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The effect of imprisonment and duration of incarceration on cognitive performance By Ayorinde Benjamin Akindeko UJ/2005/SS/0694 -CHAPTER ONE1.

0 INTRODUCTION The past few decades have witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of people incarcerated in Nigeria and the world over. While in 1992 there were about 9,368 people incarcerated under state or federal jurisdiction, roughly 9 inmates per 100,000 Nigerian residents, by 2007 there were more than 39,000 prison and jail inmates, an estimated total population of 28 per 100,000 Nigerian residents (National Prison Authority, 2007). At the same time, the tenor of the Nigerian criminal justice has changed substantially; what was once a system predicated on a rehabilitation ethic has transitioned into one largely dominated by the tough on crime models of deterrence and incapacitation (Garland 2001). Yet despite these significant changes in both the scope and tenor of incarceration, little attention has been given to empirical analysis of the effects of prison conditions on inmates during and after incarceration. What are the

implications of the move towards more punitive prisons for the experience of incarceration? Can variation in the culture of prisons affect inmate outcomes? One of the most pressing issues within corrections today is the presence of inmates who are unresponsive to authority, repeatedly violate institutional rules, victimize within the institution, and are responsible for high post-release recidivism rates. Yet, few correctional facilities have the knowledge or resources to attempt to more effectively treat these inmates given that the supportive research is lacking. Many subject them into 23-hour segregation units to minimize the safety concerns they pose and to avoid consuming conventional approaches. Research scarce treatment suggests that a resources on a population that does not respond to significant number of these inmates have psychopathic characteristics that further complicate treatment efforts and worsen their post-release outcomes((Heilbrun et al., 1998; Nolan, Volavka, Mohr, & Czobor, 1999; Rice & Harris, 1995; Seto & Barbaree, 1999; Skeem & Mulvey, 2001; see alsoHart & Hare, 1997; Hemphill, Hare, & Wong, 1998). In response to the inability to effectively treat these inmates, several states screen for psychopathy to exclude them from treatment in an effort to avoid waste of precious resources on those who are not likely to respond favorably. For example, some

states disqualify drug abusing offenders with high scores on the Psychopathy Checklist (PCL-R) (Hare, 1991) from treatment programs. Overall, there are few concerted attempts to treat these inmates, and most efforts have not fared well (Hare, 1999). Correctional administrators see clear public safety benefits to being able to accurately identify these Little inmates is known and of more the effectively effects of direct treatment on resources. incarceration psychological and cognitive functioning. The need to answer this question has become more urgent over the last decade because of the increase of the average prison population in most countries and because of moral pressure against the use of prison and solitary confinement in cases of political terrorism. Studies of institutionalisation also provide a critical test of criminological theories, mostly based on comparisons of incarcerated (criminal?) and nonincarcerated groups. A number of studies, though not concerned with long-term incarceration, provide useful information on the kinds of cognitive impairment in settings of psychological and social isolation. Studies of men subjected to incarceration in concentration camps, studies of patients in psychiatric hospitals, observations of personnel in Antarctic stations, and of persons who are living in settings

of

natural

isolation in

(i.e.,

fallout

shelters) and different Cognitive

and

finally of

observations deprivation impairment.

experimental and

sensory

perceptual forms Impairment

conditions

reported

Incarceration

induced by monotony and other conditions of deprivation. However, the amount of studies that sought for identical processes in prison settings is far more limited. Evidence is mounting from interdisciplinary research and clinical investigations to implicate dysfunction of the thinking process, perception of social cues, and regulation of emotional responses to stressful or provocative situations in this difficult and unresponsive subgroup. In particular, impairments in higher order cognitive skills, called executive cognitive functions (ECF), and emotional regulation are thought to play a significant role in violence and psychopathy and to potentially explain the seemingly callous disregard for threats of punishment, rules and values, and future consequences, as well as an excessive need for stimulation and reward. Because ECF impairments are malleable, there is potential for affected individuals to respond favorably to treatment approaches that are specifically targeted to existing deficits. Incorporation of this knowledge into criminal justice policies and practices could alter their course substantially to dramatically improve the

ability to assess, detect, and treat offenders who are currently considered intractable. 1.2 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY This is a research that is geared primarily towards:
1.

Testing the theory that incarceration leads to cognitive impairment Establishing the duration of incarceration that may lead to cognitive impairment

2.

However, there are secondary objectives of the research: 3. Establishing an empirical evidence of prevalence of cognitive impairment amongst inmates in the Jos Main Prison. 4. To establish a basis for proposal of the adoption of intermittent inmates. 1.3 IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY The psychological consequences of incarceration may represent significant impediments to post-prison adjustment. They may interfere with the transition from prison to home, impede an ex-convicts successful re-integration into a social network and employment setting, and may compromise an incarcerated parents ability to resume his or her role with family and children. The range of effects includes the cognitive correctional treatment for

sometimes

subtle

but

nonetheless

broad-based

and

potentially disabling effects of prisonization. Integrity of neuropsychological function and its control over emotional responses may represent key dimensions of regulatory processes involved in persistent misconduct and may play a principal programs. Neuropsychological capabilities specifically related to higher-order executive cognitive functions (ECF) are of particular interest given their role in impulsivity, sensitivity to consequences, decision making, attention, and social skills. There is strong evidence for ECF and emotional impairment in a significant proportion of antisocial offenders, which may be related to their recidivism and resistance to authority and standard treatments. This research may further enhance the potential to improve criminal justice policies. Informing the criminal justice, mental health, and public health systems of this genre of research findings is critical to address the triggers (both causal and exacerbating) in the social environment that can contribute underlying to violence and of psychopathy this misconduct in and susceptible regarding individuals. Incorporating generators knowledge role in differential responses to treatment

aggression into criminal justice policies has potential to

reach a greater proportion of the population than will individual treatment programs and may contribute eventually to large-scale, system-wide policy changes, such as in processes affecting bail, pretrial detention, sentencing, and release decisions, as well as child rearing and school practices. The availability of more effective treatments for various antisocial behaviors will offer policy makers additional tools in preventing and responding to criminal conduct. An understanding of underlying mechanisms in misconduct has the potential to produce more favorable treatment outcomes in offenders and to improve the prevention of behavioral problems. 1.4 EXPLANATION OF VARIABLES INCARCERATION In its most basic form, incarceration is the confinement of a person in a prison or jail. Typically, a person is incarcerated when charged as well as when convicted of a crime. In addition to the basic reasons for incarceration, there are four primary and fundamental These are theories underpinning rehabilitation, incarceration. punishment,

restitution and justice. Prisons and jails are run both as governmental institutions and as privately owned facilities with which governmental agencies contract.

THE PURPOSE OF PRISON Historically, imprisonment was based on punishing those who wronged society, by inflicting suffering of the body similar to the pound of flesh depicted within Shakespeares Merchant of Venice. In contrast to this concept, todays imprisonment is no longer simply intended as an acute form of corporal punishments, but a method by which to work on a person's mind as well as his body, through 3 distinct areas which include: Punishment Deterrence Rehabilitation These 3 unique areas, when interlinked into a single process are intended to allow society to remove criminals from a position where they may continue their criminal behaviour, place them into an institution that satisfies the masses who desire some form of retribution, persuade other would be criminals that such activities are not beneficial, and in time sculpt them into productive and law abiding citizens through positive psychological conditioning who may later be reintegration into society. In theory, such a concept fairs well but unfortunately in reality, a large range of negative psychological

experiences encountered within prison do not lead to this otherwise well thought out plan. Let us begin by looking at the objectives and responsibilities of prisons which once again are three; the safekeeping of all inmates; the maintaining and improving of welfare of all confined within it; and the performance of these objectives with the maximum of efficiency and economy. Safe keeping generally comprises of keeping inmates locked away, counted, and controlled whilst allowing for isolated moments of welfare activities to satisfy needs through recreation, education and counseling. Unfortunately, the welfare and psychological freedom of the individual inmate does not depend on how much education, recreation, and counseling he receives but rather, on how he manages to live and relate with the others inmates who constitute his crucial and only meaningful world. It is what the prisoner experiences in this world; how they attain satisfaction, and how they avoid its detrimental effects through the adjustment process known as prisonization, that ultimately decides how, if ever, they will emerge. It has also been recognised, through simulations of prison environments, that lockups and isolation have the habit of dehumanize prisoners by making them feel anonymous, and breeding ill feelings because of their

rejection and condemnation by society as a whole. Likewise, it must be remembered that offenders have been drawn from a society in which possessions are closely linked with concepts of personal worth by numerous cultural definitions. However in prison, inmates find themselves reduced to a level of living near bare subsistence. Whatever physical discomforts this deprivation may entail, it has deeper psychological significance as to the prisoners conception of his personal adequacy surrounded by other inmates. STRUCTURE OF PRISON The entire prison structure is based on solitude and separatism. Firstly, the convict is isolated from the external world and everything that motivated his/her offences. Secondly, they are to a large degree isolated from one another. During the 18th century this concept was taken to extremes, whereby prisoners were even forced to wear facemasks that did not allow vision or communication during exercise periods. This concept is based on the promotion for total submission, and in older prisons dually acted as a form of buffering with which to control the outbreak of diseases. Early attempts at submission and rehabilitation where far from perfect. The use of solitary confinement was originally designed to allow prisoners to rediscover their own particularly when

conscience and better voice through spiritual conversion. Unfortunately, it was later discovered that no form of torture could have been worse than solitary confinement because it ended up causing within many prisoners adverse psychological effects such as: delusions, dissatisfaction with life, claustrophobia, depression, feelings of panic, And on many instances madness. All of which are symptoms of chronophobia a state often referred to as prison neurosis. It was not until 1850 that these disturbing effects of confinement to small quarters was finally abandoned, and only utilised as an instrument of potential terror to keep inmates in line. Furthermore, it brought attention to the need to redesign rooms that housed each prisoner. But even to this day, confinement within prison, though vastly improved by comparison, continues to have similar adverse psychological effects. Timetables also play a large factor in rehabilitation by establishing rhythms, and cycles of repetition. This combined with convicts personal needs for reward and acquisition through penal labour, turns the criminal into a somewhat docile worker. It

imposes on the convict the moral form of wages as the condition of his existence. A principle of order and regularity. Prisons issued uniforms also play a large part in destroying personal identity, and crashing individual spirits. These somewhat bland, yet repetitive outfits are a way whereby unification maybe achieved within inmates, through the portrayal that they are no longer individuals, but are part of a whole. That whole is symbolic of - society. Overall, the entire prison experience with its symbolic mechanisms of justice that encompass every lock, piece of barbed wire, the thick walls, the never ending supervision and segregation, the harsh solitude, and minimalistic lifestyles, are deliberately designed to not only incapacitate, but psychologically curb any prisoners personality traits that have been deemed by society as undesirable or dangerous. 1.4.3 EFFECTS OF IMPRISONMENT Prisons are often the scenes of brutality, violence and stress. Prisoners are faced with incidence of violence and are always concerned for their safety. A long-term prisoner named Jack Abbott had stated "everyone is afraid. It is not an emotional or psychological fear. It is a practical matter. If you dont threaten someone at the very least, someone will threaten you...Many times you have to "prey" on someone, or you will be "preyed" on yourself" (Tosh, 1982:86).

Prisons aim to cure criminals of crime however their record has not been encouraging. Instead prisons do more harm than good. The pains of jail confinement affect all prisoners in different ways. To begin with the prisoners need to withstand the entry shock by adapting quickly to prison life. Prisoners are exposed to a new culture, which is very different from their own culture. Then they need to maintain outside links. For example, keeping in contact with family and friends becomes frustrating. While being in prison the prisoner must determine his/her way of passing the time since the hours appear endless (Tosh, 1982). For some prisoners the major source of stress would include the loss of contact with family and friends outside the prison. There is also the fear of deterioration. There is lack of personal choice within the prison environment which many effect prisoners. After many years of being told what to do they may well lose the ability to think for themselves and make their own decisions and choices freely (Tosh, 1982). Age The age of an inmate also appears to determine the psychological effects of imprisonment. In 1992, Richard McCorkle discovered what Toch and Adams had reported in 1989. That is, that younger inmates aged twenty five or below, are initially more resistant to the prison structure

which makes them more likely to be the targets of victimisation in comparison to older inmates who assume passive avoidance roles in prison hence, increasing psychological effects of imprisonment. However, it has been suggested that after the initial shock of imprisonment, younger inmates tend to demonstrate increasing levels of conformity over time. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). Isolation Isolation is the term used when inmates are separated from the general prison population. There are three situations which may call for an inmate to be put in isolation. These include disciplinary segregation, administrative segregation, and protective custody. As one may predict, whether an inmate becomes severely psychologically effected by solitary confinement is dependent on how much time is spent in isolation. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). For instance, an inmate who is placed in isolation for a few days will not be as psychologically effected by the experience in comparison to an inmate who is isolated for a longer period of time.

Prison Subcultures

In an attempt to survive within forced conditions, whilst maintaining some form of self dignity, prisoners have resorted to instinctual community development methods and created their own subculture within prison walls which focuses on important inside issues such as relations amongst prisoners, and their interaction with staff members. This unofficial system tends to be in direct defiance of most administrative rules, does not demand uniformity of behaviour, and recognises alternative roles that inmates may play. Within male populated prisons, this subculture becomes one of the more prominent reasons for prisoner conflict and the struggle for supremacy between inmates and guards. On the other hand, within womens prisons the subculture has one more function, and that is to provide for much needed emotional support through the existence of extended play families. Much of this subculture is developed and imported by each offender from their external lives, and is then combined with the already existent attitudes and behaviours sculptured by the uniquely limited environment of prison. The major function of this new way of life and its normative system is to prevent social rejection from being internalised and converted into self-rejection. Furthermore, it permits the

inmate to reject his rejecter rather than himself. Sykes and Sheldon solidarity. during By 1960 moving proposed towards that this, inmates the seek pains to of neutralise the consequences of imprisonment by a state of imprisonment become less severe. By taking on identity, folkways, dogma, customs, and the general culture of the penitentiary, prisoners mold themselves into a state early referred to as prisonization, which for the most part is a method of adaptation. Clinical studies have shown that this prisonization can have devastating effects, and may lead to a psycho-syndrome which includes a loss of memory, clouding of comprehension, apathy, infantile regressions, hopelessness and the appearance of various psychotic characteristics such as obsession and major depression. This is most common amongst those prisoners who endure long sentences, have unstable personalities, the inability to pertain normal relations with members of non prison society, a readiness or desire to integrate into the subculture, and a close proximity to other individuals that are already integrated. Within this subculture, even smaller competitive sects emerge largely based on race and ethnicity. Some of these sects include the Muslims (a black nationalist group pledged

to ethnic solidarity, self-discipline, avoidance of drugs, tobacco and pork in accordance with religious precepts), The Panthers and Young Lords. All events within prison revolve around the continuous struggle for power and supremacy. The struggle itself takes place in varied forms. Since the inmates have been victims of power by the judicial system and its total authoritarian regime of imprisonment, they tend to regard the possession of power as the highest personal value, which within itself acclaims them prestige among other prisoners whilst allowing for their regeneration of self worth. This inmate social structure yields much more authority over individual inmates than do the members of staff, simply because inmate groups are capable of inflicting far more physical and psychological damage on their fellow inmates than any type of punishment that staff can administer particularly in duration. In fact, punishment by staff may have a self defeating purpose in that it may be regarded as a further source of statues by the inmates. Offence Hierarchy The nature of the offence committed by a prisoner can either add to an inmates psychological state or decrease it. The

reason being that typically in prisons, there exists a social hierarchy which is determined by the types of crimes that a prisoner has committed. For instance, offenders who have been convicted for either robberys or burglaries are considered to be at the top of the hierarchy, particularly if the crimes committed required a lot of skill. Whereas, at the other extreme, paedophiles are placed at the bottom of the hierarchy and are looked down upon and harassed by their fellow inmates due to the nature of the crime that they committed. psychological (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). Therefore, would the effects of imprisonment be more

apparent amongst paedophiles in comparison to thieves, due to the nature of their offence. Physical and Psychological Victimisation Physical victimisation includes assault, homicide and

homosexual rape. Physical victimisation takes place due to many factors. They include inadequate supervision by staff members as well as the easy availability of deadly weapons. Furthermore the problem is exasperated by the housing of violent-prone prisoners in close proximity to relatively defenceless victims and the high levels of tension generated between the individuals (Tosh, 1982).

Another form of victimisation, which is more common, involves psychological victimisation. It consists of verbal manipulation and other manipulations by changing their social structure or physical environment. For example a psychotic male prisoner was moved from a protected environment to one where he was easily victimised. He found a nut (as in nuts and bolts) sitting outside his cell and believed his fellow prisoners were insulting him by suggesting he is "going nuts". (Tosh, 1982:66) There are many effects of being victimised. They include feeling helplessness and and depression, psychosomatic physical disease, injury, also disruption of social relationships, damaged self-image, selfmutilation suicide, increased difficulties in adjusting to life after release. In order to reduce the incidence of prison victimisation the most promising modification involves having an increase in staff and security, adopting unit management and decrease incarceration rates (Tosh,1982). Rape A prime example of power dynamics can be observed by the use of sex, and sexual assaults within the prison environment. Though it should be noted that this is only true in male prisons because such encounters within female

populated

facilities

are

for

the

most

part,

voluntary

homosexual liaisons. The penis becomes a weapon of control that provides prisoners with a means to assert themselves and show others that they are unassailable. This type of assault though noted as being a maladaptive expression by psychologists - is the inmates legitimate way of expressing their manhood and brutal desire for power. They do not see their actions as those of homosexuals because they are rarely done with the intent of sexual satisfaction. In fact, they rarely climax whilst performing these acts. The focus is simply on - who is in charge who is doing the penetration and ironically, who is normal. There have been no direct studies pertaining to the long term psychological effects of prison rape but undoubtedly some parallel can be drawn between prison rape and that which takes place within free society. Some of the predictable psychological effects include: Stress, Denial, Nightmares and the inability to sleep, Phobias, Substance abuse, Criminal activity, and some forms of self destructive behaviour

Consider the case of Donny Donaldson, who during 1996 refused to pay the sum $10 for bail, ended up in prison for a short duration. During this time, he was pack raped by 45 inmates consecutively, and then urinated on. This is similar to the experiences of around about 25% of all prison inmates. Four short term effects that have been noted by prison psychologists include feelings of : Guilt particularly in men who get an erection and feel as though they were active participants. Shame at not being able to defend ones self and their masculine inadequacies Suicidal tendencies due to fear of continued victimisation or the possibility of having contracted diseases and the fear of becoming, or having become homosexual It is important to note that prison rape is rarely ever an isolated incident, and the psychological effects are magnified with each repetition of victimisation. One of the few attempts to document such effects was known as the Lockwood study. Its results indicated that 55% of raped prisoners experienced extreme fear, 42% felt

uncontrollable

angry,

whilst

33% experienced

extreme

anxiety. Many of these same individuals were also recorded as having undertaken self mutilation in an attempt to look less attractive, suicide attempts, and became mental ill as a direct consequence. Crowding Crowding has arisen due to correctional institutions being forced to house far more inmates than they were designed to hold, due to the fact that prison populations are on the increase. A relationship has been found between crowding and the psychological effects of imprisonment. In 1988, Paulas completed a fifteen year study on the effects of prison crowding and discovered that increasing the number of inmates in correctional facilities significantly increased negative psychological effects, such as, stress, anxiety, tension, depression, hostility, feelings of helplessness, and emotional crowded discomfort. institutions Crowding have can also effect and the psychological state of an inmate due to the fact that reduced work activity programs available for fewer inmates or for shorter time periods. Therefore, this increases the amount of time that an inmate is left with nothing to do which generates a great deal of stress and boredom. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994).

Riots Prison riots are a collective attempt by inmates to seize control over part or all of a prison as a form of protest, and again try to over power their oppressors by forcing their ways upon them. Throughout the years, the causes of riots are almost as numerous as the riots themselves, but remarkably the majority of them had the same reasoning behind them. These reasons range from inadequate and unwholesome food; overcrowding in filthy cells; racism; outside agitation; poor health care; lack of fresh air, exercise and recreation programs; cruel disciplinary actions, right through to inadequate channels for complaints to be heard. The first of two theories for this causation is known as the conflict theory. It suggests that in prisons, as in other social settings, riots are a result of unsolved conflicts. This conflict is generated when one person wants another to exercise power in a specified manner, but the other person, for whatever reason, does not. The second theory is that of Collective behaviour identifying casual processes in social conflict. It maintains that several necessary conditions must be present for collective action to

occur. The combinations of these conditions, in sequence, increase the probability of a riot. These six conditions are structural conduciveness, strain or tension, growth and the spread of a generalised belief, precipitation control. Prison Suicide The occurrence of prison suicide is evidence that prison life is stressful to many inmates. In 1981, Bartollas suggested three major reasons for prison suicide. These include inmates who: are embarrassed by the disgrace they have brought upon their families and find their guilt and debased self-esteem intolerable; find that the sense of helplessness and lack of control over their lives is intolerable; and, those who use suicidal behaviour in order to manipulate others, without the intention of actually ending their lives. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). COGNITIVE IMPAIRMENT
Most (but not all) patients with Mild cognitive impairment (MCI) develop a progressive decline in their thinking abilities over time, and neurologic diseases are often the underlying cause. Occasionally, a patient may experience MCI as a result of toxin exposure in the workplace, trauma, prescription medication or reversible neurologic conditions such

factors,

mobilisation

and

organisation

for

action, and finally, operation of mechanisms for social

as NPH. This can lead to a claim for damages, and the presence, degree, and prognosis of the MCI can then become an important component of the litigation development. The diagnosis of MCI relies on the fact that the individual is able to perform all their usual activities successfully, without more assistance from others than they previously needed. In this regard, MCI is different from dementia, where memory loss and at least one other cognitive deficit has progressed to such a point that normal independent function is impossible and the individual can no longer successfully manage their finances or provide for their own basic needs. Of interest, MCI may in some persons be a precursor to Alzheimer's disease (AD). Therefore, screening for MCI may be an important component of workup for early AD. MR Spectroscopy (MRS) is one methodology which has been shown to provide an objective means of screening for and quantifying neurodegenerative processes that can cause age-dependent cognitive deficits and which can eventually lead to AD and other dementias. Common causes of MCI include:

Multiple infarct dementia Cerebral Ischemia stroke, Post-Trauma concussion, Medication - interferon, SSRI, hypnotics; Ambien, NSAID, opioid analgesics, neuroleptic antipsychotics, Neurodegenerative illnesses - Alzheimer disease (AD) and other dementias, Hypoxic decompression, post-resuscitation, Metabolic: hypothyroid, B12 deficiency Normal pressure hydrocephalus (NPH), Treatable intracranial masses subdural hematoma (SDH), Imprisonment, torture, sensory deprivation, chronic pain Toxic chemical exposure Infections HIV, Hepatitis C, neurosyphilis, Lyme disease Illicit drug use (metamphetamine, cocaine, THC), Inflammatory or immune diseases: SLE Chronic Illnesses Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, major organ failure (heart, lung).

Exposure of a normal brain to a drug or toxin can result in MCI, of varying intensity and persistence. Most physicians are well-aware of the ability of chemical toxins, drugs, disease states and infections processes (some are listed above) to effect a patient's cognitive performance. Documenting this impairment is crucial! MCI is typically subtle, but it is measurable. Patients have memory problems greater than normally expected for their age, but do not show other symptoms of dementia, such as

impaired judgment or reasoning. The injury is thought to arise mostly in the medial temporal lobe, including the hippocampus, but can also be widespread, involving a large portion of the neocortex and subcortical white matter. The indicated evaluation of MCI includes a comprehension neurologic examination, neuropsychological evaluation including formal neurologicpsychologic testing, electrophysiologic tests when indicated, serologic and CFS tests (as indicated), and specialty neuroimaging tests. The less subjective, and the more quantifiable, the better. Evaluation of Cognitive Impairment There are a number of reasons why one needs to measure the degree of cognitive impairment. These include quantifying the current state, documenting the degree of ongoing loss, demonstrating the degree of physical or mental impairment, and developing a treatment plan and giving a prognosis. The principle areas of MCI documentation and workup are discussed above.

Comprehensive neurological exam, The neuro-psychiatric interview should always be performed by experienced professionals, Written Neuro-psychiatric Evaluation Tools These are standard, and of relatively good quality, but certainly have the possibility of being manipulated by the examinee. o Mini Mental Status Exam o Mattis Dementia Rating scale o Mindstreams (NeuroTrax Corp., NY) o ADAS-cog o Depression Scale (such as Beck) MRI provides structural information on the brain, and can be used to rule out alternative etiologies. Changes associated with MCI which have been reported with MRI include: o Hyperintense lesions in the periventricular white matter and centrum semiovale on T2-weighted images. o These lesions tend to be patchy in the early stages and diffuse as the disease progresses o The differential diagnosis includes multiple sclerosis (MS) and small-vessel disease. MR Spectroscopy identifies abnormal areas of neuron function, and can make a correlation to functional deficits in MCI. o MRS can analyze for a number of specific chemicals, including Nacetylaspartate (NAA), a brain metabolite localized almost exclusively to neurons and neuronal processes in the human adult brain o MRS measures changes in the signal intensity of NAA, which correlates with brain damage

Can actually quantify neuronal-axonal injury and loss. The final product is an actual picture of the damage, a visual representation. Functional MR Imaging used to provide an objective measurement of a perceived deficit. A stimulus or task is presented during the actual MR imaging process, and functional brain activity is monitored. Electrophysiologic testing, including EEG. Serologic and CSF testing, as indicated.
o

Issues in demonstrating MCI include establishing the pre-morbid state of cognition, determining the presence of mental decline, and linking the mental decline to its cause. It may be difficult to establish that a normal baseline existed, as injured individuals did not plan on an injury occurring, and did not take a convenient snapshot of brain function at various normal points in their lives. An estimate of cognitive function can be reconstructed, though, by an independent objective analysis of a person's job and school performance, samples of their writing, interviews with family and coworkers, and other forms of scrutiny of their lives pre-MCI. Utilizing a unified team to definitely evaluate a patient with failing mental function would be ideal. The performing center(s) must be experienced in specialized MR imaging (including MRS and functional MRI), and be proficient in neurocognitive testing and neurologic evaluation. The evaluating center should utilize an experienced team of professionals able to develop a report directed to satisfying the principles of scientific evidence. Conclusions A practical clinical program when implemented can determine with a high degree of medical probability whether a patient is experiencing Cognitive Impairment, to what degree, and from what likely causes. Such an evaluation must depend on valid scientific principles, backed by studies published in peer-reviewed journals.

1.5 THEORETICAL OVERVIEW OF KEY VARIABLES Decades Two theories of have may theory been impact and posited inmate research that suggest how First, incarceration has a profound effect on adult behavior. explain incarceration behavior.

Goffmans (1961) analysis of total institutions, such as prisons, includes a description of inmates experiences with the mortification of self (the process whereby the institution strips the identity of its residents). Sykes (1958) Pains works specifically of have led focused to on a description by inmates. deprivation of the Imprisonment suffered day These theory,

modern

which argues that incarceration impacts the short and longterm behavior of inmates. The empirical body of work testing this theory has produced findings that show the characteristics of the incarceration enviroment are related to inmate adjustment (Wright, 1991), rule violations (EklandOlson, Barrick, &Cohen, 1983), prison violence (e.g., Poole & Regoli, 1983), psychological condition (Gover, MacKenzie, & Armstrong, 2000; Toch, 1977), and recidivism ( Spohn & Holleran, 2002). 1.5.0 Goffmans Self Mortification Theory (Total

Institution) of Incarceration Amongst the main concern of this study is to empiricize the concept concept of and selfselfmortification: self mortification is defined as a loss of selfesteem, and the processes that contribute to this concept

when

an

individual falls

is

admitted the

to

penitentiary. of a total

penitentiary

within

category

institution, as it has come to be defined in the literature by Goffman (1961) and others, a total institution has the following characteristics: (1) all aspects of the "inmate's" life are conducted in the same place and under the same authority; (2) each phase of the "inmate's" daily activities is carried out in the immediate company of a large number of others-who are treated alike and are required to do the same thing; (3) the activities of the day are tightly scheduled, and the sequence of activities is imposed from the "top"; and (4) all activitities are for the sake of the institution (Goffman, 1961:6). Implicit in much of the literature on total institutions has been the belief that "inmates" improve (or at least ought to improve) as a result of their being in the particular institution. "Improvement" in each instance is measured by the increase to conformity to certain standards of behavior defined by the institution as "desirable". For example, Sykes (1958:111- 12) reports that a prison is supposed to make a criminal into a non-criminal either through retribution, deterrence or reform. Bouyer (1958) maintains that a convent is supposed to bring one closer to God. Janowitz

(1960:117) states that the army is supposed to increase technical skills and "make a man out of you"; while Greenblatt (1955) suggests that a mental hospital is supposed to change a person into an adequate functioning human being. Goffman (1961) discusses total institu- tions with the implication that while an "inmate" is in a total institution his self undergoes a process of mortification (1961:6). It is implied that self-mortifica- tion occurs regardless of how therapeutic or non-therapeutic the institution is. It is the institution's atmosphere that is mortifying. Total institution A total institution is defined as "a place of residence and work where a large number of like-situated individuals, cut off from the wider society for an appreciable period of time, together lead an enforced, formally administered round of life" (Harlambos & Holborn, 1995:305). Erving Goffman believes that a total institution such as prison, cuts people off from the outside world and from forming and maintaining relationships with family and friends. Prisoners are required to ask for permission to perform even some of the basic functions, such as asking to go to the toilet. Punishments that are given include solitary confinement, a diet of bread and water, as well as withdrawal of privileges such as cigarettes and recreation (Harlambos & Holborn, 1995).

Goffman identified 5 modes for adapting to an institution. The steps involved include a situational withdrawal were prisoners minimise their interaction with others. This is then followed by an intransigent line where prisoners refuse to cooperate with the staff and show hostility towards the institution. When this occurs prisoners are usually placed in solitary confinement. Colonisation involves prisoners becoming institutionalised and they begin to feel that life in prison is more desirable than life outside the prison. Then conversion leads prisoners to adopt what the guards regard them to be like. Finally playing it cool is done by staying out of trouble so that when they are released they will have "a maximum eventually chance, getting in out the particular circumstances of physically and psychologically

undamaged" (Haralambos & Holborn, 1995:306). Pains of Confinement The pains of confinement are limited to certain psychological deprivations. This includes the loss of liberty were prisoners experience a limitation of movement. There is also the pain of moral rejection implied in confinement. Confinement applies that the prisoner is not trusted or respected therefore s/he should not be able to move freely amongst other citizens (Johnson, 1996). Prisoners must obey rules and there are restrictions placed on what goods they may have

with them and when. Sexual deprivation places pressure on prisoners towards homosexual satisfaction of ones sexual needs. It also involves a cry for the compassion of a woman. Also loss of autonomy suggests that prisoners are under the control of officials. Prisoners must obey rules and are treated like children. Combined these psychological deprivations lead to a destruction of the human personality (Johnson, 1996). 1.5.1 LABELING THEORY Originating in sociology and criminology, labeling theory (also known as social reaction theory) was developed by sociologist Howard S. Becker (1963). Labeling theory holds that deviance is not inherent to an act, but instead focuses on the linguistic tendency of majorities to negatively label minorities or those seen as deviant from norms. The theory is concerned with how the self-identity and behavior of individuals may be determined or influenced by the terms used to describe or classify them, and is associated with the concept of a self-fulfilling prophecy and stereotyping. The theory was prominent in the 1960s and 1970s, and some modified versions of the theory have developed. Unwanted descriptors or categorizations (including terms related to deviance, disability or a diagnosis of mental illness) may be

rejected on the basis that they are merely "labels", often with attempts to adopt a more constructive language in its place. Labeling theory is also closely related to interactionism and social construction. Labeling criminals and mentally ill As an application of phenomenology, the theory hypothesizes that the labels applied to individuals influence their behavior, particularly the application of negative or stigmatizing labels (such as "criminal" or "felon") promote deviant behavior, becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy, i.e. an individual who is labeled has little choice but to conform to the essential meaning of that judgment. Consequently, labeling theory postulates that it is possible to prevent social deviance via a limited social shaming reaction in "labelers" and replacing moral indignation with tolerance. Emphasis is placed include on the rehabilitation empowerment victim-offender of offenders through an and alteration of their label(s). Related prevention policies client schemes, mediation conciliation, forgiveness ceremonies

(restorative justice), restitution, reparation, and alternatives to prison programs involving diversion. Labeling theory has been accused of promoting impractical policy implications,

and criticized for failing to explain society's most serious offenses. Some offenses, including the use of violence, fornication and weapons, are universally recognized as wrong. Hence, labeling either habitual criminals or those who have caused serious harm as "criminals" is not constructive. Society may use more specific labels such as "murderer" or "rapist" or "child abuser" to demonstrate more clearly after the event the extent of its disapproval, but there is a slightly mechanical determinism in asserting that the application of a label will invariably modify the behavior of the one labeled. Further, if one of the functions of the penal system is to reduce recidivism, applying a long-term label may cause prejudice against the offender, resulting in the inability to maintain employment and social relationships. The social construction of deviant behavior plays an important role in the labeling process that occurs in society. This process involves not only the labeling of criminally deviant behavior, which is behavior that does not fit socially constructed norms, but also labeling that which reflects stereotyped or stigmatized behavior of the "mentally ill". Labeling theory was first applied to the term "mentally ill" in 1966 when Thomas Scheff published Being Mentally Ill. Scheff challenged common perceptions of mental illness by

claiming that mental illness is manifested solely as a result of societal influence. He argued that society views certain actions as deviant and, in order to come to terms with and understand these actions, often places the label of mental illness on those who exhibit them. Certain expectations are then placed on these individuals and, over time, they unconsciously change their behavior to fulfill them. Criteria for different mental illnesses are not consistently fulfilled by those who are diagnosed with them because all of these people suffer from the same disorder, they are simply fulfilled because the "mentally ill" believe they are supposed to act a certain way so, over time, come to do so. 1.5.2 THE DEPRIVATION MODEL OF COGNITIVE MALADJUSTMENT (SYKES, 1958) The deprivation model (Sykes, 1958) posits that life in prison is characterized by levels of scarcity, like deprivation of autonomy, goods and services and heterosexual relationships. These different levels of deprivation create a social environment where inmates develop their own rules and regulations and code of conduct purportedly to mitigate the pains of imprisonment. Sykes called these holistic coping strategies as the society of captives where inmates regain their lost grounds. Inmates have their own language, roles to play and leadership structure that appropriate the

social location of the inmates in the prison hierarchy. This now classic model is challeged by the Importation (Irwin and Cressey, 1962) and Management (Di Iulio, 1987) models but it is still the most dominant explanation of American prison way The empirical incarceration adjustment Regoli, body of of work testing this life. theory has to inmate (Ekland (Gover, and

produced findings that show the characteristics of the enviroment ( Wright, 1991), are rule related violations condition Toch,

Olson, Barrick, &Cohen, 1983), prison violence (Poole & 1983), & psychological Armstrong, 2000; MacKenzie, 1977),

recidivism ( Spohn & Holleran, 2002). 1.5.3 Theories of Crowding and Crowding Models Theories of crowding have focused on the psychological mechanisms that produce immediate and latent effects from both temporary and prolonged exposure to a crowded environment. The psychological theories have emphasized the distinction between objectively defined crowded settings and a personal, subjective state. The major psychological theories of crowding include behavioral interference (Schopler and Stockdale 1977), crowding helplessness (Rodin and Baum 1978), attentional or informational overload

(Cohen 1978; Saegert 1978), and social interaction demands (Cox, Paulus, and McCain 1984). Behavioral interference concerns the extent to which an individual's goal-directed behavior is interrupted or discontinued by other people in the setting. The individual weighs the costs of reaching a goal against the benefits derived. Costs refer to the stress-related consequences of operating in a crowded environment. To the extent additional effort must be expended to reach a goal, or to the extent an individual will experience anxiety or irritability due to actual or potential failure, that individual will have greater feelings of crowding and exhibit behavioral changes. Crowding helplessness is a generalized expectation,

based on crowding experiences, that one's behavior has little or no effect on situational outcomes. The theory derives from Seligman's (1975) theory of learned helplessness, which postulates that people can learn that outcomes are not contingent on their responses, which results in a degree of apathy even when control is restored. Rodin and Baum (1978) argue that continued exposure to crowded situations reinforces the individual's feeling of helplessness because in a crowded setting there are so many outcomes that the individual is helpless to control. Unwanted interactions,

noise, and unexpected requests are examples of social and physical stimuli that impinge on the individual in a crowded setting. Helplessness may occur only in similarly crowded situations or possibly generalize to other settings. Attentional overload theories posit that, to the extent a crowded situation overloads or taxes an individual's attentional capacity, the individual's attention to other tasks will be diminished (Cohen 1978). Saegert (1978) has amplified this theory to include the effects of limited space and other social dimensions. The diminution of attention to selected stimuli results in strategies that limit the amount of information individual the might individual rely on must coordinate. types Thus, or the stereoother

preconceptions in a high-density environment. Attentional overload has implications for the development of simple cognitive strategies that may generalize to other situations.

-CHAPTER 2REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE A thorough review of empirical studies in prison environments revealed only10 studies. The best known are those carried out by a research group in Durham, which tested a representative sample of 175 inmates who were serving either indeterminate sentences or determinate sentences of 10 years or more in a number of English prisons (Banister, Smith, Heskin, & Bolton, 1973). Four groups, matched for age but differing in mean length of prison experience, were demarcated. A battery of cognitive tests, including the Gibson Spiral Maze Test, the Form Matching subtests of the General Aptitude Test Battery, the Wechsler Memory Scale, the Associate Learning and Visual Reproduction Test, the Purdue Pegboard, the WAIS and reaction-time tests were administered individually. Grosssectional analysis of the test scores suggested that while there was no decline in general intellectual capacity with increasing length of imprisonment, there was a reduction in

perceptual-motor speed. The Wechsler Deterioration Index provided significant differences, but it never reached the level that Wechsler considered as indicative of intellectual deterioration. Further, a significant improvement was found on the Associate Learning Subtest of the Wechsler Memory Scale, due to differences on hard associations. Analysis of longitudinal data showed a significant increase in Verbal WAIS IQ, but not in Performance IQ. The measure of intelligence derived from the 16PF Inventory declined slightly, whereas the comparison group improved, but the authors didn't consider Cattell's these on index reliable. Prell Other (1956) researchers test-retest confirmed comparisons conclusions. reading tests,

investigated changes in psychological skills, measured by differential aptitude tests, a test of mechanical comprehension, and the Wide Range Vocabulary Test. After offenders had served an average of 27.8 months in prison, they had increased their scores on all of the tests that measure psychological skills. Taylor (1961) compared a group of prisoners (group A, N = 6) with a group of probationers (group B, N = 6) matched for sex, nationality, age, marital status, educational background, and occupation. Only those Ss were selected who had no previous convictions or imprisonment and who had only one conviction for one particular kind of offense. Prisoners were

selected who were serving a sentence of more than 9 months, and probationers were selected who were under supervision for a similar period of time. No prisoners were in solitary confinement. Ten matched pairs originally were selected, but this number was reduced to 6 because of a death, a successful appeal against sentence, a departure from the country, and a refusal to cooperate. A third group (group G) was selected without controls from among longerterm prisoners and inmates who had served long sentences; all had served more than 3 years. It was believed that those of group G might show psychological deterioration to a greater degree than those who were first admitted to prison. All Ss were tested and retested after 6 months with the same battery of tests. Comparing groups A and B, a x* test confirmed the hypothesis on the Kohs Block Design Test on a .05 level, but the i-test didn't confirm this finding. When the groups of prisoners A and G were combined and their results in Test Battery 1 compared with their own results in Test Battery 2, using the test, a significant deterioration was found in the Kohs Block Design Test and the McGill Delta Block Test, and significant improvement was found in the Digit Symbol subtest of the Wechsler Bellevue Scale.

Biles

(1968)

examined

45

prisoners

by

test-retest

comparisons (6-month interval) using the Otis Higher, Tool Knowledge, Minnesota Form Board, Speed and Accuracy Test and a test of mechanical reasoning. The author found higher scores for all of the tests (not for the MFB). Moreover, the improved test-performance was not related to variables as age, participation in a educational program, or previous prison experience. Best (1968) compared a group of inmates and a group of institutionalized schizophrenics with the Breadth of Concept Test, a simple reaction time test. and the Similarity of Meaning Test. No deterioration was found with regard to inmates, although schizophrenics seemed to deteriorate. The same negative results are described by Lazzari, Ferracuti, and Rizzo (1958), who examined deterioration processes on a group of 150 Italian inmates with the WAIS test and the WAIS Deterioration Index. Although a deterioration of 26 IQ points was found, the Deterioration Index didn't reach the level indicative oi deterioration. Rasch (1977) presented results of an examination of 53 German life-term inmates, tested with the D-2 Concentration Test and a multi-factorial performance test. Cross-sectional

analysis of the data didn't reveal any decline in IQ-scores. Grunberger and Sluga (1968) examined 50 inmates with the ROR and the A. Kohlmann Dementia Test, which measures associated learning, general perception, digit span, comprehension, and motor speed. Although the test scores didn't reveal a normal pattern, they didn't indicate an organic demention. Skalar (1972) even found higher test scores after release. Only one study described deterioration. This study, carried out by the Italian Department of Justice, included the WAIS, the Bender Gestalt Test and the Ohio Classification Test. A group of American prisoners {N = 124) were compared with a group of Italian inmates (N = 450). A factor analysis that included test scores and information on a number of personal and social characteristics (age, education, profession, length of sentence, type of crime, birth place) revealed an independent factor of deterioration in the American (Factor V) and in the Italian group (Factor II). The authors did conclude that deterioration was found, although no relationship to other variables was found. (Ministerio di Grazia e Giustizia, 1976). CASE STUDY As was demonstrated with the experiment conducted by Phillip Zimbardo in 1973 at the Stanford university, a number of case studies on the effects of prison life have also

indicated that imprisonment can be brutal, demeaning, and generally psychologically a devastating experience for many individuals. Psychological symptoms described in these studies which are believed to be directly caused by imprisonment include psychosis, severe depression, inhibiting anxiety, and complete social withdrawal. Another major stressor which the prisoner is faced with in prison is the fear of contagious and incurable diseases, such as, aids. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). Overall, the results from studies indicate that individuals react different psychologically to confinement. While some find their experience of prison extremely stressful, at the other extreme, those who are dependent, passive, and generally incompetent may find that the prison structure offers them a positive experience. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). Zamble and Porporino concluded from their research that "prisons do not produce permanent harm to the psychological well-being of inmates." (Bartol & Bartol, 1994, p.366). However, Adams, in 1992, found that there are certain prison conditions where this may not be the case, such as, where inmates are subjected to crowding and isolation. In outlining the effects of incarceration on cognitive performance the following theories come to play

The Stanford Prison experiment was aimed to examine the power of roles, rules, symbols, group identity and situational validation of behaviour. Two dozen university students, judged to be the most normal, average and healthy were selected to participate. Some became prisoners and others were guards. The basement of a psychology department was created into a prison by the psychologists. Guards were dressed in uniform while prisoners wore dresses and no underpants to take away their masculinity. They had a chain on one foot to remind them of the repression of being in prison. The experiment was going to last for two weeks however it ended after 6 days. After 5 days, 5 experienced an emotional breakdown. They cried hysterically, had disorganised thinking, they smashed their heads on the walls and refused to eat. The guards showed no concerns or sympathy towards the prisoner, and accused them of malingering. U-Shaped Curve A factor that may determine the extent of the psychological effects of imprisonment, is by looking at what point the prisoner is in serving his or her sentence. Zamble and Proporino (1988) studied the coping strategies of inmates in

several

Canadian

penitentiaries.

They

discovered

that

emotional disruption and adjustment were clearly problems for most inmates during the early stages of their sentences, resulting from the dramatic disruptions to their life caused by the many restrictions, deprivations and constraints inherent in prisons (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). Studies have found that during the time span of an inmates sentence, psychological reactions to imprisonment will often follow a Ushaped pattern, with the strongest emotional stress reactions o ccurring at the beginning of the sentence, and at the end of their sentence, as the time to be released approaches. During the middle of the sentence, anxiety is usually quite low and some acceptance of prison life is generally gained. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994). Some inmates may totally adjust to prison life. This notion is referred to as institutionalization. This is where the "inmate loses interest in the outside world, views the prison as home, loses the ability to make independent decisions, and in general, defines him or herself totally within the institutional context." (Bartol & Bartol, 1994, p.366). Stress levels may increase at the end of an inmates sentence due to anticipation and feelings of uncertainty about ones ability to adjust and cope in the outside world again, after having adjusted to prison life. (Bartol & Bartol, 1994).

2.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM The effect of incarceration on offender cognitive

performance is an important issue for those concerned with public safety and the cost-effectiveness of incarceration. Most of the prisons in Nigeria are only interested in the incarceration process and noting is done to runtinely asses if any damage or effect of incarceration on the inmates cognitive functioning. Due to the importance of cognition in human decision making, judgement, planning and problem solving a decline there in will pose a difficulty for the reintegrating these individual into the society as the may pose a great threat to families, society and even to himself as suicidal tendencies may ensue. 2.3 Research Questions This research was designed to investigate the effect of duration of incarceration on cognitive performance and also to investigate the length or stage of incarceration that may led to such impairment, if any. This effect the following research question where raised with the view of providing solutions to them. 1. Does long term incarceration lead to cognitive impairment?

2. At what stage of incarceration is the impairment most likely to occur 3. Are there other demographic factor that may facilitate the impairment 2.5 Hypothesis H1. Duration of Incarceration will have a significant effect on cognitive performance. H2. Age of inmates will have a significant effect on cognitive performance H3. There will be a significant main effect between Duration of incarceration and age on cognitive performance. The aforementioned hypothesis will be tested in chapter four of this research work.

-CHAPTER 3-

METHODOLOGY
This chapter deals with the methods of data collection. An outline of the chapter included the participants, instruments used, design of study and the procedure.

3.0 PARTICIPANTS After due permission was gotten from the controller of the Jos Main Prison Ss (N=86) were inmates from Jos main prison participated in this prison experiment. Participation was voluntarily and inmates confidentiality highly maintained. The entire experiment and data collection took 19working day of active engagement of inmates. The categories of the inmates as represented in the table below. Table 1. Frequence and Percentile of categories of inmate.
Item Convicted condemne d awaiting trial robbery suspect Lifer Freq 22 11 29 21 3 Percenta ge (%) 25.58 12.79 33.72 24.42 3.49

3.1 INSTRUMENTS In administering the K-SNAP, the following instrument where made available for each examiner as required for the administration of the K-SNAP .

K-SNAP Easel

The easel contains four k-snap subtest which include: The mental status, the gestalt closure, the number recall and the four letter word tests respectively. Record booklet The record booklet has space to record identifying information, item responses and scores, total subtest raw score, and derived scores. This booklet provides a quick method to compute an impairment index score and identify functional score. Manual The manual includes information necessary for proper administration and scoring of the test; instructions and tables for obtaining derived scores, calculating the impairment index, and evaluating significant difference between subtest score; procesure for interpreting the obtained score profile; information about the standardization and development of the K-SNAP, and result of reliability and validity studies. Other materials Additional material used for K-SNAP administration are as follows: differences between functional levels and between number recall and gestalt closure subtest scaled

A pencil for recording and scoring test results and an extra-pencil for the examinee to use for solving the Four Letter Word subtest. Pieces of scrap paper for item 5 of the mental status subtest. A stop watch for timing all for letter word item.

3.2 DESIGN The statistical design used in this experiment was provided in the K-SNAP manual. I critically observed 11 of the 12 step provided in computing the Impairment Index provided by the manual leaving out the score profiling which is provided as an optional step. However, after computing the impairment for the 86 participants their impairment indices where converted to nominal value based on their descriptive category, and other demographic variable, the mean of these nominal scores where compared across selected demographic variable to obtain the effect of incarceration of such variable. 3.3 PROCEDURE

The Kaufmans Short Neuropsychological Procedure (K-SNAP) Test was administered students individually in by 3 who Final had year been undergraduate psychology

proficiently and intensive training to administer the K-SNAP. Background information such as age, marital status, preincarceration occupation, Religious affiliation, literacy status, category of offence and duration of incarceration were collected from each inmate's institutional record and by an interview. The subtest where administered in occurring succession; mental status, gestalt closure, number recall and the four letter word which was only administered to those participants who had formal education as instructed by the manual. The entire administration per participant took a maximum of only 30 minutes.

-CHAPTER 44.0 INTRODUCTION In this chapter the presentation and analysis of the details of data collected is undertaken and the interpretation of the data for the research results of the existence of any interaction between incarceration and duration and how it affects cognitive

functioning. At the end of the analysis, one would be able to surmise the duration of incarceration that is significant cognitive decline to occur, if any. 4.1 DISCRIPTIVE STATISTICS The analysis tests one primary effect, Duration of incarceration and cognitive functioning and other secondary effects: age, literacy level, and marital status. Duration of incarceration Table 2. Duration of incarceration of Inmate who took the K-SNAP test
Incar.Durati on less 1yr 1 5 6 10 above 10 Total Percenta ge (%) 25.58 38.37 20.93 15.12 100.00 Cummulati ve percent 25.58 63.95 84.88 100.00

Freq. 22 33 18 13 86

Age Table 3. Age, Frequency and percentile as the time of K-SNAP administration.
Item 18-22 23-27 28-39 40-55 56 & ABOVE Freq 5 17 55 5 4 Percenta ge (%) 5.80 19.72 63.80 5.80 4.64 Mean Sd 33.34 10.04

Participants with the 28-39 age bracket constitute the majority of the participants in the prison research taking 63% of the total sample (ss). The mean=33.34 and SD= 10.04. Marital status Table 4. Marital status of the participant
Percenta ge (%) 53.49 46.51

Item SINGLE MARRIE D

Freq 46 40

The above table tells us that there were more singles than married couples in the sample population. This distribution is indicative of the role of marital status incarceration. Religion Table 5 Religious affiliation of participants
Religious Affiliation Christianity Islam Percenta ge (%) 67.44 32.56

on crime, arrest and

Freq. 58 28

Table 5 above show that Christians where more than half of the sample size. They constitute 67% of the participant.

4.1

TEST

OF

HYPOTHESES

AND

INTERPRETATION Hypothesis One

H1. Duration of Incarceration will have a significant effect on


cognitive performance Table 6. Descriptive showing mean, SD and other statistics of the H1 interaction
Cognitive performance
Std. Deviati on Between Compon ent Variance

N Duration less 1yr 1 5 6 10 above 10 Total Mod el Fixed Effects Random Effects 22 33 18 13 86

Mean

Std. Error

95% Confidence Interval for Mean Lower Upper Bound Bound 4.0406 4.4343 3.9108 3.8145 4.4931 4.4881 4.2858( a) 5.4139 5.5051 5.7558 5.4163 5.1580 5.1630 5.3654(a )

Minimu m

Maximum

4.727 3 4.969 7 4.833 3 4.615 4 4.825 6

1.5486 3 1.5100 7 1.8550 4 1.3253 0 1.5506 5 1.5730 6

. 33017 . 26287 . 43724 . 36757 . 16721 . 16963 . 16963 (a)

1.00 1.00 1.00 2.00 1.00

8.00 8.00 7.00 6.00 8.00

-.09601

a Warning: Between-component variance is negative. It was replaced by 0.0 in computing this random effects measure.
Within and between group ANOVA for the DV in H1

Cognitive performance
Sum of Squares Between Groups Within Groups Total 1.473 202.910 204.384 Df 3 82 85 Mean Square .491 2.475 F .198 Sig. .897

Multiple Comparisons using the Tukey HSD post hoc test Post hoc test

duratio n N Tukey less 13 4.6154 HSD(a,b) 1yr 22 4.7273 1 5 18 4.8333 6 10 above 33 4.9697 10 Sig. .898 Means for groups in homogeneous subsets are displayed. a Uses Harmonic Mean Sample Size = 19.209. b The group sizes are unequal. The harmonic mean of the group sizes is used. Type I error levels are not guaranteed.

Subset for alpha = .05

A one-way between subjects ANOVA was conducted to compare the effect of duration of incarceration on cognitive performance, Low performance (6-8), moderate performance

(3-5) and high performance (0-2). There was no significant effect of duration of incarceration on cognitive performance at the p<0.05 level for the three conditions [F(3, 82) = 0.198, p = 0.897]. Post hoc comparisons using the Tukey HSD test indicated that the mean score for the <1 yr category of incarceration (M = 4.73, SD = 1.55), between 1yr & 5yrs (M=4.97, SD=1.51), between 5yrs & 10yrs (M=4.83, SD=1.85) and above 10yrs(M=4.62, SD=1.32) were not significantly different. Taken together, these results suggest that duration of incarceration do not have significant effect on cognitive performance, therefore, H1 is rejected.

Hypothesis two H2. Age of inmates will have a significant effect on cognitive performance

Descriptives of interaction between age and cognitive performance

Age

Cognitive performance 95% Confidence Interval for Mean Lower Bound Upper Bound Minimum 1.8252 6.9748 1.00 4.5151 5.8378 3.00 4.4888 5.3294 1.00 1.7169 5.4831 1.00 1.5325 6.9675 2.00 4.4931 5.1580 1.00

grp(yr s)
18-22 23-27 28-39 40-55 >55 Total

N 5 17 55 5 4 86

Mean 4.4000 5.1765 4.9091 3.6000 4.2500 4.8256

Std. Deviation 2.07364 1.28624 1.55483 1.51658 1.70783 1.55065

Std. Error .92736 .31196 .20965 .67823 .85391 .16721

Maximum 6.00 8.00 8.00 5.00 6.00 8.00

ANOVA

Cognitive performance
Between Groups Within Groups Total

Sum of Squares 12.218 192.166 204.384

df 4 81 85

Mean Square 3.054 2.372

F 1.287

Sig. .282

A one-way ANOVA was conducted to compare the effect of age of inmates on cognitive performance. There was no significant effect between age and cognitive performance at the p<0.05 level for the three conditions [F (4, 81)=1.287, p=0.282]. Post hoc comparisons (results in the appendix) using the Tukey HSD test indicated that the mean score for the between and within groups test did not significantly vary. These results suggest that age of inmates does not have significant effect on cognitive performance, therefore, H2 is rejected.

Hypotheses three H3. Duration of incarceration and age will have a significant main effect on cognitive performance.
Duration of incarceration * cognitive performance Cross tabulation Count Duration of incarceration *Age Dependent Variable: imp.ind 95% Confidence Interval Std. Lower Upper Dur age Mean Error Bound Bound
1.00 6.000 2.00 5.500 3.00 4.500 4.00 4.000 5.00 .(a) 2.00 1.00 6.000 2.00 5.182 3.00 5.053 4.00 2.500 5.00 .(a) 3.00 1.00 3.333 2.00 3.000 3.00 5.308 4.00 5.000 5.00 .(a) 4.00 1.00 .(a) 2.00 6.000 3.00 4.714 4.00 4.000 5.00 4.250 a This level combination of factors is marginal mean is not estimable. 1.00 1.548 2.913 9.087 .774 3.957 7.043 .387 3.728 5.272 1.548 .913 7.087 . . . 1.548 2.913 9.087 .467 4.251 6.113 .355 4.344 5.761 1.094 .317 4.683 . . . .894 1.551 5.116 1.548 -.087 6.087 .429 4.452 6.164 1.548 1.913 8.087 . . . . . . 1.548 2.913 9.087 .585 3.548 5.881 1.548 .913 7.087 .774 2.707 5.793 not observed, thus the corresponding population

Dependent Variable: cognitive performance Source Corrected Type III Sum of Squares 36.686(a) Df 15 Mean Square 2.446 F 1.021 Sig. .124 Partial Eta Squared .445

Model Intercept dur age dur * age Error Total Corrected Total

634.801 2.952 6.720 23.752 167.698 2207.000

1 3 4 8 70 86

634.801 .984 1.680 2.969 2.396

264.976 .411 .701 1.239

.000 .179 .282 .039

.791 .746 .594 .290

204.384 85 a R Squared = .179 (Adjusted R Squared = .004)

I wanted to determine whether differences in the cognitive performance were affected by age and duration of incarceration. The data were subjected to a Univariate ANOVA with cognitive performance as the dependent variable while age and duration of incarceration were the independent variable. There was a significant interaction effect of age and duration of incarceration on the cognitive performance of inmates [F (8, 70) = 1.239, p<0.039]. These results agree with our hypothesis therefore H3 is accepted.

-CHAPTER 55.1 DISCUSSION In this chapter, I would discuss precisely, relating to references of the hypothesis mentioned in chapter two with the literatures being reviewed if there in comparison to the result gotten in chapter four. This will enable us to have a closer look at the interaction between the variable that where tested in this research. Recommendation, limitation and suggestion for future research work would also be discussed. 5.1.2 HYPOTHESIS ONE Duration of Incarceration will have a significant effect on cognitive performance. Based on the test result in chapter four where ANOVA was used to test the interaction between

the various age groups and level of cognitive performance, the was no statistical significance between these variables at the p<0.05 level for the three conditions [F (4, 81)=1.287, p=0.282]. The statement that incarceration leads to cognitive impairment cannot be held. Although studies have found deterioration levels indicated by significant negative correlations between incarceration time and IQ scores, or by significant Deterioration Index scores. This result may be due to the nature of the Jos Main Prison structure and function. Other factors like the prison culture and level of social interaction between inmates and support services which has been inculcated into the several prisons extracurricular activities. Though there exist some significant difference in the mean score of the four incarceration categories with the 1-5 years and 6- 10 years age category scoring higher than the other categories. This difference may be however due to some other factors other than the duration of incarceration. HYPOTHESIS TWO 5.1.3 Age will have a significant performance. Effect of age was also test on cognitive performance. The age has been implicated in many studies of dementia related effect on cognitive

cognitive decline. The essence of this is to rule out any other plausible explanations for the result in Hypothesis one. In this study however, age does not seem to have any significant effect on cognitive performance. As the result shows cognitive performance at the p<0.05 significance level for the three conditions [F (4, 81)=1.287, p=0.282]. This may be due to that most of the participant spread adequately across all tested age groups. HYPOTHESES THREE 5.1.4 Duration of incarceration and age will have a significant main effect on cognitive performance. To test this hypothesis a univariate ANOVA was use to find if any there will be any significant interaction between all three variable. Age and duration of incarceration were tested against the participants score in the K-SNAP impairment index score, this interestingly produced a significant statistical interaction between the three variable [F (8, 70) = 1.239, p<0.039]. This may be a pointer to the fact that before there is any significant effect of imprisonment on cognitive performance, age and duration of incarceration must interact to product the effect. A post hoc test was also performed to locate the levels within which these interactions occurred. The results (find result in the appendix) showed that there were

significant interactions at the institutionalization period that Goffman (1961) implicated in his self-mortification theory of incarceration, the pattern of decline however show that the effect of incarceration does not co-vary with duration of incarceration since the main effect where only visible between 1 and 10 years. Therefore, the age and duration of incarceration of an inmate is what will most like be responsible for cognitive impairment. 5.2 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION It can be suggested that deterioration of cognitive performance among inmates follows a U-shaped or other pattern so that first order correlations don't express a statistically between adequate mean time to and indicate cognitive relationships functioning. incarceration

Further, the influence of the arousal intensity and the complexity of the tasks used in cognitive tests have been ignored. Sensory deprivation research suggests that cognitive functioning in a stress situation depends on the intensity of arousal and the complexity of the tasks. In general, performance on simple tasks is less affected by a change in arousal-level than performance on complex tasks and, second, the optimal arousal level is higher for simple problems (Suedfield, 1969). If this holds for a prison

situation, assuming that a prison setting increases arousal level, performance on simple tasks is less affected than performance on complex tasks. Analysis of the tasks used in prison-deterioration research reveals that only simple-task tests have been used, which are expected to be influenced only in a moderate way. Also, the arousal level has been considered equal for all inmates, and the relationship between cognitive performance and incarceration time never has been controlled for. It resulted in that the hypothesis must be retested for complex tasks and after controlling arousal level. Finally, there is some doubt as to the statistical adequacy of the comparison of mean scores in a crosssectional or longitudinal design. Mean scores can obscure high relevant patterns of deterioration. Supposing that only a minority of inmates demonstrate relevant deterioration processes, it can be expected that these relevant indications disappear in a calculation of mean patterns. Deterioration research must be oriented toward the description of individual profiles. 5.3 LIMITATION OF THE STUDY Though great effort was put into this study, nevertheless, there were a few limitations that may have affected the overall result of the research. Among the various limitation if

this research is time constrain as we were only given 4 hours a day for two weeks to meet and administer the K-SNAP to the inmates who initially where enthusiastic about participating. They eventually became skeptical because they got a wrong notion of the purpose of the test. If more time had been given we would have been able to involve more than 86 participants; this may have yielded a more accurate result. Also our inability to get access to the inmates records was detrimental to the confirmation of the demographic variable that the inmates gave us about themselves. A more succinct test of cognitive performance would have been achieve if a battery of test was engaged instead the using only the K-SNAP which is rather inflexible for use with a large population. Lastly, there were only three female inmates in the Jos main prison thereby limiting this study to male inmates only. 5.4 SUGGESTION FOR FURTHER STUDY This study was focused on discovering the influence, if any, of duration of incarceration on cognitive performance however some demographic variable were omitted among which is gender due to population limitation (there were only three female inmates). The gender difference in the effect of duration of incarceration on cognitive performance can also

bring some new information about the gender effect of cognitive impairment. However, other area of interest exists in the study of degradation of cognitive decline and how it affects the correctional effort. Recidivism, post-incarceration self-esteem and re-integration into society. This are important area for further study.

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