Sin se aN RCCCm RTCA African Diaspora Edited by Joel E. Tishikeny To yin Fal o1 4; and Akintund ¢ Akinye miSANGO in Africa and the African Diaspora EDITED BY JOEL E. TISHKEN, T6YIN FALOLA, AND AKINTUNDE AKINYEM{ Indiana University Press Bloomington and Indianapolis‘This book is a publication of Indiana University Press 6or North Morton Street Bloomington, IN 47404-3797 USA swwwiupress.indiana.eda Telephone orders 800-842-6796 Fax orders 812-855-7931 Onders by e-mail —_iuporder@indiana.edu © 2009 by Indiana University Press All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic oF mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage and retrieval sistem, without permission in writing from the publisher. The Association of American Univer- sity Presses’ Resolution on Permissions constitutes the only exception to this prohibition, ©The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Scienees— Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI 23948-1992, ‘Manulactured in the United States of America, LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Tishken, Joel B., date ‘Sango in Airicaand the African diaspora / edited by Joel E. Tishken, Toyin Falola, and Akfnténdé Akényemi p-em.— (Afvican expressive cultures) Inchides biblographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-253-35336-8 (cloth : alk, paper) — ISBN 978-0-253-22094-5 (pbk. : alk, paper) 1. Shango (Yoruba deity) 2, Shango (Gult) 3. Yoruba (African people} Religion. 4. Afio- Brazilian calts. 5. Afvican diaspora. I, Falola, Toyin. IT. Akinyem, Akintindé. III. Title B1.2532.85T57 2009 299.67833302113—de22 2008055799 123451418 12 11 10 09Material com direitos autoraisContents ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ix ONE, Introduction / Joe E. TISHKEN, TOYIN FALOL Acinveni 7 AND AKINTUNDE PART ONE. DEFINING SANGO IN WEST AFRICA Two. The Place of $angé in the Yoruba Pantheon / akiNTONDE AKINYEM( 23 THREE. The Practice and Worship of Sang6 in Contemporary Yoriibaland / ARINPE GBEKELOLU ADEUMO 44 FOUR, Sango’s Eérindinlégiin Divinatory System / GEORGE OLUSOLA A\leADE 63 Five, Yoribs Thunder Deities and Sovereignty: Ard versus Sang6 / MARC SCHILTZ 78 ‘PART TWO, REPRESENTATIONS OF SANGO IN ORAL AND WRITTEN POPULAR CULTURES six, Sangé and the Elements: Gender and Cultural Discourses / DIEDRE L. BADEJO 111 seven. Reconfiguration of Sangé on the Screen / DURSTOYE A. ADELEKE 135 E1cHT. Art in the Service of angé / STEPHEN FOLARANM! 157 viivill © CONTENTS nine. The Ambivalent Representations of Sangé in Yortba Literature / AKINTUNDE AKINYEMS 187 PART THREE. SANGO IN THE AFRICAN DIASPORA TEN, The Cultural Aesthetics of CLARKE 213, ELEVEN. Wither $ang6? An Inquiry into $ango’s “Authenticity” and Prominence in the Caribbean / STEPHEN D.GLAZIER 233 ingé Africanization / KAMARI MAXINE weve. Xango in Afro-Brazilian Religion: “Aristocracy” and “Syn- cretic” Interactions / Luis NIcoLAU PARES 248 THIRTEEN, The Literary Manifestation of Xangé in Brazil: Esmeralda Ribeiro’s EDMUNDS 273 FOURTEEN. Drums of $angé: Baté Drum and the Symbolic Reestablish- ment of Oyé in Colonial Cuba, 1817-1867 / HENRY B. “4 procura de uma borboleta preta” / LAURA Lovejoy 284 PART FOUR. THE VOICES OF SANGO DEVOTEES FIFTEEN, SAngé beyond Male and Female / oL6yé AINA QLOMQ._ 311 SIXTEEN. Searching for Thunder: A Conversation about Chango / MICHAEL ATWOOD MASON AND ERNESTO PICHARDO 323, LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS 339 BIBLIOGRAPHY 343. INDEX 359Acknowledgments Chapter 5 originally appeared as Mare Schiltz, “Yoruba Thunder Dei- ties and Sovereignty: Ara versus Sango,” Anthrofos 80, nos. t-3 (1985): 67-84 Portions of chapter 10 appear in Kamari Maxine Clarke, Mapping Yoruba Networks: Power and Agency in the Making of Transnational Communitie Duke University Pr hapter 12 has also been printed as Luis Nicolau Pai Shango in Afro-Brazilian Religion: ‘Aristocracy’ and “Syncretic” Interactions.” Reli- Sioni e Societh 5 4 (2006): 20-39Material com direitos autoraisCHAPTER ONE Introduction JOEL E. TISHKEN, TOYIN FALOLA AND AKiNTUNDE AKINYEMI There are not many deities in the world that are truly international in the scope of their worship. The Yorba érisé Singé is one such deity. Worshippers of $ang6 may be found everywhere the Yoruba people have had a cultural or demographic influence, and even beyond. Such influ- ence encompasses several nations of West Africa and a good many of the nations of the Americas. Whether by trade associations, imperial expan- sion, the Atlantic slave trade, cultural exportation, or immigration, the Yoriiba people have left an undeniable and permanent imprint on many parts of the world.! This imprint includes Yorba religion and its pan- theon of deities, The Yordbé religious system itself is extremely complex. Therefore, we can attempt only a tentative and exploratory treatment of it here. The religion is associated with some objects of worship known individu- ally and collectively as the dyis#. There is a commonly accepted tradition among the Yortiba people that there are 401 of these deities, although the count should be viewed asa sacred metaphor and not a scientific fact. If allowance is given for duplication of some deities in different localitie: under different names, the total number of recognized Yoriba objects of worship would not be more than 200. Most of these drisd are deified ancestors or personified natural forces classified into two broad groups es s (drist by Drewal et al. as the cool, temperate, symbolically white de: fnfun) and the hot, temperamental deities (drisd gbigbind).? The for- mer, such as Qbatals, Osun, Yemoja, Olékun, and Osddst tend to be gentle, soothing, calm, and reflective. On the other hand, many of theimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableINTRODUCTION = 5 widespread and international, such definitional complexity has grown with it, as all of these contributions discuss Second, this collection contributes to a growing body of scholarship on so-called neopagan religions. Whether Yoribé-based religions fit this category or not is a debatable point; the term “neopagan” is an clastic one that eludes easy definition.’ But what appears unquestionable is that there is a growing interest in polytheistic religions throughout many parts of the world that were once predominantly Christian. Whether it is the worship of Thor from Norse religion, Diana from Roman religion, or Sangé from Yorabé religion, people throughout the Americas, Europe, Australia, and New Zealand are rediscovering a variety of polytheistic religions. The Yoriba drist figure prominently in this growth of poly- theistic religions, particularly among peoples of African descent—in this volume, Clarke, Glazier, Lovejoy, and Parés note the growth of $ang6 worship in the Disapora. The worship of $ang6 has hardly disappeared in West Africa, but neither is it growing. The strength of Christianity and Islam is militating against an increase in formal SAng6 worship, though the presence of the drisi is constant within many facets of life in Nigeria, as revealed in this book by Adéjiimd, Adéléke, Badéjo, Folrinmi, and Ajibidé Third, this collection integrates two contributions from worshippers of Sing6. This is certainly not customary practice within the academic study of religion and reflects the history of religious studies. Academics have tended to have a distrustful view of the faithful. Atheist and agnos- tic scholars have tended to see them as ignorant people who will worship anything that comes their way, while scholars of religion have tended to see them as uneducated rabble who cannot adequately express their Neither religion within an academic setting as the trained scholar ¢ of these perspectives does justice to those of faith in any religion and neglects the complex factors that lead a person to be faithful to any reli- gion. The faithful are more than a herd of people gathering around an illusion, as some classic theorists of religion such as Freud, Durkheim, or Marx would have us think. And the faithful are quite capable of intelli ng a Ph.D. Some works on Afro-Christianity in South Africa have recently gent expressions of what their religion means to them without acquit begun to integrate the perspective of Afro-Christian leaders.® Integrat- ing the pe an exercise in religious propaganda. Ra pective of worshippers does not turn an academic work into ther it brings about a fuller view of the religion in question by making it a lived reality, in conjunction with the traditional approach of an intellectual abstraction. The reader thereby gains knowledge from both the inside and the outside ina muchimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableINTRODUCTION = 9 on Yoribé religion. In addition to Johnson and Hethersett, a number of other written works also reveal the historical $ing6. This includes explorer A. B. Ellis, scholar J. Omésadé Aw6lali, and anthropologists/ folklorists Judith Gleason, Harold Courlander, and Ulli Beier."' All of them focus upon Sangé as a deified ancestor (what is typically called a hero in many mythologies), rather than as a primordial entity, as with the image of the mythic $ang6. Like in many other polytheistic religions, the worship of heroes is perfectly ordinary among the Yordba, and these dei- ties were viewed as being as efficacious as any others, Most historical traditions are in agreement that $ang6 was the fourth Aldafin (emperor) of the Old Oy6 Empire.!? The first ruler of Oyé was held to be Odiiduwa while the second was his son, Oranmiyan. The third was Orinmiyan’s eldest son, Ajaka. Ajaka was deposed by the Oy6 Mési (group of seven nobles) who chose exile as the more cautious route, due to Ajakd’s temper, and replaced him with Oranmiyan’s cond son, Sang6."* There are some common themes one can identify concerning the sort of ruler the historical $Ang6 was said to be. First, many tales tell of $ang6’s magical powers, particularly his ability to breathe fire (which he gained from a medicine created by Esti and carried by Qya). Second, Singo’s personality is repeatedly described as “hot,” or in other words powerfull, virile, and volatile. Many of the tales related to the histori- cal Sing6 are not particularly flattering. Some stories have often been deemed false by $ang6 devotees, who insist it is $ango’s jealous ene mies who have spread such slanderous tales of his tyranny and violence. Sango’s devotees insist Sango represents justice and fairness." Awolalt has identified three variations in the story of $ang6’s deifi- cation. The first ersion states that Sang6 discovered a charm by which he could call down lightning. While testing the charm from a hilltop, Sangé called lightning down atop his own palace through his own igno- rance of, and inexperience with, the charm’s power. So horrified was own wives and children that he took his Sango that he had killed hi own life by hanging. The second account says that $Angé was suffer- ing from domestic troubles (quarrels among his wives Qya, Osun, and Qba) and constant complaints from his subjects about his heavy-handed rule. Weary from this constant squabbling and tension, he mounted his horse in anger and rode into the forest, where he ascended a chain into the sky, When his subjects tried to call him back, he declared, “I will not come back to you; I will now rule you unseen.” Ever since, he has asserted his kingly rule through lightning and thunder. The most popular of the three tales of deification, however, tells of Sangé as a powerful and tyrannical ruler versed in magical arts. When two of hisimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableINTRODUCTION + 13 stages: the public stage where they appeared to honor Catholic saints, and the private stage where they continued the worship of various A can deities, particularly Yorba dris# like $4ng6. In time the lines sepa- rating the two practices became blurred, and soon Catholic saints and Yortba dris# became viewed as two names for the same divine beings. Saint Barbara, because of her association with lightning, was associated with $Angé. That one being was female and the other male was not of significance, as divine beings are not limited by form. It is also possible, as Glazier discusses, that syncretism was due to the religious needs of the worshippers, who knowingly and willingly engaged in the practice of two religions simultaneously. Ultimately, asking the question of why syncretism occurred may reveal more about the agenda of the researcher asking the question than it will reveal of the religious past. Perhaps we might be better off asking how syncretism transpired than why. Sing6 played such a significant role in the process of syncretization that the African-based religion of Trinidad became known as Sang6. As Glazier examines, there is an effort among some practitioners of Afro- Trinidadian religion today to refer to general “Orisi work,” rather than Sang6. Nonetheless, Singé continues to hold a very promi many shrines across Trinidad, and may in fact be increasing in popularity. Sango was equally popular in Brazil. Parés discusses all of the “qualities” that $ang6 manifests across Afro-Brazilian religions, thereby illustrating Singo’s prominence in a variety of forms. ‘There appears little question that the historical Sang6 had a more pro- found influence on the Americas than the mythic $ang6 did. As Clarke, Glazier, and Parés all reveal, the $angé of Orisa, Afro-Trinidadian reli- gion, and Afro-Brazilian religions is known for his violence, fierceness, and impulsiveness, just as is the historical Sang6é. However, as these ent place in authors discuss, there is interest among some contemporary devotees of ingé in the Americas to create a more authentically Yoribi, more “African,” definition of Sangé. To these worshippers, that means purg- ing $4ngé of his syncretic associations with Saint Barbara. The perspec~ tive here is that removing the Catholic elements from deities such as Sango will reveal the “proper” Yoriba drisd beneath. Yet inte thi stingly, process of Africanization that is evident within African-derived reli- gions of the Americas is not advocating a return to a definition of Sing6 more like the mythic one revealed in the Sango pépi and the odi iff. It may be that the discon| juity in Yordib4 oral literature and language in the Americas largely militates against that However, in her contribution, SAngé priestess Oléye Ain’ Qlome advocates an emphasis on Sing6 as a divine essence. She denies the image of the historical $ngé and attributes tales of his virility and violenceimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableINTRODUCTION + 17 Yoribé revivalism is evident within the religious practices of Oy6ttinji Village in the United States and is discussed in the chapter of Kamari Clarke, Clarke asserts that the Internet is playing a central role in how religious practitioners define authenticity and their religious practice. ‘The syncretic $Angé of Santeria has had a significant impact on the image of Singé in the United States. But the transnational linkages brought by Internet communities have led to a process of Africanization within the United States. This process of Africanization has led some practitioners to purge Sangé of his syncretic associations with Saint Barbara, arguing that this is not in compliance with the original and “true” definition of Sangé within Yoribi religion. This “sanitized” image of $angé can be reified through Internet contacts with Africa, something that people of African descent in the Americas were unable to do in previous eras. The position of $ang6 in Trinidad is the subject of Stephen Glazier’s contribution. Glazier demonstrates that Sangé is becoming less signifi- cant in Trinidad than general “Orisa work,” or at least this is how it might appear in the public image of T: ever, Within the shrines themselves, a resurgence of $angé worship evidence. The issue of authenticity and syncretism has grown increas- ingly important. While scholars have debated the nature of New World African syncretism for decades, the tone and forum for such debate has nidadian Orisa worship. How- in shifted in recent years. Now worshippers themselves are heatedly debat- ing what is the “purest” and most “authentic” image of Sang6, what syncretic associations are acceptable, and which must be purged Singd, as Luis Nicolau Parés analyzes, is a central part of Afro-Brazil- ian religion for several reasons. First, because of the large number of Oyo Yoraba who were brought to Brazil, the dris# most favored by the Oyo Yoruba became the most important deities in Brazil. Second, the priests and priestesses of Sangé demonstrated a great deal of initiative and cha- risma in their dedication to Sangé in Brazil. But third, one cannot dis count the important theological issue of $angé’s associations. Many Bra- zilians were, and continue to be, drawn to $angé because of his control of thunder, lightning, fire, justice, and royalty, which appeals to many worshippers. Within Afro-Brazilian religion Sangé is said to have many qualities—some say twelve in accordance with his sacred number, Laura Edmunds’s in Esmeralda Ribeiro’s short story titled “A procura de uma Borboleta ‘h ofa bla stories written by eight Brazilian women writers, According to Edmunds, hapter discusses the literary manifestation of $angé Preta” (In sea: butterfly), published in a collection of short a specific set of signs associated with Sangé, such as the color red, stone celts or thunderbolts, and a double-headed axe, are well represented inimage not availableimage not availableimage not availablePART ONE Sango in West Africaimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableTHE PLACE OF SANGO IN THE YORUBA PANTHEON = 25 It is by force that one loves Singd, It is by force that one loves a person greater than oneself. One who hates camwood ointment, Is left with no other choice than to rub pepper over his/her body. Singé must have acquired this enviable position because of his strong link with Oyé royalty and kingship. For instance, $4ng6 was the state religion of the Old Oy6 Empire and the guiding deity of its political head, his royal majesty, the Aléafin. Even in present day Oyé, the rel- evance of Sango to the success of the Aléafin’s administration cannot be overlooked. The Aldifin himself s the chief celebrant in the daily worship of the deity as well as during the annual Sangé festival.’ The importance of the deity in Qyd town compels every reigning Aldafin to keep priest- esses and priests of Singé in his palace, where the deity is regarded as the “father” of the king. For instance, the incumbent Aldafin is praised by his royal bards as the “offépring of $ing6” Ajnewon, omoo Sangd Aléain, 26 Oba lomo Adéyemi, Ome bos. Ajawon, offspring of Sango Aldafin, gently. Child of Adéyemi is the king, offspring of the deity [$angé].* ‘The association of $ngé with Oyé royalty has thus spread the cult of the deity across the entire territory under the control of the Aldafin, where he is regarded as a sacred and divine king. There is a clear similarity betws cn the sacred and divine power of the Aldifin, as epitomized in this aspect of his eulogy: Ikti, babd-yév4, aldse, ckej? orisa (Death, the-almighty-ruler, commander-and-wielder-of-authority, next in rank to the divinities) and the royal status of $ ng6, documented in the following excerpt of his names: Oltiwad mi 0, oba niriinmolé o d, oba tif pobad je (My lord, this deity is a king, a king who has power to kill other kings).? prais There is also the line of chiefs in the political setup of Oyé town, under the Aldafin, who are closely connected with the cult of Singé. At the head of the line is one of the high chiefs of Oy6—the dtiin fa. The chiefs have dual roles: they are politically responsible to the Aldafin,image not availableimage not availableimage not availableTHE PLACE OF SANGG IN THE YORUBA PANTHEON + 29 extended a hundred miles south to Benin. When Old Oy6 was eventually invaded, the reigning Al4afin Onfgbogi and his people fled northward; and finally found refuge among friends in the Borgu region. Many oth- ers dispersed southward, where they established or augmented several towns throughout the Upper Ogiin river valley. Thus began approxi- mately seventy-five years of exile, during which six Aléafin reigned; a period that Smith has carefully reconstructed.!” Repeatedly harassed and brought to their wits’ ends while in exile, the Oy6 rulers realized that © neighbors, they must depend on their fight- ing strength and diplomatic alliances. Oyé therefore developed a cavalry force which, by the late sixteenth century, had become the most impor- to survive amidst hos: tant characteristic of its army. From this time until early in the nineteenth century, Oy6 kingdom expanded to its greatest power and me internal political instability. It conquered portions of Borgu and the Nupe to the north and Dahomey to the southwest, and extended its influence over many southern kingdoms. The army directed its attention ze despite extr southwestward into the grassland, where it imposed the authority of the Aléifin on the people of Egbidd, Egba, Kétu, Weme, and Ajasé (Porto Novo). The early eighteenth century witnessed the subjection of the Fon kingdom of Dahomey to tributary status. By the 1750s, even the Asante kingdom came to feel the impact of the Oyé imperial push. In north- western Yoriibaland, the army of the Alaafin also invaded the Ib9l6 and the greater part of igbémina. By the second half of the nineteenth cen- tury, the new Oy Empire had reached its zenith of power. According to J. A. Atanda, the empire was “territorially the largest and politically the strongest kingdom ever established by a Yoruba potentate.”*° The power of the Alaafin thus transcended the city of Oyé to the numerous provincial towns and villages in the expansive empire, where all his political and economic policies were regressed in religious terms. In this sense, the Aléafin made leaders of the conquered towns and vil lages to realize that they derived thei y from his divine political authori power as the head of the empire. The cult of $angé, the state religion of Oy6 kingdom and the patron deity of the Aldafin, its leader, must have been imposed on the provincial towns during the conquest. That was probably how the worship of Sangé arts of Yoribaland spread to other from Oyé, its original home. But for the extensive power of the Aléafin and his control over the numerous provincial towns and villages, $ingé might have remained an ordinary Oyé historical figure, or at best, a little domestic divinity of Oy One other factor that enhanced the popularity of the cult of Sing6 in Yorba society was the ability of the deity to resolve human problemsimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableTHE PLACE OF SANGO IN THE YORUBA PANTHEON + 33 A dia fin Qlighun Ayikii Won ni ké 6 ritho; Won né dwon ord Fé pad lidin nda. Won ni 6 lo di mo Singd. Osi © ghogto ri. Ibi ti won ota vé.ghé he pétepsrd Pé dwon 6 pa ad, Ni Sdngé bé lo s9 editn ard si ditrin won. Igba té 6 ségun Aron dtd ré tin, Owé h jo, Ono. Oni bée gégé Ni davon awo din wi: Iriné efon, Exhérin iwo; Onlénii ofon Nii rin wariward lett opa. A dié fin Olaghun Ayikuis Eyl ti 6 d’Ologhun Ayila. gbivighiri lork ora Ewa ba ni Idiki: kangiri. Aikti kangiri lad bbke. Four hundred bush-cows, Bight hundred horns; ‘Two hundred and cighty bush-cows: Walk confidently near a snare. Divination was performed for Oldgiun Ayéhi.? He was asked to perform a sacrifice; He was told that his enemies wanted to kill him during that year, He was told to go and cling to $ingé for protection. And he did everything As his enemies were conspiring together In order to kill him, Sango went and dropped thunderbolts in their midst.image not availableimage not availableimage not availableTHE PLACE OF SANGO IN THE YORUBA PANTHEON + 37 also show his ability to enforce his own laws. Hence, we come across aspects of $ng6’s epithets such as the following: Okun dé kojh ija sé Boslée mi, Th 16 le ko Sangd lojui? Emi 0 ni ka 6 loin; Odo-nlé-tit-ghinighr?-tejateja. Alémorere-bi-eégiin; Aghimo-lojni-yokun-nimts Abinit-falighéde-bigtn; Ej, abijiwares. Attinfun-ajé-se-ligin, Afetimd-bejti-2ké-wo. No one can confront the ocean My lord, Who can confront $angé? I dare not confront you; r-that-drowned-the-master-fisherman-along-with-his- He-who-pursues-a-child-like-the-Masquerade; He-who-slaps-a-child-violently; He-sacrifices-the-blacksmith-to-the-deity-O giin-out-of-annoyances, ‘The-snake-that-is-quick-to- fight. He-who-quickly-rearranges-the-intestines-of the-witches, He-who-use: -lightning-to-expose-the air? ‘The above is a conscious attempt by Sango praise singers to lift their deity onto a realm that would make him higher than other Yorabéa divinities.” He is presented, therefore, as a deity that is so powerful that no other divinities can share in his privileg: make Sing6’s superhuman nature more complex. . This is also a calculated attempt to ‘This superhuman nature of Sango is further demonstrated in his mili tary might and the ability to provide physical protection for his followers. ‘The deified AKAfin $angé was said to be a military genius, Oral tradition recalls that he personally led numerous military expeditions to the territory of his kingdom.” Being a great warrior, Aliafin SAngé never xpand attacked his enemies when he was underprepared, and neverattacked when on equal terms with them. He took time to train his own soldiers before leading them into the battlefield, and with every victory he was moreimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableTHE PLACE OF SANGO IN THE YORUBA PANTHEON = 41 NOTES 1, See B. Idowu, Olédiimaré: God in Yortibé Belief (New York: Frederick A. Pracger Publisher, 1963), 71; and N. A. Fadipe, The Sociology of the Yortud (Ibadan, Nigeria: Ibadan University Press, 1970; reprint 1991, 262. 2, Badé Ajwon, “Ogiin: Premus Inter Pares,” in Proceedings of the First World Conference on Orist Tradition, ed.Wandé Abimb6li, held at the University of If (now Obafémi Awélowd University, I , Nigeria June 1-7, 1981), 449. 3. Oral waditions offen give a confusing impression of the exact number of Yoruba divinities: sometimes they speak of Eviinléjo irtinmolé (700 divinities). We are told also that there are {gha intinmolé ojikotin, ighe irinmolé ojitkdst (200 divinities of the right hand, and 200 divinities of the left hand—making 400) or dkinlénd irknmolé (4or divinities). There are still djilAéghije irtinmolé tf wén i hn edan fiin (1.440 divinities for whom metal rodsare sounded). See Idowu, Olédi- mars, 67-68 4. Fadipe, The Socielogy of the Yoritbii, 261-62. 5. Leo Frobenius, The Voice of Africa, vol. + (London: Hutchinson, 1913), 205. 6. Excerpt from $angé chant collected by the writer in Oyé town, Nig between 1989 and 1990. 7. See Akintindé Akinyemi, Yorilhd Royal Poetry: A Sociohistarical Exposition and Annotated Translation, Bayreuth Airican Studies Series (BASS), number 71 (Bayreuth, Germam son, The History of the Yoritbas from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the Brit- ish Protectorate (London: Routledge, 1921), 34-36 and 149-52 8. Excerpt taken from the praise names of the Alaafin in Akinyemi, Yortdd Royal Poetry, 368. 9. Excerpt from Sangé chant collected by the writer in University of Bayreuth, 2004), 62-66, and Samuel John- ide town, Nigeria, between 1989 and 1999. ro. See J. A. Atanda, The New Oy Empire (London: Longman Group, 1973), 20-21 tr, See Johnson, The History of the Yornibds, 65, and Akinyemi, Yorithd Royal Poetry, 70 12. Beere served as an annual festival to commemorate the re-thatching of the Alaafin’s palace. Beere itself is a common savannah grass (anadelphia arrecta), but the ceremony by that name became an annual festival in Oy6 as a result of the need for leaders of provincial towns and villages to re-thatch the Aléafin’s palace annually as a symbol of their obedience to the authority ofthe Aléafin, For details ” Journal of Historical ‘on the al, see $. O. Babayemi, “Bee Society of Nigeria 7, no. 1 (1973): 12-23. 13. Robert Farris Thompson, Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and Philosophy (New York: Vintage Books, 1984), 85 14. According to Christine Ayorinde, in Toyin Falola and Matt D. Childs, eds., ‘The Yoriibd Diaspora in the Atlantic World (Bloomington: Indiana University ¢ Festival in Oyéimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableSANGO IN CONTEMPORARY YORUBALAND + 45 highlights eight major differences between the primordial $ang6 and Aliafin Itiola who was later deified as $Ang6, in Oyé many people still mix up the two.° Isola brings to the fore the reasons why Aliafin Itiold was deified as $ing6.” In his own account, Aléafin itiolé of Oy6-Ilé (Old Oy6) had the same disposition to life as the primordial $Ang6, hence, the name Singé became his cognomen. However, it is apparent through our findings that Herthersett’s meaning of Oba Kiso (the king did not hang) is quite different from the devotees’ meaning of Olékéso, that is, Olt of Késo, an area where the Alfafin later departed to the world beyond.* Herthersett’s opinion about $ang6’s myth seems sentimental, prob- ably because of his status as a missionary of the Christian Missionary Society (C.M.S.), whose main aim was to propagate Christianity and present anything that is opposed to Christian doctrines as evil, Hence, in order to present $angé as evil, Herthersett perhaps distorted the myth to bring out his own view. Thus, Baba Canizares, commenting on the wor- ship of $Angé in Cuba, also claims that the fourth Aléifin of Oy6, who was apotheosized as a deity, is being worshipped in Cuba as “Ching6.”? But in Nigeria where Sing takes it root, our research findings show that Singé, the god of thunder, predated Alfafin itfold, the fourth Alfafin of Oyo. Singé is worshipped all over Yordbaland, but the data for this research, were drawn from four major towns where he is still worshipped as a prom- inent or the most prominent deity. The townsare Oyd, Ede, Ibadan, and iséyin. In an interview with one Sango priest, the Elégtin of Oyo, Chief Sangorindé IbGema, it was claimed that the two mythologies about the origin of Sing are true, but he opined that the worship of Sango, the god of thunder, predated the birth of Aléafin Itioli who later was dei- fied as S$4ng6. According to all our informants, the primordial $ingd came with other primordial gods. He was worshipped on Jakiita day, the day assigned to him by the assembly of Yoribé gods. The primor- dial Sang was a troublesome and ficree god." He was in charge of jus- tice, He fought the mischievous and the wicked ones with stones, which Olédimaré (God, the Creator) gave to him as his own power. Though our informants chimed that the primordial Sange was in charge of light ning, the control of thunder and lightning was later hijacked by the dei fied Sangé, to whom everybody now ascribed the power to rain thunder and brimstone on his perceived enemies.!! The chi interviewed at Oyd £ priest of Sang, aimed that the use of thunder and fire to combat an enemy came as a result of the attempt made by Aléafin Itolt, the apotheasized SAngé, to stop SA ng’s enemies from spreading the rumorimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableSANGO IN CONTEMPORARY YORUBALAND + 49 We, however, observed that the objects of worship vary from shrine to shrine. For instance, at the shrine of Qbabinrin $angé, Kéhindé Oj6, a priestess of Sangé based in Ibadan, we also noticed the following obje in addition to the items previously listed: 1. ére akttko—a carved cock; . $angé’s painting on the wall; . mat . different types of mask; a magical box; . red cloth; Aven . bottles; and on . gourd of water. Personalized Worship ‘The personalized worship of $angé is peculiar to Singé priests, priest- ses, and devotees. Each mggba and priest/ priestess makes sure he/she worships Sing6 every day with ordgbé (bitter kola). Although the daily worship is not elaborate, it always involves chanting (Sangé pipe)."” The priest/ priestess salutes $ingé and pays homage to him during this time, and hands over his/her life and all that he/she is going to do daily to Sango. An account is given by Isola" of Odgjin, a priest of Sango at Oyo, who worshiped Sango in his presence Ogbs Singé Bi a bd jt, Oli la 6 ht Babeyeyé! O jfire omo Odshast O jtire, Sangéd O jiire, Babayeyé . Iba bé hunmo Maé jeé kb bun mio Age ind nind fil migio Fase sé mi lénu Sango Age obriin lodritn fii la Fase sé mi lénu ome Obsiase. T trust you are hearing me, $ang6 When we wake up, we salute the Lordimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableSANGO IN CONTEMPORARY YORUBALAND = 53 Singé in Iséyin and Oyé takes place ina location called Késo, the place where the apotheosized $angé departed from the earth Contrary to the above, the annual worship of Sangé is still elabo- rately celebrated in Ede town. The celebration runs through a week The announcement of the annual worship usually takes place twenty-one days before the festival. The long notice allows Singé devotees and their relations in the Diaspora to come home for the festival. Apart from this, there are some preparations that must be made by the badl? or migajé of every compound in the town. The preparation involves all the high chiefs, clan chiefs (sggajé), and the Timi, the paramount ruler of Ede himself. The mégajés, on behalf of members of their compounds, must go and present gifts in cash and kinds to the king. Food items and rams are usually part of such gifs Stages in the Annual Worship of $angé in Present Day Ede Day 1: The Dipping Day This is the beginning of the festival. The mggbd goes to River Osun and dips a calabash into it to fetch water. The River Osun is specifically chosen because Osun was one of the wives of the primordial $ang6. This act is usually referred to as Qjé itaghe bodd (“The day of dipping the gourd into the river”). There is the belief that rain will fall only after this ceremony. ‘The fetched water is medicinal. Immediately the water is brought to the shrine of the Zyipi (spirit-medium), who is possessed on the first day of fes- tival; women who desire children from Sango will come and drink of it. Day 2: The Sacrifice Day ‘The second day is earmarked for a mor claborate worship of Sangé. This day is set aside for priests and priestesses to offer sacrifices to Sangé in their respective shrines uated in their compounds. The day is dedicated to making rituals to one’s father and mother. Generally, Sangé is believed to be their father, while Oya is taken to be their mother. Hence, the praise of Oya The various aspects of sacrifice on Jakiita-day worship are religiously is alsoa major component of the epithet rendered in praise of $ang6. followed, but rams are killed, and their blood poured as libation on edzin Ard, the symbol of $ang6. Salutation/homage, metamorphosis, chanting of Sangé pipé, and rhythmic dancing to a batd ensemble always accom- pany the worship. After the individual worship by the priests, the priestsimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableSANGO IN CONTEMPORARY YORUBALAND + 57 As the chanting goes on, the spirit of $angé will be descending on the devotees. It is therefore a taboo to stand at the entrance of the shrine and obstruct Sango from coming in at will.?* At this point, the Elégiin becomes possessed and can also fall into a trance. His movement becomes erratic as he jumps and suddenly becomes dizzy.” He will then start prophesying.°® This now leads to the next stage of performance, which is the magical feat. The Magical Performance Aspect of $angé Worship Investigation shows that the metaphysical aspect of performance is that aspect of worship that links Elégim to Sango. In his time, Sing6 is believed to have charms, and he could do mysterious things with this magical power. One of the feats he was known for was carsying fire with his bare hands. This is re-enacted again as the Elégin, even in this con- temporary time, also carries a bowl of fire with his/her hands. The Elé- gin can also call forth anything she/he desires, or the devotees desire, through magical power. The magical aspect of performance is an integral part of the annual worship, for without it the festival is incomplete. The Magical Feat The stage props for the magical performance are odéo-Singé (Sango’s mortar), the magical box, a black wrapper, and ddbdé0-Siingé (Sango’s red handkerchief). At the point of performance, the Elégiin sits on the mortar. ‘The magical box, which is rectangular in shape, is drawn close to him/her. ‘The box has both a wooden and a glass cover. The Elégin covers the box With the black wrapper and the red handkerchie f. As he covers the box, he begins to make an incantation in order to send the spirit on errand. The spirit will now bring whatsoever is the desire of the Elégiin2® The Ancestral Worship in $ang6 Festival ‘The ancestral worship is a vital aspect of Sangé festival in Ede. The mas. querades are called Egingiin-un Sango (Sango’s masquerades). Egingtin and $angé are believed to be brothers, Egiingiin being the elder one. The reason for this is not far- etched because, according to two of our informants, the Odi If that brought both of them to the earth is Oyé kii-Méji.°° Therefore, anytime $Angé is worshipped in Ede, Egdngiin is also propitiated. The sacrificial items for Egiingtin include wine, kolaimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableSANGO IN CONTEMPORARY YORUBALAND + 61 26. He always plays the god-hero in his plays as he emits fire from his mouth and engages in all the magical feats which were attributed to the apotheosized $ingé in his days. A feeling of the impulse of his audience shows that the actor is popular because he brings to the fore this fierce god and his supernatural prowess even in this jet age. NOTES 1. Akinwumi Isola, “Ede-aiyedé ti 6 19 md orirun Sangé,” in O Pegedé: Akijo pi Awon Ariko Akadd fin yfybnbo djdgbin Adébay? Babalold, ed. Omotayo Olu- toye. (Lagos: Longman Nigeria, 2000), 113-19. 2.C. L. Adeoye, ighighs iti Esin Yorba (Ibadan, Nigeria: Evans Publishers, 1985), 285-88 Isola, “Edé Aiyedé,” 113 Adeoye, ighighé ati Esin, 285. Isola, “Ede Aiyedé,” 114 e, Anh Bdé Aiyedé,” 114. Ibid., 113. B. R. Canizares, Shingé: Santeria and the Orishi of Thunder (Plainview, N.Y.: Original Publications, 2000), 1 10. Adeoye, ighighs ati Bsin, 285-86. 11, Akinwumi Isola, “Sang6-pfpe: One Type of Yoruba Oral Poctry,” M.A thesis, University of Lagos, 1973, 1 i766 ati Bsin, 288. ewan & Ra 12. Adeoye, Igbighs ati E 13. Adcoye, ighghs ati E 14. A. L. Hethersett, “tan $ang6,” in hwé Kika Eherin Li Edé Yortiba, ed. A. L. Hethersett (Lagos: Church Missionary Society, 1941), 515 Canizares, Shangd, 1; and P.O. Ogunbowale, Awon Iniinmolé Il? Yoribd (Ibadan, Nigeria: Evans Pub- lishers, 1962), 33. 15. D. Adelugba, “Trance and Theatre: The Nigerian Experience,” in Drama and Uhentre in Nigeria: A Critical Source Book, ed. Yemi Ogunbiyi, (Lagos: Nigeria Magazine, 1981), 183 in, 80-85, in, 287, and Isola, “Ede Aiyed’,” 114 16. Adeoye, Ighighd ati Esin, 296. 17. Sangé pipe is one type of Yortba traditional oral poetry that is chanted in Singé. 18. Isola, “Singé-pipé,” 14-17 19. Ibid., 17. 20. Adcoye, Ighighé ati Esin, 294. 21. The Elégiin is the spirit-carrier/medium whois the god-hero. The moment the Flégiin is possessed he is no more his person but Sango. praise o} 22, Ewéléré means “The art of herbal medicine is profitable.” It is one of 6°s sobriquets, to confirm his knowledge of herbal medicine.image not availableimage not availableimage not available§ANGO's EERINDINLOGUN DIVINATORY SYSTEM + 65 Yortiba Divinatory Systems ‘There are many divinatory systems among the Yoruba people, and itis not only in the If cult that the issue of divination exists. Divination takes various forms depending on the cult, purpose, and the means by which it is made. Divination has been defined as the art or skill of divining (by the use of divinity or deity) that which is unknown—for example, the future, the identity of culprits, the location of lost items, the best partner for marriage, and so on. Divination could be by dreams, presentiments, body actions, ordeals, animals or parts of the dead animals, mechanical means using objects, patterns in nature, or observing other patterns.* ‘This is an indication that the issue of divination is not a restricted one. It has been recorded that almost every deity in Yor baland has a separate means of divination. Also, there are various divination systems among them. These include Agbigba, Awérd, Tkin, Ibd didi, Opel, Ows wiwa, EGrindinlégin, and so forth Eérindinlogiin, is a form of divinatory method employed by most deities among the Yordba to gain an insight into the unknown by looking into some history and myths. It is very popular among the adherents of $ang6, Osun, Yemoja, Obatéla, and many oth- ers.‘ But the focus of this chapter is on the Bérindinlégiin system of divi- nation that is associated with Sango. Literally, “ ‘indinlégiin” means sixteen, It has its source from “owé eyo mérindinldghin”—sixteen cowry Sixteen cowries, or shells. Hence, this divinatory method of using the charmed sixt cow- rics is called Bérindinlégdn, The users of this method of divination call it isansé SAngé—the Messenger or the Servant of $angé. Training of the Diviner The training of the Eérindinlégiin diviner requires time, patience, and concentration, but it is not as cumbersome and time consuming as the The simplicity of Efrindinlégiin makes more people prefer it to If and other means If divinatory system, which takes about sixteen yea of divination in Yorib: land. This divinatory method is mostly female- dominated. In most cases the diviner passes it down to his/her children It requires about three or four years of training. The apprentice begins with the learning of verses (adit) and stories associated with cach adit by heart. The mastery of the ada depends so much on retentive and recapit- ulative stamina, the capability of the apprentice, and also on the years of training. Besides this, many apprentices make use of traditional medicineimage not availableimage not availableimage not available§ANG6's EERINDINLOGUN DIVINATORY SYSTEM = 69 To login ti 6 Le bi 1. O ni, Sa ghd rir ebo a ri,” A ghd bri atdkish 6 sh, Koi pé, koi jinna, E dri mini jebith om. Opélopé Oosi ti ri be like Li jén bimo Nibi té avd 1 pa ki, Omo Oni t6 jade. Odsi pé ive omo ri b6 nit un, The Deity says “blessing of money.” The gods say “blessing of children The Deity says “blessing of long life.” Where il Asébora is cast, ‘The Deity says we should go and sacrifice to Sango; And we should go and sacrifice to éris# Oko. Because of what? Zigzag, the diviner of earth; Instability, the diviner of heaven; Were the ones who cast for Crocodile; She was pregnant but could not give birth Whenever the Crocodile was pregnant, When it was her time to deliver, She won't see the pregnancy any more, ‘The Crocodile lamented on what she could do to have children in my She puts her hands on her head and consulted the Diviner. His head was showing seven, His head was showing sixtcen, She didn’t sce anyone else She saw an important person [ She was told to offer a sacrifice. She asked for the materials she would offer? She was told to offer 24,000 cowri She was told to offer two roosters, She was told to offer two pigeons, She was told to offer twelve wraps of amala, Twelve bitter kola nuts, She was told to go and give them to Sing6. Crocodile was told to offer a speckled clothimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableSANGO’S EERINDINLOGUN DIVINATORY SYSTEM = 77 Conclusion Divination rites are an essential part of daily life to the Yordba people. Singé’s Eérindinlégiin system of divination cannot be underrated in this humanitarian work. This shows that Sango, as a deity, occupies an envi- able space and place in Yoribé cosmography. Sangé’s Eérindinlégtin diviners are agents of memory, preservers of people’s history, and in the period of calamities the users of past events to reshape the present and the future. Even in the face of the incursion of civilizations and foreign religions, Sing6’s Eérindinlé gin divinatory system still finds its place in modern Yoribé life. But this is not to deny the fact that many diviners have abandoned the practice for the new faith. However, some are still faithful to this divinatory system and have many clients, some of whom are even adherents of the new religions, Christianity and Islam. NOTES .” in African Art and Rituals of Divination, ed. Alisa LaGamma (New York: Metropolitan Muscum of Art, 200), 10. 2. J. Omosade Awolalu, Yorsid Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites (Brooklyn: Athe- lia Henrietta Press, r979), 12 3. John Browker, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of World Religions (New York Oxford University Press, 1997). 4. William Bascom, Sixteen Cowries: Yortibd Divination from Africa to the New World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, r980), 3 5. Samuel Johnson, The History of the Yortbds (1921) (Lagos: C.S.S., Book- shop, 1976), 27- 6. Wande Abimbola, Ifit: An Exposition of If Literary Corpus (Ibadan, Nige- ria: Oxford University Press, 1976). 1. John Pemberton III, “Divination in Sub-Saharan Afri 7. Excerpt from the interviews held with an Ii priest/diviner, [fatoogun Ade- boye Babalola, on April 16, 2001. 8. Raymond Prince, [jii: Yariihd Divination and Sacrifice (Ibadan, Nige Ibadan University Press, 1964), 2-6, argues that the iff; William Bascom, If Divination: Communication between Gods and Men in West A fviea (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1969), 122-27, opines that cach ese ifié consists of three sections; Abimbola, Ifii: Av Exposition, 43~62, posits cight sections for each ese ifii; and Olatunde ©. Olatunji, Features of Yoriihd Oral Poetry (Iba are seven sections in each ese iftt re four sections in each ese ions n, Nigeria: University Press, 1984), 127-38, maintains that there 9. Compare the above discussion on Eérindinlégrin to that of Iffé in Wande Abimbola, Ifii: An Exposition, 150.image not availableimage not availableimage not availablevoRUBA THUNDER DEITIES AND SOVEREIGNTY + 81 the basis of some formal characteristics abstracted from their sociohistori- cal contexts. By applying this approach to a comparison of the Ara and Singé cults in $Abé, Kétu, flirt, and [tasa, I hope to account for some of the variations in the myths, the cult organizations and the ritual symbol- isms encountered in these different localities. First, I will comment briefly on the political momentum of the $angé cult within the context of the Oyé empire. This will be followed by more detailed discussions of the thunder cults in the $4bé and Kétu kingdoms. Finally, these data will be contrasted with the exclusiveness of the Ari cult in irasa. Sangé and Oy6 Imperialism Various authors have commented on the important role played by the cult of $angé in sanctioning the Alsafin’s authority in the Oyé empire.® Biobaku has even suggested that this cult assumed something of the force of emperor worship in the later Roman empire.? Possession priests of Sangé had to come to Oyé for the final stages of their initiatory train- ing, and wherever a lightning catastrophe occurred, the local king had to go to the spot and pay homage to Sango, who was thought to have vis- ited the world." Moreover, for retrieving the ediin ard (stone celts taken for thunderbolts) which Sango was supposed to have hurled down from heaven on those who had incurred his displeasure, the $angé priests were authorized to collect ruinously high purification fees."! The Alaafin also made use of the powers of Sango in the Oyo empire. His strategy of appointing initiated Sango priests as governors (ajélé) along the Atlantis trade route further illustrates this. Since lightning was an ever-present danger everywhere (Yoribaland and adjoining areas are reported to have among the highest lightning in the world),” a royal cult associated with this terrifying frequenci natural force was put in possession of an “extremely powerful medium for asserting the king’s sovereignty.” As attributes of divine kingship, thunder and hining were in themsehes effective symbols for commu nicating royal wrath, especially as this was coupled with a powerful cor poration of Sangé priests with representatives far and wide, who were capable of interpreting the divine messages and of taking disciplinary action when required Obviously, the administration of the Oyé empire depended on more than the Aliafin’s control over the cult of Sangd. OF great importance was Oy6’s military strength for the expansion and policing of the empire At least as important was the Aldafin’s diplomatic skill in securing theimage not availableimage not availableimage not availableYORUBA THUNDER DEITIES AND SOVEREIGNTY + 85 followers who guard the irons and the thunderbolts. In the case of Kétu and Ilr, there is the acknowledgment that Ard came to them through aman from $abé, but that the cult itself began only ina hunters’ camp, which later became renowned as the “town of Ard,” in Third. At this point, however, the different versions begin to diverge, and local interests prevail. First there is the question of the identity of the lone hunter who invited the $abé refugee to settle with him, and then saved him from his abike affliction, In the $4bé story the hunter was called Ogddo, and did not belong to any town in particular, Ogddo is the Yorabé word for yaws, and the name here suggests the drisd that personifies this disease. But in one of the Kétu versions the name of the hunter is Adare, and he is identified as one of the royals of the Alakétu’s idilé (lineage), who had set up his camp on Kétuland. Adare then gave his daughter Kobola in marriage to the $abé settler. The couple had a son who was named Ewégbémf (“the leaf saves me”), indicating that Adare’s magic had overcome the abées threat. When Ewégbémi grew up he had a son who became popularly known as Baba Aldara (“father of the Ard worshippers”), as by then the cult had gathered a large following. Our {lira story also mentions Agbon, who brought Ara from $abé. But contrary to the Kétu claims that the site of the hunter’s camp was on the Alakétu’s land, and that the hunter was a royal kinsman, the ilar version leaves out the question of land ownership and states that the first settlers were two Sabé hunters, Osoosi and Ogodo. As mentioned ear- lier, these two personages are themselves drisd, and in Sabé the former is revered as one of Ara’s wives. A look around the shrines in Kétu and ilird shows, however, that the setup of Ard’s household there is different from $abé’s and Ogodo' Abiya’s com- pound claims to have obtained the cult through Ind-ako, a woman who, after visiting relatives in [lara, brought back the In Kétu the Ard cult is located in two compounds, Abiya’s who worship the deity on different di she sacred objects. Later yin/a-Ayinké, who lived in the com- passed some on to her sister, Afey pound of Ogeds. In these Kétu shrines the drisd revered as Ara’s wife is Orojafin. Also present, though not as wives, are Osédsi and Abiki. Both can draw water to are represented by pots protect themselves from various afflictions. In Il4r4 the main Ara shrine is from which the worshippe located in an enclosed area on the fringe of the town, adjoining a sacred bush, There also, Orojafin is revered as Ard’s wife, but the drisd most ted with them is the ubiquitous Yortba trickster Est closely asso Despite these differences which bring out the specific ways in which each town has integrated Ard w n its own cult organization, the simi- larities between Kétu’s Ardand flara’s Ard are greater than those between