Tipuri de intervenii internaionale: Capitolul VII,

intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

Dr. Serban Filip Cioculescu,

Lector. Universitatea Bucuresti

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

The United Nations, the main universal organization in the world,

which was created in the aftermath of World War II to promote
peace and stability, has a classical doctrine which emphasizes the
importance of equal sovereignty among states and this concept
was extended also for the newly independent nations or those
seeking independence by decolonization process.

The UN Charter stated that: "Nothing contained in the present

Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters
which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state."
But of course, the UN was allowed to intervene, even with military
force, in case of a threat to peace, a breach of peace, or acts of
aggression on the part of the state.

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

The UN has been created to deal with conflicts among states not within
states and the UNSC was supposed to be like a directorate of the world
great powers having if not the same vision on war/peace issues at least the
will to keep peace and security. This is the reason why peace-keeping
operations had not been foreseen in the UN Charter in 1945.
UNSC according to article 39 of the Charter decides case by case the
situations of threat to peace/ breaches of the peace after 1990 the
authority of the UNSC extended also to activities like peace-keeping,
humanitarian crisis, nation-building, civil wars termination etc.
Peace-keeping vs. peace-enforcement missions: the humanitarian
intervention is based on peace-enforcement coercive actions of invading a
state by a UN mandate force, in order to destroy or mitigate a threat to
international peace and security (no consensus of the host country is
required). Peace-keeping missions are negotiated between UN and states,
with the consent of the target country.

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

UN Peacekeeping is guided by three basic principles: Consent of the parties;

Impartiality; Non-use of force except in self-defence and defence of the
mandate. UN peace-keeping began in 1948 in the Middle East, to separate
Israel and its Arab neighbors.
Since then, 69 peacekeeping operations have been deployed by the UN, 56
of them since 1988. Over the years, hundreds of thousands of military
personnel, as well as tens of thousands of UN police and other civilians from
more than 120 countries have participated in UN peacekeeping operations.
More than 3,326 UN peacekeepers from some 120 countries have died while
serving under the UN flag.
After the Cold War ended, there was a rapid increase in the number of
peacekeeping operations. Civilians became more and more victims of
military operations. With a new consensus and a common sense of
purpose, the Security Council authorized a total of 20 new operations
between 1989 and 1994, raising the number of peacekeepers from 11,000 to
75,000.
The Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the Genocide Convention of
1948 somehow questioned the nonintervention principle to lay down the
commitment of the world community to prevent and punish criminals against
humankind.

Personnel and funds UN PK Department statistics

A. Uniformed personnel: 104,668 (as of 28 February 2015\0

Troops: 90,336
Police: 12,528
Military observers: 1,804
Civilian personnel: 17,092 (as of 30 November 2014)
International: 5,289 Local: 11,803
UN Volunteers: 1,800 (as of 31 December 2014)
Total number of personnel serving in 16 peacekeeping operations: 123,560
Countries contributing uniformed personnel: 120
Total fatalities in current operations: 1,564/Total fatalities in all peace
operations since 1948: 3,336

Personnel and funds UN PK Department statistics

B. Financial aspects
- Approved resources for the period from 1 July 2014 to 30 June 2015:
about $8.47 billion
- Outstanding contributions to peacekeeping (31 January 2015): about $
2.05 billion
Arrears are a chronic problem for the United Nations. Many poorer nations
cannot afford their full assessment. Other countries, notably the United
States in past years, have delayed or withheld payments for reasons
unrelated to their ability to pay. Under the UN Charter, member states that
are two years in arrears at the UN can lose their vote in the General
Assembly. Timely payment of dues is crucial because shortfalls in the UN's
budget can cripple peacekeeping missions and delay humanitarian aid, with
costs measured in lives and human suffering.

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

The UN founders were overwhelmingly preoccupied with the

problem of states waging war against each other, and the Charter
as a rule outlawed the use of force, the only exceptions being selfdefence in countering an attack (Article 51), and when an operation
is authorised (under Chapter VII) by the Security Council, a new
international institution given unprecedented authority to act in
cases of threats to international peace and security.
Inheritance of the decolonization period the newly emerging states
were proud of their identity, worry of their fragility, they saw the nonintervention norm as one of their few defenses against threats and
pressures from regional and great powers.
This tendency inhibited the development of a clear obligation to
respond in an effective way to situations of catastrophic internal
human rights violations like the genocide crime.

The Brahimi Report (2000)

1992 The Agenda for Peace/SG Boutros Ghali preventive
diplomacy, support for discriminated identity groups whose states
were unable to protect them.
The Brahimi report was written in 2000 by a panel of ten experts in
response to the dramatic failures of UN peacekeeping in the 1990s,
especially in Rwanda and Srebrenica.
Brahimi report asked that peacekeeping mission include the doctrine
of R2P, which encompasses the responsibility to prevent, react and
rebuild.
The doctrine of R2P, like the Brahimi report, considers intervention to
be a last resort and therefore the international community must focus
on prevention . The Brahimi report focuses on early warning by
suggesting an increased UN cooperation with regional
organisations.

The Brahimi Report (2000)

Immediate relief was no longer the first priority of the UN. Instead,
reconstruction, development, transitional adminsitrations and sustainable
peace became one of the main concerns of the organisation, which is
striving to facilitate peacebuilding.
It addresses many of the holes in UN military, strategic and planning
functions that were left by the Military Staff Committee (MSC) which stopped
functioning after twenty-nine months in July 1948.
it was envisaged that a powerful joint UN military staff would advise the
Security Council and execute its orders, and would also bring about a
reduction in armaments and disarmament.

Historical precedents during the Cold War era

India intervened in East Pakistan (1971) India defeated Pakistan

and helped the emergence of Bangladesh and indirectly protected the
lives of Bangladeshi civilians against Pakistans reprisals
Tanzania send military forces in Uganda (1979) Tanzanian
forces invaded Uganda and helped local population get rid of the
bloody dictator Idi Amin Dada (killer of more than 300.000 of its
citizens)
Vietnam invasion in Cambodia (1979) the genocide in Cambodia
order by the criminal regime of khmer Pol Pot between 1975-1979
killed 15% of the population the international community did
nothing to stop it because the criminals and the victim belonged to
the same ethnic and religious group, with the same country.
Eventually Vietnam intervened merely against the Cambodian regime
but it produced a humanitarian positive issue: anyway, the effect was
widespread criticism of Vietnamese aggression.
All of them were strategic invasions, condemned by UNSC, but which
helped put an end to criminal regimes and allowed civilians stay
alive)))

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

Post-Cold War era: failed states, humanitarian disasters

After the Cold War, when some states collapsed and ethnic-religious
clashed erupted the legal mechanisms proved to be not well adapted: the
failure of UN and USA in Somalia, the inaction in response to the Rwanda
genocide in 1994 and failure to halt the 1995 Srebrenica massacre in
Bosnia highlight the complexities of international responses to crimes
against humanity.
In his Millennium Report of 2000, then Secretary-General Kofi Annan,
recalling the failures of the Security Council to act in a decisive manner in
Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia, put forward a challenge to Member
States: "If humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an unacceptable assault on
sovereignty, how should we respond to a Rwanda, to a Srebrenica, to gross
and systematic violation of human rights that offend every precept of our
common humanity?"

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

In 2000, the Canadian government and several other actors announced the
establishment of the International Commission on Intervention and State
Sovereignty (ICISS) to address the challenge of the international
community's responsibility to act in the face of the gravest of human rights
violations while respecting the sovereignty of states. It sought to bridge
these two concepts with the 2001 Responsibility to Protect (R2P) report.
The Commission had been formed in response to Kofi Annan's question of
when the international community must intervene for humanitarian
purposes. Its report, "The Responsibility to Protect," found that sovereignty
not only gave a State the right to "control" its affairs, it also conferred on the
State primary "responsibility" for protecting the people within its borders. It
proposed that when a State fails to protect its people either through lack
of ability or a lack of willingness the responsibility shifts to the broader
international community.

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

In 2004, the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, set up by

Secretary-General Kofi Annan, endorsed the emerging norm of a
responsibility to protect often called "R2P" stating that there is a
collective international responsibility, "exercisable by the Security Council
authorizing military intervention as a last resort, in the event of genocide and
other large-scale killing, ethnic cleansing and serious violations of
humanitarian law which sovereign governments have proved powerless or
unwilling to prevent."
The panel proposed basic criteria that would legitimize the authorization of
the use of force by the UN Security Council, including the seriousness of the
threat, the fact that it must be a last resort, and the proportionality of the
response.

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

In his report "In larger freedom," (2005) Secretary-General Kofi Annan

"strongly agreed" with the approach outlined by the High-level Panel and
suggested that a list of proposed criteria including seriousness of the
threat, proportionality and chance of success be applied for the
authorization of the use of force in general.
In 2005, when the responsibility to protect doctrine was incorporated into a
UN outcome document, environmental disasters had been dropped as a
reason for intervention. The document did say it was every state's
responsibility to protect its citizens from "genocide, war crimes, ethnic
cleansing and crimes against humanity."
If a state fails to do so, the document says, it then becomes the
responsibility of the international community to protect that state's
population. The document was unanimously adopted by all member states
but is not legally binding.

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

The first time the Security Council made official reference to the responsibility to
protect was in April 2006, inresolution 1674 on the protection of civilians in armed
conflict. The Security Council referred to that resolution in August 2006, when
passing resolution 1706 authorizing the deployment of UN peacekeeping troops to
Darfur, Sudan. Recently, the responsibility to protect featured prominently in a number
of resolutions adopted by the Security Council.
In 2009 a report by the Secretary-General outlined a strategy around
three pillars of the responsibility to protect:
The State carries the primary responsibility for protecting populations from genocide,
war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, and their incitement;
The international community has a responsibility to encourage and assist States in
fulfilling this responsibility;
The international community has a responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic,
humanitarian and other means to protect populations from these crimes. If a State is
manifestly failing to protect its populations, the international community must
be prepared to take collective action to protect populations, in accordance with
the UN Charter.

Intervenii umanitare, responsabilitatea de a proteja

The work of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, should

be viewed in conjunction with the closely related work of the Special
Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect who focuses on developing the
conceptual, political and operational aspects of the Responsibility to Protect.
In order to eliminate redundancy and maximize effective use of resources,
the Secretary-General directed the two former Special Advisers in 2007 to
form a joint office and merge their functions and activities.
This decision was referred to in the Secretary-Generals letter to the
President of the Security Council of 31 August 2007, as well in his
statements and reports to the General Assembly on the Responsibility to
Protect in 2009 and 2010. These followed extensive consultations with
Member States and United Nations entities, including multiple meetings of
the Secretary-Generals Policy Committee dedicated to the Responsibility to
Protect. This merger has resulted in changes to the conceptual framework,
methodology and operational activities of the Office.

Failed states and international interventions: Libya

Following widespread and systematic attacks against the civilian population

by the regime in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, the UN Security Council, on 26
February 2011, unanimously adopted resolution 1970, making explicit
reference to the responsibility to protect.
Deploring what it called "the gross and systematic violation of human rights"
in strife-torn Libya, the Security Council demanded an end to the violence,
"recalling the Libyan authorities responsibility to protect its population," and
imposed a series of international sanctions. The Council also decided to
refer the situation to the International Criminal Court.
In resolution 1973, adopted on 17 March 2011, the Security Council
demanded an immediate ceasefire in Libya, including an end to ongoing
attacks against civilians, which it said might constitute "crimes against
humanity." The Council authorized Member States to take "all
necessary measures" to protect civilians under threat of attack in the
country, while excluding a foreign occupation force of any form on any
part of Libyan territory. A few days later, acting on the resolution, NATO
planes started striking at Qadhafis forces.

Failed states and international interventions: Libya

In 2014-2015, an outburst of violence among various ethnic/religious militias

(civil war): Libya has two governments and is a failed state.
Special Representative and head of the UN Support Mission in Libya
(UNSMIL) Bernardino Len has strongly condemned the renewed outbreak
of violence in the Libyan capital of Tripoli amid ongoing political dialogue
aimed at resolving the crisis in the country.
UNSMIL stated that the outburst of violence in the Tripoli neighbourhood of
Fashloum has already caused many casualties and endangered the lives of
civilians with initial reports suggesting that three civilians were killed,
including a young girl, since the resumption of hostilities.
The latest round of political talks, in fact, are currently underway in Skhirat,
Morocco (April 2015) with parties expected to present their remarks
regarding the overall framework outlined in the Draft Agreement on the
Political Transition in Libya.

Cte dIvoire

Post electoral violences on patterns of religious/tribal clashes: the UN

Security Council, on 30 March 2011, unanimously adopted resolution
1975 condemning the gross human rights violations committed by
supporters of both ex-President Laurent Gbagbo and President Ouattara.
The resolution cited "the primary responsibility of each State to protect
civilians," called for the immediate transfer of power to President Ouattara,
the victor in the elections, and reaffirmed that the
UN Operation in Cte dIvoire (UNOCI) could use "all necessary means to
protect life and property."
UNOCI on 4 April 2011 began a military operation, and President Gbagbos
hold on power ended on 11 April when he was arrested by President
Ouattaras forces.
In November 2011, President Gbagbo was transferred to the International
Criminal Court to face charges of crimes against humanity as an indirect
co-perpetrator of murder, rape, persecution and other inhumane acts.

South Sudan (2011)

On 8 July 2011, the Security Council, in resolution 1996, established

a UN peacekeeping mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) to advise
and assist the government in fulfilling its responsibility to protect
civilians.
South Sudan officially became an independent country on 9 July
2011, years after the 2005 peace deal that ended a long civil war.
In December 2013, fighting between pro- and anti-Government
forces began (the Dinka and Nuer ethnic groups), causing the
displacement of approximately 706,000 people, 77,000 of whom
sought refuge at UNMISS bases.
In February 2014, the Security Council reiterated its steadfast
support for UNMISS and its vital mission on behalf of the
international community to protect civilians in South Sudan,
including foreign nationals, as well as conduct human rights
monitoring and investigations, and facilitate assistance to
populations in need.

Central African Republic (2013)

December 2012 attacks by Seleka militias (muslims) against Christians,

after the ouster of the president
The Christians created their own militias Antibalaka to fight back mutual
atrocities
On 10 October 2013, in resolution 2121, the Security Council emphasized
the primary responsibility of the Central African authorities to protect the
population, as well as to ensure the security and unity in its territory, and
stressed their obligation to ensure respect for international humanitarian
law, human rights law and refugee law.
In March 2014, the UN Secretary-General outlined his proposal for the
establishment of a nearly 12,000-strong UN peacekeeping operation in the
CAR.
Security Council authorized on 10 April 2014 deployment of a
multidimensional United Nations peacekeeping operation MINUSCA, with
the protection of civilians as its utmost priority.

Yemen (2011-2015)

2015 - Yemen has descended into conflicts between several different

groups, pushing the country "to the edge of civil war"
Houthis rebels (Zaidi Shia muslims) forced the president Hadi to flee the
capital
Hadi is supported in the predominantly Sunni south of the country by militia
known as Popular Resistance Committees and local tribesmen
Hadis supporters and the Houthis are opposed by al-Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP), which has staged numerous deadly attacks from its
strongholds in the south and south-east. AQIP must also fight against the
local branch of Islamic State
21 October 2011, resolution 2014 condemned human rights violations by the
Yemeni authorities and encouraged an inclusive Yemeni-led political
process of transition of power, including the holding of early Presidential
elections. This resolution explicitly recalled the Yemeni Governments
"primary responsibility to protect its population.
April 2015 - Yemen's government has rejected a four-point peace plan for
the country that Iran submitted to the United Nations

Syria (2012)

The UNSC has failed in its mission to help put an end to sectarian conflicts
within Syria, as the five permanent members did not find a common ground
to deal with this.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has stressed the urgent need for a political
solution to end the crisis in Syria, which over the past threeyears has
claimed more than 150,000 lives and led to a dire humanitarian crisis.
Both the General Assembly and the Human Rights Council have strongly
condemned the continued "widespread and systematic" human rights
violations in Syria and demanded that the government immediately cease all
violence and protect its people.
The High Commissioner for Human Rights recommended referring the
situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court and urged the Security
Council to assume its responsibility to protect the population of Syria.
The Government of Syria is manifestly failing to protect its populations, the
Secretary-Generals Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama
Dieng, said in December 2012.

The victims of the Islamic State/ISIS (2014-2015)

The Islamic State (ISIS) controls huge territories in northern Iraq and Syria
and already committed mass-murder and huge violations of human rights
it is a non-state actor, with trans-national activities and warriors coming from
all the continents
Hundreds of thousands of Christians, Yazidis and Turkmen fled their homes
during summer 2014 as the Islamic State (IS) advanced across northern Iraq.
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon repeteadly addressed the Council,
asking support for the victims of attacks and abuses on ethnic or religious
grounds in the Middle East.
US, UK, Jordan, Canada, Russia, France and other states used air attacks to
bomb Daesh positions in Syria and Iraq strategic but also humanitarian
goals. US trained Syrian rebels to fight both ISI and the Assad government,
Moscow helped Syrian army
United Nations is developing an action plan on preventing violent extremism,
SG Ban said, which it would launch in September, and strengthening efforts
to protect diversity in the Middle East.

The Somalian disaster and the syndrome of "the

Mogadishu line"

Somalia is a tribal and very poor country extremely weak state becoming
failed state after the Cold War
Following the collapse of the dictatorship of gen. Siad Barre the power
began to be contested by rival clan leaders.
Most of the country, and notably the capital, Mogadishu, descended into
lawlessness /anarchy (Hobbesian world) in spite of almost all Somalis
being Muslim!
The fate of the Somali people and the magnitude of the humanitarian crisis
were exacerbated still further by drought. Thousands died of starvation or
suffered severe malnutrition.
UN missions UNITAF, ONUSOM I and II - "to establish a secure
environment for humanitarian relief operations.
U.S. Marines arrived on the the Mogadishu beaches in December 1992 tu
support UN mission

The Somalian disaster and the syndrome of

"the Mogadishu line"

Death of 18 U.S. Army Rangers on October 3-4, 1993, while trying to destroy the
forces of powerful warlord (gen. Aideed)
US withdrew from Somalia the civil war inetensified, humanitarian disasters
December 1992, the Security Council authorized UN forces to use "all necessary
means" to establish a secure environment for humanitarian relief operations in
Somalia. (peace-enforcement mission)
4 February 1994 - the Security Council, by its resolution 897 (1994) revised UNOSOM
II's mandate to exclude the use of coercive methods only humanitarian relief and
self-protection of peacekeepers.
Reasons: the fear of insurgents attacks and losing UN neutrality. Then, UNOSOM II
was withdrawn from Somalia in early March 1995.
The African Union is carrying a peacekeeping mission AMISOM (since 2007), with
the approval of the United Nations in Somalia.
Somalia today is still a quasi-state, while foreign military interventions
(Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda) only partially helped the government to assess
control on larger areas beyond the capital.
The Islamist terrorists called Al Shabab regularly carries attacks even on
neighboring countries like Kenya and recently declared allegiance to Islamic
State.

Rwanda Genocide (1994)

Hutu vs. Tutsi huge ethnic cleavage inherited from colonial era (the Germans and
especially the Belgians preferred the Tutsis for ruling the country)
April 6, 1994, unknown extremists assassinated Rwanda's president in 1994 in a
plane crash and used the murder was used by radical Hutus as an excuse for the
mass killing of Tutsi rivals.
This was the trigger for the most terrible episode of genocide after WWII.
Interahamwe militias (Hutu Power) vs Rwandan Patriotic Front (Tutsi, in exile) mass
crimes against civilians.
In mid-1994, over 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu were killed in the Rwandan
genocide.
The international community clearly failed to prevent and stop this genocide.
The tragic failure of Somalia was still present in the minds and made states as well as
the UN Secretariat unwilling to engage in another Peace Operation in Africa. Second,
The United States decided not to intervene in Rwanda (Mogadishu syndrome) as
there was no national interest at stake.
France, which had national interests at stake, did not try to save Rwandan lives, but
indirectly contributed to the genocide by supporting Hutus with weapons.
Belgium withdrew its military forces after 10 Belgian PKs were killed in street
incidents with Hutu extremists

Rwanda Genocide (1994)

The five powers (P5) of the UNSC considered that it was a civil war and the
victims were only Rwandans, not foreigners, therefore it was judged not to
be a threat to international peace (art. 39)
They asked the agreement of Rwanda for the conflict was within the
domestic jurisdiction of this state (peace-keeping admitted, not peaceenforcement) the mandate of peace-keepers (UNAMIR) did not allow them
to fight against criminal Hutus for protecting the Tutsi civilians! (only
monitor, assist and investigate)
Mandate: self defense, including resistance to attempts by forceful means to prevent
the Force from discharging its duties under the mandate of UNAMIR.
The Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) counted a few hundred
staff, who were responsible for 17 missions and over 70,000 peacekeepers.
With large and complex missions in Bosnia and Somalia, Rwanda assumed a
low status seen as a permanent tribal conflict in a savage country
The United States is often blamed as being most responsible for inaction in
Rwanda. Since the death of 18 rangers in Somalia (1993), the US had decided to
stop placing the agenda of the UN before the interests of the US obsession
to avoid another Somalia scenario.

Rwanda Genocide: afterwards

The humanitarian tragedy continued after RPF victory: about 1.2

million Hutu refugees fled to neighboring countries, partially due to fear of
RPF retribution and partially due to a plan by the Hutu extremists to use the
refugee camps as military bases for the reconquest of Rwanda.
The Great Lakes refugee crisis continued until the RPF supported a rebel
attack against the refugee camps across the border in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in 1996.
The rebel Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Congo continued their offensive, in the First Congo War, until they overthrew
the government of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.
In 1998, the new Congolese president, Laurent-Dsir Kabila, began a
conflict with his foreign backers, who organized another rebellion to put a
more amenable government into place.
The resulting Second Congo War (19982003) drew in eight nations and
became the deadliest conflict since World War II, killing an estimated 3.8
million people
Very huge humanitarian disaster

Natural disasters requiring foreign interventions

The episode of Myanmar's cyclone in May 2008 - the spirit of the

R2P doctrine was tested.
The country's regime was incapable of providing relief to millions of
affected citizens and it refused to let in international aid and aid
workers for several days.
French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner suggested the
United Nations invoke the R2P doctrine as the basis for a
resolution to allow the delivery of international aid even
without the junta's permission.
But the French proposal faced opposition from Security Council
members Russia, China, and South Africa. China's UN ambassador,
Liu Zhenmin, argued it was not an issue for the Security Council.
"The current issue of Myanmar is a natural disaster," and the
situation should not be politicized, he said. Experts warned that
Southeast Asian nations and India might also take exception to
intervention in Myanmar.

Trends and proposals for humanitarian interventions

More cooperation between the UN General Assembly, the Secretary

General and the UN Security Council give the UN operations clear
mandates and the right to fight back against insurgents committing atrocities
against civilians.
More peace-enforcement: when necessary abandon the neutrality
obsession and fight against genocidaires with extremely lethal weapons and
tactics the UN should also play a deterrent role not only early warning!
UN must asked states to contribute each of them with troops and money
and have a fair burden sharing avoid the free-riding.
UN needs a standing force, equipped and trained with the same standards
Rapid Reaction Forces. A role for the UNs Military Staff Committee (art 47
of the UN Charter asked for its creation) out of lethargy)))
The five UNSC permanent members should try to refrain from using the
veto power when the General Assembly by a majority vote decide that UN
could intervene to prevent a genocide, or a humanitarian disaster (excepting
when one or more of the big five (P5) prove that it has a vital national
interest in that crisis) the P5 should accept that sometimes their forces will
be lead by foreign officers: agree with the operational needs beyond
national pride.

Trends and proposals for humanitarian

interventions

More powers for the General Assembly for organizing world effort for
rebuilding failed states/collapsed societies even to create a Peacebuilding Commission
India, Brazil, China, Indonesia (new emerging powers with huge
populations) must contribute more with troops and money to humanitarian
missions they should accept to be lead-nations when necessary and
they must understand that humanitarian norms are no more the exclusive
apanage/burden of the West
Countries with very heterogeneous populations (ethnic, tribal, religious
cleavages) must be allowed to create lose federations Bosnian-style or even
create new states on the Southern Sudan model.
More cooperation between UN and NATO, EU, African Union, ECOWAS,
Arab League etc. military common operations, complementarity (exemple
- African Union/UN Hybrid operation in Darfur). In case of violent sectarian
conflicts the neighboring states should use regional organizations and pacts
to send military forces and separate the rival groups they know the field
and the populations, they know how to deal with them.
More safe-heavens for persecuted populations, for those threatened with
killings (avoid repetition of Srebrenica-like massacres). Safe-heavens
organized in Iraq after 1991 were a real success for defending the Kurdish
and Shia populations against the attacks by the Saddams regime