Tahir Kamran Early Phase of 278United Front 223KhRP 1Muslim League 10Independents 3 The respective strength of the parties

within the United Front is furnishedbellow:EPAML 143KSP 48NIP 19GD 13 A minority United Front, the GD and CPEP the Pakistan National Congressand Scheduled Castes Federation contested for 72 non-Muslim seats. The electionresult was as follows.Pakistan National Congress 24Scheduled Castes Federation 27United Front (Minority) 10GD 03CPEP 04Christian 01Buddhist 02Independent (Caste Hindu) 01 These election results betrayed on one hand, the political sagacity of theBengali politicians and on the other, the ineptness of Muslim League Leadership.Despite dissenting voices being raised every now and then, United Front top brassdid let the alliance dissolve till not only the elections but even afterwards. Anothermeasure of their maturity was their issueoriented approach as against thepersonality-centred modus operandi of the Leaguers. The issue oriented approachsignified the rise of Bengali nationalism, which emerged, as argued earlier,because of the acute feeling of political alienation, economic subjugation andindifference meted out to the Bengali cultural peculiarities. In such a circumstanceeven visit of the figures like Fatima Jinnah and Agha Khan, the Ismaeli spiritualleader failed to stem the anti-Muslim League wave in East Bengal.These elections heralded an era of the rise of Bengali nationalism in EastBengal which had secessionist overtures. However, the central leaders andparticularly the non-political forces, instead of accommodating the regionalnationalism and absorbing it into a larger nationalism, they deployed coercivemeans to muzzle it, which proved counter productive. South Asian Studies 24(2) 279 Notes 1. The first constituent Assembly originally consisted of sixty-nine members;subsequently the number of members was increased to seventy-four. The States of Bahawalpur, Khairpur and Baluchistan and the tribal areas were given additionalseats on their accession to Pakistan.2. Mujahids assertion signifies Islam as a comprehensive weltanschauung thatembraces the social, political and cultural aspects of human behaviour andendeavour. However, Prof.Mujahid has not provided us any blue print of the all-encompassing system that Islam professes nor has he referred to any livedillustration of any polity built on the principles of Islam. For the speeches of Quaid-e-Azam, see Muhammed Rafique Afzal, (Eds.). (1966). Selected Speechesand Statements of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Lahore: ResearchSociety of Pakistan. It would not be out of place to mention here that the outlineof a full fledge system, encompassing the social, political and cultural aspects cannot be delineated in speeches and statements. Such an endeavour needs acomprehensive and well thought out document.3. The other two committees were a) Sub-committee on federal and provincialConstitutions and distribution of powers

and b) Sub-committee on the Judiciary.4. The Pakistan (Provisional Constitution) Order,1947, established the Federationof Pakistan which included: (1) the four provinces of East Bengal, West Punjab,Sind and North West Frontier Province; (2) Baluchistan; (3) any other areas thatmight be included therein; (4) the Capital of the Federation,Karachi; and (5) suchIndian States as might accede to the Federation..5. Samad maintains by citing NAP, QAP, F10/51-54, The Organization of thePakistan Government by Liaquat Ali Khan, 6 July 1947 In July 1947, Liaquat atJinnahs behest prepared the blue print for the establishment of a highly integratedstate along the recommendations of the Rowlands Report on the BengalAdministration. The proposals followed the pattern of White hall and rejected thefederal features formally adopted by the Indian Government.6. For detail on the role of bureaucracy and army in the centralization process, seeHamza Alvi, Authoritarianism and Legitimation of State Power in Pakistan., inS. Mitra, (Eds.). (1998). The Post Colonial State in Asia . Lahore: Sang e MeelPublications.7. For biographical sketch of Iftikhar Mamdot see Ian Talbot, (2005). Pakistan: AModern History. London.8. Shaukat Hayat Khan was put in charge of Revenue, Forests, Power, Irrigation andAnimal Husbandry. Sheikh Karamat Ali was another member of the cabinet withthe portfolios of Education, Local Bodies, Buildings and Health. Karamat Alicame from Sheikhupura and was middle ranking lawyer by profession. After amonth on 19 September, another minister Mian Iftikhar ud Din took oath and hewas assigned the department of Rehabilitation of Refugees. 9. Chaudhry Muhammad Ali narrates the events preceding Mamdots removal fromthe office in the following words, The Punjab cabinet, instead of working as aunited team, presented a spectacle of petty squabbles, sordid intrigues, and all theother accompaniments of an internecine war between fractions. The highlyambitious Finance Chief Minister, Mumtaz Daultana, was ranged against the slowand easy-going Chief Minister, the Khan of Mamdot. The Muslim League partyin the legislature was split. High officials started taking sides. In April, 1948,Quaid-e-Azam summoned Mamdot, Daultana and Shaukat Hayat Khan, theRevenue Minister, to Karachi to sort out the ministerial tangle but even he threwup his hands in disgust. Soon afterward, Daultana and Shaukat Hayat Khanresigned and Mamdot formed his second ministry. After the death of Quaid-e-Azam, when there was a sense of national emergency, a move was made by the Tahir Kamran Early Phase of 280 central government to bring about unity in the Punjab. Mamdot agreed to includeDaultana and Feroze Khan Noon in the cabinet, but they could be sworn in, afresh dispute broke out. The quarrel was intensified when, in November, Daultanawas elected President of the West Punjab provincial Muslim League. Finally, inthe beginning of 1949, the ministry was dismissed; the Punjab LegislativeAssembly was dissolved. Similarly Ayub Khan states with respect

to Liaquat AliKhan, I believe, he was advised that if he could get a majority in the provinces,he would then be able to establish a majority at the centre. His position wasconsiderably weakened by the political situation in Punjab. Liaqat Ali Khan haddecided to support Mian Mumtaz Daultana who was the then Chief Minister, asagainst the Nawab of Mamdot. A PRODA case was filed against the Nawab of Mamdot for certain irregulations. All this was played up by the Press and a hostileatmosphere was built up against Liaqat Ali Khan.10. The previous Legislative Assembly was dissolved on March 10, 1951 andQayyum Khan was nominated as the caretaker Chief Minister until the elections.11. In protest against this, and the alleged use of official machinery by QayyumKhan, 112 opposition candidates, including the president of the Jinnah League,Pir manki, withdrew their nomination papers. Pir Manki was ordered not to enterthe province with the exception of the districts of Peshawar, Bannu, Dera IsmaelKhan and Hazara.12. Qayyum Khan himself won by default. The nomination papers of his twoopponents were rejected on technical grounds.13. He belonged to a Landowning family of Larkana district. He started his politicalcareer as a member of Bombay Legislative council in the mid 1920s. He had beenan avid supporter of Sindhs separation from Bombay. In 1937, he joined SindhMuslim League and in 1940, he was made minister. In 1943, he became Presidentof Sindh Muslim League. In 1947-48, he was Premier of Sindh. From 1947-54,Khuhro was the centre of political intrigue. Later on, he served as the Minister of Defense at the centre in Firoze Khan Noons cabinet. During Ayub Khansregime, he was banned under EBDO. He tried to stage his come back into politicsbut remained unsuccessful as he lost 1970 elections.14. Of sixty nine members in the constituent assembly, only four belonged to Sindh.15. Both of them were found guilty and Khuhro was disqualified for six years andFall Allah for four years. . 16. That speech was made at a provincial Muslim League conference, convened bythe Serajganj District Muslim League. Prime Minister came for inauguration andmade the fateful remarks about Urdu, becoming lingua franca of Pakistanresulting in the language demonstrations and police firing.17. The life of the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly, elected in 1947 andscheduled to expire in 1951, was first extended to 1952, and then till 1953.Thereafter, another extension till 1954 was granted to it by the ConstituentAssembly.18. The twenty-one point programme dealt with many aspects of political, social andeconomic life. For example, constitution and fundamental rights, planning anddevelopment, industry and commerce, rehabilitation of, refugees, education,administration, safeguards of democracy etc. However, the most significant pointswere abolition of landlordism without compensation, nationalisation of juteindustry, recognition of Bengali as one of the state languages, limitation of thepowers of the central government only to defence, foreign affairs and currency,and provincial autonomy.

South Asian Studies 24(2) 281 Reference Afzal, M. Rafique (2002). Political Parties in Pakistan: 1947-1958, Vol.1. Islamabad,National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research.Afzal, Muhammed Rafique (Eds.). (1966). Selected Speeches and Statements of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan.Ahmad, Iftikhar (1976) Pakistan General Elections: 1970 , Lahore: South Asian StudyCentre, Punjab University.Ahmed, Feroze (1972). The National Question in Sindh, Pakistan Forum, , Vol II, No 12 (September 1972).Ali, Chaudhry Muhammad (1973). Emergence of Pakistan (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, University of Punjab.Ali, Tariq (1970). Pakistan: Military Rule or Peoples Power . Delhi: Vikas Publications.Alvi, Hamza(1998). Authoritarianism and Legitimation of State Power in Pakistan, in S.Mitra, (Eds.). The Post Colonial State in Asia . Lahore: Sang e Meel Publications.Aziz, K.K. (1976). Party Politics in Pakistan. Islamabad: National Commission onHistorical and Cultural ReseachCallard, Keith B., (1957) Pakistan: A Political Study , . Allen & Unwin,Census 1951: vol. I, Table 2, Section 2&3 and District Census Report.Chaudhry, Zahid (1990). Jinnah-Liaquat Tazad aur Punjabi-Muhajar Tazad , Vol. 4, Pakistan ki Siasi Tarikh , ed. Hasan Jaffar Zaidi. Lahore: Idara-i-Mutalaya-i-Tarikh. Choudhury, G.W., (1969). Constitutional Development in Pakistan. London: LongmanGroup Ltd. p.27. Dawn, Karachi (February 2, 1951). Dawn , Karachi, (March 30-31, 1951). Dawn, Karachi, (April 1-3, 1951). Dawn, Karachi (November 6, 1951). Dawn, Karachi (November 8, 1951 ). Dawn , Karachi (November 10, 1951). Dawn , Karachi (November 15, 1951).Hameed, Abdul (1953).

The Law and Procedure of Elections . Lahore: Haque Brothers.Jalal, Ayesha. (1985) Sole Spokesman: Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan (Cambridge.Khan, Mohammad Ayub (1967). Friends Not Masters: A Political Autobiography (Karachi:Oxford University Press.Khuhro, Hameeda (1998). Ayub Khuhro . Karachi: Oxford University Press.Lambert, Richard D. (1959). Factors in Bengali Regionalism in Pakistan, Far EasternSurvey . XXVIII, Mujahid, Sharif al (2001). Ideology of Pakistan. Islamabad, Islamic Research Institute:International Islamic University.Munir, Muhammad (1980). From Jinnah to Zia. Lahore: Vanguard Books LTD.NAUS (National Archives of United States), Microfilm, Roll 1,845F.00/4-3048, Alling tothe Secretary of State, 30 April 1948.Palmer, Norman D.(1975) Elections and Political Development: The South AsianExperience , Pakistan and North India. Karachi: Oxford University Press. Pakistan: A Relief of Tension, (1949) Round Table, XXXIX .Prakash, Sri (1993). Pakistan key Ibtidai Saal. Lahore: Pakistan Books and Literary Sounds.Rahman, Tariq (2002). Language, Ideology and Power: Language-Learning among theMuslims of Pakistan and North India (Karachi: Oxford University Press) Report of the Electoral Reforms Commission (1956) . Karachi: Government of PakistanPress. p.1.Samad, Yunas (1995). A Nation in Turmoil: Nationalism and Ethnicity in Pakistan 1937-1958. New Delhi: Sage PublicationsTalbot, Ian (2005). Pakistan: A Modern History. London: Hurst & Company. Tahir Kamran Early Phase of 282

Tendulkar, D.G. (1967) Abdul Ghaffar Khan (Bombay: Gandhi Peace Foundation.Waseem, Mohammad. (2007). Politics and the State in Pakistan (Islamabad, NationalInstitute of Historical and Cultural Research).Yunus, Mohammad, (1981) Frontier Speaks (Lahore: Department of Historical Studies,Punjab University

How Powerful is the Ethnic Card?

Written by Dr. Moonis Ahmar Region February 2009 Ethnicity is considered as a time bomb and a lethal weapon which if used can destabilize a society. Depending on the nature of society, it is easy to mobilize people on ethnic and religious grounds than on genuine economic and political issues. If one sees the present day world map, out of 200 odd states, around 150 can trace their origin on lingual and ethnic grounds. When there is economic deprivation, social backwardness and illiteracy, it becomes easy for ethnic forces to play politics and mobilize the sentiments of people on the basis of their racial, cultural and lingual identities. Ethnicity is a double-edged sword and is also considered as a divisive and cohesive force depending on how it is used by those who try to seek legitimacy on by playing the ethnic card. As far as Pakistan is concerned, ethnicity was not a factor in the creation of this state. Formed on the basis of two-nation theory and Islamic ideology, the founders of Pakistan took a position which rejected the division of state on lingual and ethnic grounds. Religion, and not ethnicity was considered a source of bond uniting people of Pakistan regardless of their ethnic and lingual contradictions. Perhaps, religion as a uniting force in Pakistan would have worked better provided the state actors at that time ensured social and economic justice, democracy and political pluralism. But, excessive exploitation, imposition of military dictatorship and suppression of people by the landed aristocracy and capitalists led to a sense of deprivation particularly in the eastern wing of Pakistan and the smaller provinces of West Pakistan. With a geographical distance of 1,000 miles the eastern and western wing of Pakistan were united only on the basis of religion. Pakistan was considered as a unique state because of its geographical, ethnic and cultural diversity. There are many other countries also where there is lack of ethnic homogeneity but are stable and prosperous because leadership in such countries give priority to human development rather than sustaining corruption and the system of exploitation. The first assertion of ethnicity in the formative phase of Pakistan was felt during the language movement in the then East Pakistan which reached its climax in February 1952 when three people (including two students) were killed when police fired on demonstrators near Dhaka Medical College who were demanding the granting of equal status of Bengali language along with Urdu language. It was the language movement and central governments policy to suppress that movement by force which galvanized into a massive assertion of Bengali nationalism culminating into the emergence of Awami League as the sole representative of the people of East Pakistan. Being a majority province, the people of the then East Pakistan expected better share in power and in the affairs of governance. Despite contributing the bulk of foreign exchange earnings, East Pakistan remained backward. When the election results of December 1970 which gave electoral majority to Awami League representing the people of East Pakistan

were rejected by the West Pakistani elite the outcome was civil war and the break-up of Pakistan. In fact, the disintegration of Pakistan was the first example of such kind in the post second world war period. The rest is history. Much has been said and written about how the bond of Islam which was supposed to keep Pakistan together proved to be highly fragile and within quarter of a century the country disintegrated because the force of ethnicity prevailed over religion. It was not only in the then East Pakistan (which was also a majority province of Pakistan) where sense of deprivation prevailed because of economic and political exploitation and the suppression of their Bengali identity, in the province of Sindh also an ethnic nationalist movement spearheaded by the Jeya Sindh movement was struggling for the rights of native Sindhi population and the protection of Sindhi language. The first language riots in Sindh took place in July 1972 which augmented ethnic divide of Sindh province between the native Sindhi speaking rural and migrant Urdu speaking urban Sindh. When the bond of religion became weak because of the policies of military and bureaucratic elites and the failure of state to transform Pakistan as a democratic welfare state, centrifugal forces gained ground. When feudal, clergy, bureaucratic and military classes collaborated to deny the people of Pakistan a democratic way of life, ethnic forces got a lot of space to push for their demands. The post-1971 Pakistan witnessed the assertion of ethnic identities in Balochistan and Sindh, both rural and urban for their rights. East Pakistan, Sindh and Balochistan were the three provinces of Pakistan where since the partition days confrontation between state and centrifugal forces composed of Bengali, Baloch and Sindhi nationalism caused enormous damage to national integration and weakened those who wanted Pakistan to remain as a stable state. The military operation in Balochistan (1974-1977) and in Sindh (1983, 1992) provides an ample evidence in terms of the consistent policy of state to use colossal force against what they argue anti-state and unpatriotic elements. The first important indication of ethnic politics as a major factor in national elections was observed in 1970 when there was a clear electoral verdict on ethnic grounds. Awami League which represented the Bengali majority in the then East Pakistan swept elections by securing 160 or 162 seats whereas, in the western wing, Mr. Bhuttos Pakistan Peoples Party secured majority of seats in Punjab and Sindh provinces. In Balochistan and NWFP the nationalist Baloch and Pahstuns united under National Awami Party (NAP) made sizeable gains. The 1977 elections held during the first PPP regime were made controversial because of the charges of massive rigging by the opposition Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). After the dismissal of Z.A. Bhuttos government by General Zia-ul-Haq on July 5, 1977, the issue of ethnicity became an important issue in Pakistans politics as the step to oust him from power and hang him on the charge of murder by the Supreme Court augmented polarization between Sindh and Punjab, the two major provinces of Pakistan. In the Supreme Courts verdict, those judges who had awarded death penalty to Mr. Bhutto happened to be from Punjab and those who had exonerated him belonged to the minority provinces. The hanging of a Sindhi Prime Minister by the military deepened sense of ill-will and hatred among the majority of Sindhis against Punjab, the power bastion of Punjab. February 1985 elections which were held by the military government of General Zia-ul-Haq lacked credibility because these polls had taken place on non-party basis. During the general elections held in November1988, PPP got overwhelming majority of seats from rural Sindh and in Punjab it got a marginal edge over the Islami Jamhori Ithehad (Islamic Democratic Alliance). The core of IJI belonged to Punjab led by the Pakistan Muslim League. In Urban Sindh, the Mohajir Quami Movement (MQM) secured landslide victory. Therefore,

1988 elections proved the fact that in Punjab and Sindh people had voted on ethnic lines as urban Sindh voted for MQM, rural Sindh for PPP and Punjab was divided between PPP and IJI. The slogan of Sindhi, Punjabi and Mohajir nationalism got an impetus after 1988 general elections. In 1990 October general elections, the electoral strength of PPP in Punjab got further eroded as it was routed by its opponents led by Muslim League leader Nawaz Sharif. PPPs vote bank shrank to rural Sindh, whereas, in Urban Sindh, MQM maintained its electoral edge. In Balochistan and NWFP, religious, nationalist and mainstream political parties PPP and PML got seats. During 1993 elections, the situation got better for PPP in Punjab as it performed well and was able to form a coalition government with its allies in that provinces. Rural Sindh remained under the control of PPP. MQM had boycotted National Assembly polls but participated in provincial assembly elections. During the 1997 elections, PPPs electoral strengthen in Punjab and Sindh received a major setback as it secured only 18 seats out of 200 seats. Even in Sindh, PPPs vote bank eroded which benefited other parties. During 2002 elections which were held under the patronage of General Pervez Musharraf, ethnicity was not a major factor because religious parties formed an alliance under the name of Muththaida Majlis Amal (MMA) which secured majority in NWFP and performed better in Balochistan. It also got seats in Punjab and Sindh. Although, PPP had emerged as the single largest party in October 2002 elections, it was kept out of power by encouraging a split within that party and also in PML (N). In urban Sindh, MQM (renamed as Mutthada Quami Movement) retained its electoral edge and in Punjab, PML (Q) was carved out of PML (N). Whereas, in NWFP and Balochistan MMA formed the government because of the poor show of nationalist forces in the two provinces. Three assessments could be made from the general elections of 1970, 1988, 1990, 1993, 1997 and 2002. First, in all these elections, there has been steady growth of ethno-nationalist forces who also had their presence in mainstream political parties like PPP and Pakistan Muslim League. After 1988 elections, the Nawaz Sharif faction of PML was blamed for talking about the interests of Punjab and promoting Punjabi chauvinism. Second, as far as PPP is concerned, it has always been considered as a Sindh specific party. Although, since the days of Z.A. Bhutto till today, it is believed that Punjab is the bastion of PPP, but after Bhuttos hanging and the subsequent polarization between Sindh and Punjab, PPPs graph in Punjab went downwards. 1970 elections were the only elections, in which PPP got landslide victory from Punjab but since then, in subsequent elections, it has been losing in that province. Perhaps given the fact that the core of leadership of PPP belongs to Sindh and PML(N) has a better leadership in that province as compared to PPP, its position in Punjab has suffered an electoral decline. Third, the erosion of national parties is another reason for the resurgence of ethnicity as a factor in general elections. The absence of a national level leadership in any political party left a vacuum which has been filled by ethnic-nationalist parties. Election results of February 18, 2008 also depicted the presence of ethnic factor. The following election table will highlight how ethnicity played a role in the general elections of February 18, 2008. Unlike 2002 general elections when ethno-nationalist parties suffered a setback because of the upsurge of religious right under the MMA, in February 2008 elections, the scenario changed because in NWFP, which in 2002 elections had largely voted for MMA because of the implications of 9/11, in 2008 the Pashtun nationalist Awami National Party (ANP) performed better and reclaimed its earlier electoral position. If one analyzes the election results of February 2008 elections four important linkages could be made as far as ethnicity and ethnic nationalism are concerned. First, the majority of Sindhi speaking people of Sindh voted for PPP. Second,

majority of Urdu speaking people in Sindh voted for MQM. Third, in Punjab the PML (N) secured majority of seats while it got no seat in Sindh and in Balochistan. Fourth, the ANP which has its roots in NWFP got majority of seats in that province, whereas, it secured 2 seats in Sindh and 4 in Balochistan. ANP failed to get any seat from Punjab. For the first time, ANP got seats from Sindh which indicated the electoral presence of Pashtuns in Sindh assembly. Although PPP and PML (Q) could be called as a true national parties because both secured seats from all the four provinces while other parties like PML(N) failed to win a single seat from Sindh and Balochistan, ANP couldnt win a seat in Punjab. MQM failed to secure a single seat from Balochistan, Punjab and NWFP. Two reasons could be given for voters giving their choice for parties on ethnic and regional basis. First, decades of military dictatorship and the weakening of democratic political process prevented the emergence of national leadership. Even national parties like the PPP and PML also possess some ethnic leanings. Particularly, during the military rule of General Zia-ul-Haq, systematic efforts were made to patronize ethnic and sectarian groups and parties so as to neutralize PPP. Second, national parties lack vibrant political program and charismatic leadership and their leaders avoid public appearance because of fear of their lives. In fact, the erosion of values which in the past counted a lot in doing politics and maintaining some degree of tolerance, these things have ceased to exist in prevailing circumstances. Presently, the criminalization of politics promoted corrupt and dishonest elements in different political parties who used elections for grabbing more power and resources. As far as religious parties are concerned, Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) Jamiat-i-Ulemai Islam (JUI) and Jamiat-e-Ulmai-Pakistan (JUP) have national standing but these parties which formed the core of MMA developed differences in 2007 on the issue of movement against the Musharraf regime resulting into the collapse of MMA. Even these religious parties retained ethnic leanings because JUI and JI having their vote bank in NWFP and the vote bank of JI and JUP in Sindh got eroded because of MQM. As long as there is no sense of direction in national politics and those who claim to represent the people of Pakistan remain uncommitted and unconcerned to the critical issues faced by this country, one can expect the deepening of ethnic and religious cleavages. Ethnicity is not a negative term provided those who want to defend the rights of deprived ethnic and lingual groups are above contradictions. The reality is, behind the ethic card the so-called nationalist leaders have their own vested interests: they seldom do things which can raise the socioeconomic conditions of people. One glaring example of hypocrisy of nationalist leaders is from Balochistan, NWFP and Sindh who raise ethnic slogans for votes but once elected and in power do nothing for reducing the backwardness of their areas. As long as Pakistan is a victim of illiteracy, economic and social backwardness and lacks a sincere leadership to seriously deal with critical issues faced by the people of this country, one can expect the exploitation of people either on ethnic, sectarian or religious grounds. It is in the interest of feudal, tribal, military, bureaucratic, political and religious stake holders to prevent the process of social change so that they can remain beneficiaries of the system which is highly exploitive and manipulative and elections provide legitimacy to all such groups who raise ethnic and religious slogans for the purpose of power and privileges. The results of February 2008 elections and other previous polls failed to bring any qualitative social, economic and political change in Pakistan because those who contested these elections and got elected to a large extent were only interested in grabbing more and more wealth and perks. It suits the elites of Pakistan, whether belonging to feudal, clergy, political, bureaucratic, military and from the corporate sector to keep things as they are particularly in terms of

emancipation of women and all such sections of society who are a victim of systematic exploitation since centuries and the creation of Pakistan failed to make any different to better their socio-economic conditions. Does it mean that elections, if contested by the same groups will not make any difference in the political horizon of Pakistan and if this is true than where is the way out? http://www.saglobalaffairs.com/back-issues/211-how-powerful-is-the-ethniccard.html/http://findpdfbooks.com/search.php?search=Ziring%2C+Lawrence+Pakistan+in+the+ Twentieth+Century+A+Political+History+&button=