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Visual Anthropology

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The visual ethnographic narrative

Douglas Harpera a Associate Professor of Sociology, State University of New York, Potsdam, New York Online publication date: 17 May 2010

To cite this Article Harper, Douglas(1987) 'The visual ethnographic narrative', Visual Anthropology, 1: 1, 1 19 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/08949468.1987.9966457 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08949468.1987.9966457

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Visual Anthropology, Vol. 1, pp. 1-19 Photocopying permitted by license only

1987 Harwood Academic Publishers GmbH Printed in the United States of America

The Visual Ethnographic Narrative1

Douglas Harper This paper is a brief overview of narrative, reflexive, phenomenological and scientific approaches to visual ethnography, and an examination, in more depth, of the visual ethnographic narrative. To illustrate the visual narrative I draw on photographs made as part of an ethnography of tramp life in America. The narrative in this paper is incomplete and suggests the basic form for a comprehensive visual ethnography or film.

Although social scientists have used photographs since the beginning of anthropology2 and sociology3, little attention has been paid to the kinds of knowledge these photographs produce. In this paper I outline a typology of approaches to visual ethnography and I examine one element of this typology, which I have called the visual ethnographic narrative. Approaches to visual ethnography should not be thought of as specific paradigms with dearly defined attributes and boundaries. I argue for a pluralism of approaches that overlap and, at times, draw their characteristics from their context. While placing ideas into specific locations on an intellectual map is common enough in social science, I am tentative about such a task because I realize the dimensions along which visual ethnography is defined are complex and often context-specific. Levine's view (1986:272) that there is "no single diacritical marker for science," that ". . . adherence to a single criterion of the genetically scientific is to commit oneself to a polemical position that invalidates the legitimate claims of other kinds of knowledge" and Marcus and Fischer's (1985:8) similar suggestion that contemporary anthropological theory (and scholarly theory in general) is characterized by "the loosening of the hold over fragmented scholarly communities of either specific totalizing visions or a general paradigmatic style of organizing research" lend credence to the view of a visual social science with complimentary and interdependent approaches and features. I have labelled the visual ethnographic types as scientific, narrative, reflexive, and phenomenological. It is important to realize, however, that the
DOUGLAS HARPER, Associate Professor of Sociology, State University of New York at Potsdam, Potsdam, New York 13676-2294, has published ethnographies on tramp life and rural work, and has codirected a film on a rural sawyer. He is Editor of the Visual Sociology Review, a publication of the International Visual Sociology Association, and edits a book series "Visual Studies" at Temple University Press. He is currently working on a monograph entitled Forms of Visual Knowing and a book on agriculture in the St. Lawrence Valley.

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2 VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY

same visual information may be placed into nearly any of these categories, depending on how it is interpreted and organized. Thus, while I explore the visual ethnographic narrative in this essay, I will also suggest how the same photographs, with different treatment, could function in other categories of the typology. This is not different from other social scientific data. Observations (the event through which data is constructed) of a particular social interaction may lead to any number of representations: a graph, a narrative, a formula, or an account.

THE TYPOLOGY

To do visual social science is to adress two concerns. The first involves what we photograph, and the second concerns how we organize the photographs to represent the photographed object. These issues must be faced with the understanding that photographs are both constructed by human action (an interpretation of the world) and of the world (an objective record of a specific moment). These qualities of subjectivity and objectivity mix in different ways in various approaches to social science photography.4 For example, those who use the camera to record visual information that will then be classified, organized, counted, and compared, stress the "objective" capability of the camera. In this case "objectivity" means that the photographic information is considered reliable and valid. In the sociological sense, this means that a second photographer could return to the photographed phenomenon and largely duplicate the photographs of the first, and, secondly, that the photograph possesses basic correspondence to the photographed object. Photographers working from such a perspective have done inventories of vernacular architecture (Rusted 1985), spatial arrangements of houses, buildings, fields, streets, irrigation systems (Beresford, 1954; Beresford and St. Joseph, 1958; Collier and Van Vogt, 1965), and studies of cultural behavior (Danforth and Tsiaras 1982, Mead and Bateson, 1942). I am currently working on a community study of a farm neighborhood in which I am using aerial photographs to construct and compare farm histories. In this case I think of the camera primarily as a recording device, although another photographer, to duplicate my images, would have to know the time of year my photos were taken, the lighting conditions, altitude, lens length, film type and development procedures, and other technological considerations that influence the final image. The attempt to achieve reliability would be affected, of course, by the passage of time between the two photographic events. Still, while this sounds complicated, it is no less complicated than what is faced by a survey researcher who attempts to measure the same attitudes over a period of time or in a different population. This use of the camera, which utilizes its fullest potential to

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The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 3 make a visual record consistent with the viewer's visual perception of the object, can be labeled the "scientific" mode. Another photographer may question the process through which meaning is created even in the standard cataloguing function of photography. In the examples cited above, the photographic image contains information that is not thought to be ambiguous. Margaret Mead makes a photograph of an individual in a frozen posture possessing a look of beatitude and calls it a "trance." I make photographs of buildings and call one a "bain," another a "silo," and a third a "house." Presumably the words we use to describe what we see in the photographs have been pretty much agreed upon. Virtually anyone from the same general cultural background would accept the definitions/But if we look more closely we may find that the photographs, even of simple and easily recognized phenomena, have different meanings for different viewers. The person photographed in a trance may view the reality of the image quite differently than will the photographer or another viewer. If the subject comments upon and interprets the image, we have a way to understand how the cultural activity is viewed from within the cultural setting. This transport across the barriers of culture has been done in the film Jero on Jew (1980) and the accompanying book (Asch, Asch, and Connor 1986). While the farmer whose buildings I have photographed will agree with my simple definitions of house, barn and silo, the subject's analysis will provide details of the history of the setting and the values associated with the decisions to build, tear down, expand or contract a farm operation. The interview process used to uncover the subject's meaning has been called "photo elicitation."5 Several social scientists have used the method in cross-cultural research. Sprague, for example (1978) used both his and cultural members' photos to study how Yoruba of western Nigeria see themselves and their cultural values. Ximena Bunster B. (1978) used the photo elicitation interview in her study of the self-perception of proletarian mothers in Peru. Barndt (1980), in one of the only book-length studies which relies heavily on the photo-elicitation technique, used photos to study a community of rural migrants in Lima, Peru, and to implement through literacy campaigns the radical pedagogy of Paulo Freire. Victor Caldarola (1985) used the photo elicitation interview in his and his wife's study of duck egg farming in an Indonesian village. Curry (1986) applied the photo elicitation method to a study of college wrestlers to understand how athletes see their sports role. In 1925 Margaret Mead is reported to have used still photographs made during the filming of Robert Flaherty's dramatized documentary Moana to elicit responses from Samoan children (de Brigard 1974:31). I have used this method (Harper 1987) in a study of the work of a rural mechanic. In this project I interviewed my subject with photographs I made of his work to understand his mixture of modern and folk methods as well as the way the work fits into the community. Using photographs in this way, to elicit the subjects' definitions, is called the "reflexive" method.

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4 VISUAL AWHROPOLOGY

A third category in my typology most closely relates to a phenomenological social science. Photographs are well suited to explore the most subjective approaches to and aspects of our research. Psathas (1986) has combined photographic slides (using multiple projectors) and a sound tract to explore the subjectivity of an architectual space and to question the empirical nature of experiments in a physics laboratory. Silvers (n.d.) uses photographs to escape the typical interpretative structure of texts. The photographs and text are constructed to create the experience of process, to evoke a feeling of tone and texture of entering another culture. Sociologists such as Sudnow (1976,1980) have broken the conventions of sociological presentation to explore the subjectivity of jazz and narrative composition, but his experiments have struggled with the limitations of language and the "typicalness" of social science presentation. The few examples cited show how photographs can creatively leap these boundaries. A fourth approach to visual social science, that I will illustrate with an example, is to organize visual data narratively. Photographs, as "frozen moments," can be organized sequentially to provide an account of events. The photographic narrative follows familiar narrative conventions. Narratives rely on time as part of their structure. The time sense may be linear representing natural experienceor it may utilize flashbacks or even reverse time progression. Characters are seen to change or develop in relation to events or circumstances. Thus, a key issue in the narrative approach is the organization of the images. The meaning may derive as much from the organization as it does from the images themselves. The narrative derives from commonplace assumptions about what events naturally proceed from others. In the sequencing of events there is an assumption that earlier events have caused later events. Larry Gross writes that the interpretation of narrative films is a part of our taken-for-granted cultural knowledge:
At the simplest level, we merely recognize the existence of persons, objects, and events in the film and make attributions about them based on our stereotypic knowledge of such things in real life. With somewhat more sophistication, we can see relationships between objects and events that are contiguous in time or space: they go together. The crucial step, next, is to see this contiguity as the result of an intention to tell us somethingto see it as a sequence or pattern that is ordered for the purpose of implying meaning rather than contiguity to more than one sign-event and having the property of conveying meaning through the order itself as well as through elements in that order (1985:3).

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We expect the narrative form in fiction, poetry, and in fiction film (despite postmodern movements which have challenged the conventions of narrative in all of these forms of expression), but narrative photography in social science, just as the narrative form in more conventional social research, is less usual. There are, however, several ways in which the narrative form has been and can be used in visual anthropology and sociology. I will begin

The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 5

with a discussion of narrative ethnographic film, which shows directions and potentials for still photographs used in a narrative form. Visual ethnographic narratives began with the films of Robert Flaherty. Nanook of the North (1922), for example, is constructed like a conventional short story. The film consists of the principal characters, Nanook and his family, performing their typical family activities. Behind these activities, however, is the larger story of human adaption and struggle in a hostile natural environment. The film ends with Nanook having found a deserted igloo in which to save his family from a raging blizzard. Evidence of the truth of the story is in the sad fact that Nanook (just as he was unknowingly becoming an international film "star" through the success of Flaherty's film) starved to death on a hunt, two years after the film was completed. In the case of Nanook, and other narrative ethnographic films, the viewer assumes he or she is seeing a story that would naturally appear in the culture being filmed. This, however, cannot be taken for granted. Flaherty himself was guilty of misrepresenting the behavior of his subjects when it suited his narrative purpose. 6 Robert Gardner's Dead Birds (1963) is a typical example of a modern narrative anthropological film. In this film of a largely ritualistic war between two tribes in New Guinea, there are many scenes where an individual is crying or seems to be thinking deeply; a voice interprets these expressions and tells us what (the narrator believes) is going through the minds of those on film. This leads to a film that is almost indistinguishable from filmed fiction. In the case of non-fiction narrative film, the viewer must accept that the director had sufficient ethnographic understanding to supply "correct" speeches to speakers and to structure events in ways they would occur in real life. Narrative non-fiction films include, with a little stretching of the imagination, the neo-realist film movement in post-war Italy, in which non-actors played roles they would naturally live in a story written to reflect the social conditions of the times. The narrative ethnographic tradition continues in several forms of the modern ethnographic film. These include the direct address films of the British documentary tradition, such as Elton and Anstey's Housing Problem's (1935), the French tradition dominated by Jean Rouch in such films as Les Maitres Fous (1953) or any of the theoretically eclectic modern anthropological narratives such as Perrault, Brault and Carriere's The Moontrap (1963). Narrative still photographic ethnography is less common, but examples follow the contours of narrative ethnographic film. One expects film to follow a narrative form partly from visual habit: we are used to film as an embodiment of events structured into a story. The continuous flow of images lends itself to the appearance of the movement of time and the unfolding of events. Still photographs, however, as discrete "slices of time"

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6 VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY

have also been used to communicate both simple and more complex narrative lines. Narrative still photography consists of either a sequence of photographs taken over a short period of time showing the flow of interaction or events. This type of visual narrative most closely resembles an ethnographic film. In fact, it would be possible to print individual frames of an ethnographic film to create such visual narratives. Modern 35mm cameras, which automatically advance the film at rates up to several frames per second, are well suited to these purposes. The second form of narrative still photography uses time more experimentally. Here, individual photographs may represent moments along an unfolding social drama, perhaps years long. This more literary form of narrative is more abstractly ethnographic. Relatively simple visual narratives are found in "photo essays," particularly those compiled during the thirty years of the "big picture" magazines such as Life and Look. The photo essay is a series of generally ten to thirty photographs which tell, in the jargon of the journalist, a "human-interest" story. W. Eugene Smith, generally considered a master of the genre, made several photo essays for Life magazine, eventually leaving the magazine to concentrate on a visual narrative that would have the depth and seriousness he felt impossible to achieve in magazine publishing. The result (Smith and Smith, 1975), told the story of mercury poisoning in a Japanese fishing village and the social movement which arose to confront the corporation responsible for the pollution. While the book is largely photographic, it moves like a narrative non-fiction account. The account is sociological because the photographs identify social groups and present the behavior of people in particular institutions and social movements. Although not identified as such, the book is a detailed visual ethnography, and a very moving one at that. Berger and Mohr (1982) experimented with the narrative photographic form in a series of one hundred and fifty-one photographs depicting the experiences of a European peasant in the twentieth century. While the photographic sequence is organized as a story, the meaning is not obvious. Berger writes:
. . . it is impossible for us to give a verbal key or storyline to this sequence of photographs. To do so would be to impose a single verbal meaning upon appearances and thus to inhibit or deny their own language . . . (182:113).

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The photographic sequence portrays events that are true in terms of each image, but fictive as a specific narrative. In a short paragraph which precedes the uninterrupted photo sequence, Berger and Mohr suggest how they see the meaning of the photos. The photographs connect images of birth, growth, aging and death; migration to and from a European city; and two wars. When you view the images you begin to think narratively. The meaning of the images is in the structure and organization of the whole.

The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 7 I think this and other (see, for example, Adelman and Hall 1970, and Clark 1971) photographic narratives are essentially ethnographies. Most fundamentally, these accounts must tell a story that would normally appear in the culture. Realizing that social life is culturally defined, you must, either through research or through immersion in another way of life, make the leap from your knowledge of the world to the knowledge of those you study. If, as a researcher, you are a participant in another culture's typical events, you can use your own experience as a part of the study. While the visual narratives I have cited have not been done by academics for an academic audience, the depth of the author/photographers' knowledge and their ability to communicate across cultural barriers make them models for more typically defined academic work. Only three photographic studies by sociologists or anthropologists (to my knowledge) realize the narrative potential of photographs. Mead and Bateson's study, Balinese Character (1942), includes several short visual narratives, which appear like segments of a filmed ethnography. For example, the first five photographs in a sequence called "Body Products" (1942:118) show how a small child learns to "repudiate" his feces; passages on stimulation and frustration (1942:148) show how the mother and suckling child play a game in which the child stimulates but does not arouse the mother. Other photographic sequences on rituals, play, and sibling rivalry are photographic narratives which the authors explain in accompanying text. Similarly, Danforth and Tsiaras (1982) use a visual narrative structure in their study of Greek death rituals. Photographs of several funerals, periods of grieving, and exhumations are arranged to represent a typical death experience in rural Greece. Explanations accompany the photographs, which have been introduced with a lengthy anthropological essay. Finally, Gardner and Heider's Gardens of War (1968) is a book of photographs and text which include narratives showing agricultural practices, a funeral, the mimicry of war in play, and the largely ritualistic war between two tribes. The book closely follows Gardner and Heider's film Dead Birds, with resemblances to Karl Heider's more typically anthropological films such as Dani
Sweet Potatoes. THE VISUAL ETHNOGRAPHIC NARRATIVE: AN EXAMPLE

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I will return to a study I finished some years ago (Harper 1976, 1982) to construct a limited visual ethnographic narrative. Rather than illustrating the micro-interaction of specific events in tramp life, I have chosen images which represent typical moments in the routine of tramp life. To complete the research from which I draw these photographs I lived with homeless and migrant men who folow a cyclic pattern of working, drinking, and riding freights. This field work included several trips on

8 VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY

freight trains from the northern Midwest to apple harvests in Washington State, as well field work in Eastern skid rows. My field work, formed along the events of the migration to the harvest, combined the narratives of entering, participating in, and leaving the culture with the narrative of a typical tramp journey. My anthropological story was not an implausible account of many of those who migrated to the harvest. While I made several trips on the freights, I eventually wrote about one companion, whom I called Carl in my text. In my preliminary fieldwork I gained the cultural knowledge to interpret both what Carl did and how he defined his activity. Thus, the narrative structure of my information is rooted in my cultural understanding; my confidence is that the "story" is typical of those living in the world of the tramp. I could have used the photographs I made during my fieldwork in any of the ways I have discussed in this paper. I could have made photos to document types of tramps (making visual correspondences to "rubber tramps," "bindle-stiffs," "airdales," "mission stiffs," and the like), or to make an inventory of tramp environments such as freight trains, jungles, missions and skid rows. I could have systematically pictured the interactions among tramps or between tramps and their various "publics." To use the photographs reflexively I could have interviewed tramps (assuming they would be interested in such activity) using photos from earlier field trips to elicit their cultural definitions. To achieve a phehomenological text I could construct photographic passages to communicate my own experiential transitions in and out of the tramp life, or how I learned (in an incomplete way) how tramps experience the psychological vicissitudes of their existence. Finally, I could have narratively structured the photographs to communicate the typical rhythms and events of tramp life. When I published a book from my data, however, I did not organize the photographs to achieve any single ethnographic purpose. Like many ethnographers, I had concentrated on the written text (which, as a narrative first-person of one trip on the rails and a study of one tramp, was itself an experiment), and while I valued the photos and considered them an important part of my work, I chose and organized the images for the book to achieve a number of competing ends. The publisher's art director and I organized the images in a few hours (a process potentially as complex, although I did not realize it at the time, as placing words to images in a film), on the basis of technical considerations (such as which images would show through the paper if run back to back) or aesthetic considerations (which images would look good facing each other on opposing pages). The photographs were printed in three sections, separated from the text to which they corresponded. I wrote short legends for the photographs that did not relate them to specific parts of the text. When I now look at the book I see both evidence of our carefully considered aesthetic decisions but an unrealized opportunity to present the images in a sequence that would communicate the full cycles of tramp life.

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The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 9 I chose images for the book (fifty-two from over three thousand) on grounds that were also only partly sociological. I studied each image to see if they fulfilled two criteria: they had to communicate an important aspect of tramp life, and they had to be aesthetically "successful" (meaning they had to have interesting composition, visual clarity and metaphorical as well as concrete meaning). This is quite different from saying that the photographs should document all the important sociological features of tramp life. There were many aspects of tramp life that I had not photographed, and there were photographs I did not use in the book which were ethnographically important but technically or aesthetically flawed. I have returned to this work to construct a partial visual ethnographic narrative. To really present a photo narrative of tramp life, I would have to return to the life with camera in hand.
SEQUENCES IN A TRAMP'S LIFE

The photos that follow show some of the characteristic periods and transitions in a tramp's life, particularly getting drunk on skid row, drying out on a freight trip, migrating with other tramps to a job, waiting in the harvest town for the work to begin, and, finally, working in an orchard. A more complete visual narrative of tramp life would include the transitions out of work life into a binge of drinking followed (or preceeded) by a trip on freight trains, stopovers in missions, jungles, or jail, or trips to "winter" in the south. A comprehensive visual narrative of tramp life could easily require several hundred images. In the excerpt that follows, the individual images indicate major transitions; significant breaks in the cycle of tramp life. . As I was leaving Minneapolis on a freight train, I met a tramp who had been drinking on skid row for three weeks but was also travelling to the apple harvest, two thousand miles away. We eventually "buddied up" (in the parlance of the road), travelled and worked together in the orchards in northern Washington State. I witnessed his change from drinker to traveller to worker, a regular sequence of events in his life.

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10 VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY

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2. The tramp as a derelict. 1 met Carl in a boxcar in a Minneapolis freight yard, coming down from a three week drunk. I did not photograph Carl drunk on skid row; this photograph stands for the period in Carl's life such as just before we met.

The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 11

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Figure 2. The tramp in a boxcar, a day and a thousand miles from Minneapolis, at the last stages of his hangover, eating food 1 offered. We had "buddied up" in a Montana freight yard, finding a car together on a train heading toward the apple harvest in Washington State.

12 VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY

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Figure 3. The tramp's life was a cycle of drinking, migrating (usually on freights), and working in seasonal jobs. As we travelled together toward the apple harvest he dried out from his three week drunk.

Figured. The tramp on abinge is a skid rowman: dirty, unshaved and smelly. To find work the tramp must take on the appearance of a worker. The tramp had planned for this by packing, in his meager possessions, a mirror, soap, and a razor. We had been travelling together for four days when I took this photograph. Near the harvest, we had left the through freight and were looking for a local freight train to the harvest area near the Canadian border. The tramp shaved and cleaned up and after he'd finished he handed the gear to me, saying "Either clean up or go up the river alone."

The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 13

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Figure 5. We had arrived at a jungle in the Wenatchee freight yard, and our first camp fire, after four days on the freights. This photo shows something about "buddying up." We felt the euphoria of nearly finishing a difficult trip and we believed that work was just around thecomer. We were dirty and tired offreight cars. When I complained about eating squashed bread for breakfast, the tramp made a holder out of a green saplingand toasted the last slices, moreor less as a joke, but partly because I had become good company for him.

VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY

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Figure 6. The cycles of the day, like the cycles oftheyear, are filled with a lot of slow transitions. Much of the life of the tramp is waitingwaiting for trains, jobs, or rides on the highway. Much of this time is spent with other tramps, telling stories or getting drunk in jungles, and a lot of it is spent alone. Here we wait for the bull local up the Okanagan River to the apple country in northern Washington.

Figure 7. On the bull local travelling to the harvest towns along the Okanagan River. As the train approached the harvest towns, the cars filled with and disgorged their illegal passengers. At one point in the afternoon there were thirty-eight men in the car and later Carl told me how to tell the tramps from the riff raff and the jackrollers who all had ridden with us that day.

The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 15

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Figure 8. Waiting for the harvest, wejungled with other tramps who were also waiting to be hired out on a job. During the day we would wait to be hired at the employment trailer, and at night we would trek back to our camp outside town to eat a communal dinner made with what each tramp had been able to scavenge during the day. At night we made our way across the tracks, into the orchard, to sleep beneath an apple tree.

Figure 9. We hired out on a job and lived together in an orchard cabin. On this day we waited in the cabin for the rain to stop. Near the end of our month together, the tramp had gotten tired of my questions and my photographing and our relationship, like all those on the road, was about to end. When I left to hitchhike to Spokane and get a freight back to Minnesota (to resume my life as a student), Carl barely nodded. There were no goodbyes.

16 VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY

As I suggested earlier, these photos are slices of time from a typical sequence of tramp life. They are a cultural narrative informed by my knowledge of tramp life. The tramp life, because of its repeating cycles, is particularly well-suited to a narrative portrayal. It is important to remember that this brief selection of photographs tells a tiny part of a full cultural narrative. At best it begs for fleshing out in the form of several hundred photos or a film.
Notes 1. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meetings of the International Visual Sociology Association, University of Bielefeld, ER.G., June 1986. 2. See de Brigard (1974), Heider (1976), and Collier (1986) for partial histories of visual anthropology. 3. There is no systematic history or overview of visual sociology. Stasz (1979) has shown how photographs were integrated into early articles in the American Journal of Sociology and Becker (1974) has suggested intersections and overlaps between documentary photography and sociology and anthropology that cover most of the important work up to that date. 4. See Becker (1978) for further elaboration of this issue. 5. Collier 1986:101-109 (originally 1967), was the first to coin the phrase and discuss some of the ways photo elicitation can be done. 6. Rotha and Wight (1980) explore several aspects of Flaherty's cinematic mis-representations in Nanook. Most of these, such as making the igloo larger to make the filming easier, or cutting half of the igloo away to get enough light to film inside (which obviously influenced what the Eskimos wore while inside!) were presented as reasonable compromises made necessary by the technology of early cinema cameras.

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The Visual Ethnographic Narrative References

17

Adelman, Bob and Susan Hall 1970 On and Off the Street. New York: Viking. Asch, Timothy, Patsy Asch and Linda Connor 1986 Jero Tapakan: A Balinese Healer: An Ethnographic Film Monograph. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barndt, Deborah 1980 Education and Social Change: A Photographic Study of Peru. Dubuque: Kendall Hunt. Becker, Howard 1974 Photography and Sociology. Studies in Visual Communication, 1(1):3-26. 1978 Do Photographs Tell the Truth? Afterimage, 7:9-13. Beresford, Maurice 1954 The Lost Villages of England. London: Luttworth Press. Beresford, Maurice and J. K. S. St. Joseph 1958 Medieval England: An Aerial Survey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Beresford, Maurice and John Hurst 1971 Deserted Medieval Villages. New York: St. Martin's Press. Berger, John and Jean Mohr 1982 Another Way of Telling. New York: Pantheon. Bunster B., Ximena 1978 Talking Pictures: A Study of Proletarian Mothers in Lima, Peru. Studies in the Anthropology of Visual Communication, 5(l):37-55. Calderola, Victor 1985 Visual Contexts: A Photographic Research Method in Anthropology. Studies in Visual Communication. ll(3):33-55. Clark, Larry 1971 Tulsa. New York: Lustrum Press. Collier, John 1986 Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Method, second edition. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Collier, John and Evon Z. Van Vogt 1965 Aerial Photographs and Computers in the Analysis of Zinacanteco Demography and Land Tenure. Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association Meetings. Curry, Timothy Jon 1986 A Visual Method of Studying Sports: The Photo-Elicitation Interview. Sociology of Sport Journal, 3:204-216. Danforth, Loring M. and Alexander Tsiaras 1982 The Death Rituals of Rural Greece. Princeton: Princeton University Press. de Brigard, Emilie 1974 The History of Ethnographic Film. In Principals of Visual Anthropology, Paul Hockings, ed. The Hague: Mouton. Gardner, Robert and Karl Heider 1968 Gardens of War. New York: Random House. Gross, Larry 1985 Life Versus Art: The Interpretation of Visual Narratives. Studies in Visual Communication, 11(4):2-11.

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18 VISUAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Harper, Douglas 1976 The Homeless Man: An Ethnography of Work, Trains, and Booze. Ph.D. dissertation. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms. 1982 Good Company. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1987 Working Knowledge: Skill and Community in a Small Shop. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Heider, Karl 1976 Ethnographic Film. Austin: University of Texas Press. Levine, Donald 1986 Forms and Functions of Social Knowledge. In Metatheory in Social Science, Fiske and Shweder, eds. Pp. 271-283. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Marcus, George E. and Michael M. J. Fischer 1985 Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Social Sciences. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Mead, Margaret and Gregory Bateson 1942 Balinese Character. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Psathas, George 1986 Copley Square. Slide-tape presentation at the Eastern Sociological Meetings, New York. Rotha, Paul and Basil Wright 1980 Nanook and the North. Studies in Visual Communication, 6(2):33-60. Rusted, Brian 1985 Visual Aspects of Vernacular Housing. Paper presented at the International Conference on Visual Communication, University of Pennsylvania. Silvers, Ronald n.d A Pause Along the Path. Unpublished manuscript. Smith, Eugene and Aileen 1975 Minamata. New York: Rinehart and Winston. Sprague, Stephen 1978 How I See the Yoruba See Themselves. Studies in the Anthropology of Visual Communication, 5(1):9-29. Stasz, Clarice 1979 The Early History of Visual Sociology. In Images of Information: Still Photography in the Social Sciences. Jon Wagner, ed. Beverly Hills: Sage Publishing. Sudnow, David 1976 Ways of the Hand: The Organization of Improvised Conduct. New York: Harper and Row. 1980 Talk's Body: A Meditation Between Two Keyboards. New York: Warner.

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The Visual Ethnographic Narrative 19 Films Asch, Tim, Patsy Asch and Linda Connor
1980 Jero on Jero: A Balinese Trance Seance Observed. University of California Extension

Media Service. Elton, Arthur and Edgar Anstey 1935 Housing Problems. British Commercial Gas Association. Flaherty, Robert 1922 Nanook of the North. Museum of Modern Art. Gardner, Robert 1963 Dead Birds. Peabody Museum, Harvard University. Heider, Karl 1974 Dani Sweet Potatoes. University of California Extension Media Service. Perrault, Pierre, Michael Brault and Marcel Carriere 1963 The Moontrap. Continental/McGraw-Hill. Rouch, Jean 1953 Les MatresFous. Continental/McGraw-Hill.

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