Rodziny

SPRING 2010
The Journal of the Polish Genealogical Society of America

Stanisaw Orbik,1875-1945. He was born in Tajenko in 1875 to Jan Orbik from Tajno and Franciszka Polkowska from Polkowo. He immigrated to Chicago in 1892 and worked his whole life in the South Chicago steel mills. His grandfather, Jakb Orbik, and Jakbs brother, Jzef Orbik, are the subjects of the article beginning on page 24. The photo is from Jay M. Orbik.

The Polish Genealogical Society of America wishes to express sympathy and condolences to all Poles on the loss of 96 of their most outstanding fellow countrymen, including President and First Lady Lech and Maria Kaczyski, on 10 April 2010 at Smolensk, Russia, where they had planned to participate in ceremonies commemorating the 70th anniversary of the Katy Forest Massacre. Niech spoczywaj w pokoju!

Rafa T. Prinke Tourism and Recreation Department, AWF Pozna

Genealogical Tourism An Overlooked Niche

Key words: tourism, genealogy, ancestors, archives, travel Abstract: The popularity of searching for information on ones ancestors, which has been growing steadily for thirty years, has caused the appearance of a new kind of tourism, one that has been studied in scientific literature only since the beginning of the current century. Genealogical tourists undertake trips to archives and libraries, on the one hand, and to places associated with their ancestors, on the other. The latter direction, in particular, should be recognized as differing fundamentally from traditional tourism because it is not limited to places with attractions. This type of tourist is guided by completely different motivations, closer to the ritual of a pilgrimage; but unlike pilgrims, they go to places that have a more individualized, symbolic meaning. The standard directions of developing tourism by the government and the tourist industry do not apply in this case, and it is essential to develop new marketing methods.

At one time, tourism was simply tourism, and even before that, people traveled and visited foreign countries without changing their identity [Mczak 1978, 1998, 2001]. When the word tourist developed, toward the end of the 18th century, at first it designated representatives of the elite leisure class who traveled around Europe to pass the time and admired the sights and ruins that were supposed to be admired, but avoided making any close contact with the local populace, especially the lower classes. The members of those lower classes, in turn, tried to advance and move up into the elite, which gradually became easier over the course of the last two centuries as a result of social and economic changes. One of the indicators of membership in the elite was the tourist outing, with no goal of earning income, thus emphasizing financial independence. The rising standard of living opened these possibilities for wider and wider social circles and led to a transformation of the former elite pastime into a mass phenomenon. The universality of tourism became one of the most important factorsperhaps the most importantin economic and psychosocial changes of the 20th century [Przecawski 1996; Podemski 2005]. Authentic experiences connected with visiting authentic places gradually gave way to pseudo-attractions created exclusively for tourists, to the illusion of contact with a reality other than that of the everyday world, to plastic substitutes for genuine relics and prepackaged rites staged for visitors and invented by marketing specialists. Disneyland and Macdonalds became the symbols of this new tourism, but even authentic places that existed earlier were specially prepared with an eye toward tourists visits [Boorstin 1961; MacCannell 2002 (1976)]. 16

Not all vacationers have submitted to this mass trend, however, preferring individual exploration of the world and authentic experiences to participation in mass commercial ritual. The turning point in the expansion of this approach toward tourism was undoubtedly the hippie movement of the late 1960s, which was not only an expression of rebellion against fossilized social and economic structures, but alsoeven primarilya protest against hypocrisy and artificiality. This mental revolution produced changes in viewing many aspects of life that we regard today as obvious but were initiated by the hippie generation, when its representatives began to influence decisions important for mankind. The most spectacular example is perhaps the change in attitude toward nature and the unusually dynamic development of ecological awareness; but the change in attitude toward tourism also has hippie roots, to a large degree. Thousands of young Americans and Europeans began to wander the world then, looking for the deepest, authentic spiritual experiences connected with places of power, unity with nature, diversity of religion, a feeling of community with others, and discovery of ones own identity. For some, the goal was India or Nepal, where they sought spiritual transformation at the feet of various gurus; for others, it was Central and South America, with the last genuine shamans and psychoactive substances unknown in the West; and for still others, it was the megalithic centers of the cult at Stonehenge and other places where they hoped to discover their own cultural identity, reaching back to pagan roots [Prinke 2007]. The discovery of meaning in tourism, of the individual and symbolic significance

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GenealoGiCal tourism: an overlooked niChe of choice both in destination and means of spending a vacation, produced an awareness of numerous different types of individual tourism, often called niche tourism in order to distinguish it from mass tourism. Even here, one can perceive a unique revolution in awareness, as a result of which the previous motivation of keeping up with the elite was replaced on a large scale by a motivation of conscious sense and meaning of the tourist experience [Hom Cary 2004; Uriely 2005]. Using metaphors of ritual, one may say that the cult of community gave way partially to individual initiation and a rite of passage. Awareness of a goal, the role of inner experience, and the symbolic significance of the place visited are, for a large number of contemporary tourists, more essential than the appearance of social advancement and increase in status in ones environment after returning [Prinke 2008]. Among the many taxonomies of niche tourism, particularly convincing is the model proposed by Marina Novelli and Mike Robinson [Novelli and Robinson 2005], which distinguishes a level of five macro-niches and numerous micro-niches associated with them. These main categories of tourism are cultural, environmental, rural, urban, and other. Discussed as examples of micro-niches within the framework of cultural tourism were heritage, tribal, religious, educational, research, and genealogical tourism. The last of these groups, unlike the others, can present surprises. No one has mentioned this kind of tourism in the Polish tourism literature, and it only appeared comparatively recently in world literature. The Encyclopedia of Tourism, published in 2000 under the editorship of Jafar Jafari, not only did not have an entry under this title, but did not even mention genealogical tourism in other places. This phenomenon was observed at the beginning of the 21st century, when the governments of Scotland and, somewhat later, Ireland took up genealogical tourism in their development strategies, seeing in it a dynamically expanding and previously unrecognized sector of incoming tourism, especially of citizens of the United States with Irish or Scottish roots. Scotlands authorities proclaimed the year 2009 the year of Homecoming Scotland and conducted a great campaign to promote genealogical tourism. This concept was introduced to the scientific literature primarily by Paula Basu and Catherine Nash. It was subsequently taken up by other researchers, and is currently recognized by the majority of studies on niche tourism within the framework of the cultural macro-niche. The terminology is not yet fully established, and often authors use different designations for the same phenomenon, or narrow the concept to only a certain segment of the possible genealogical tourism activities. In the English-language literature, loosely defined synonyms have appeared such as roots tourism [Basu, 2004, along with the metaphorical play on words routes tourism], legacy tourism [McCain and Ray, 2003], ancestral tourism [Fowler 2003], lineage tourism (usually in a Chinese context) [Chee Beng Tan et al., 2001], or finally the term that has recently come into wide use and best reflects the broad and varied meaning of this phenomenon, genealogical tourism [Nash 2002; Birtwistle 2005; Santos and Yan 2009]. Genealogy is an auxiliary science of history, pursued by professional historians, sometimes specializing exclusively in this field, occasionally also in support of broader research on political or economic history, or even biography [Dworzaczek 1959]. A knowledge of genealogy, and of heraldry, with which it is closely connected, is very useful for every cultural tourist. It would be difficult otherwise to grasp the history of magnate residences, historical townhouses, even whole towns and regions. The marital unions of kings and princes, the numbers of their descendants and their longevity often determined the fate of the world and affiliation with specific civilizations. For this reason, tourist guides often contain (or should contain) genealogical tables of the families associated with the described region, which make it easier for the reader to deal with the mass of names and dates that appear in the text. The increasingly popular royal tourism, based on visiting places associated with currently reigning monarchs and their families, demands a detailed knowledge of the relationships of the crowned heads of Europe [Long and Palmer 2007]. Likewise, an ability to read and distinguish family coats of arms, which very often appear as decorative elements in architecture, paintings, and applied art, fundamentally enriches the cultural tourists experience. On the other hand, however, genealogy has constituted for centuries a basis for awareness of individual identity for great 17

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GenealoGiCal tourism: an overlooked niChe families, ruling dynasties, and the aristocracy. In addition, knowledge of relationships was essential for inheriting estates, titles, or other privileges. For the so-called common people in feudal and early capitalistic society, remembrance of their ancestors was of no great value, and as a result, genealogical knowledge was, as a rule, not cultivated in families of peasant and middle class descent (with the exception of patricians of large towns). The turning point in this regard also came in the 1970s, undoubtedly stimulated by that same predominant way of thinking about self-identity, seeing value in the uniqueness of the individual, generational rebellion against the ruling mass culture, and perhaps even liberal democracy, which finally put an end to thinking in the categories typical of feudalism. When Alex Haley published his bestselling novel Roots: The Saga of an American Family in 1976on the basis of which a television series was produced a year later that was known in Poland as wella genuine explosion of interest in genealogy as a hobby ensued. First in the United States, then in the British Isles and Europe, a large number of national, regional, and local genealogical societies began to appear. Handbooks and specialized periodicals began to be published, conferences and reunions were organized, so that in the course of a few years, seeking information on ones ancestors became one of the most popular hobbies of the western world. With the advent and expansion of the Internet, the number of those interested grew even more, in conjunction with the ease of access to databases that appeared and made it easier to conduct searches [Howells 2001]. Every kind of hobby can generate motivation to develop niche tourism. Even collecting stamps, which appears to involve little movement, motivates philatelists not only to visit the countries and regions whose stamps they collect but also to build their collections thematically according to tourist designs, to say nothing of trips to such countries as San Marino and Monaco, which base their economies in large part on issuing beautiful stamps [Goldsmith 2004]. Only genealogical tourism, however, gives a convincing (even obvious) answer to treating tourism as a search for authentic self-identity, and only it simultaneously combines our identity with the places we visit. It may be no accident but rather a manifestation of that same generational spirit that MacCannells The 18 Tourist was published the same year as Haleys Roots (1976). The prime motif and main thesis of this already classic work on the sociology of tourism was the search for authenticity as a causative force of the phenomenon of tourism in the epoch called modernism by the author. MacCannells pessimistic vision condemned these searches in advance to failure, but ascribed a certain value to the activity itself. Later reflection on tourism, especially that of John Urry [1990], promulgated the appearance of the post-tourist in the postmodernist world, in which truth and authenticity ceased to be values and were subject to relativization, and the tourist, aware of this, accepted the play of appearances offered to him, visiting artificial attractions and pseudo-authenticity specially constructed for him. One can see in this, however, only a single reaction and an extreme one, at thatto the crisis of tourisms identity in the preceding epoch. Genealogical tourism should be placed on the other end of the spectrum of tourist behavior, as it gives a feeling of penetrating to the truth about oneself by visiting places associated with ones ancestors. Genealogical tourism has several aspects that usually appear together, but for analytical purposes it is worthwhile to distinguish them. They arise directly from the methods and procedures of studying the history of ones own family, but also have essential significance for promoting this niche in tourist policy. The amateur genealogist is usually interested in two search directions: recreating his family pedigree and constructing the lineage of his ancestors. The first of these is the traditional family tree, which covers information on all descendants of the earliest known ancestor, but only in the male lines (and therefore most often of the same surname) [Prinke 1992]. In families with many branches and a long history, the search can be quite arduous and cover literally the whole world. The need arises to visit both close and distant relatives, first to obtain new data, then to get to know these new cousins, and, at a certain stage, to organize a family reunion, most often in the place from which that earliest ancestor came. Such reunions are obviously a tourist activity, often mobilizing people who engage in no other form of tourism to come to another continent for the purpose of meeting people whom they have never seen and with whom they have no connection other than blood ties.

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GenealoGiCal tourism: an overlooked niChe A family lineage is a compilation in table or list form of all direct ancestors of one person (or set of brothers and sisters), and as such, includes parents, grandparent, greatgrandparents, and so onthat is, those persons whose existence directly affected our appearance on the earth. Since the number of ancestors grows geometrically, after a few generations there are 64 of them, then 128, then 256, and so on. This produces a great differentiation among them, both in terms of social class as well as nationality or place of residence. Such variety defines our cultural identity, discovered during the course of reaching back to successive generations and persons by means of tedious research in archives and libraries, during which one most often gets to know the broader context of each ancestors life. On the one hand, this will be the political and legal system under which it was his lot to live, the area in which he dwelt, and historical events that could influence the twists and turns of his life and on the other hand, the specifics of his occupation, social status, faith, and education. In addition to getting to know history from the bottom up, the amateur genealogist must also acquire an orientation in geography, especially historical, political, and denominational geography, in order to foresee correctly in which parishes, courts, and offices the sources dealing with his ancestors may be kept. Creating the list of ones ancestors most often stimulates significantly more tourist activity then the construction of a family tree. The former will lead to archives and libraries in which the genealogical tourist will spend many hours and days, often to his own amazement. One American tourist described this experience, telling of his visit to the diocesan archive in Pock thus:
I scanned the index in the worn birth and death registries, hoping to find a sequence of characters that represented the lone familiar word in Russian Cyrillicmy great-grandfathers surname. Minutes and then hours had slipped by, when I looked up from my desk at a windowsill full of dried bumblebees. Why? What happened to these bees? What was I doing spending my precious vacation days in such a desolate setting? Only if you, too, have ever been immersed in genealogical research would you understand what I did next: I asked for another stack of registries and plunged back in, headfirst. [Reid 2009]

In an attempt to understand the motives for spending a vacation this way, Carla Almeida Santos and Grace Yan not long ago conducted the only study so far of people who came to archives and libraries in their own free time for genealogical purposes [Santos and Yan 2009]. They collected and analyzed informal statements of 27 tourists, selected with regard to their ethnic origin, age, and gender, who were making use of the rich genealogical division at the Allen County Public Library in the state of Indiana. The results indicate above all the deeply emotional nature of this type of very personal and exceptional tourist experience. The most important elements of the motivation given were a feeling of the meaning and value of their tourist activity, and overcoming a feeling of alienation through various types of contacts with persons of similar interests. Seeking the meaning of existence by looking for information on ones ancestors gives a satisfaction both emotional and, in the final analysis, spiritual, indicative of generational connection and ones place in the chain of being. Seeking to learn the historical truth about ancestors also produces awareness of its relativity, which depends on resources state of preservation, ones own knowledge that allows correct interpretation of them, and also methodological precision. Obviously, genealogical tourists often visit normal tourist attractions during their stay at a given locality; but even then, their understanding of historical narratives about relics and the past is different. They maintain a critical distance toward much information, because they are building their own small bricks of this narrative. In the ethnic melting pot that is the United States, an essential aspect of the motivation for genealogical tourists is also seeking an understanding their own ethnic identity, which today is most often multicultural. Learning (or discovering) that their direct ancestors of only a few generations ago were often on different sides in wars and religious or racial disputes, they later approach representatives of other cultures and their material and spiritual heritage more tolerantly and with greater interest and tolerance. This is obviously not a phenomenon restricted to America, although it appears there in greater intensity due to historical and colonial factors [Nash 2002]. Although archives and libraries are the fundamental places for seeking information 19

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GenealoGiCal tourism: an overlooked niChe about ones ancestors, they are not the only ones. Of various less obvious and often random places (such as museums, roads, memorials, churches, and so forth), cemeteries are those most often visited, because the inscriptions on their gravestones are a very valuable source for supplementing basic genealogical data on a confirmed burial site. And although other tourist motivations can also lead to the cemetery, unlike thanatotourism [Tana 2008] and tourism that regards necropolises as works of art and part of cultural heritage, only genealogical tourists see in them sources of factual information, and very often they participate in organized compilations of tombstone inventories, and they publish these lists in paper form (or in recent years, primarily on the Internet) [Seaton and Lennon 2004]. Such activity during ones free time and tourist trips, on the one hand, demands a feeling of community with other genealogists, and on the other, strengthens awareness of the value and meaning of activities undertaken within the framework of their tourist activities. Another kind of genealogical tourism, obviously different in kind, is the visiting of places connected with discovered ancestors, and it usually follows the stage of acquiring information. It is undoubtedly symbolico-ritual tourism in its purest form, for in most cases, other motives or explanations do not come into play [Prinke 2008]. A journey to a small village on another continent in which there is nothing that might be called a tourist attraction, along with uncertainty and fears regarding being able to get there, being able to communicate once there, and facing potential threats or rejection on the part of distant relatives living there, seems in complete contradiction to the traditional understanding of tourism. For genealogical tourists, it is precisely such events that produce the greatest experience and lead to a ritual return to the nest, a symbolic taking possession, and the spiritual experience of common blood. Rob Reid, quoted earlier, described his own experiences thus:
I wanted to find something more tangible [than entries in church registers]: the tiny village that my great-grandfather left behind some 100 years ago, and where today there is still a family by the same name. Going to sleep that night, I wondered about the possibilities. Maybe theyll run. Maybe theyll hide. Maybe theyll bring out a bottle of vodka. There was only one way to know [...]. After I had waited at a freezing bus station [in Pock] for half an hour in the dark, the bus arrived and took me to Staroreby. In town, I was welcomed by little more than a concrete shelter, though my first steps past the station were accompanied by a chorus of barking dogs. The walk was beautiful; the sun was coming up behind a faint mist rising from the icy road. Because there were few roads and many signs, I had little trouble finding my way to Piczyn. Just as I arrived, a woman with a shopping bag walked by. Do you know where this family lives? Yes, second house. Now thats the kind of Polish communication I could handlestraight from a textbook! I walked in front of this second house, a gated home with a vast farm in back. As I waited in front of the gate, a chorus of barking dogs and clucking chickens reached a crescendothe rural Polish equivalent of a doorbell. An elderly but agile man shuffled out of a barn, yelling something incomprehensible. I mentioned that I was a relative. [...] [After many hour and glasses of tea], a much younger woman came in the house. A moment later, a man with a mustache and a woman a bit older than I arrived. And then a teenage boy. The initial introductions left me hopelessly confused. Although no one spoke a word of English, the woman had a remarkable ability to communicate simply and clearly in a way that transcended language barriers. Together, we worked out the family tree on a sheet of paperher grandfather-in-law was Jzef, Ignacys brother. [...] The moustached man was my third uncle, and the boy and girl were third cousins. [Reid, 2009]

Experiences of this sort have significantly more in common with a religious pilgrimage than with tourism in the traditional sense [Graburn 1977, 2001; Prinke 2008]. The symbolic rite of passage, the feeling of unity with ones ethnocultural heritage, the authenticity of the experience, the lack of any artificiality or staging, stands in opposition to the model of tourism depicted by Boorstin, MacCannell, or Urry. The best explanation of the essence of tourism, which also (and even primarily) includes genealogical tourism, is undoubtedly the depiction by Cohen [2004], in which the tourists journey is interpreted as a search for ones own center (a concept derived from Eliade and Turner [1978]), a sacred space, a place of predestination and

20

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GenealoGiCal tourism: an overlooked niChe a sense of ones own existence [Cohen 2004 (1979)]. This does not have to be a physical place, but just such a geographic anchoring of this mystical hierophany appears at its fullest in the phenomenon of tourism [Timothy and Guelke 2008]. Broad interest in amateur genealogy appeared in Poland somewhat later than in Western Europe and what was, at the time, Czechoslovakia. The first organization was the Towarzystwo Genealogiczno-Heraldyczne [The Genealogical and Heraldic Society] founded in 1987 on the initiative of this author, and a few years later the first manual appeared, also by this author [Prinke, 1992]. Currently more than a dozen regional and super-regional genealogical societies are active, and the book market offers several titles for amateur genealogists. It is difficult even to estimate the degree of influence of this growing interest on the countrys tourism; there has been no published research on this phenomenon to this point. There is, however, no doubt that both archival and library tourism, as well as the visiting of places associated with ancestors, represent a more and more significant motivation for outings in ones spare time. It is similarly difficult to describe the level of genealogically-motivated foreign tourism. Genealogical tourists coming to Poland fall primarily into two significant groups, Americans and Germans, as well as the Jewish diaspora, to a lesser degree. The first of these are not people identifying mainly (or even at all) with Polish culture, but are rather citizens of the United States who have someone from Poland among their multiethnic ancestors. German genealogists, in turn, visit the places their ancestors came from in the former Prussian partition and northwestern territories. One must, however, clearly distinguish the phenomena described as nostalgic or sentimental tourism, which deals with return to places of ones parents childhood or origin, which the parents told their children about, from true genealogical tourism, which deals with ancestors from several generations ago on whom information has only recently been discovered. The former has an emotional nature. But the second is intellectual and symbolic. Serving the genealogically-based tourist movement raises specific demands based on its content, as is true of the other branches of niche tourism. A travel guide or tour operator must not only understand the specifics of these tourists motivation, but must also be familiar with the administrative procedures that allow foreigners access to Polish state and church archives, know the means of determining where the desired sources and documents can be found, form research hypotheses for subsequent steps and searches, be able to construct and interpret genealogical tablesin a word, must be a genealogist himself. There are presently several persons in Poland who organize individual genealogical tourism trips and serve as guides. Particularly noteworthy is the group Discovering Roots, founded in 1997 by a graduate of the Tourism and Recreation Department of AWF in Pozna, Katarzyna Grycza; a student of English who also works in professional photography, Magdalena Smolke; and the biochemist and very active member of the Genealogical and Heraldic Society in Pozna, ukasz Bielecki [Discovering Roots 2001-2003]. Iwona Dakiniewicz of d has also been active for many years in guiding American genealogical tourists, as well as regularly publishing informative texts in the journal published by the Polish Genealogical Society of America in Chicago. One direction for further research on the actual scope and evolutionary dynamic of this form of tourism in Poland may be analysis of newsletters and bulletins published by the more than a dozen Polonian genealogical societies active in the United States and other countries [Prinke 2006]. They publish numerous tales of genealogical tourists from their trips to Poland; present the practical, linguistic, and administrative problems connected with genealogy; and even describe their own lives and experiences. The many publications of German genealogical organizations are also worthy of attention, although in them, more formalized advice and hints for those visiting Poland with genealogical tourist goals predominate [Prinke 1996]. Genealogical tourism presents a challenge to the tourist industry not unlike that of backpacking. It is extremely individualized, dispersed, and authentic, and therefore is a contradiction to traditional tourism, which is limited to the space of a tourist bubble within which one may invest and develop its attractiveness. The development of genealogical tourism must be based on global development, and above all on transportation infrastructure, so that any particular place in this country would be reasonably accessible. On the level of self-governing districts 21

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GenealoGiCal tourism: an overlooked niChe and small communities that do not have the means or opportunities to create traditional tourist attractions, it is possible, with relatively small investment, to reach genealogical organizations with a precise and directed proposal. This does, however, demand preparatory study on their part, which will allow them to identify the most important elements motivating genealogical tourists and to take advantage of them by marketing. Bibliography Basu, P., 2004, Route Metaphors of RootsTourism in the Scottish Diaspora [in:] S. Coleman, S., Eade, J. (ed.), Reframing Pilgrimage: Cultures in Motion, Routledge, London, pp. 153178. Birtwistle, M., 2005, Genealogical tourism: The Scottish market opportunities [in:] Novelli, M. (ed.), niche tourism. Contemporary issues, trends and cases, Elsevier, Oxford, pp. 5972. Boorstin, D. J., 1961, The image. A guide to pseudo-events in America, re-released Vintage Books 1992. Chee Beng Tan et al., 2001, Tourism, anthropology and China: in memory of Professor Wang zhusheng, White Lotus Press, Banglamung, Thailand. Cohen, E., 2004, Contemporary tourism: Diversity and change (Tourism Social Science Series), Elsevier Science. Discovering Roots, 2001-2003, <http://www. discovering-roots.pl>. Dworzaczek, W., 1959, Genealogia, PWN, Warszawa. Fowler, S., 2003, Ancestral tourism, insights, March: D31-D36 Goldsmith, R. A. (2004). The philatelic tourist. Combining work and play, American Philatelist, August 2004, pp. 708712. Graburn, N., 1977, Tourism: The sacred journey [in:] Smith, V. L. (ed.), Hosts and guests: Anthropology of tourism, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, (2nd ed. 1989), pp. 1732. Graburn, N., 2001, Secular ritual: A general theory of tourism [in:] Smith, V. L., Brent, M. (ed.), Hosts and guest revisited: Tourism issues in the 21st century (Tourism Dynamics), Cognizant Communication Corporation, pp. 42-52. Haley, A. (1976), Roots: The Saga of an American Family (Polish ed. Korzenie, 1982). Hom Cary, S., 2004, The tourist moment, Annals of Tourism Research, 31, pp. 61 77. 22 Howells, C., 2001, Cyndis List: A Comprehensive List of 70,000 Genealogy Sites on the internet, Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company. Jafari, J. (ed.), 2000, Encyclopedia of tourism (Routledge World Reference), Routledge, London. Long, P., Palmer, N. J. (ed.), 2007, Royal Tourism: Excursions around Monarchy (Tourism and Cultural Change), Channel View Publications. MacCannell, D., 2002, Turysta. nowa teoria klasy prniaczej, translated by E. Klekot, A. Wieczorkiewicz. Warszawskie Wydawnictwo Literackie Muza, Warszawa (original edition 1976). Mczak, A., 1978, ycie codzienne w podrach po Europie w XVI i XVII w., Warszawa. Mczak, A., 1998, odkrywanie Europy. Podre w czasach renesansu i baroku, Warszawa. Mczak, A., 2001, Peregrynacje, wojae, turystyka, 2nd corrected and supplemented ed., Warszawa. McCain, G., Ray, N. M., 2003, Legacy tourism: the search for personal meaning in heritage travel, Tourism Management 24, pp. 713717. Nash, C., 2002, Genealogical identities, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 20, pp. 2752. Nash, C., 2003a, Theyre family!: cultural geographies of relatedness in popular genealogy [in:] Armed, S., Fortier, A.-M., Sheller, M. (ed.), Uprootings/Regroundings: Questions of Home and Migration, Berg, Oxford-New York, pp. 179-203. Nash, C., 2003b, Setting roots in motion: genealogy, geography and identity [in:] Trigger, D., Griffiths, G. (ed.), Disputed Territories: Land, Culture and identity in Settler Societies, Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, pp. 29-52. Podemski, K., 2005, Socjologia podry, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Pozna. Prinke, R. T., 1992, Poradnik genealoga amatora, Wydawnictwo Polonia, Warszawa (2nd ed.: 2007, Zysk i S-ka, Pozna). Prinke, R. T., 1996, Die Genealogisch-Heraldische Gesellschaft in Poznan/Polen in:] Ratgeber 95. Familienforschung Mittel- und osteuropa, Verlag Degner & Co., Neustadt an der Aisch, 1996, pp. 112115. Prinke, R. T., 2004, Midzy nostalgi a ironi. Niektre wtki postmaccannel-

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GenealoGiCal tourism: an overlooked niChe lowskiej refleksji nad turystyk [in:] Kazimierczak, M. (ed.), Turystyka w humanistycznej perspektywie, Akademia Wychowania Fizycznego, Pozna, pp. 41-48. Prinke, R. T., 2006, Towarzystwa genealogiczne [in:] Kazimierz Dopieraa (ed.), Encyklopedia polskiej emigracji i Polonii, Oficyna Wydawnicza Kucharski, Toru, t. 5 (S-Z), pp. 134135. Prinke, R. T., 2007, Mysterium tremendum: rytua turystyki i duchowo New Age in:] Kazimierczak, M. (ed.), Turystyka i podrowanie w aksjologicznej perspektywie, Akademia Wychowania Fizycznego, Pozna, pp. 109118. Prinke, R. T., 2008, Turystyka symboliczna. Zachowania rytualne w aksjologii podrowania [in:] Kazimierczak, M. (ed.), W krgu humanistycznej refleksji nad turystyk kulturow, Akademia Wychowania Fizycznego, Pozna, pp. 5971. Przecawski, K., 1996, Czowiek a turystyka. Zarys socjologii turystyki, ALBIS, Krakw. Reid, R., 2009, Back Before I was Polish, Rodziny. The Journal of the Polish Genealogical Society of America, Spring 2009, pp. 57. Robinson, M., Novelli, M., 2005, Niche tourism: An introduction [in:] Novelli, M. (ed.), niche tourism. Contemporary issues, trends and cases, Elsevier, Oxford, pp. 114. Santos, C. A., Yan, G., 2009, Genealogical tourism. A phenomenological examination, Journal of Travel Research (text provided me by the author before publication). Scottish Tourist Board (2001), Genealogy Tourism Strategy and Marketing Plan. Seaton, A. V., Lennon, J. J., 2004, Thanatourism in the early 21st century: Moral panics, ulterior motives and alterior desires [in:] Singh, T. V. (ed.), new horizons in tourism: Strange experiences and stranger practices, CAB International. Tana, S., 2008, Przestrze turystyczna cmentarzy: wstp do tanatoturystyki, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu dzkiego, d. Timothy, D. J., Genealogical mobility: Tourism and the search for a personal past [in:] Timothy, D. J., Guelke, J. K. (ed.), 2008, Geography and genealogy. Locating personal pasts (Heritage, Culture and Identity), Ashgate, Aldershot, pp. 115136. Timothy, D. J., Guelke, J. K. (ed.), 2008, Geography and genealogy. Locating personal pasts (Heritage, Culture and Identity), Aldershot: Ashgate. Turner, V., Turner, E., 1978, image and pilgrimage in Christian culture, Columbia University Press, New York. Uriely, N., 2005, The tourist experience. Conceptual development, Annal of Tourism Research, 32, pp. 199216. Urry, J., 1990, The tourist gaze. Leisure and travel in contemporary societies, London: Sage (2nd, expanded edition: 2002; Polish edition: Spojrzenie turysty, translated by A. Szulycka, PWN 2007). This article is reprinted with permission from Turystyka kulturowa, czasopismo internetowe [Cultural Tourism, an Internet Journal], No. 6/2009 (June 2009), ISSN 1689 - 4642. This is an online periodical intended to provide a forum for scholarly discussion of cultural tourism, to help popularize tourism to interesting cultural sites in Poland and Europe, and to enlarge and integrate the community of cultural tourism scholars and those interested in it. The journal is published in Polish, and all issues can be downloaded in PDF form from the Web site, <http://www. turystykakulturowa.org/>. The June 2009 issue, with Dr. Prinkes article on pages 311, can be downloaded here: <http://www. turystykakulturowa.org//archiwum/tk_nr008.pdf>.

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