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Chapter Objectives
To understand the importance of economic analysis of foreign markets To identify the major dimensions of international economic analysis To compare and contrast macroeconomic indicators To profile the characteristics of the types of economic systems To discuss the idea of economic freedom To profile the idea, drivers, and constraints of economic transition
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Economic system:
is the institutional structure through which individuals in a society coordinate their diverse wants and desires. is the means by which a society is organized. is an institutional arraignment use to allocate the scarce resources . is a set of mechanisms and institutions for decision making and for implementation of decisions concerning production, consumption, distribution, standard of living, technology, etc., within a given sovereign geographic area and consists of mechanisms, organizational arraignments, and decision making rules.
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ECONOMICS
Economics is the study of how society chooses to allocate efficiently its limited economics resources and how productive, consumption, and distributive aspects of life are allocated and organized efficiently with technology through the price system in order to satisfy unlimited human material wants/needs/desires.
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Company managers study economic environments to estimate how trends affect their performance A countrys economic policies are a leading indicator of governments goals and its planned use of economic tools and market reforms. Economic development directly impacts citizens, managers, policymakers, and institutions.
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Adjustments to GNI
Number of people in a country Growth rate Local cost of living Economic sustainability
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The gap between rich and poor has risen in other emerging economies (notably China and India) as well as in many rich countries (especially America, but also in places with a reputation for being more egalitarian, such as Germany).
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Nervous Americans peg their greenbacks to the yuan (worth about $4.9), not the other way around.
In June it allowed most of the country to pay for imports in yuan and 365 Chinese companies to sell exports for the currency. Last month, it expanded the number to 67,359. By the end of November, trade worth 385 billion yuan ($58 billion) had been settled in Chinas currency
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Center Stage for the Twenty-first Century Power Plays in the Indian Ocean
Americans, in particular, concentrate on the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans
The Indian Ocean is dominated by two immense bays, the Arabian Sea and the Bay of Bengal
Trade in frankincense, spices, precious stones, and textiles brought together the peoples flung along its long shoreline during the Middle Ages.
Throughout history, sea routes have mattered more than land routes, writes the historian Felipe Fernndez-Armesto, because they carry more goods more economically. "Whoever is lord of Malacca has his hand on the throat of Venice," if the world were an egg, Hormuz would be its yolk, went another.
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Even today, in the jet and information age, 90 percent of global commerce and about 65 percent of all oil travel by sea.
Moreover, 70 percent of the total traffic of petroleum products passes through the Indian Ocean, on its way from the Middle East to the Pacific. Global energy needs are expected to rise by 45 percent between 2006 and 2030, and almost half of the growth in demand will come from India and China. China's demand for crude oil doubled between 1995 and 2005 and will double again in the coming 15 years or so; by 2020, China is expected to import 7.3 million barrels of crude per day -half of Saudi Arabia's planned output. More than 85 percent of the oil and oil products bound for China cross the Indian Ocean and pass through the Strait of Malacca. Indias coal imports from far-off Mozambique are set to increase substantially, adding to the coal that India already imports from other Indian Ocean countries, such as South Africa, Indonesia, and Australia. In the future, India-bound ships will also be carrying increasingly large quantities of liquefied natural gas (LNG) across the seas from southern Africa, even as it continues importing LNG from Qatar, Malaysia, and Indonesia.
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PRINCIPAL ACTORS
State capitalism has four primary actors: national oil corporations, state-owned enterprises, privately owned national champions, and sovereign wealth funds (SWFs).
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When thinking of "big oil," most Americans think first of multinational corporations such as BP, Chevron, ExxonMobil, Shell, or Total. But the 13 largest oil companies in the world, measured by their reserves, are owned and operated by governments -- companies such as Saudi Arabia's Saudi Aramco; the National Iranian Oil Company; Petrleos de Venezuela, S.A.; Russia's Gazprom and Rosneft; the China National Petroleum Corporation; Malaysia's Petronas; and Brazil's Petrobras.
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State-owned companies such as these control more than 75 percent of global oil reserves and production. Instead, they want to use the market to bolster their own domestic political positions. State-owned enterprises help them do this, in part by consolidating whole industrial sectors.
Angola's Endiama (diamonds), Azerbaijan's AzerEnerji (electricity generation), Kazakhstan's Kazatomprom (uranium), and Morocco's Office Chrifien des Phosphates -- all of these state-owned firms are by far the largest domestic players in their respective sectors. Some state-owned enterprises have grown particularly enormous, most notably Russia's fixed-line-telephone and armsexport monopolies; China's aluminum monopoly, power-transmission duopoly, and major telecommunications companies and airlines; and India's national railway, which is among the world's largest nonmilitary employers, with over 1.4 million employees.
JFGAC ECON. 331
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A more recent trend has complicated this phenomenon. In some developing countries, large companies that remain in private hands rely on government patronage in the form of credit, contracts, and subsidies.
These privately owned but government-favored national champions get breaks from the government, which sees them as a means of competing with purely commercial foreign rivals, and they are thus able to carve out a dominant role in the domestic economy and in export markets. In turn, these companies use their clout with their governments to gobble up smaller domestic rivals, reinforcing the companies' strength as pillars of state capitalism.
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The largest SWFs are those in the emirate of Abu Dhabi, Saudi Arabia, and China, with Russia playing catch-up. The only democracy represented among the ten largest SWFs is Norway.
The task of financing these companies has fallen in part to SWFs, and this has greatly expanded those funds' size and significance. They act as repositories for excess foreign currency earned from the export of commodities or manufactured goods. But SWFs are more than just bank accounts. They are state-owned investment funds with mixed portfolios of foreign currencies, government bonds, real estate, precious metals, and direct stakes in -- and sometimes majority ownership of -- a host of domestic and foreign firms. Like all investment funds, SWFs look to maximize returns. But for state capitalists, these returns can be political as well as economic.
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In short, despite the global financial crisis, national oil companies still control three-quarters of the world's primary strategic resources, state-owned enterprises and privately owned national champions still enjoy substantial competitive advantages over their private-sector rivals, and SWFs are still flush with cash. These companies and institutions are truly too big to fail. Other protectionist initiatives have begun to weigh on global commerce. China has reinstated tax relief for certain exporters. Russia has limited foreign investment in 42 "strategic sectors" and imposed new duties on imported cars, pork, and poultry. Indonesia has imposed import tariffs and licensing restrictions on over 500 types of foreign products. India has added a 20 percent levy on soybean oil imports. Argentina and Brazil are publicly considering new tariffs on imported textiles and wine. South Korea refuses to drop its trade barriers against U.S. auto imports. France has announced the creation of a state fund to protect domestic companies from foreign takeover.
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Inside the United States, the international prominence of the dollar is widely seen as serving the country's national interests. Because of this global role and the foreign money it attracts to the United States, the dollar allows Americans to live beyond their means, as exemplified by the cheap Chinese goods at Wal-Mart, affordable vacations on the French Riviera, and U.S. budget deficits financed by Middle Eastern countries.
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Last year China Construction Bank's net profit soared 10% to $11.9 billion. In the same period, Bank of America, which at the time owned some 19% of the Chinese lender, earned just $4 billion, down 73% from 2007. That's all you need to know to understand why Bank of America in May sold a 5.8% stake in China Construction Bank for $7.3 billion. Bank of America has been so badly hurt by the U.S. financial crisis that it needs to raise billions of dollars to recapitalize. Meanwhile, Chinese banks are making money hand over fist as China's economy continues to expand.
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In Russia, any large business must have favorable relations with the state in order to succeed. The national champions are controlled by a small group of oligarchs who are personally in favor with the Kremlin. The companies Norilsk Nickel (mining); Novolipetsk Steel and NMK Holding (metallurgy); and Evraz, SeverStal, and Metalloinvest (steel) fall into this category. In China, the same applies, albeit with a wider, less high-profile ownership base: the AVIC empire (aircraft), Huawei (telecommunications), and Lenovo (computers) have all become state-favored giants run by a small circle of well-connected businesspeople. Variations of the privately owned but government-favored national champions have cropped up elsewhere, including in still relatively free-market economies: Cevital (agroindustries) in Algeria, Vale (mining) in Brazil, Tata (cars, steel, and chemicals) in India, Tnuva (meat and dairy) in Israel, Solidere (construction) in Lebanon, and the San Miguel Corporation (food and beverage) in the Philippines.
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First, commercial decisions are often left to political bureaucrats, who have little experience in efficiently managing commercial operations. Second, the motivations behind investment decisions may be political rather than economic. The leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, for example, knows that generating economic prosperity is essential to maintaining political power.
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A growing number of Americans have come to believe that globalization moves their jobs to other countries, depresses their wages, and exposes U.S. consumers to shoddy foreign products. If U.S. would do well to relearn the lessons of the 1930 SmootHawley Tariff Act, which raised tariffs on 20,000 imported goods to record levels, prompted retaliation in kind, and thus deepened and lengthened the Great Depression.
The global financial crisis has created an illusion of international unity based on the mistaken fear that everyone is sinking in the same boat. A year ago, the talk in policy circles was of "decoupling," the process by which emerging economies develop a domestic base for growth broad enough to free them from dependence on consumer demand in the United States and Europe. Predictions of decoupling have proved premature. Economic problems originating largely in the United States have forced a hard landing in dozens of developing countries by crushing demand for their exports.
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