56+ King who may have been relatively independent of their control (cf. Blanton 2013). She goes on to point out that this hostile relationship appeats to have changed over time as the balance of power shifted towards the end of the Classic, which witnessed an increase in trade and the movement of goods. Iconographically, this shift is represented by more flattering pic- tures of God L, who, rather than being represented as an old, wrinkled, and lecherous smoker, emerges at sites such as Cacaxtla as a more stately and respectable personage (McAnany 2010:257)."! This interpretation fits well with what we know of the transition between the Classic and Post- classic. More to the point, it also fits with our information on professional traders, who seem to have been somewhat autonomous of the elite, but subject to them, as they were obliged to pay tribute to the rulers both in the Verapaz and in the Yucatan. Other tantalizing hints of Classic practices can be seen in glyphi refer- ences to cacao beans and other known Postclassie currencies. ‘Tokovinine and Beliacy (2013) point out that high-value goods pictured in the ieonog- raphy tend to be regarded only as tribute, but the contests are often am- biguous and other interpretations are possible. Interestingly, cacao itself is never referred to in Classic texts as tribute. It appears, however, in scenes involving rulers, such as the one painted in the upper register of Room 1, Structure 1, at Bonampak, which shows a ruler sitting on his throne fac- ing emissaries from another polity, with sacks of cacao stacked near him. The authors point out that in this and other cases, cacao might indicate not so much tribute from the emissaries a display of wealth on the part of the seated ruler (Tokovinine and Beliaev 2013:177). This observation fits well with the idea, first proposed by Freidel and Shaw (2000, cited in Masson and Freidel 2013:220), that the Maya elite may have stored wealth in durable currency that could have been used to purchase maize and other foods in the event of a disaster. Other forms of currency are also visible in the iconography, including some of those in use at the time of the Conquest, such as heads made of greenstone and white or red shell. It seems likely that, like cacao, these other currencies also had great longey- ity in the Maya area (Freidel et al. in press, cited in Masson and Freidel 2013:220). More such economic indicators are likely to be found in the iconography and the texts, now that the glyphs are better understood and the subject of the economy is being more closely examined.!? Much of the information substantiating the existence of markets, however, must perforce still come from the archaeology, which to date has given scholars the best set of indicators for markets. Several of these markers dovetail well with what the ethnohistories say.