGY.
No. 87 A.
"
ISFAR 'AN NATA'IJ AL-ASFAR."
work on
spiritual journeying,
many
prophets.
The
J.
and on the mystical communication with Heaven of author is the very famous Muhyi d-Din ibn 'Arabi,
who
died
in
638/1 240.
No. 399
"KITAB UL-JUMAL."
b.
tract
giving
in
short
is
phrases the quintessence of religious beliefs and duties.
The
I.
author
Muhammad
Tirmidhi,
b.
'AH
Hasan
(not
Husain, as in Brockel,
199) Hakim
who died
in
255/868.
This date is taken from Saftnat al-Auliya

in Ind. Off., p. 293, no.
182).
(in Ethe's Cat. of Pers.
MSS.
We
do
any good reasons for adopting the date 320/932, given by Brockel. Ahlwardt, and others. (ibid.), " UMMAHAT No. 399 P. UL-MA'ARIF." treatise on the
not find
leading principles of Sufism,
by the above Muhyi d-Din
b.
'Arabi.
No.
399 R.
"NATA'IJ
UL-ADHKAR
and theological
Fl
L'MUKARRABIN
on the Dhikrs.
is
WAL-ABRAR."
The work
prolific
is
historical
treatise
important
for the study of
Sufi practices,
and
also from the
pen of Muhyi d-Din b. 'Arabi. " KITAB UL-YAKIN." No. 399 cc.
as revealed in
its letters,
A treatise on the meaning of

Answers
b.
the
word Yakin
by the same Ibn 'Arabi.

to
No. 399 dd.
"RISALAT UL-INTISAR."
'Abd
ul-Latif b.
various
b.
questions on mysticism asked by

Hibatallah.
Ahmad
Muhammad
Cf.
The
"
author
is
again Ibn 'Arabi.
No. 395.
VII, 181
,
RISALUT UL-MAKR
WAL ISTIDRAJ."
Kur an
of the
and XIII, 42. companionship of God.

first
work on
the gradual progress of the Saints in the
The
treatise is
it is
anonymous, but on the back
page a Persian note states that
a copy of some marginal notes edited
by Khwaja 'AH from Khwaja

of the eighteenth century.
Abu
Bakr.
Undated, but probably the end

No. 634.
529
"
RIYAD UL- ADHKAR."

of
A Sufi treatise upon the Musof each, with special
lim formula of faith
and reverence and the esoteric value

the Dervishes.
emphasis on the worship Dhikr
The
author
is
Auhad
ud-Dln 'Abd al-Ahad Nuri, who died in 1061/1651. The work was composed in 1034/1624, and the MS. is dated 180/1766. " No. 734 G. MIR' AT UL-MUHAKKIKIN." treatise in Persian
1
on the knowledge of God and of the soul. The work, which is anonymous, is different from 418, III, in Rieu's Brit. Mus. Pers. Cat. " No. 734 I. RISALAT MIR KHAWAND." treatise in Persian
on the minutiae
is
of spiritual study
b.
and on the
b.
belief, of the Sufis.
The
author
Muhammad
Khawand Shah
About
y
Mahmud
(called
Mir Khawand) who
died in 903/1498.
Lit.
the author see E. Browne's Hist,
under Tartar Dom.
pp. 431-433, in
of Persian which, however, there is no

treatise
mention of the present work. "MAJALI No. 418.
ILAH1YAH."
on Sufi tenets by
is
Mir Muhammad
graph and
in
is
'Ali
who
died about
1175/1761.
The MS.
an auto-
dated 1154/1741.
No. 397 A.
"
SAWA'US-SABIL."
The work, which

II,
has nothing
common
with Barzanji's book mentioned by Brock.,
389, deals with
existence in general, but with special relation to
God,
to the created worlds,

b.
and
to the soul.
It
was composed
in
134/1721 by Kalim Allah
Allah, the mystic writer,
who
died in the eighteenth Christian century.
Nur The
MS.
is
dated
11
84/1 770.
No. 397 B.
mostly
in Persian.
"
USUL HAFIZIYAH." A collection of Sufi doctrines, The MS. is dated 193/1779. The author is not men1
tioned, but he
was probably the above Kalim Allah.
No. 397
Sufi doctrines
"RISALAT AYYAM AL-'ASHRA."

for ten days, written in
work on
and practices "
1092/1681 by the same
Kalim Allah.
No. 397 E.
FAKARAT."
A work, in Persian,
and explanation of some Sufi doctrines and practices, Allah Ahrar, who died in 895/1490. See reference to him in Safinah The MS. is dated (ibid. no. 87) and Haft Iklim (ibid. no. 1533).
1193/1779.
on the exposition by Khwaja 'Ubaid
No. 397 F.
" 'ILM
"
AT-TASAUWUF."
Nakshband,"
A short treatise on Sufism.
The work
Nakshband
is
referring doubtless to Baha'ud-Din Bukhari, the founder of the Naskhbandi order, who died in
headed
791/1389 (Safinah, " No. 439 D.

which brings
no. 82,
and Haft IMim,
no. 1489).
SHARH KAFIYAH."
mystical
work
in Persian
into the Sufi sphere the
grammatical terminology of some Arabic
530

The
author
is
sentences dealing with tauhid and 'ishk.
'Abd ul-Wahid
Ibrahim b- Kutb.
Seventeenth century.
No. 439 E.
on
the
" 'IBARAT
of
MAKTUBAT."
Sufi treatise in Persian
words
mystic
love,
by Kutb 'Alam Makhdiim Shaikh
akhi
Jamshid.
6.
WAHHABI THEOLOGY.
FI
sent to
No. 618 A.
"RISALAH MADANIYAH
AL-ILAHIYAH."
b.
A treatise written and

the head of the
is
MA'RIFAT BAHA' Madina by Muhammad
'Abd ul-Wahhab,
This
1207/1792.
(p.
date
taken
Wahhabi movement, who died in from Dahlan's Khulasat ul-Kalam
229
of
Cairo
edit.,
1305).
No. 618 B.
A lengthy refutation of the Wahhabi tenets by Muhammad

who died MS. is dated
in
Abu
Su'ud Shirwani,
1230/1814.
It
The
has no
author wrote
title.
it
in
121 1/1796,
and the
1220/1805.
7.
NUSAIRI THEOLOGY.
different
Nos. 721-722.
Two
still
MSS.
containing the prayers and the

1
theological beliefs of the Nusairis.

treatise
Undated, but about

in
750.
The
best
on
this sect is
that
by C. Huart
Journal
asiatique, 1879,
pp. 190-261.
THE RE-BIRTH OF THE LIBRARY OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF LOUVAIN.
"
Sapientia aedificavit
sibi
domum."
BY THE EDITOR.
which has been in progress since December, 1914, was advanced another stage on the 28th of last July, with the laying of the first stone of the new building, which is to be erected on a
splendid
site at
THE
reconstruction of the Library of the University of Louvain,
the highest point of the town, overlooking the Place
du Peuple
the exact spot
where the
little
Belgian army,
away back
in
the dark days of
1914,
thrilled
the world by defying the invading
hordes of Germany.
The
actual
ceremony was preceded by a
brilliant
academic function
in the great
the venerable
amphitheatre of the College du Pape, presided over by and beloved Cardinal Mercier, who is the President du
Conseil d* Administration de 1'Universite.
Long before the hour fixed for the opening of the proceedings the hall was crowded with guests and students displaying the banners of their corporations. The hall was decked with the flags of all the allies, and there was an impressive display of colour in the uniforms, gowns and hoods worn by the delegates of the many countries, universities, and
learned bodies represented.
tingent of
members,
with
broidered
The French Academy sent a large conwho were attired in the traditional dress, emlaurel leaves, and cocked hats. The staff of the
University were arrayed in the quaint toga of pre-war days. The guests included representatives of the United States, Canada,
France,
Great
Britain,
Ireland,
Switzerland,
Holland,
Greece,
Roumania,
Brazil,
slovakia, Japan,
aco,
Sweden, Norway, Poland, CzechoChina, Denmark, the Argentine Republic, MonPortugal,

of the scientific bodies,
53i
and Luxemburg, surrounded by delegates
35
532

'
and from the provinces

the venerable Prelate,
S. of Belgium.
Tous accourus
ici,"
remarked
et
"
pour nous interroger sur nos esperances

of the Belgians,
pour nous aider a

cess
les realiser."
The King and Queen
accompanied by the Prin-
Marie-Jose were greeted with cheers as they entered the amphitheatre, followed by Monsieur Raymond Poincare, the Prince of
of the Diplomatic Corps,
Monaco, Marshal Petain, the members of the Belgian Cabinet and and Dr. Murray Butler.
After solemnly blessing the assembly Cardinal Mercier opened
the proceedings with an address of welcome, in which he recalled the
dreadful night of
in divine justice,
25-26 August, 1914, and

its
his
avowal of confidence
of
which would not allow the burning

long
history.
Louvain
to
be
the
final
:
act in
Here
are
the
Cardinal's
exact
words
'*
Nous
savions
que 1'heure de
la meriter.
la justice
allies
viendrait
Nous
la
1'attendions.
victoire.
'*
nos soldats, a nos
de nous apporter
A nous de
part, je n'ai cru un instant que le ReguJamais pour lateur Supreme des evenements humains, qui avait permis que notre foi fut soumise a pareille epreuve, put nous abandonner.
ma
"
Aux heures
les plus tragiques
beiges,
gardiens et
protecteurs de
de notre epreuve, les eveques 1'Universite de Louvain, ne

foi
douterent jamais de sa resurrection prochaine et de ses glorieuses

destinees.
.
Nous avons eu une

justice.'*
indefectible
dans
le
triomphe
final
de
His Eminence, in the course of his address, remarked that there were two dates which would ever be remembered in Belgium, dates
which mark ruin and
restoration,
the one (25-26 August,
1914)
the
the date of the burning of the library, the other
(28
its
July,
1921) the
date of the commencement of the erection, near

building which
is
ruins, of
new
to replace
it.
The
Cardinal's reference to the King, who, with the
Queen and
the young Princess, were present throughout the whole of the proceeddue not merely to personal ings, was received with renewed applause,
popularity, but because, as the Cardinal said of
le
him
"
Sa Majeste
du
Roi, calme au milieu des orages et sans peur des dangers, represente
qu'il
en lui-meme ce
peuple
".
y a de plus noble dans
la vie et
le
caractere
LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LOUVAIN

It
533
was eminently appropriate

restoration, for
loss whilst
that Cardinal
Mercier should take
the leading part in the ceremonials of the
memorate
day which were to comwas he not the man who had valiantly faced
in
danger and
so wisely guiding his people in the days of
their tragic distress.
Resplendent
robes of scarlet,
tall,
spare, but
supremely
dignified in bearing, the Cardinal,
from whose countenance
radiated benedictions, seemed to dominate the
he descended from the tribune at the conclusion of

again greeted with tremendous applause. message from President Harding
whole assembly, and as his speech he was
was then read by Mr.
Brand Whitlock, the Ambassador of the United States to Belgium, It was a message of the whole assembly standing to hear it read. good wishes for the future of the University of Louvain, combined
with a hope that the bond of friendship uniting
of
it
with the universities
the
America would prove to be one two countries together.
of the strongest ties
which hold
man
Dr. Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, and Chairof the American National Committee, which was formed to col-
laborate with the English and other

of reconstruction of the
responsible for
European Committees in the work Louvain Library, and which has made itself the erection of the new library building, was given an
enthusiastic reception
when he
rose to deliver an address in French,
which was
in
every sense worthy of so great an occasion.
reproduce the concluding passage, which plauded by every one present

:
We
was warmly aples
"
La
guerre est
finie.
Le moment
les
est
venu de panser
blessures,
et
de soigner
les
orphelins,
pauvres, les malheureux,
de
"
rebatir ces
monuments
qui expriment les plus hautes aspira-
tions
humaines.
L'Amerique a vivement
desire vous aider dans cette tache.
Elle ne peut donner autant qu'elle le voudrait, mais elle veut
donner autant
"
qu'il lui est possible.
La
reconstruction
etait
de
la
Louvain
fut
et
son premier desir.

suis
Bibliotheque de 1'Universite de Elle a saisi 1'occasion qui lui

ici,
offerte.
Je
heureux d'etre
en cette noble
assistance,
de representer
la
les
nombreux Americains qui y
ont,
chacun
selon leurs moyens, apporte une contribution.
En
leur
nom
je
poserai
premiere pierre
de
cet edifice en vous assurant
que
534

leur sympathie et leurs
tion.
voeux suivront
les
progres de la construc-
"
Ce
batiment,
lien
qui
s'elevera
parmi
les
ruines,
sera
im
temoignage du
"
qui unit
notre nation a la Belgique, a la

allies.
France, a 1'Angleterre, et a leurs
Une
nation qui defend une noble cause
rec,oit
un nouveau
;
et bapteme, nous 1'avons rec.u ainsi que vous bapteme. nos cceurs, scelles dans cette pierre, vous affirment que jamais
Ce
nous ne resterons en
arriere,
les
si
la liberte et
les la
du monde
et
etait
du nou-
veau menacee,
et
si
canons
flammes avanâient pour
detruire ces nobles
monuments de
pensee
du
progres."
Monsieur Poincare, the ex- President of the French Republic, followed with a spirited and eloquent oration, which, in spite of the
overpowering heat, was greeted point by point with tumultuous apIn the plause, the audience sometimes rising to their feet to cheer.
course of his speech he referred to the premeditated crimes of the Ger-
mans in Belgium, and closed with an appeal

:
for a general unity
which
should guarantee peace " nous, maintenant, de faire en sorte que
la victoire reste
la victoire, et
le
que paix paix qui permettrait recommencement des horreurs que nous avons vues, une paix qui laisserait les petits peuples a la merci de la force, une paix
qui ne donnerait pas la reparation des
la
soit la paix.
Une
dommages
causes et des
injustices commises, ne serait qu'une treve mensongere et une Travaillons tous ensembles a connouvelle veillee des armes.
jurer
un
tel
desastre.
Faisons de la paix une oeuvre de justice
pour en
solides la
faire
une
realite durable.
;
Nous
allons reconstruire la
Bibliotheque de Louvain
reconstruisons sur
des
fondements
maison de humanite."
fine
In
one other
si
passage Monsieur Poincare declared that
"...
dans
sa
brillant qu'ait etc le passe
justement reputee qu'elle fut

resurrection
la
gloire.
de 1'Universite de Louvain, si encore a la veille de la guerre, c'est

atteint
d'aujourd'hui qu'elle
vraiment au
la
sommet de
cendres
;
L'armee allemande a cru
reduire en
elle lui
a assure I'immortalite."
Other addresses followed, including an impassioned oration in Flemish by Monsieur Helleputte, Minister of State, and Professor
Emeritus of the University.
Monsieur Carton de Wiart, Belgium's

in principal Minister of State, referred
535
moving terms
to the manifestafor,
tion of international
regard which that gathering stood

:
and con-
cluded on the following high note "
L'Humanite
s'est
sentie violee
:
dans ce
qui, dit Pascal, est
la principe
meme de
sa dignite
sa pensee, reflet
de
la
sagesse
divine.
Spontanement, dans I'unite de son ame, elle s'est vouee a 1'oeuvre qu'Emile Boutroux a parfaitement definie reparer
:
1'injure
faite,
par
1'incendie
de
Louvain, a
la
civilisation
tout
entiere.
"
C'est un acte infiniment grand, infiniment beau.

1'histoire.
de precedent dans
"
II n'a pas Puisse 1'avenir ne jamais vouloir
qu'il puisse se renouveler.
Pour
cet acte
de
la
solidarite
sociale et scientifique
qui va
faire sortir la vie
de
mort
la
Belgique, profondement
emue
d'en etre la
beneficiaire vous
dit
a tous, par la presence de ses
Souverains aimes et respectes,

connaisse, n'est
il
le seul
mot que
la
langue francaise
pas vrai, pour traduire le sentiment qui

!
deborde
en nous
"
pris et
Merci
Merci a vous
dont
le
tous, Messieurs,
dont
la
pensee a tout com"

!
coeur a vraiment saigne pour Louvain
At
fessorial
the conclusion of the

hours, a procession,
academic function, which
had
lasted
nearly two
composed
to
of the guests
and the pro-
staff of
the University, preceded
by
the students grouped be-
hind
proceed to the scene of the stone-laying, in which the King and Queen walked side by side with the Cardinal, who, vested in cope and mitre, with crozier in hand,
their respective banners,
was formed
blessed the waiting crowds as he passed.
approach to the Place du Peuple was blocked by the orderly but none the less enthusiastic crowds, which, in addition to the townsfolk, included peasant women and farmers from the
Every avenue
of
surrounding country, many of national costume of Flanders.
whom
were
attired in the
picturesque
"
by a choir " and the ringing of the carillon," the traditional chimes of Belgium, and in the presence of a concourse of at least thirty thousand people, the first chapter of the spiritual restoration of Louvain
the sweet singing of the Gregorian
of
Amid
"
Te Deum
300
voices,
was opened.
Facing the stage, and at the approach to the spot where the
first
536
stone

was
to
be
laid,
was a
great scroll
which
set forth the

:
meaning
of
the day's proceedings in the following inscription
HOSTlLI INCENDIO EVERSA BENEVoLENTlA
AMERICANA
CONSURGO.
Prior to the laying of the stone
for this
it
was blessed by the Cardinal, and

set
ceremony an
at
altar
had been
up, on
which stood a famous

the celebrated
ivory crucifix,
more than
three feet high,
made by
by Louis
De
Bouchardon, and
Antoinette.
one time owned
XVI
and Marie
The
stone,
which bears on one face the following
inscription
LAPIS PRlMARlUs BleLIOTHEC/E LoVANlENSls NOBlLlTER

REFlClEND/E,
1
was then
the
well and truly laid by Dr. Butler, the
band playing the while

"
"
Brabanc,onne," and the trumpets blaring the
Aux Champs
".
It was a thrilling moment when the Rector Magnificus, Monseigneur P. Ladeuze, in the blaze of summer sunshine, and in the midst
of this distinguished gathering, after voicing the thanks of the University
to all
who had
in
any way
assisted in the restoration, recalled
what
had passed
at that
very spot seven years ago.
The
destruction of
Louvain began in the Place du Peuple, and the address delivered by the Rector of the University, himself an actual witness of the destruction
wrought by the Germans, produced indescribable emotion among the spectators. Here, as we have already stated, was the exact spot where the little Belgian army, away back in those dark days in 1914,
world by defying the invading hordes
of
thrilled the
At
two
the conclusion of this imposing ceremony,
Germany. which lasted
until
o'clock in the afternoon, the guests proceeded to the Salle des

la
Fetes in the College de
Sainte Trinite, where a banquet had been
prepared, over which Cardinal Mercier again presided.

1
Nearly
five
In
Belguim
it
is
the custom to
inscription in the form of a chronogram in to appear specially conspicuous, on being

date.
commemorate important events by a Latin which certain numeral letters, made added together express a particular
:
The letters are calculated according to the ancient method = 1000, D = 500, C = 100, L = 50, X = 10, U or V =
Hence, the outstanding
letters in the
5,
1.
above
inscriptions,
when added
together, give the date 1921.

hundred guests were present.
there
537
After the loyal toasts had been honoured
was another flow
of eloquence,
many well-known
scholars taking
part in
the proceedings
by
offering
congratulations on behalf of the
governments or universities which they represented. It was to America primarily that the This was America's day. gratitude of the University and of the people turned on this occasion.
But the representatives of the English Committee, amongst whom were Sir Alfred Hopkinson, K.C., who was Chairman of the Governors of
:
the John Rylands Library, when, in 1914, the scheme of reconstruction was inaugurated ; Sir Arthur Shipley, the Master of Christ's College,
Dr. Cowley, the Librarian of the Bodleian, Oxford Cambridge and the present writer, who represented the Governors of the John Rylands Library, and the English contributers, recalled to mind with
; ;
The
pardonable pride that it was in England that this movement began. project arose from a desire to render assistance to the authorities of
the University of Louvain in their heavy task of making good the ruin
wrought by the Germans, by providing them with the nucleus of a new working library to replace the famous collection of books and manuscripts
which had been so
ruthlessly destroyed.
succeeding days were spent by the writer in Louvain, as the guest of the University. They were never-to-be-forgotten days,
for the
The two
Rector,
Monseigneur
Ladeuze, and
Monsieur L.
Stainier,
who
has been actively engaged in directing the work of reparation ever
since the University
was
repatriated,
were
untiring in their efforts to
make our first
visit to
Louvain
interesting.
Many new
friendships
were
formed amongst the members of the university staff, all of whom conspired with the Rector to make the visit in every sense a memorable
one.
day preceding our departure we were entertained at a banquet, given by the Rector, and attended by members of the Faculty of Philosophy and Letters, the object of which was to honour the rethe
On
English Committee by conferring upon him the degree honoris causa of Doctor of Philosophy, as a mark of the
presentative of the
and appreciation of the University for the service which we in England had been able to render. We were deeply touched by the gracious and generous words in which the Rector referred to the
gratitude
and English Gift Library each and every contributor,

;
it
gives us
much
pleasure to convey to
at the request of
Monseigneur Ladeuze,
538

members
of the University
the affectionate regards and thanks of the

for the inestimable service,
which
collectively
we
have rendered
memories.
to
them
a service which will ever
live in their grateful
This occasion gave us the desired opportunity for formally offering to the University through the Rector, on behalf of those we represented,
our heartiest congratulations on what might be described as
issue out of all their afflictions,"
"
the
happy
and
also for expressing the confident richer
hope that the future of the University might be than even its memorable past.
and more
glorious
We
1915,
also ventured to explain to our hosts that
when,
in April,
launched our scheme of reparation by the issue of our first public appeal, we were anxious that the resultant gift should be not unworthy of the incomparable bravery displayed by our noble allies
we
and
their valiant sovereign, in their fearless,
if
at
first
ineffectual, re-
overwhelming hordes of devastating troops which were hurled against them, and at the same time be a tangible proof of the affectionate regard in which we hold them.
sistance to the
It
was no
part of our scheme to relieve
Germany
much
of her obligation
to replace from her
own
libraries the equivalent of the treasures she
had so
senselessly destroyed.
Since, however,
to elapse
restitution
before the
damage could be
assessed
was likely and the work of

time
be entered upon, we were anxious to provide for our friends the nucleus of a working library in readiness for the time of their
repatriation,
when
they would
return to the scene of
their
former
activities
and triumphs, there to resume their accustomed work. same day another banquet was arranged by Monsieur Stainier, at which the Rector and many members of the
In the evening of the
Faculty were again present, to welcome their

take leave of him.
until the
new
colleague and to
Indeed, from the

of our departure,
moment
of our arrival in
Louvain
moment
we were
simply overwhelmed with
kindness.
The
gratitude of our friends at

its
Louvain knows no bounds.

"
:
It
is
almost pathetic in
fervour.
Said one of the professors
You
cannot fancy what it is to have been deprived of such an indispensable tool as a library, and then to see streaming in the choice and valuable
books that make
it
possible for us to
resume our work
".
The new
and
it
library is temporarily housed in the Institut Spoelberch, afforded us unspeakable pleasure to see upon the shelves, and
539
again to handle some of the 38,000 volumes which had already passed through our hands on their way to their new home, as well as to turn
over once again the catalogue cards prepared in Manchester, which now form the nucleus of the new library catalogue.
It
will interest the
with
their
many benefactors, who so generously assisted us valued contributions, to learn that whatever dimensions the
be kept apart, both
in
new
library ultimately attains, the English gift will

in the catalogue.
It is
on the shelves and

other books to be
city
to
be an English library
the heart of Louvain,
and
it
was
frankly acknowledged that

in itself
were no
added
to
it, it
would
be one of which any
might be proud. Before leaving we naturally
made
a pilgrimage to the desolated
ruins of the old library,
Cloth workers' Hall.
There
which had been placed above the mediaeval in flaming letters on the calcined walls
:
we
read the verdict of the civilised world in the words

"ICI FINIT
LA CULTURE ALLEMANDE."
The
to
style of architecture of the
new
building
is
very appropriately
be
that of the seventeenth-century Flemish Renaissance.
No
at-
tempt has been

the
made
to
reproduce the one destroyed, which was of a

detail of the
composite character, the ground floor being fourteenth century, whilst

first
is
story
was
of the time of Louis XIII.

it
Every
new
design
origin.
1
Flemish, and
will be constructed in brick
and stone
of local
The
length of the facade will be
230
feet,
with a depth of
50
feet.
On
the ground floor there will be a great open arcade,

of fine arches.
fronted by a
row
In the ornamentation of the facade over the principal entrance will
stand a figure of the Blessed Virgin, whilst

respectively the arms of Belgium
two escutcheons
United
will bear
and
of the
States.
Along
in the
the base of the slate roof will run a stone balustrade
worked
form of
letters,
composing the following words
"FURORE TEUTONICO DIRUTA, DONO AMERICANO RESTITUTA."

It
will
traditions of
be an imposing and beautiful building, Flemish and Brabanc,onne art.

for
recalling the purest
The book
stacks are to be of steel-construction,
and
will
provide
accommodation
two
million volumes.
assisted
Mr. Whitney Warren, a leading American architect, Mr. Chartres D. Watmore, have been responsible for the
by
design.
540

We must
not conclude this brief account of the proceedings of a
day which will be memorable in the annals of the University of Louvain, and which will live in the memory of all who were privileged
to
be present, without extending

lent a
to those of our readers,
who
so readily
and generously
hand
in this great
work
of reparation,
to time
by
re-
sponding to the appeals for help
which from time
we have
made
which
during the
fell
last
from the
seven years, the expressions of profound gratitude lips of one speaker after another in the course of
the day's proceedings.
These expressions were summed up, reiterated and emphasised by Monsieur Van den Heuvel, speaking in the name of the University, in
a voice which
was
full
of
emotion, at the conclusion of the banquet,
which terminated the day's official proceedings. Here are a few paragraphs gleaned from his speech " L'Universite de Louvain a encore un devoir a remplir avant
:
que
se cloture cette admirable journee.
En
son
nom
je
viens
reiterer 1'expression
d'une profonde reconnaissance a Tegard de
tous ceux qui ont eu la delicate et genereuse pensee de collaborer
a la reconstruction de sa bibliotheque.
Combien audacieux
de T Allemagne.
etait le projet
Elle avail detruit, elle
ne s'occuperait pas avait la charge de reparer. ne
On
Mais
la
bibliotheque incendiee devait au lendemain de la guerre

1'avait
etre plus complete, plus riche, plus belle qu'elle

etc.
jamais
Comme
on
voit sur le frise
du Parthenon
la
theorie des
diverses nations seraient appelees a venir a
Panathenees apportant chacun leur offrande au Temple, ainsi les Louvain les mains
pleines
de
livres,
d'objets d'art,
et a
exposer
le
les
progres de la
science
de
leur pays.
Mais pour que
plan
fut complet,
Tune
d'elles devait consentir a
prendre a sa charge
la
construction
du
sanctuaire ou serait reunie cette universelle documentation.
La
Et
conception etait
si
grandiose qu'elle apparaissait presque
chimerique.
voici qu'elle se realise sous vos yeux.
Notre gratitude va aux gouvernements

diverses
et
aux comites des

leurs
nations
ici
representees,
et
qui par
dons com-

mencent deja a meubler les rayons grande edifice de demain.
et a
541
preparer
la
decoration
du
nous accorder des annees pacifiques Et puissons nous dans deux ou trois ans vous donner rendez-vous, non pas a la premiere pierre, mais au couronnement de ce grand
Que
le
Ciel
veuille
monument commemoratif,
y trouverez,
ants a la recherche
qui sera la future Bibliotheque.
Vous
du
comme dans une

du
les
ruche vivante, des
milliers d'etudi-
miel de la science.
Sur
la tour et
elancee
batiment flotteront
couleurs de la Belgique
des Etats-Unis,
encadrees par
les
drapeaux des diverses nations amies."
may not be out of place briefly to recall some of the impressions which we formed of those parts of Belgium, both urban and rural, through which we passed on our journey to and from Louvain. Frankly, we were amazed at the evidences on every hand of the
It
Less than two phenomenal recovery which the country is making. years ago the same journey would have revealed nothing but a wilderness of shell-holes
and rank
grass.
In the meantime, efforts,
which can
only be described as superhuman, have been put forth to rebuild shattered railway stations and demolished bridges, and to replant the
trees
which had been
either felled for military purposes, or
wantonly
filled
destroyed by
the devastating hordes of barbarian invaders, with the re;
sult that to-day shell-holes are the exception they have been with the spade, and ploughed over with motor cultivators,
in
in
until,
place of the foul

fields.
and rugged
is
wilderness, there are
now
clean
and
level
Indeed, there
now
little
ever been devastated at
all,
and
about the landscape to suggest that it has it would be a comparatively easy matter
filled
to forget the dreadful years
which
the air with tumult and drenched
the very
soil
with blood.
is
A new feature of the landscape to-day

and squalid
shanties in
that, in place of the huts
a time the pioneers of the returning lived miserably, there are springing up everywhere farms with population
for
which
In some cases the people have their red tiled roofs and spacious barns. taken advantage of the rebuilding to bring their houses up to date, but
in
most cases they have simply put them back exactly as they were
before.
542

The
result
last
is
that agriculture has
made
it
a wonderful recovery, and

evident that every rood of
during the
summer and autumn
was
ground had been brought back
into cultivation.
The
land
is
largely
owned by
small peasant proprietors, and
it
was
interesting to notice
from the railway carriage window the feverish haste
with which
the harvest was being gathered, the grain crop being stacked in small hive- shaped ricks or stooks at the end of the patch
it
where
had been grown.

before the
last
had been stacked the plough was seen to In one case we be at work preparing the soil for the next crop. noticed that a young woman, perhaps the farmer's daughter, had been
sheaf
Even
yoked
in yet
to the plough, in another case a dog, in a third a donkey, and another case a cow.
Another
peculiarity
which
we
ground was brought under

hedges, as in this country.
cultivation.
remarked was that every scrap of There were few encumbering
That they are beautiful no one can deny, The holdings were but economically they are undoubtedly a mistake. separated by a simple narrow foot-path, such as may be seen on our
own
allotments, or
by a
light
open
fence.
It is
a favourite plan of
many
of the
towns
in
northern Flanders to
place the railway station on the outskirts, and to connect the
two by a
broad
straight
road lined with good houses and shops leading right
into the principal place or square.
In the case of
Louvain
this
road
is
nearly half a mile in length,
and connects the
"
Gare"
with the Hotel de Ville, which fortunately
escaped unscathed and stands almost
and over two hundred

itself,
and nearly
the
all
intact, with its delicate masonry, But the road on pinnacles or in niches. the houses on and near it, were entirely demolished.
statues
To-day
"
roadway
Allies ".
is
is
restored,
the
of
trams are running, and

it,
new
buildings are rising the
whole length
in
and
it
is
newly named the

All the old
Avenue des
The
stroying
city itself
built
the form of a star-fish.

it
buildings were
in the centre,
and, as
centre,
were, along the rays.

its
The
de-
army burnt out the
and along
rays spread their in-
Of cendiarism, demolishing no fewer than twelve hundred houses. these seven hundred have been rebuilt, and the seven-year-old wounds
are gradually being healed.
We were
told that
by the end
of
next year there will be very few

traces of the
543
war
left,
ated as reminders, and
with the exception of those deliberately perpetuwe can well believe it.
This rapid reconstruction going on

lesson
to the
working
classes of
in
this
Belgium should be an object country with their "ca* canny"

in
methods.
Wherever
the sounds of the trowel and
dawn
as long as the light
Belgium rebuilding operations are in progress hammer are incessantly heard from early lasts, and the footpaths are encumbered with
trowels used by the bricklayers are larger
is
building materials.
The
than ours, and the bricks are smaller, but what really matters
the
that
men
over there are not only earning good
they are keen to
been
that
this
is
desire
money on piecework, but It has get through with one job and on to the next. on the part of the Belgian workman to work hard
to spring like
told, looks
causing
new Belgium
it
The
organised
Labour Party, we are

is
magic from her ruins. askance on this
activity,
but fortunately
not strong enough to overcome the zeal of
the irrepressible bricklayers.
At
alines,
where
Mercier, there
is still
we had the pleasure of dining with Cardinal evidence both inside and outside the Cathedral of
the vandalism of the invaders.
One
stained glass
effigies
window has
miracu-
lously escaped destruction, but monumental
have been decapitated,
and the famous carved wooden pulpit has not escaped unscathed.
Thanks, however, to the successful pleadings of the Cardinal, the bells, as at Bruges, have been preserved, and to-day the sweet notes of the
carillon mingle
with the harsher sounds of the

are engaged in healing the
the
workmen who
hammer and trowel of wounds and obliterating

for the
the scars inflicted

sanctuary.
by the barbarians who had not respect even

upon
is
As we
little
reflected
this
wonderful recovery, which the great
nation of Belgium
making,
we
recalled to
mind the
spirit
which
it
sustained our allies throughout their years of captivity
and
exile, as
was
revealed in that moving editorial, with
its
confident note of faith in
the justice of their cause,
and
in
the ultimate success of their arms,

issue of the exiled
which appeared
Beige".
in the first
London
"
Independence
Here is one of the most striking paragraphs So shall we return let us doubt it not to our liberated country. We shall raise anew our towns, set our factories afresh in motion, repair
:
"
our railways
and our harbours, resume our rank among productive
544
nations,
THE JOHN RYLANDS LIIBRARY

and make a new and
in the
industrious Belgium great
by her works,
and high
whole world's esteem."
When
that manifesto
was
written, early in 1915, our allies could
not foresee what bitter experiences were in store for them, but they could face the future with a courage and a determination, coupled with selfsacrifice,
which have been not only abundantly our admiration and our envy.
Never
for
justified,
but have evoked
one moment did they abandon hope, and continuing
in
that spirit there will assuredly rise a
Belgium more prosperous and
more
glorious than history has hitherto known.
AN INTERESTING CONFIRMATION.
BY
RENDAL HARRIS,
article
M.A. LITT.D., D. THEOL., ETC.

in this
I
an
which
wrote two years since
BULLETIN on
IN The Origin and Meaning of Apple Cults,

practices in the apple-orchards of the
ventured, in
my
zeal for the identification of the existing, or just disappearing,
West, with the long
since dis-
appeared worship seem dangerous in
of Apollo, into the region of prophecy.

itself,
This will
reflect
but
still
more dangerous when
we
on
the association of the vaticination with the
name
of Apollo, of
whom
Milton reminds us
divine
".
at this
season of the year that
"
he can no more
The
occasion for
my
exercising the mantic gift
was
as follows
repeat a few sentences which are necessary^to lead up to the oracle itself. They refer to certain practices which used to occur in Manxland
on the
Festival
of
Twelfth Night.
"The
next
thing
we come
across in the
in the
tell
person
Manx ceremony is of the fiddler who
a combination of music and mantic,

directs the dance.
He
proceeds to
:
the fortunes of the coming year to the
young men and maidens
this is
'
described as follows by
twelfth
laps,
Waldron
On
wenches*
day the fiddler lays his head on some one of the and a third person asks who such a maid, or such a
maid, shall marry, naming the girls there present one after another ; to which he answers according to his own whim, or agreeable to the intimacies he has taken note of during the time of merriment But
whatever he says
if
is
as absolutely depended on as an oracle
and
he happens to couple two people who have an aversion to each This they call cutting other, tears and vexation succeed the mirth. the fiddler s head, for after this he is dead for the whole year. off
'
This custom
x
still
continues in every parish/
Cf. A. B. Cook (Folk-lore, 1904, xv. 402-408), for the death resurrection of the priestly king at Delphi.
545
and
546

Upon
this
custom
remarked that
lyre,
"
The
fiddler is a
primitive
Apollo, with a fiddle in place of a
not a wide variation in music,

originally oracular at a par-
and the suggestion
arises that
Apollo was
ticular time of the year,
and
that at other times he
was
quiescent.
The
girl in
whose
wrote
lap the fiddler lays his
head
is
the prototype of the

**.
Pythian
priestess
I
who
gives the responses for the

I
god
When
ventured,
this
did not suspect that the oracle on which

in the
c. ix.,
was already extant

all
Greek
literature.
Plutarch
tells
us in his Qucestiones Grcecce,
that originally the Pythia
was not
a prophetess
the year round, but only on the seventh

is
month
Bysios, which
the birthday of the god
day of the and the time when
they celebrate the return of the god to Delphi, under the term of Theophany and Epiphany. At such a time the Pythia gave oracular
responses and apparently at no other.
The
its
confirmation
is
interesting, not
relation to Christian tradition.
The
only for its own sake, but for Twelfth- Night is known to be
the original birth-day of Christ, before the

;
December
Festival
was
in-
and its Christian title of Epiphany has nothing whatever to stituted do with the manifestation of Christ to the Gentiles its real parallel is
;
a Delphic Festival of the
same name.
:
On
other,
one hand
it is
it
appears to be
the return of the solar hero
on the
the occasion for taking
the Luck of the Year, in causes matrimonial and otherwise.
For the
1 .
date of the oracle
we may compare
further
Mommsen, Dclphika, 28
M3J7 v.6
John Pvjrlands Library, Manchester Bulletin
PLEASE
DO NOT REMOVE
FROM
THIS
CARDS OR
SLIPS
POCKET
UNIVERSITY
OF TORONTO
LIBRARY

Bulletin of The John Rylands Library, Volume 6, January 1921 - January 1922.

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Bulletin of The John Rylands Library, Volume 6, January 1921 - January 1922.

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mi

BINDING IIST NOV 151922

THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY

PUBLISHED FOR THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY AT

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

(H. M. MCKECHNIE, Secretary) LIME GROVE, OXFORD ROAD, MANCHESTER

LONGMANS, GREEN & COMPANY

THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY

Notes and News

Grenfell (B. P.).

Present Position of Papyrology

Record of Twenty-one Years'

Work of the John Rylands

Re-birth of the Louvain Library

Celsus and Aristides

Marcion's Book of Contradictions

Origin of the Fourth Gospel

Herford (C. H.).

Ailred of Rievaulx and his Biographer

Captivity and Death of

ADOLPHUS WILLIAM WARD,

REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNORS :* SIR T. THORNHILL SHANN, FORD, J.P.

THE BISHOP OF MAN- The REV.

CHESTER, D.D. GOODIER HAWORTH,

* The Representative and Co-optative Governors constitute the Council.

K.C., LL.D., etc.

W. WARD, Lirr.D., LL.D., etc. LORD MAYOR OF MANCHESTER. MAYOR OF SALFORD.

Honorary Governors are

GERARD N. FORD, J.P. HENRY GUPPY, M.A., D.Phil.

BULLETIN OF THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY

LIBRARY NOTES AND NEWS

beginning of the following Consequently the actual opening

synchronised with the

of the twentieth century.

mark the attainment

are often questioned as to the form

general catalogue of printed books,

THE CATAto in-

such inquiries, and at the same time give readers

insight into the

clude some notes

the preparation and use of the catalogue" in

manuscripts a brief hand-list of the Latin manuscripts

which have been added

to the library since the year

1908, with the object of revealing to students the

QUIRED im- MANU-

We have merely dealt

which date back

to the twelfth century.

THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY

hand-list of these interesting documents

be printed as soon as practicable, but

interested in the study of

ing upwards of sixty pieces, which

have been able to add to the

already in the library.

inches in height by ten inches in width,

paper of uneven texture, apparently

Sa-dam," and Yun-nan.

Travellers from the days of

but until recent

monograph upon the