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PETER GOW Visual compulsion: design and image in Western Amazonian cultures ‘The presert paper i first ata wo analy certain problems in the sty of “geometric desiga” in Western Amazonian cultures. wil hee sketch out soe aspects ofthe problems associated with these design, discuss previons analyses and try to rela the importance of design in Western ‘Aazonian at oa wide concer with visual experince in these cltures. n particular, will plore the significance of ene feature ofthese cultures, the widespread opposition between “design” fed image". 1 argue thatthe designs are visually compulsive, inthe sease tt they focus tention ‘nthe continuous surface of corporeal form, and hos! how this is linked tothe general importance ‘of corporeal processes in ese cures. As wil be obvious, this investigation bas nt proceeded ‘ery fr, andthe present work is mtended to raise questions tobe answered in farther field research, “The origin ofthis works with my research among the Piro people of te Bajo Urubambe river i Eastern Peru. The Piro ate a remarkably confusing Native Amazonian people, particularly in terms of “ethnic identity. Virtually every person identifiable as Piro can aso be Identified as belonging to an opposed caegory: Campe, Machiguenga, mestizo and so on. All Pio are mullingual, and many areqpite as happy speaking Sparish or Campa as Uey are with Pico. “Being Pio, 1 dizo- ‘ered, doe not consist of memberaip ina Piro “ethnic group”. but israther statement about one's Telaonstip toa particular set of ancestors, los pir ancianas, orn Piro, wa rant, "he ancient ead people”. Associated withthe ancestral Pro is whats termed "Piro custom/manner” (Pir: wane gigetyawoks wa yine, Spanish, costumbre de las pirs). Tis term does mot encompass al of ‘what the Piro say oF do, by only certain activites. ““Piro custom is distinguished frm “Camps, Custom", "Amahuaca custom’, ete, Central 1 the distinction i language, for Pto people speak Yinera than, *"people’s language”. a8 opposed to gashanighaiokans, “Campa language”, ‘iperunerokana,““Amabuaca language”, ete, Nedles to say, speaking Pro i no br to speaking ny ether langoage, and it seven possible 10 be Piro and not speak te language "These suce of Kenty, however confsingt he cusier, ae relate to x specific model of the ‘tation of Kinship, For the Pir ad thee neighbours, kinship the ongoing process whereby adults jrodace cilren throogh the mixing of corporeal substances in sex, but more importa through the feeding of gender-specific foods to cilien o raise them. This provision of food invokes he child loveimemry offs parents, whichis the central aioe of kin es, and which is transformed Jno the feding of al kin when the child becomes an adult, gender ilenified, producer, For the ma- tive poopie of the Bajo Urubumbe, iis considered good to "ix Blood” (mary people of diferent “ean origin) the children produced by these varcagesiealy lar all he extures and tan- ‘guages oftheir parents and other older kin as sign of ter love for der, Forte Pro, therefore, "Piro custom’ isa oe a specific individual acquisition anda sign ofthe ongoing preducion of inship ia child raising ‘One of the most important festure of Piro custom" is yne yona, “people's design”. Thi isa style of painting whichis distinctive to the Pio, and sich women use wo paint the heman oxy, Cloching and potery. These designs ae also used in beadwork and certain other material prog tion, His the design which are Pir: who actually makes the is irelevam here, Diflerem peeps ae aribted their onn designs, which are aesthetically ranked: thos Piro design is considered much Poa wom Ie ‘The aesthetics of Piro design are easier to understand when itis compared to designs thatthe Piro ‘consider ugly. One Piro woman commented on a pot we Were looking a by saying. It is uply, badly painted. It looks like Campa face paint. Look, the lines are wo close together they bonch up together her. I Tooks just like the face paint of my macaw ever these! “Maciws have marr lines of black Feathers of thet checks, which bear a marked resemblance the painting dscussod here: ike “ugly panting”, these Lines are bunched together, rather than extend ing evenly ever the surface ofthe face, Like macaw design, the Piro consider Campa painting to be ugly and inept due toils failure © relate complex designs to the field to be painted. It should be stressed here that the Pio consider the Campa and Machiguenga tobe far better at weaving than themselves, co that their denigration of Campa desiga isnot part of « general denigrtion of Campa ‘or Machiguenga culture, This being the Bajo Ucubambs, the denigration of Campa design is nota statement about Campa people, but shout "Campa custom: the same woman who ericized Campa designs was teaching her Campa daughterin-laW how to paint potery in the Piro manner, wd ws pleased with her progress Design classe, of motif, are stereotyped shapes of the form lines. Thus, we have kayonalga, “doncellaeatfish line", sapmapatloga “lacewing lie”, wonalgofltscga “ocelo's face line”. givalh- vwansatga white-lipped peccary’s rb ine” Bach design class has a distinctive shape. andthe design ‘lasses are transposable from one medium to another. Thus dhey may be painted on the human body, ‘on clothing. or on pottery, despite the technical differences of painting on these different surfaces. I ‘vould appear tha the names of design classes are based on the visual resemblance of painted design ‘anda specific pattern found on an animal, Thus kayonalga does not represent the kayonalo fish, but rather itis the design one sees on that ish. Further, as far as I could discover, the names ofthese de sign clases are primarily names: they are not what the designs “inean” or symbolize, nor do the doncellacatish, tho oosle, or the lacewing loom large in Piro mythology or though. The Piro, one ‘ight say, are infeested in design a8 Such, not inthe mode whereby design signifies something else. ‘Much might be sald about these designs, but {here watt to concentrate on ony Uhree aspects ofthis issue, and wo raise questions concerning them. Firsly he designs, despite ther great significance for iro culture, do nat have “meaning” in the usual sense ofthe term in anthropology. They do not con- stitute a visual language. Nor are Wey representational, tbe they do not refer outwards from designs ‘hemselves to other things. Why, then, is design so significant forte Piro? Sconly, the designs are “decorative” in that chey are always applied to some object which has an existence or function it ependomt of them: such as the human body, clothing or potery. Why aze these particular objects painted, and not others? Thirdly, there i the relationship berween the design and the painted surface, Design classes remain recognizable despite the variations in the surfaces to whic they sre applied. Tred this is one ofthe primary criteria ofthe aesthetic success of cuch designs. As Thave stated, ‘kiln pining is related to che woman's ability o maintain ch ~shorence of te design while atthe same time covering the entice design field. Why is this partic ar relationship between design and ‘eld surface the source ofthe beauty of the dsigu With these three issues in mind, I would ike now ‘oplace the Piro data ina wider context, both ofthe ethnography of Amazonia and ofthe various the- fries which have been advanced to explain similar design systems in Amanonia. ‘The design systzm of the Piro shows cleer afinites with those of the Shipibo and Conibo people tthe north along the Uceyali iver. Despite significant ferences inthe actual designs used by each particular people, the similarities are sufficient to warrant their inclusion within a single system, ‘hich [wil hee term the “Ucayali design system. Tis category is more than an atfact of ylistic

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