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Journal of Modern Italian Studies

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Visions of republicanism in the writings of Giuseppe Mazzini

Maurizio Ridolfi
a a

Universit della Tuscia (Viterbo),

Available online: 08 Nov 2008

To cite this article: Maurizio Ridolfi (2008): Visions of republicanism in the writings of Giuseppe Mazzini, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 13:4, 468-479 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545710802407493

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Journal of Modern Italian Studies 13(4) 2008: 468479

Visions of republicanism in the writings of Giuseppe Mazzini

Maurizio Ridol Universita della Tuscia (Viterbo) `

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Abstract
Starting from vantage points that are both English and French, Mazzini connects the concepts of nationality and democracy: individuals are citizens to the extent that they belong to a free nation. The European scope of Mazzinis thinking emerges through the network of relationships that he develops in his London exile. The intent is to establish a democracy that equates republic and public good. The demise of the Second Republic in France changed republican attitudes toward public institutions, creating the premises for a form of radical politics intended to promote civil and democratic gains under non-republican forms of government. After Italy was unied in 1861, Mazzini assigned to republicans a primarily patriotic, educational and moral role, while radicals who had formerly followed Mazzini looked above all to Anglo-Saxon democracies and the merits of their practices (voluntary association, freedom of the press, role of public opinion) and of their institutions (administrative decentralization).

Keywords
Nation (nazione), democracy (democrazia), republic (repubblica), republicanism (repubblicanesimo), Radicalism (Radicalismo), political exile (esilio politico).

Nineteenth-century Europes widespread aspirations for democracy and radical change, and the political inadequacies and territorial fragmentation of the Italian situation, provided the context in which Giuseppe Mazzini (180572) registered his greatest achievement, which was to conceptualize the national state in such a way that it could be seen as the agent of progressive change. In pursuit of that goal, Mazzini called on young militants to come together in the spirit of association, and carry out a revolution in the name of republican principles.1 To appreciate the nature of his achievement, we should reconsider how Mazzinian activities operated at different levels with the intent of forming a republic, promoting republicanism, democracy, the nation, and the religion of humanity.2 We also need to take into account the inuence of the major coeval republican models (USA and France),3 and the international appeal and spread of democratic culture from the Anglo-Saxon world to the countries of southern Europe (see Ridol 2002). To re-evaluate the signicance of
Journal of Modern Italian Studies
ISSN 1354-571X print/ISSN 1469-9583 online 2008 Taylor & Francis http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/13545710802407493

Visions of republicanism

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Mazzinianism one must consider how it ties together republicanism, democracy, and civil religion, the last of which is now gaining attention from many quarters and today appears to be one of the most inuential and fruitful strains of Mazzinis legacy (see Sarti 2000). It would also be opportune to have a rereading that aims at discovering the interconnections in Mazzinis thinking between tradition and utopianism, juridicalinstitutional and ethicalpolitical dimensions, associational practices and symbolic-ritual representations. Carlo Morandi, author of a classic study of Italian political parties from a European perspective, noted that Mazzini understood the possibility and necessity, given his forced exile, to give a European dimension to the cause of nationalities and the emergence of democratic politics: . . . in 1834, with the birth of Young Europe, the Italian problem was rmly inserted in the larger struggle of the oppressed nationalities; later, the experience of English Chartism, tied in [Mazzinis] mind with the rst Saint-Simonian inuences, endowed the movement with a social content destined to increase as the years went by, and to endow it with a distinct character thanks to the [Mazzinian] principle of association and cooperation among workers. (Morandi 1974: 1112) Starting with a critical evaluation of principles derived from the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, and referring to the republican idea revived during Jacobin period, Mazzini in the 1830s gave democratic thought in Italy a distinct program and form of organization that distinguished it from the model of liberal government: a concept of Italy that found expression in a unitary, republican state.4 Thanks to his contribution, democratic culture appeared under a new light, offered its own original theoretical contributions on questions of political organization, on the role of nationalities, and individual participation in the institutions of public life. From his forced exile, Mazzini upheld a republican ideal shaped by the historical and cultural legacies of the Italian nation, and an image of the patria as a democratic association of free individuals, of citizens called upon to act responsibly in the service of public institutions. We know that Mazzini, having little sympathy for the French Revolution, derived his love of republican ideals, which formed the political and cultural humus of European revolutionaries in the years of his youth, from the classic study by Simonde de Sismondi, with its appreciation of the legacies of Italian medieval republics. Mazzini pondered and reformulated what Sismondi had written in his Storia delle Repubbliche italiane (1826): The Italian people succumbed as a nation, but the components of their great social compact, the towns, the suburbs, the rst constituents that in some fashion or other had come together to form a nation, rose up once again and were able to defend themselves . . . . The Italian people pursued the good of all, not the good of the signori at the expense of the serfs. They felt it rst in

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their hearts, then acknowledged it in their minds, that they still had a patria. For her sake they displayed those public virtues that were an example to the rest of Europe . . . . Their example beckoned to the communes and to the most humble associations that formed in cities elsewhere in Europe, and that imitated them from afar. Their experiences informed the thinking of a few enlightened individuals inuenced by their experience of government, who from their practical knowledge derived theories of civil society, and who showed not only to their contemporaries, but to all people present and future, what is be the goal that all human endeavors should strive to achieve, and by what means they should achieve it . . . .

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Thus did the seeds sowed by the Italian medieval republics spread to the rest of Europe; as we gather their fruits today, let us not forget on which soil they were sown. (Simonde de Sismondi 1996). Although the opposition of the dominant moderate monarchist party prevented Mazzinis projects from inuencing the construction of the new national state, they succeeded nevertheless in laying the political (and not only cultural) foundations of an autonomous republican tradition. Democracy and the struggle for national independence joined hands not only in Italy and Germany, but also in the heart of central Europe, in Poland and Hungary. That happened, rst of all, because of opportunities created by the mobilization of republican elites. It happened, secondly, because democracy and nationality were still linked when it came time to modernize the forms of political organization and participation. We know that modern forms of association and political participation (petitions, meetings, campaigns to inuence public opinion, etc.) existed before 1848, in Great Britain in the 1830s and 1840s with the Chartist movement (see Weaver 1987; Mandler 1990). We also know that the search for a modern political culture also went on in southern Europe. In spite of the forced secrecy and semi-legal nature of these efforts, southern Europe saw the emergence of new and original forms of organization and political participation. Anticipations of democracy could be seen in those years in movements that were openly republican: Giuseppe Mazzinis Giovine Italia in 1831,5 Alexandre Ledru-Rollins Solidarite republicaine in France in 1848 (see Agulhon 2002), and the Partido Democratico in Spain from 1849.6 From a perspective both English and European, Salvo Mastellone has recently suggested a new reading both of Mazzinis political itinerary and of his contribution to the development of European democratic thought. Through a close comparison of English sources and the analysis of susequent textual modications in the Italian edition of [Mazzinis] Thoughts upon Democracy in Europe, published in London by the Peoples Journal from 1846 to 1848, Mastellone has detected in these articles a broadly-conceived programmatic manifesto. According to Mastellone, Mazzinis writings reveal a clear

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understanding of the direct relationship between the concept of nationality and the concept of democracy: man is a citizen to the extent that he is part of a free nation; nationality is what gives the individual moral and legal identity. Further on: From the liberty of the nation derive the liberties of the individual citizen, and from the juridical equality of all citizens derives the principle of universal suffrage, which gives the right to participate with the vote in the political life of the nation. With those writings, Mastellone goes on, Mazzini gave concrete direction to democracy as a form of government and as a doctrinal orientation. This is a different Mazzini, who takes into account Buonaroti and Carlyle, Saint-Simon and Fourier, Bentham and Cabet. He outlines a political course of the left in the Chartist manner, which required a broad educational commitment as its foundation.7 This new English image of Mazzini belongs to the world of political exiles residing in London, about which we still know little. It is a heterogeneous world of microcosmic environments populated by exiles of various nationalities and their English supporters, often intellectuals and writers, involved in a close network of social and cultural ties, lled with conferences and meetings, clubs and newspapers. Let us think, for instance, of the Peoples International League, created by Mazzini and his closest friends in the spring of 1847, in part to obstruct the international democratic association of the Fraternal Democrats inuenced by Marx and leaning toward communist ideas. Entrusted to the care of William J. Linton (181297), a Mazzinian republican, the League sponsored conferences and campaigns to inuence English public opinion in favor of popular national self-determination. It collaborated closely with the Polish Democratic Society, represented in its steering committee by Charles Stolzman.8 Mazzini participated actively in the work of the association, at least until he left for Paris in February 1848, after the proclamation of the Second French Republic.9 It left behind personal ties and political alliances, many preserved in the course of the years. Mazzini, in exile in London from 1837 to the end of the 1860s, with some interruptions in the course of the years, found solidarity and understanding in Anglo-Saxon political and cultural circles. As noted by Eugenio Biagini, Mazzini together with Garibaldi was thus credited with having started the Italian Reformation. At the root of this popularity in Britain there was that same Leveller real, Puritan moralism and reformed religiosity which had formed the bases of Cromwells success as a radical symbol: not surprisingly the most fervent of the Protectors admirers such as Henry Vincent, W.J. Linton and Joseph Cowen were also passionate supporters of Mazzini.10 To sum up, the network of relationships that developed in London points to Mazzinis strong European dimension, as the interlocutor of personalities destined to leave their mark: Marx and Toqueville, Bakunin and Stuart Mill, Louis Blanc and Proudhon (see Mastellone 2005). In London, after 1848, it was

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once again Linton who helped Mazzini set up the European Democratic Committee, for the purpose of promoting the organization of European democrats (Mastellone 2007). Linton published The English Republic, which claried and gave new life to the Mazzinian concept a democracy capable of joining republicanism and social welfare, inuencing the British press tied to Chartist groups and projecting its inuence across the Channel. It is precisely to the world of the political emigration, and to the human and organizational ties that it promoted, that we must look if we want to broaden the examination of European political and radical democracy. The approach has already yielded good results in the study of European intellectual elites, for whom the principal places of exile Paris, London, Brussels, etc. served as melting pots that generated important cosmopolitan experiences and projects (see Charle 1996). Mazzinis own political and cultural experiences suggest that we must pay more attention to this line of inquiry. This is certainly true for his English civic and social connections, but it may also be worthwhile to revisit also the inuence of republican and Proterstant Switzerland, after his experiences in France and before reaching England. Sufce it to point out how his ideas on the question of religion matured during the years of his stay in Switzerland, as shown by his essay entitled Fede e avvenire that he wrote in 1835. In it he elaborated that very personal concept of the religion of Humanity, to which he would remain faithful for the rest of his life. The aesthetic aspects and the sacralization of politics already present in the operations of Giovine Italia become fully manifest in the republican imagerie and symbolism adopted by the Roman Republic of 1849 during the few months of its existence (see Spadolini 1988). It was then that Mazzini demonstrated his grasp of practical matters and political realities by paying attention to what Maurice Agulhon has dened as the aspects visuels of political power, meaning those images that aim at making themselves recognized, identied and, if possible, appreciated, thanks to a system of signs and emblems, the most signicant of which are the ones that catch the eye (Agulhon 1987). A mode of democratic symbolism had surfaced earlier in Italy in the wake of the French Revolution of 1789, harking back to and utilizing the classical models (of Ancient Rome), but it was the Roman Republic of 1849 that gave the Italian republican tradition its founding myths and made it possible to achieve an autonomous afrmation by means of symbols and rituals. The rich symbolic legacy of revolution that had developed during the Jacobin period (179699) was rejuvenated by a republican government that legislated and institutionalized the adoption of iconographic representations (like the representation of the republic as a feminine gure) and symbols drawn both from classical sources (the eagle and the fasces) and from the Jacobins (the liberty tree, the Phrygian cap) which have become part of European republican culture.11 In the course of a few months, the Roman Republic saw organized and spontaneous festivals that for the rst time reached from the towns to the countryside, revolutionary memories revived, and ancient

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symbols, publicly displayed, were transformed into expressions of aspirations of democracy and citizenship (see Mattarelli 1999). Following the downfall of republican institutions, the imagerie and symbols of democracy disappeared from view, surfacing only briey and sporadically, during the next twenty years or so. Even if the founders of the republic failed to produce a fully developed project of constitutional reform,12 the example and symbolic value of the Roman Republic acquired credibility precisely because it had acquired legitimacy from the practice of universal suffrage and the role of its elective Constituent Assembly. These developments, and Mazzinis antagonism toward the Jacobin excesses of the French Revolution of 1789,13 republican Italy proved resistant to the appeal of republican models coming from across the Alps. Thus, as it took shape, and because it insisted on speaking for the popular soul of the Risorgimento, the republican tradition inspired by Mazzini (best represented after Mazzinis death by Aurelio Saf, a former triumvir of the Roman Republic), reiterated the intimate connection between the concept of popular initiative and national (republican) traditions, above all the traditions of the medieval communes. Just as the proclamation of the Second French Republic in 1848 had sent revolutionary tremors throughout Europe, so the death of that same republic (see Aprile et al. 2004) with the coup dEtat of 2 December 1851, and the rise of Napoleon IIIs Second Empire, sparked stringent critical reappraisals and selfexaminations among republicans and democrats in France and elsewhere. The discussion had important consequences for the understanding of what had caused the implosion of the republic and for the preservation of its memory, so that the republic could be revived in spite of everything that had happened. On the one hand, there was a coming together by republicans of different nationalities in a spirit of solidarity, as happened in the case of Mazzini and Victor Hugo, who was also forced into exile because of his radical opposition to Napoleon III and became one of the most inuential voices among republicans calling for a return to republican traditions (Aprile 2004). On the other hand, however, among those republicans who, after an initial condemnation of the rule of Napoleon III, began to reect critically on the phenomenon of popular caesarism,14 that development gave rise to critical reections and changing attitudes toward the role of government institutions, be they those of the Second Empire in France or of the Savoy monarchy in Italy. These developments contributed in the end to the rise of a form of radical politics disposed to entertain the idea that there could be progress toward democracy even under a non-republican form of government. In Italy the coup dEtat and the phenomenon of Napoleonic caesarism perhaps contributed more than has been generally thought to the breaking away from Mazzini of a part of his followers. We know about the role played by the failures of 1848, and that the break became irreversible as a result of the polemics surrounding Mazzinis insurrectionary tactics designed to spark the national revolution, particularly after the failure of the Milan uprising of

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February 1853,15 but there were earlier premonitions in Mazzinis pronouncements on the causes of the coup of 2 December 1851. Fearing that the defeat suffered by the French republicans and by his personal friend Ledru-Rollin would have negative repercussions among his followers, Mazzini singled out the weak morality (debole morale) of the French people as the real cause of the death of the republic, assigning the revolutionary initiative to the young nations of Italy and Hungary. In reality, the outcome of the second plebiscite that took place on 2122 November 1852, in which 96.8% voted yes (for Napoleon III), put both Napoleon and his politics in a different light. Typical was the reaction of Carlo Cattaneo for whom, as noted by Antonio De Francesco, [the outcome of] December 2 did not signify the end of the Republic, but appeared to be instead a violent but inevitable and necessary step toward the elimination of the direst threat to democracy posed by the conservative majority in the Legislative Assembly.16 Like the republican, Mauro Macchi, Cattaneo thought that restoring France to its central role in European affairs could work in favor of democracy.17 Giuseppe Ferrari also urged not to equate the future of democracy with the (temporary) ouster of the democrats. In the nal analysis we may say that, beyond any questionable judgments made about the caesarism of Napoleon III, developments in France induced among Italian democrats an attitude that preceded the formulation of any political program, that led a part of them to enter the nal phase of the Risorgimento as Mazzinian republicans, and to emerge from it as radical democrats, ghting alongside the Savoy dynasty to complete the national revolution, and prepared to work within the institutions of the monarchy as representatives of an opposition bent on advancing the cause of democratic revolution.18 While European democrats were temporarily suspending judgment on the French republican model, it was Anglo-Saxon democracy that became their point of reference. That development can also be ascribed to the inuence exerted by the work of Alexis de Tocqueville, who was becoming the chief interpreter of American democracy in Europe (see Melonio 1993). The attention that Tocquevilles work, Democratie en Amerique (183540) showed toward the USA was accompanied also by the conviction that England was moving in the same direction as continetal Europe, but the change in his perspective was evident in the book that appeared twenty years later. In LAncien Regime et la Revolution (1856), the longue duree adopted by Tocqueville led him to emphasize the socio-economic and institutional differences that set Britain apart from the rest of Europe, thus homologizing the republican government of USA and the liberal monarchy of England as different faces of a distinct model of Anglo-Saxon liberal democracy.19 For instance, in post-unication Italy those who showed the greatest curiosity in Anglo-Saxon democracies admired most of all their associational habits and the administrative decentralization of their institutions. The federalist alternative that Alberto Mario proposed in the articles that he wrote for his newspaper La Nuova Europa, the reference was to the federalism of John Stuart

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Mill and to his Considerations on Representative Government (1861).20 Even more emblematic was the case of a strict Mazzinian like Aurelio Saf. Having lived in England as a political exile for a long period of time, Saf came to value its modern forms of civic and political interaction, its meetings, popular petitions, the role of public opinion in the exercise of power, the associations. In the case of a republican state like the American, Saf went so far as to consider it a fully developed political model; that is how he presented it in his Lezioni doltre Atlantico that he published in the Neapolitan newspaper Il Dovere starting in June 1865.21 For him, federalism, administrative decentralization, and broad associational diversity were the essential components of the American model.22 The outcome of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery certainly inuenced his thinking, for the institution of slavery is what had alienated European democrats from America (see Bonazzi and Galli 2004). Mazzini had rejected American republican federalism, and it was only after the end of the war of secession and the abolition of slavery that he dropped his strong moral reservations against the values that he associated with American society.23 Toward the American republican model, Saf did foresee impediments to its taking root in Europe, due to the absence of a civic culture that prepared citizens to exercise democratic responsibilities and foster the habit of public responsibility, from the municipality to the nation (Saf 1902: 261, 2645). After the unication, with the Kingdom of Italy constituted by then under the sign of the House of Savoy, Mazzini is forced to reconsider his priorities, and therefore to regard with greater realism the prospects of a republic to come and the role of republicans, whom he sees as guardians of the spirit of patriotism, of morality, and education. Mazzini returned from exile shortly before his death. After the downfall of the Roman Republic he had often behaved like the head of a government in exile, but he would not acknowledge united Italy as his country, as the patria for which he had expended so much effort. It has been noted that what he found there were places and memories, not the republic (Viroli 1995: 153). The sense of moral and political alienation from the institutions of the monarchy will be nurtured steadily by his most faithful heirs,24 committed to the task of constructing an alternative universe of values and an autonomous system of republican signs, symbols, and places of the memory.25

Notes
1 For a discussion of these themes, see Ridol (2005). 2 For suggestions on new research approaches on the national level, see Balzani (2005). 3 See, among others, Higonnet (1998); also, von Gelderen and Skinner (2002). On republican traditions, see Viroli (2004). 4 On Mazzinis republican unitarianism, see Bagnoli (2007: 20843). Also, Francesco (1994: 284). 5 See the classic study, Della Peruta (1974).

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Perspectives on Mazzini and Garibaldi 6 Although a sense of political realism would have favored constitutional monarchy, for an example of how democratic ideas and principles circulated in Europe, see Alonso (1998). 7 See Mastellone (2005: 64). For further evidence of the innovative approach pursued by Mastellone, see Mastellone (2003, 2004). 8 This information comes from Minutes of Provisional Committee of Peoples Internationl League, a manuscript in the Fondo Linton (6/21415), of the Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli. Further discussion of this issue will appear elsewhere. I propose to discuss this issue at greater length elsewhere. See, also, Linton (1892). 9 Among the more signicant analytical treatments, see Mayaud (2002). 10 See Biagini (1992: 65). For a Chartist leader heavily inuenced by Mazzinis ideas, see Todd (1991). Cowen was also among the rst to actively support Italian, Polish, and Hungarian political exiles that reached London from the 1840s to the 1860s. 11 On the history of the piccole repubbliche, see Durand (1973). For Italy there is no study comparable to Nicolet (1982). 12 See Pombeni (1995: 1922). For a comparison with the French case, see Rudelle (1992). 13 For some essential references, see Girard (1974). In reality there is a certain continuity between Mazzini and the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, according to the interpretation proposed by Alessandro Galante Garrone. See Spadolini (1988: 1011) and the notations on pp. 446. 14 The term popular Caesarism or, in this specic case Napoleonic Caesarism, refers to a form of personal government that is seemingly legitimized by an expression of popular support, whether genuine or contrived, such as Louis Napoleon obtained by means of the popular plebiscites that sanctioned the end of the Second Republic, of which he had been elected president, and gave rise to the Second Empire, which he ruled as Emperor Napoleon III. [Ed.] 15 For the consequences that those polemics had for European democracy, and particularly for the Hungarian leader among exiles, see Polo Fritz (1990). 16 See De Francesco (2004: 227). For a reappraisal of the political and institutional arrangements of the Napoleonic regime, see Roussellier (2005). 17 On the origins of the democratic national project within the emigration in Switzerland, seen as the cradle of the radical Italian tradition, see Moos (1992). See also Della Peruta (2001). 18 See the classic study by Galante Garrone (1973). 19 In reality, while in Europe the Revolutionary War took on the semblance of a myth, following the collapse of the Napoleonic Empire, and with the publication of de Toquevilles Democratie en Amerique, the American political system came to be considered a viable political model. See Mastellone (1991). 20 See Bocchi and Palazzolo (2004). On the reception of John Stuart Mill by Italian radical liberalism, see Urbinati (1990: 66ff.). 21 Acccording to Saf (1902), the proponents of centralized power were inuenced by the legacy of secondo of the First French Republic, which, Saf commented, accentuated the system instead of abolishing it; upset the world of ideas with its notions of freedom; but by continuing the practices of the monarchy in the sphere of state organization, opened the way to the [Napoleonic] Empire (p. 265). For further information, see Angelini et al. (1998), especially pp. 11316. 22 For further information, see Ridol (2004). 23 See the standard work by Rossi (1954). 24 On the penetration of Mazzinis ideas in Italy, see Mazzini e il mazzinianesimo (1974). See also Balzani (2005). 25 On various approaches to the Repubblica degli Italiani, see Ridol (2003). For a longterm overview, see Ridol (2007).

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