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S.A. Greene Kings Russia Institute & The Center for the Study of New Media & Society 17 April 2013 @ NES
Background
Two waves of election-related mobilization in Russia: S Reactive: December 2011 State Duma Elections S Proactive: March 2012 Presidential Elections The Puzzle: S Unprecedented public mobilization? 5,000 130,000 on the streets of Moscow = a challenge to prior notions about the nature of public opinion, the social contract and mobilizational structures in Russia? S Instead of studying the impact of OSM, can we use OSM to study the street?
Questions: S What are the structures of communication? S Where did the protest communities come from? S Can OSM data help answer these questions?
Problems
vs
it
S Relationships are made meaningful by the information they transmit
Hypothesis: If OSM mattered for mobilization, differences in content should be accompanied by differences in structure
Data:
S 11,113 tweets from 8,565 accounts, 4-6 March 2012 S Two sets of linkages: What and Who S Data collected and processed with open-source, public access
800
600
30.00%
0.00%
40.00%
35.00% 8000 Vertices (Tweeters) Edges (Tweets) Connection Quotient 6000 25.00% 20.00% 4000 15.00% 10.00% 2000 5.00% 0 Opposition Memes Kremlin Memes Neutral Memes All Memes 0.00% 30.00%
Findings:
The use of Twitter varies, even within a brief period, over groups and situations:
S Serves alternately as a broadcast medium, information aggregator
Preliminary Findings
Two complementary logics: S Interplay between legacy organizations and greenfield movement: legacy activists, while few in number, had an outsized impact on the structure and coherence of the movement as a whole. They were also among the most prominent speakers at the largest rallies and among the most active in the Organizing Committee. S Activists shift the discourse from particular grievances to universal injustice and are joined by thousands who had never listened to them before. Many of these newcomers were already politically engaged through their media consumption. Thus, what we observe is not the politicization of previously apathetic citizens, but the activation of already politicized but previously passive citizens: the shift, en masse, of thousands of people from the consumption to the production of contentious politics. Its not the hipsters!
broadly comported with off-line observation and, in some cases, were usefully counterintuitive.
S The data allowed large-scale observation of off-line phenomena
without the filters and distortions of memory and random sampling methods.
and No.
S The data could not have been collected or interpreted without a priori
as behavioral models.
Thanks!
samuel.greene@kcl.ac.uk
www.newmediacenter.ru