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APolticadeParticipaonasNovasArenasDemocrticasAndreaCornwalleVeraSchattanCoelho
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Captulo1
Espaosparaamudana?APolticadeParticipaoemNovos
ArenasDemocrticas
AndreaCornwalleVeraSchattanCoelho
Odesafiodeconstruirpolticasdemocrticasondetodospossamrealizarseusdireitosereivindicar
Suacidadaniaumadasmaioresdenossaera.Asreformasnagovernanageraram
Umaprofusodenovosespaosparaoengajamentodocidado.Emalgunscontextos,instituies
Comlegadosnodomniocolonialforamremodeladosparaseadequaremgovernanacontempornea
agendasEmoutras,asreformasconstitucionaisedegovernanaderamorigema
Novasestruturas.Estes"novosespaosdemocrticos"hbridos(CornwalleCoelho2004)so
Intermedirios,situadosnainterfaceentreEstadoesociedadeelesso
Tambm,emmuitosaspectos,espaosintermedirios,condutasparanegociao,informaoe
troca.Podemserfornecidosefornecidospeloestado,apoiadosemalgunscontextos
porgarantiaslegaisouconstitucionaiseconsideradoporatoresestataiscomooespaoem
Cidadoseseusrepresentantes.Noentanto,elestambmpodemservistoscomoespaos
Conquistadopelasdemandasdasociedadecivilparaincluso. Algunssofugazes,oneoffconsultivo
i
EventosOutrassoinstituiesregularizadascomumapresenamaisduradourana
Governana.
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Emcontrastecomasanlisesquesituamtaisinstituiesnaesferapblica,como
OpoderosorelatriodeAvritzer(2002)sobreasinstituiesdegovernanaparticipativadoBrasil,ou
DentrodombitodoEstado,comonocasodeFungeWright(2003)
Governana",sugerimosqueconstituemumaarenadistintanainterfacedoEstado
Eaesferapblica:oquechamamosaquide"esferaparticipativa".Arelaoentre
Aesferaparticipativa,tantocomogovernoquantocomaesferapblica,
parcialSuasinstituiestmumaexistnciasemiautnoma,foraeforado
Instituiesdepolticaformalevidaassociativacotidiana,emboramuitasvezes
Enfiadaatravsdepreocupaeseposiesformadasneles.
Comoarenasnasquaisoslimitesdotcnicoedopolticopassamaser
Negociados,elesservemcomoumtipointeiramentediferentedeinterfacecomosprocessospolticos
Outrasviasatravsdasquaisoscidadospodemarticularassuas
Protesto,petio,lobbyeaodiretaoumesmoorganizarparasatisfazersuasprprias
Necessidades(CornwalleGaventa2001,GoetzeGaventa,2001).Estessoespaosde
Contestao,bemcomoacolaborao,emqueosparticipantesheterogneos
Diversasinterpretaesdeparticipaoedemocraciaeagendasdivergentes.Assimsendo,
Elessocadinhosparaumanovapolticadepolticapblica.
Estelivroexploraoscontornosdestanovapoltica.Reneestudosdecasoque
Examinaropotencialdemocrticodeumadiversidadedeinstituiesdeesferaparticipativa:
OsconselhosdeinstalaeshospitalaresnafricadoSul,umprocessodeliberativoanvelnacionalnoCanad,
ConselhosdepolticasparticipativasegruposcomunitriosnoBrasil,ndia,Mxicoe
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Bangladesh,OramentoParticipativonaArgentina,frunsparticipativoscriadosporONGs
AngolaeBangladesh,frunscomunitriosnoReinoUnidoenovosespaosintermedirios
CriadopormovimentossociaisnafricadoSul.Oscolaboradoresaceitamaspromessasoferecidas
Pelosdefensoresdaparticipaoseoaumentodaeficinciaedaeficciados
Umademocraciamais"profunda"ouumacidadaniamaiscomprometida(Mansbridge1999Funge
Wright2003Dryzek2000Gaventa2004)eexplorlosemumadiversidadedefatoressociais,
Culturalepoltico.
Juntos,oscontribuintesexaminamemquemedidaaexpansodo
Parapromoveroprojetodedemocratizao,atravsdainclusode
InteresseseaextensodasprticasdemocratizadorasnoEstadoenaesferapblica,e
Desenvolvimento,atravsdamaioreficciaeequidadedaspolticaspblicas.Umnmero
Dosestudosfocamespecificamentenasade,umsetorquecombinaumahistriade
PromessasinspiradaspelaDeclaraodeAlmaAtade1978,inovaesexcitantescomo
Conselhosdesadebrasileiroseexperinciasemdeliberaoemsistemasdesade
Norte,comdesafiossistmicosqueincluemenraizadasdesigualdadesdeconhecimentoe
poder.Socomplementadoscomcasosqueexploramumasriedeoutros
Desenvolvimento,desdeaparticipaonaalocaoegestoderecursosat
Associaesefrunsdevizinhana.
Partindodeumaliteraturacaracterizadamaisporhistriasdesucessoemcontextosonde
Governoprogressistaacompanhadoporumasociedadecivilforte,organizadae
InovaocomoooramentoparticipativoemPortoAlegreouoplanejamentoparticipativo
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EmKerala(Heller2001FungeWright2003)amaioriadoscasosqueconsideramos
Aquiestomuitomais"comuns".Eoscontosquenossoscolaboradoresdizemde'espaosvazios'
(Mohanty),derepresentantesausentesevozes(Mohanty,Mahmud,Williams,von
LiereseKahaneVonLieres),dojogodapolticadentrodessasarenas(Cornwall
Rodgers)edamultiplicidadedereivindicaesdelegitimidadealavancadaspelasociedadecivil(Barnes
Castello,HoutzagereGurzaLavalleRoqueeShankland)atestama
Complexidadedagovernaoinclusivaeparticipativa.Exploramosaextensoemque
Debatessobreademocraciadeliberativaeagovernanaparticipativa
Contextosondeosregimespsautoritrios,fracturadosecronicamentesubrecursos
Osserviosestataiseoclientelismogeneralizadodeixamemseucaminhofrgiledesconfiado
RelaesentreoscidadoseoEstado,aoladodedoiscasosdonortequeilustram
Algunsdosdesafiosdainclusoquepermanecememdemocraciasprogressistasestabelecidas.
Aexpansodasarenasparticipativastem,emalgunscontextos,facilitadoacriaode
Novosatorespolticosesubjetividadespolticas(Baocchi2001,Heller2001,Avritzer2002).
Noentanto,apesardetodaainovaoinstitucionaldosltimosanos,continuaaexistiruma
Jurdicoetcnicoquefoicriadoparainstitucionalizaraparticipaoe
Arealidadedaexclusoefetivadecidadosmaispobresemarginalizados.com
Estalacunaeosdesafiosdaincluso,representaoevozquesurgemnabuscade
Parafazeraponte,queestelivroestprincipalmentepreocupado.Estorganizadoemduassecespara
Reflectemumapreocupaocentralcom,porumlado,ainclusosubstantivae,poroutrolado,
Osefeitosmaisamplosdedemocratizaodaesferaparticipativa.Queestesso
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InterdependenteevidenteConsequentemente,estaintroduotecetemasque
Detodoolivrocomoumtodo.
Noquesesegue,procuramoscontextualizartemasemergentesdosestudosdecaso
Apresentadasnestelivronoquedizrespeitoadebatesmaisamplossobreapolticade
governana.Comeamosdestacandoalgumasdaspromessasdeparticipao,e
Consideraralgumasdascomplexidadesderealizlasnaprtica.Nscontinuamosa
Estudosdecasoapresentadosnestelivroparaexploraroqueelestmparanos
MltiplasinterfacesatravsdasquaisoscidadosseenvolvemcomoEstadoe
Formaesdeatoreseprticasdeparticipaoqueanimamoprocessoparticipativo
Oqueissoimplicaparaademocratizaoeodesenvolvimento.
Participao,Democracia,Desenvolvimento
Osquadrosdemudanaparaaintervenododesenvolvimentotrouxeramdebatesqueabsorveram
Geraesdefilsofospolticosfrentedodesenvolvimentocontemporneo
poltica. Dolocal'cogovernaoedasinstituies"cogesto"promovidopela
ii
Agnciassupranacionaiseinstitucionalizadaspelosgovernosnacionais(Ackerman2004,
Manor2004),explosonousodemecanismosparticipativosedeliberativos,
DeJuradosCidadosaAvaliaesParticipativasdePobreza(Fischer2000
1997),altimadcadatemsidoaquelaemqueas"vozes"dopblico,e
'Ospobres',tmsidocadavezmaisprocurados.
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Umaconflunciadeagendasdedesenvolvimentoedemocratizaotrouxe
Envolvimentonagovernana.Aspolticasdedescentralizaopromovidas
Dcadade1990afirmaramaproximarogovernodo"povo"(Blair2000,PNUD,2003).
Governaoereformassetoriais,instigadasepromovidasporagnciasdecrditoe
Doadoresbilaterais,criouumaprofusodestiosnosquaisoscidadospassaramaser
MelhorandoaresponsabilizaoearesponsividadedoEstado(CrookeSverisson2003Manor
2004GoetzeJenkins,2004).Umadcadadeexperimentaocom
Metodologiaseesforospara"expandir"aparticipaonasburocraciasdedesenvolvimento
(Thompson,1995Chambers,1997),levaramaumaabordagemtardiadosanos90squestesdeparticipao
Governana(Gaventa2004).Aomesmotempo,a"viradadeliberativa"nosdebates
Ademocraciaeapolticadepolticaspblicasreflecteuminteressecrescentenopotencial
Instituiesdeliberativaseprticasderenovaodemocrticanonorte(Bohmane
Rehg1996Dryzek2000HajereWagenaar,2003Fung2003),edemocratizaoda
AsrelaesentreoEstadoeasociedadenosul(Heller2001,Avritzer2002,CoelhoeNobre,2004).
Essasdiferentesvertentesserenemnacrenadequeenvolveroscidados
Osprocessosdegovernaocontribuemparamelhorescidados,melhoresdecisese
Governo(Mansbridge1999,CoheneSabel,1997,Avritzer2002,Gaventa2004).
Comumatodosaconvicodequeosfrunsparticipativosqueseabrem
CanaisdecomunicaoenegociaoentreoEstadoeoscidadosservempara
Melhorarademocracia,criarnovasformasdecidadaniaemelhoraraeficciaea
Eqidadedepolticaspblicas.Capacitaroscidadosaempenharemsedirectamentenaresoluode
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Atividadeseparafazersuasdemandasdiretamenteaosrgosestataisacreditadoparamelhorar
Compreenderecontribuirparamelhoraraqualidadedadefinioeda
Implementaodeprogramasepolticaspblicas(Cunill,1997CoheneSabel,1997
Abers2001Fung2003).Estaspolticaseprogramassovistos,porsuavez,como
Contribuindoparagarantiroacessodosmaispobresaosserviossociais,melhorando
Perspectivasdeinclusoeconmicaepolticaeparaodesenvolvimento(BancoMundial2001
PNUD,2003).
Umasriedepressupostosnormativossoincorporadosnascontasdosbenefcios
Participao,quetendemafundirelementosdescritivoseprescritivossem
Definindooslimitesentrerefernciasempricasediscursopolticonormativo.
Subjacenteaessassuposiesestacrenadequeoscidadosestoprontospara
Partilhamassuasagendaspolticascomosburocratas,desdequesejamoferecidas
Oportunidadesequeosburocratasestodispostosaouvireresponder.Comoosestudos
Estelivrodemonstramadiferenaentreasexpectativasnormativaseasrealidadesempricas
Apresentaumasriededesafiosparaosprojetosdedemocratizaoedesenvolvimento.isto
Tornaseevidentequeaparticipaodosmaispobresemarginalizadosestlongedeser
Simples,equeexistemvriascondiesprviasparaaentradaem
Instituies.Muitodependedequementranestesespaos,emcujostermosecomque
"Autoridadeepistmica"(Chandoke,2003).
EvelinaDagnino(2005)destacauma"conflunciaperversa"entreduasverses
Participaonosdebatescontemporneossobregovernana.Porumlado,aparticipao
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Comoumprojectoconstrudoemtornodaextensodacidadaniaedoaprofundamentoda
democracia.Poroutrolado,aparticipaopassouaserassociadaao
ResponsabilidadeseaisenoprogressivadoEstadodopapeldegarantede
Direitos,tornandoomercadooqueDagninochamoude"arenadesubstituiodacidadania"
(2005:159).Nessalgica,oscidados,enquanto"usurios",tornamseauto
Servios(CornwalleGaventa,2001).Oparadoxo,Dagninoobserva,quetanto
Exigemumasociedadecivilactiva,defactopractiva.
Umdostemasqueatravessaestelivroainsistnciananecessidadededescompactaro
Categoria"sociedadecivil",analisarcriticamentequemvemrepresentaroscidadosna
Participaoeopapelqueasorganizaesdasociedadecivilpodemdesempenhar
Melhorandooacessoedemocratizandoatomadadedecisesnessarea.Sociedadecivil
Comumenteacreditampossuiraspropriedadesdemocratizadorasqueso
Associadoesferapblica(CoheneArato,1992,Acharyaetal.,2004,Edwards
2004).Noentanto,a"sociedadecivil",defacto,umacategoriaresidual,naqual
Elementospolitizadosvmaserconfundidoscomapolticaoupositivamentereaccionriacvica
Organizaesquepodemterideaiseprticasantidemocrticas(Dryzek2000).Depoisde
Todos,comolembraChandoke(2003),asociedadeciviltodemocratizadoraquanto
Praticantes.
Contasdasvirtudesdasociedadecivildestacamopapelquetaisorganizaespodemdesempenhar
ResponsabilizandooEstado.Noentanto,acrescenteparticipaodasorganizaesdasociedadecivil
Desempenharopapeldefornecedoreseintermediriosnosdesdibujamos
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Binrio"estatal"/"sociedadecivil",levantaquestessobreasuaautonomiae
Responsabilizao(Chandoke2003Tvedt1998).Ondeosactoresdasociedadecivil
Estimularnovasprticassociaisepolticasqueelas
Pblicas,elaspodemcontribuirsignificativamenteparaainclusoe
Deliberao(Avritzer2002,CoheneArato1992).Noentanto,umsaltodef
Essesefeitospositivosparaa"sociedadecivil"emgeral,comoAcharyaetal.(2004)apontam.Umachave
Pergunta,ento,quaistiposdeorganizaesdasociedadecivil
Participao,equaissoascondiesemqueelesvmparaflorescereganhar
influncia.
AreconfiguraodasrelaesEstadoSociedadequeestocorrendocomaintroduode
Ostiposdenovossitesdemocrticoseprticasquesoofocoparaestelivrotambmchama
Paraumavisodoestadoquevaialmdeconstrulocomoummonlito.ComoIrisMarion
Youngargumenta:
...umareificaoenganosaconceitualizarasinstituiesgovernamentaiscomo
Formandoumsistemadegovernananico,uniformeecoerente,"oEstado".Naverdade,em
Menosnamaioriadassociedadesdomundodehojecominstituiesestataisemfuncionamento,
Essasinstituiesseinterligamemnveisdiferentes,svezessesobrepememjurisdio,
Esvezestrabalhamdeformaindependenteoucompropsitoscruzados(2004:62).
Defato,osatoresestataisnaesferaparticipativapodemcompartilharcrenas,ideais,preconceitose
Redessociaiscomatoressociais(Heller2001)Ealgunsdessesatoresestomuitolonge
Doburocratainspidoouintruso(duGay2000),mesmoqueoutrosfaamumaformadearte
Obstruotecnocrtica.,afinaldecontas,oEstadoquefrequentementeobjectodemobilizao
EquecontinuaaserogarantedosdireitosEespaosparticipativosfornecidospeloestado,taiscomo
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Comomuitosdosaquianalisados,noapenasfornecemlocaisparaoenvolvimentodasociedadecivil
Maspodeestimularativamenteacriaodenovascoletividadespolticas(Baocchi2001
Young2000).
Oqueestadiscussoressaltaanecessidadedeentendertanto"oEstado"como
Sociedade"comoterrenosheterogneosemutuamenteconstitutivosdecontestao(Houtzager
2003SkocpoleFiorina1999Chandoke2003).Istoexigeumavisodaparticipao
"Umresultadocontingente,produzidocomoatorescoletivos(sociedadecivil,estadoeoutros)
Negociarrelaesemumterrenoprexistentequerestringeefacilitatiposparticulares
Deao"(Acharyaetal.,2004:41).Ademocratizaovemcomissopara
Aintroduodepacotespadroassociadosreformademocrticaliberal
Programas.ComoJohnDryzekargumenta:
Democratizao...noaexpansodademocracialiberalparacadavezmaiscurvas
Domundo,masextensesaolongodequalquerumadastrsdimenses...
Primeirofranquia,expansodonmerodepessoascapazesdeparticipar
Efetivamentenadecisocoletiva.Osegundooescopo,trazendomais
reasdevidapotencialmentesobcontroledemocrtico...Aterceiraaautenticidade
Docontrole...:serrealemvezdesimblico,envolvendoaefetiva
Participaodeactoresautnomosecompetentes(2000:29).
Asinstituiesdaesferaparticipativapodemcontribuiraolongode
Dimenses,multiplicandoespaosnosquaiscadavezmaispessoasvmparticipar
Navidapoltica,dandoorigemanovassubjetividadespolticaseabrindocadavezmaisreas
Detomadadedecisoparaoengajamentopblico.,noentanto,comoterceirodeDryzek
Dimensesqueestelivroestprincipalmentepreocupado.Eemrelaoquestode
Aautenticidadeeaqualidadedaparticipaocidadquenossotrabalho
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Debatesvibrantesnateoriapolticasobrequestesderepresentaoedeliberao,medida
Paraexplorarmaisaprofundadamentemaisadiantenestecaptulo(Fraser1992,Young2000,Mansbridge
2000Dryzek2000Fung2003).
ParaumaParticipaoSustentvel
Oquenecessrioparaqueosatoresmarginalizadoseexcludosparticipem
Significativosemfrunsparticipativosinstitucionalizadoseparaquesuaparticipaoresulte
Emmudanasreaisnapolticaenaprtica?Osinstitucionalistasargumentaramqueachave
Oreforodaparticipaoencontrasenomelhordesenhoinstitucional:nasregrase
Processosdecisriosqueincentivemosactoresaparticiparem(Immergut1992
2003).Ostericosdomovimentosocialargumentaramqueachaveestnamobilizaosocialque
Empenhaparaumadistribuiomaisjustadosrecursosdisponveis(Tarrow1994,Alvarez,Dagninoe
Escobar1998).Osestudosnestelivroapontamparaumconjuntomaiscomplexodeinteraes
Entreosprincpiosdedesigneaparticipaoestimulante"debaixo".Ese
Asinstituiesdaesferaparticipativadevemsergenuinamenteinclusivase"terdentes"isto,
Seelesdevemsermaisdoqueteraputicaouborrachastampingexerccios(verArnstein1971)
Umasriedequestescrticasprecisamserabordadas.
Emprimeirolugar,aexpansodoenvolvimentodemocrticoexigemaisdoqueconvitesparaparticipar
(Cornwall,2004).Paraqueaspessoaspossamexercerasuaagnciapoltica,elasprecisamprimeiro
Reconhecemsecomocidadosemvezdeseveremcomobeneficiriosouclientes.
Adquirirosmeiosparaparticiparigualmenteexigeprocessosdeeducaopopulare
Mobilizaoquepossamelhorarascompetnciaseaconfianadosgruposmarginalizados
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Grupos,permitindolhesentrareparticiparemarenasparticipativas.Osestudos
LivrodevonLieres,Williams,vonLiereseKahane,MahmudeMohantyapontampara
Aimportnciadosespaossocietaisalmdaarenaparticipativanaconstruoda
Capacidadedeparticipaodosgruposmarginalizados(verFraser,1992Kohn,2000).Ainda
instituiesesferaparticipativossotambmespaosparaacriaodecidadania,ondeatravsde
Aprendendoaparticipar,oscidadosreduzemseusdentespolticoseadquiremhabilidadesquepodemser
Transferidosparaoutrasesferassejamelasdepolticaformaloudeaode
comosugeremoscaptulosdeRoqueeShankland,BarneseCornwall.
Emsegundolugar,asquestesdeinclusoimplicamquestesderepresentao.Seessasinstituies
Representam"acomunidade","utilizadores","sociedadecivil"oumesmo"cidados",sobreoque
Aspessoasentramnelesequaissosuasreivindicaesdelegitimidadeparafalarporoutros?
Quemecanismos,seexistem,existemparafacilitararepresentaodegruposmarginalizados,
Eoqueelesequivalemnaprtica?Eoquemaispoderiasernecessriopara
Baseparaumarepresentaomaisampla?Nosnossoscasos,humcontrastesignificativo
Entrecontextosemquemovimentossociaisaltamenteorganizadosearticulados
ComoatorescoletivoscomonoBrasilenaArgentina(Castelloetal.,Coelho,Cornwall
Rodgers)eaquelescomoBangladesh,ndiaefricadoSulemqueosindivduos
Colocadossuadisposiocomoumprolongamentodasresponsabilidadesfamiliares,ou
Doseusexoouraa,emvezdosgruposeleitoraisquerepresentam(Mahmud,Mohanty
Williams).Essasquestesderepresentaochamamaatenoparaosdiferentestiposde
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Polticaseperspectivasdedemocraciaquesurgememdiferentes
Contextospolticos.
Emterceirolugar,simplesmentecolocarestruturasdeparticipaonolocalnosuficientepara
Instituiespolticas.Muitacoisapassaadependerdasmotivaesdaquelesque
E"participao"paraeles.Aparticipaopromovida
Burocrataspodemouvirasexperinciasdaspessoasecompreendersuaspreocupaes,
Fazermelhorespolticas?Oudeformaaqueoscidadosparticipemactivamentenaelaboraoe
Polticasdemonitoramento?Ou,defato,paraqueessespblicospossamdesafiarburocratasaserem
Maisresponsvel?Nossosestudosdemonstramnoapenasapolivalnciadoconceitode
Participao(Mahmud,vonLieres,Mohanty),mastambmacoexistnciadentrode
Umnicocenriodecompreensopluraleconcorrentedoquepodeseradquirido
Emconstantenegociao(Cornwall,Rodgers,RoqueeShankland).
Emquartolugar,ningumquerapenasfalarefalarenovernadamudar.Oque,ento,
demoraparaqueaparticipaosejaeficaz,bemcomoinclusive(Warren2000)?Coelho
(2004eaqui)sugerequeaconjunodetrsfatorescrtica:oenvolvimentodeum
Umamploespectrodemovimentospopulareseassociaescivis,burocratascomprometidos,
Eprojetosinstitucionaisinclusivosqueabordamprticasdeexclusoe
vis.Emcontextoscomdistribuioderecursosaltamenteassimtricaentreosparticipantes,
Humperigomuitorealdecapturadeelite(Mahmud,Mohanty).Domesmomodo,
Dependnciadeescolhaspolticaspoderestringiradeliberaoaquestesdeimplementao,
Oferecendopoucamargemrealpararepensaraspolticas. Certosdesenhosinstitucionaisso,Fung
iii
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(2003)argumenta,maisoumenosinclinadoapromoveralegitimidade,ajustiaouaeficciada
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Decisestomadasnessesespaos.Essasdimensesnoconvergem,Fungaponta:
Difcilprivilegiarumsemsacrificarosoutros.Ondeasinstituiessoimplantadas
Semprestaratenoaosrecursosdedesignqueajudamamediaroconflito,
Configuraesdepapiseformasderepresentaoeabordarastensese
Offsentreinclusividadeeeficcia,fcilosuficientepara"velhoscaminhos"eformas
Deexclusoedominaoparapersistirem'novosespaos'(Cornwall,2002).
Porfim,queefeitostmasesferasparticipativasnacidadaniaena
Engajamentoemgeral?Enquantoalgunsescritoresestootimistassobreseupotencial
Estimularumamaiorparticipaoedemocratizaoapartirdebaixo(Baocchi2001Avritzer
2002),outrosapontamparaosefeitosambivalentesdaparticipaoinstitucionalizada
Edaenergiapolticae,portanto,deumamaiordemocratizao(PiveneCloward,1977
Dryzek1996Taylor1998).Osefeitosnegativostaiscomoadesilusoeuma
FizzlingforadaenergiaedocompromissoemergemmaisclaramentenocaptulodeBarnes.Mas
Outroscaptulosapontamparaoutrosefeitosnoantecipados,democratizadores,comoinstituies
Comeoucomummandatorelativamenterestrito,deuorigemaformasdeengajamentoque
Almdeseuslimites,ouondeosatoressociaisaproveitaramasoportunidadespararepolitizaresses
Espaos(Rodgers,RoqueeShankland).Estescasoslevamao
Participaoumprocessoaolongodotempo,animadoporatorescomsuasprprias
Projetospolticos.Acimadetudo,enfatizamaimportnciadecontextualizar
Instituiesparticipativasemrelaoaoutrasinstituiespolticase
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Sobreaspaisagenssociais,culturaisehistricasdequefazemparte(Heller
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2001Cornwall2004).
Nasseesqueseseguem,exploramosasquestesquesurgemapartirdessespontosemmaisprofundidade.
Comeamosporconsideraroqueosestudosnestevolumetmparanosdizersobreomicro
Polticasdeparticipaoemarenasparticipativasinstitucionalizadas.Seguimosparaenderear
Questesdediferenaeasquestesderepresentaoeaspolticasdeinclusoque
surgir.Finalmente,passamosaconsiderarosefeitoseasdimenses
Esferaparticipativa,comfocotantonoenvolvimentocomoEstadoquantono
Perspectivasdedemocratizaodademocracia.
EspaosdePoder:AMicroPolticadeParticipao
Doenquadramentodiscursivoquemoldaoquepodeserdeliberado,implantaode
Linguagemtcnicaereivindicaesautoridadequereinstitucionalizamclivagens
Sociedade,maneiracomoousodertuloscomo"usurios"ou"membrosdacomunidade"
Circunscreveaagnciapolticadosparticipantes,cursosdepoderatravsde
Dimensoparticipativa.Como'convidadosespaos asinstituiesda
"iv,
Esferaparticipativasoenquadradosporaquelesqueoscriam,einfundidoscompoder
Relaeseculturasdeinteraotrazidasnelesdeoutrosespaos(Cornualha
2002).Estessoespaosdepoder,emqueformasdesilnciodedominaoexplcitaoutcita
Certosatoresouimpedilosdeentrar(Gaventa2005).Noentanto,estessotambmespaos
Possibilidade,emqueopoderassumeumaformamaisprodutivaepositiva:
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Permitindoaoscidadostransgredirposiescomoreceptorespassivosefazervalerosseus
Contestaessobre"governamentalidade"(Foucault1991).
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Consideraraparticipaocomoumprocessocontingenteecontestadodestacaamicro
Encontrosemarenasparticipativas.Osestudosdestelivrosituamessamicropoltica
LocaiscomhistriasmuitodiferentesdeinteraoEstadocidado,configuraesde
Instituieseculturaspolticas.DaAngolapsconflitoGrBretanhadoNovoTrabalho,
DoBangladeshruralaoBrasilurbano,osestudosnestafaixadevolumeemcontextos
Comhistriaseculturasdistintamentediferentes.Emboraasdesigualdadese
Existemformasdeexclusoembutida,suasdimensesedinmicasdiferem,assimcomo
Noesdecidadania,eograuetiposdemobilizaosocialeestado
Apoiouosesforosparacorrigiradiscriminaosistmica,quercombasenognero,
Raa,castaouclasse(Kabeer2001).
ChaudhurieHeller(2002)argumentamqueumalacunacrticadodebatesobre
Oaprofundamentodademocraciatemsidosuasuposiodequeosindivduossoigualmentecapazesdeformar
Associaeseparticiparemactividadespolticas.Isto,argumentameles,ignora
Diferenasdepoderentregrupossociais:
Seissoproblemticoemqualquerdemocraciamenosqueperfeita(enoh
Democraciasperfeitas)especialmenteproblemticanasdemocraciasemdesenvolvimento
Ondeosdireitosbsicosdeassociaosocircunscritosedistorcidospor
Dependnciasverticais(relaesclientelistas),formasrotineirasde
Excluso(porexemplo,osistemadecastas,purdah),adesigualdadeesvezescompleta
Pgina17
Afaltadelegalidadepblicaeapersistnciadeformasprdemocrticasde
(2002:2).
OrelatodeWilliamssobreosconselhosdesadenafricadoSulrevelaatenacidade
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Prticasmaisantigasdepaternalismonessesnovosespaos,reproduzindopadresdeinterao
Herdadodopassadoracista.Eleargumentaqueaprpriaculturae
Osconselhosdesadeafricanosservemparaperpetuarodomniodosbrancose
Hierarquiasexistentesdepodereprivilgio.Internalizaodenormasquevalorizam
Conhecimentoseformasdediscursopodemlevaraspessoasasesilenciarem.Williams
Citaumajovemempresrianegra:"Osnegrosnoparticipamporquesentem
Inferioraosbrancos.Aparticipaorequerconhecimentoespecialeosnegrosfazem
Notmosconhecimentosnecessriosparaenvolverosbrancosemquestescomoasade.
MahmudcitaumamulhersemterramembrodaCG,quecomentou:"Eusoupobree
Ignorante,oquevoudizer?Aquelesquesomaisexperientesfalammais".
Simplesmentecriarespaosfazpoucoparalivrlosdasdisposiesparticipantespodemtrazer
(Bourdieu1977).Profissionaisvalorizadosporsuaexpertiseemumcontextopodem
Noestardispostosaadmitiravalidadeouovalordeconhecimentose
PrticasemoutroCidadosqueestiveramnoextremoreceptordopaternalismoou
PreconceitosnosencontroscotidianoscomasinstituiesdoEstadopodemtrazer
Comelesparaaesferaparticipativa.Mahmudmostracomoclivagenssociaisexistentes
Somapeadoseminstituiesparticipativas,reduzindooshomensemulheresmaispobresaosilncio.
Noentanto,elatambmrevelaumainversodessasdinmicasdepoderquandosetratadeoutrasformasde
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Engajamento,noqualaquelessilenciadosemespaosparticipativosretomamsua
voz.Elacitaummembrodogrupodacomunidadefemininadebase:"oeducadoebem
Offmembrospodemdebateroudiscutirumpontodeformaorganizada,masquandosetratade
Protestandoelessogeralmentesilenciososetentarficarforadacena'.
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OcaptulodeMohantydestacaprecisamenteessetipodecontrastenandiarural,entre
"Espaosvazios"degovernanalocalegestodebaciashidrogrficasemqueasmulheres
Participaomarginalouausente,eosgruposdesadeapenasparamulheresemque
ativo.Elamostracomoasoportunidadesdisponveisparaparticiparestocircunscritaspor
Esteretiposessencializadosdaspreocupaesecapacidadesdasmulheres,deixandopouco
asmulheresaparticiparcomocidadosenocomoalasoumes.Numcontextoemque
Asmulherestmpoucasoportunidadesdeaprenderashabilidadesnecessriaspara
Participativo,eondeassanessociaistrabalhamparaostracizaraquelesqueafirmam
Existembarreiraspotentesincluso.Algumasmulheresconseguemquebrar
Comexpectativasnormativasecomeamareivindicarseusdireitosdevoz.Masissopodeconvidar
Outrasformasdeexcluso.ElacitaNirmala,umatrabalhadoradesadefeminina:
Poucasmulheresaquitmconscinciadeseusdireitos.Algunsdensqueso
Educadoseconscientesdosnossosdireitos,somosvistoscomoum"incmodo"eum
Ameaaconstantedentrodaaldeia.Assim,enquantoasmulheresque
Dcilserchamadoparareunies,vamosserdeliberadamentemantidosfora.
Paraaspessoasquevivemnapobreza,sujeitasadiscriminaoe
Sociedade,aexperinciadeentrarnumespaoparticipativopodeser
Extremamenteintimidante.Comoelesfalameoqueelesfalampodemserpercebidos
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PorprofissionaiscomopoucocoerentesourelevantesSuaparticipaopodeservista
Pelopoderosocomocatico,perturbadoreimprodutivo.IrisMarionYoungargumenta
Queasnormasdedeliberaosoculturalmenteespecficasemuitasvezesfuncionamcomoformasde
Poderquesilenciaoudesvalorizaodiscursodealgumaspessoas"(1996:123).Umpotente
Desafioparaainclusosubstantiva,ento,superarasdesigualdades
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Conhecimentostcnicosedepoderqueenfraquecempersistentementeoque
Chandokechamaa"autoridadelingsticaeepistmica"(2003:186)desubalterno
Etornaoconsensocomunicativo(Habermas,1984)umidealdistante.
Bridgingtheseinequalitiesthroughmediation,trainingorcoachingoffersthepromiseof
enhancingthepossibilitiesofdeliberation.Buttherearealsorisks.Barnesdescribes,for
example,howyoungpeopleintheUKwerecoachedbyyouthworkerstopresent
'acceptable'versionsofconcernsthatmighthavebeendevaluediftheywereexpressed
inyoungpeoples'ownlanguage.Aswegoontosuggest,strategiestoamplifythevoice
ofmarginalizedgroupsmaycomplicateeffortstofosterdeliberation.Estratgico
interpretationonthepartofwellmeaningintermediariesmay,asChandoke(2003)
argues,overshadowauthenticcommunicationandleavethesubalternnolesssilenced
thanbefore.Mobilizationmaybringmarginalizedactorsintoparticipatoryspaces,but
notnecessarilyequipthemwiththeskillstocommunicateeffectivelywiththeothers
thattheymeetthere.Andactivistswithexperienceinsocialmovements,politicalparties
orunionsmaybringwiththemmoreconfrontationalanddirectlypartisanstylesof
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politicsthatdepartfromtheconsensusseekingand'rational'modesofargumentation
ofdeliberativedemocracy,asCornwall'sBraziliancasestudyshows.
Yettheseverypowerdynamicscanalsoimbueparticipatoryspaceswiththeir
dynamism.Spacesforparticipationmaybecreatedwithonepurposeinmind,butcan
cometobeusedbysocialactorstorenegotiatetheirboundaries.Discoursesof
participationare,afterall,notasingular,coherent,setofideasorprescriptions,but
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configurationsofstrategiesandpracticesthatareplayedoutonconstantlyshifting
ground(cf.Foucault1991).Thetransformationofmanagementspacesintopolitical
spaces,inMahmud'saccountoftheactivistNGONijeraKori'sworkwithhealthwatch
committeesinBangladesh,redefinedtheirpossibilities.RoqueandShankland'saccount
ofthe'mutation'ofdonorintroducedinstitutionsinAngolarevealshowparticipants'
otherprojectsrefashionedandreconfiguredtheirscope,generatingnewleadershipand
democratizingeffects.Rodgers'chapterprovidesaparticularlyrichaccountofthese
dinmica.HeshowshowtheParticipatoryBudgetingprocessinBuenosAiresoverlaid
existingsociopoliticalpracticesandrelationstoprovide'spacesofautonomy'within
theprocess,whichallowedthe'subvertingofthesubversion'ofpoliticization.Estes
studiesrevealthevitalityoftheparticipatorysphereanditstransformatorypotential
theyalsounderscorethepointthatmuchdependswhocomestoparticipatewithinits
institutions,towhichwenowturn.
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QuestionsofRepresentation
Distinctivetotheparticipatoryspherearenew,pluralandmarkedlydifferentformsof
representationandaccountabilityfromthoseconventionallyassociatedwiththe
institutionsofliberaldemocracy(Houtzageretal.2004).Theseencodedifferentlogics
andnormsofdemocracy,construingdifferentunderstandingsaboutwhooughtto
participate.'Civilsociety'comestoberepresentedinavarietyofways:byindividuals
speakingaboutandforthemselves,bynominatedrepresentativesfromnon
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governmentalorganizations,byelectedrepresentativesfromneighbourhood
associations,bymembersofcollectiveactorssuchasunionsormovements,andother
variantsbesides.Thereisevidenceoftensionresultingfromthedifferentsourcesof
legitimacythatunderpinclaimstospeakandactasrepresentativesinclusionary
aspirationsorobjectivesmayconflictwithclaimsbasedonthelegitimacyaffordedby
evidenceofcommittedactiononthepartofmarginalisedgroups(Barnes,Castelloetal.).
Theextensiveliteratureonrepresentationoffersarangeofperspectivesonhowtobest
ensuretheinclusionoflessorganizedandvocalgroups.Ononehand,thereisacurrent
thatarguesforamoredirectdemocraticapproach:participatorysphereinstitutions
shouldbeopentoeveryonewhowantstoparticipate.Somepointouttheriskself
selectionposesforfavouringthosewithmostresources,andproposemethodsof
randomselectionthatseektomirrorthemakeupofthepopulation(cf.Fishkinand
Luskin1999).Othersfocuslessonthemethodsofselectionandmoreonincentives,
concentratingthefocusofforaonquestionsofparticularinteresttopoorercitizens
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(Fung2003).Thiscurrentiscounterposedtoargumentsthattheveryprocessofcreating
abasisforrepresentationformarginalisedsocialgroupsisonlypossibleifthereisa
parallelprocessofmobilizationanddefinitionofcollectiveidentitiesandagendas.
Acrossourcases,thereisadiversityofformsofrepresentationthatspeaktoboththese
Perspectivas.MahmuddescribeshowinCommunityGroupsmanagingvillagelevel
healthservicesinBangladeshindividualsspeakingas'communityrepresentatives'are
generallyelitesprofessionals,teachers,wealthyfarmersandtheirwivesappointedby
thechairman.InWilliams'accountofSouthAfricanhealthfacilitiesboards(HFBs),
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thosewhospeakforpatients'interestsaremorelikelytobeworkingforcommunity
healththanrepresentingparticularsocialgroups.Castelloetal.'schapteroffersa
differentperspective,fromacontextthatismarkedlydifferent:Brazil'slargestcity,So
Paulo,where'citizenparticipation'generallyreferstotheengagementofregisteredcivil
societyorganizations,ofwhichtherearemanyhundreds.Theirfindingsshedfurther
lightonquestionsofrepresentationintheparticipatorysphere.Lessthanfivepercentof
theorganizationssurveyedrepresentedthemselvesasdescriptiverepresentativesEum
similarlysmallnumbersawthemselvesinclassicelectoralterms.Foralmosthalf,the
vastmajority,representationwasaboutmediation.Suchorganizationssawthemselvesas
aboutadvocatingfortherightsofothers,andprovidingabridgebetweenpoorlyor
underrepresentedsegmentsofthepopulationandthestate.
Theexperiencesbroughttogetherinthisbookpointtotradeoffsthatneedtobetaken
intoaccountwhenexaminingthecapacityoftheparticipatoryspheretopromotethe
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inclusionofsectorsofsocietythathavetraditionallybeenmarginalised.Towhatextent,
forexample,wouldapreferenceforforumswherethepubliccometoberepresentedby
methodsofrandomselectionopenthedoorsoftheseinstitutionsforthosewhomay
otherwisefinditdifficulttoenter(cf.FishkinandLuskin1999)?Andtowhatextent
wouldthisreproducethehighlyasymmetricaldistributionofsocial,symbolic,political
andeconomicresourcesthatexistinsocietyatlarge,unmediatedbypracticesof
organizingthatcanlendmoremarginalisedactorstheskillstoparticipateeffectively?isto
isonethingforcitizenstoenterparticipatoryforatoinformthemselvesandgenerate
opinionsfromreasoneddiscussion,andanotheragainforthesediscussionstoconsistof
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debatesamongpoliticisedcollectiveactorswithstronglypolarisedpositions.o
challengeassociatedwiththefirstsituationishowtofomentprocessesinwhichpoorer
andmoremarginalisedcitizenscanfindtheirvoicethatofthesecondistheriskof
contributingtotheradicalizationandamplificationofthepowerofvetoofgroupswho
feelthemselvestobeonthemarginspolitically,whichcansubstantiallyrestrictthe
democraticpotentialofthesearenas.
Deliberativedemocratswouldarguethatprovidingparticipantswithsufficient
informationandaccesstoexpertise,andseekingtoencouragethemtoformpositions
duringdiscussionsratherthantobringprepreparedpositionsandagendaswiththem,
caninstilnewnormsofconduct(Fung2003).Goodfacilitationcanplayahugely
importantrole.Techniquesthatareexplicitlyorientedtoamplifyingthevoicesofthe
leastvocalenhancethepossibilitiesofdeliberation,allowingpositionstobeopenly
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debatedratherthandefensivelyasserted.Andtheintroductionofinnovativeinteractive
practicescanbegintochangethecultureofinteractionintheparticipatorysphere,
counteringthereproductionofoldhierarchiesandexclusions,andenablingagreater
diversityofvoicestobeheard.
Yetatthesametime,itisevidentthatsomeactorsinevitablyarriveatthetablewith
ideas,impressionsandknowledgethatnoamountoffacilitationordeliberationcan
budgetoexpectanylessistoprofoundlydepoliticisetheprocessofdeliberation,aswell
astoshuntpreferences,beliefsandalliancesthatarebytheirverynaturepoliticaloutof
theframe.Thosewhohavesomeresourcesforexample,linkswiththepartypolitical
systemorpowerfulpatronsstandbetterplacedtoexpandtheirchancesofaccessto
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theseforumstoadvancetheirownagendas.Affiliationtoothersocietallyproduced
meansoforganisingcollectiveinterests,whethermassbasedpopularmovementsor
formalpoliticalparties,areneversimplyleftatthedoorwhenpeoplecometo
deliberate,asCornwall's,Rodgers',andBarnes'studiesshow.Entendendoo
politicsofthesespacesrequirescloserattentiontopoliticalnetworksthatspanthestate,
participatoryandpublicspheres,andtotheimplicationsofthearticulationstheymake
possvel.
VonLieresandKahane'sstudyofanationalleveldeliberativeprocessinCanadaraises
afurtherquestion:towhatextentaretherulesofthegameadoptedtofacilitateinclusive
deliberationculturalartefactsandhowdotheyimplicitlyexcludeotherculturally
definedwaysofthinkingaboutrepresentation?TheRomanowCommission'sreviewof
Pgina25
Canada'shealthcaresystemfailed,theycontend,totakeseriouslyenoughhow
marginalizationmaybeperpetuatedindeliberativespaces.Byenlistingcitizensas
individuals,thedialoguefailedtogiveAboriginalpeoplesufficientopportunityfor
voice,preciselybecausetheindividualisticpremisesofthemethodusedclashedwith
indigenousformsofgroupbasedrepresentationthatworksthroughaffiliation.Deles
analysishighlightsthesignificanceofresponsivenesstoculturallylocatedformsof
organization,representationanddeliberation,aswellastheimportanceofthecreation
ofspacesforwhattheycall'affiliated'marginalisedcitizens.
JaneMansbridgesuggeststhatin'communicativesettingsofdistrust,uncrystallised
interestsandhistoricallydenigratedstatus'(2000:99),descriptiverepresentationthe
representationofasocialgroupbythosefromthatsocialgroupwhospeakasaswellas
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forthatgroupisnecessaryifsubstantiveattentionistobegiventotheissuesthataffect
thisgroup.ItispreciselythiskindofsettingthatWilliams'accountaddresses,andhe
highlightsaseriesoffactorsthatconspiretoexcludeBlackparticipantsfrombeingable
toengageina'politicsofpresence':alackofassociationsthatcanputforwardBlack
interests,amismatchbetweenmechanismsforenlistmentandformsofcommunication
thatwouldreachBlackcitizens,historicaldominationofsimilarinstitutionsbymiddle
classwhitesoftenofthedogoodervariety,whoseconcernfor'poorBlackpeople'
eclipsesBlackcitizens'capacitytorepresenttheirowninterestsandneedsand
internaliseddisprivilege,withentailmentsintermsofselfconfidenceandcapacityto
associateandvoicedemands.AsPhillips(1995)argues,a'politicsofpresence'offers
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boththesymbolicvalueofvisibilityandthepossibilityofmorevigorousadvocacyof
theinterestsofotherwiseexcludedgroups.Inthissetting,Williamscontends,itis
preciselythiswhichisneeded.
InacritiqueofHabermas'(1984)notionofthepublicsphere,Fraserarguesthat
marginalizedgroupsmayfindgreateropportunitiesforexercisingvoicethrough
creatingtheirownspaces,whichsheterms'subalterncounterpublics'.Shesuggeststhat
thesespaceshave'adualcharacter.Ontheonehand,theyfunctionasspacesof
withdrawalandregroupmentontheotherhand,theyalsofunctionasbasesand
traininggroupsforagitationalactivitiesdirectedtowardwiderpublics'(1992:124).
Mansbridge(2000)highlightsanotherdimensionofsuchspaces:as'laboratoriesofself
interest'theycanenablehistoricallymarginalisedgroupstobuildpositions,constructa
politicsofengagementandgaingreaterlegitimacytovoicedemandswithin
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participatorysphereinstitutions.Suchspacescancometoserveapoliticsof
transformationbygivingpreviouslyexcludedgroupsthetimeandopportunityto
constructtheirpoliticalpreferencesandexpresstheirconcernsforthemselves.Elespodem
alsoprovideanarenaformakingdemandsandconcernslegibletothestate.
Mobilizationcreatesnotonlyasharedlanguage,butalsoopportunitiesforpolitical
apprenticeshipandtheconditionsunderwhichnewleaderscanemerge.Whileinmany
ofourcases,itisactivistNGOswhohavetakentheleadincreatingthesespaces.Butas
Mohanty,BarnesandCornwallemphasise,thestatehasacrucialroletoplayin
redressingsocietaldiscriminationandactivelysupportinginclusionofmarginalised
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groupsinpoliticalarenasofallkinds(Young2000).AsHeller(2001)argues,closer
attentionneedstobepaidtosynergiesbetweensocialmovementsandstatesupported
politicalprojectsinfosteringthesubstantiveparticipationofsubalternactors.
EngagingtheState
Greaterattentionhasbeengiveninworkonparticipatorysphereinstitutionstosocial
actorsthantothestateactorswhosecommittedinvolvementissodecisivefortheir
success(Abers2001Fox1996Heller2001).Mahmud'scasestudyofcitizenmobilization
intheabsenceofengagedstateactorsshowscriticallimitationstoachievingchangesin
healthdeliveryifthosewhoplananddeliverservicesarenotpartofthediscussion,and
thesignificanceofrecognitionandinstitutionalsupportbythestatefortheviabilityof
participatoryinstitutions.Coelhohighlightsthesignificanceofpublicofficials'
commitmentasacofactorinproducingsuccessfulandinclusiveparticipatoryfora.
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Barnesdetailswhatsuchactorscontributetomakingparticipationmeaningful.Mas
surprisinglylittleisknownaboutwhatdrivestheseactorstodefendsocialparticipation
asapoliticalproject.Whatisitthatmotivatesstateofficialstoparticipateandtofollow
throughdecisionsarrivedatinthesespaces?Whatmakesbureaucratsamenabletowhat
canendupbeinglongandconvoluteddeliberativeprocesses,ratherthanresortingto
quickerandmoreauthoritariandecisionmakingprocesses?Whatincentivesmotivate
themtoinvestincreatingamoreenablingenvironmentandactintheinterestsofpoorer
andmoremarginalisedcitizens?Andwhatdotheygetoutofparticipatinginthe
participatorysphere?
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Thecommitmentofpoliticiansandbureaucratstoparticipatorygovernanceneedstobe
analysedagainstabackdropofacomplexconjunctionofvariables.Theseincludethe
valuesandpartypoliticalaffiliationsoftheseactors,attemptstoinfluenceandgain
informationaboutpublicopinion,andthestructureofopportunitiesdefinedbythe
politicalsystem(SkocpolandFiorina1999).Wherepreferencesareunstable,itmaybe
expedienttopoliticianstoseekmeansofsecuringopportunitiestoinfluenceaswellas
respondtotheconcernsoftheelectorate.Participatorysphereinstitutionsmayoffer
suchanopportunityiftheyarewellgroundedinrelationshipswithbroader
constituenciesandcommunitiesitmaywellbeinpoliticians'intereststoseekto
enhancetheirviability(Heller2001Mansbridge2003).Assuch,theyformonewayof
discoveringwhatinfluenceselectoralpreferencesalongsideinstrumentssuchas
opinionpollsorfocusgroups.
Yetanostensiblecommitmenttoparticipatorygovernancecaninitselfalsopaypolitical
Dividendos.Politiciansandseniorbureaucratscanadoptthemantleofparticipationto
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givethemselvesdistinctivepublicidentitiesaschampionsforthecauseofopenand
accountablegovernment.InBrazil,forexample,claimstobepromotingpopular
participationappearonmanyamunicipalgovernmentlogo,andhavebeentheleftist
Workers'Party'sbadgeofrespectabilityaswellas,arguably,afactorintheirelectoral
successinthepast.Politiciansmayseeknewalliesinparticipatoryarenas,whether
againstotherpoliticiansortocontrolthebureaucracyinturn,participatorybureaucrats
mayseeksimilarkindsofalliances,whetheragainstelitistpoliticiansandbureaucratsor
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togainsupportandlegitimacy.Participationasapoliticalprojectcanbeseen,then,asa
strategythatseekstocultivateallies,strengthennetworksandgainvotes.
'Championsofchange'withinbureaucraciesplayacrucialroleincreatingand
resourcingspacesforchange,andassuchbecomealliesforsocialmovementsandcivil
society(Fox1996).Indeed,statesupportandrecognitionisneededifthesespacesareto
functionatall,asMahmudpointsout.Infrastructuralsupport,fundingforpublic
events,andfortrainingandtransporttocarryoutconsultationsorinspectfacilitiesare
tangiblemeasuresofcommitmenttheyarealsoessentialfortheveryviabilityofthese
Instituies.Butthereareotherdimensionstoconstructivestateengagement.AsBarnes
suggests,thismaybeasmuchaboutredressingdisciplinarytendencies,valuingdiverse
formsofdialogueandexpressionandmodifyingtheofficialnormsandrulesthatoften
cometodominateparticipatorysphereinstitutionsasaboutofferingcitizens
opportunitiestoparticipate.Thepersonalandpoliticalcommitmentofstateofficialsto
theparticipatoryprojectnotonlymakesthissupportandengagementpossible,italso
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contributestotheirwillingnessandcapacitytoberesponsive.Cornwallshowshowa
complexmeshofideology,partypoliticalaffiliationsandpersonalandprofessional
biasesappearinBrazilianbureaucrats'andhealthworkers'accountsoftheirroleina
municipalhealthcouncil.Shearguesthattoseethesespacespurelyintermsoftheir
citizenparticipantsistomissanimportantdimensionoftheirdemocratizingeffects.
Thepoliticsofinclusionbythestateinvitesfurthercomplexities.VonLieresargues,for
SouthAfrica,thatinapoliticalcontextthatfeaturesprevailingexpectationsofthenon
Pgina30
bindingnessofpublicdeliberation,ahistoryofdistrustandmanipulation,alackof
viablesocialmobilizationtoarticulatedemands,andresidualauthoritarianand
paternalisttendenciesintheconductofstateofficials,participatoryarenasmaysimply
reinforcerelationsofpowerpatternedbyexperiencesinotherinstitutionalspaces,rather
thancreateviablearenasfordemocratization.Itmaywellbethatitisintheseother
spacessuchasthoseofoppositionalsocialmovementsandpopularprotestthatthose
whoaresilentfindtheirpoliticalagency,developtheirskillsandnourishtheirpassion
forengagement(cf.Mouffe2002).Yetinbridgingthesearenasandthoseofthe
participatorysphere,theremaybemuchatstake.Dryzek(1996)arguesthatthatthe
priceofinclusionmaybehighforgroupswhoseagendasdivergesosignificantlyfrom
stateprioritiesthatentryriskscooptionanddemoralisation.Forsomegroups,andfor
someissues,investmentinengagementwiththestatemayfailtopayoffasenergiesare
divertedintobackwatersthatdetractfromlargerpoliticalstruggles(Taylor1998).
Barnes'analysisofthetransformationofaninstitutioninitiatedbycitizensintheUK
intoagovernmentsponsoredforumdemonstratesoneofthemostevident
consequences:alossofsocialenergyasseepingbureaucratizationkillsoffspontaneity
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andcreativity,leavingsuchaninstitutionapaleshellofitsformerself.
VonLieres'accountoftheSouthAfricanTreatmentActionCampaignshowshow
engagementatmultipleinterfaceswiththestatefromthecourtsandthestreetstothe
clinicmayoffergreaterprospectsforextendingtheboundariesofthepolitical(Melucci
1996).Itis,sheargues,intheircapacitytointermediate,toworkacrossarenaswitha
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politicsofidentificationthatbringstogetheradiversespectrumofinterestgroups,that
theirefficacylies.AstheTACcaseshows,strategicparticipationmaycometodepend
ontheexerciseofagencyoutsidetheparticipatoryarena,toleverpressureforchange
(Cortez2004).Barnes'accounthighlightsthesignificanceoftheconstructionand
mobilizationofan'oppositionalconsciousness'throughthiskindofmobilizationasa
meansofanimatingparticipation(cf.Mouffe2002).But,asshepointsout,thisinitself
posesnewchallengesforstateactors,includingtheneedforskillsforcreativeconflict
managementneededtoworkconstructivelywithoppositionalpositionswithout
dousingtheirpassion,andforacknowledgingapluralityofdiscursivestyles,rather
thantryingtomanagevoicesinto'acceptable'versions.Intermediationisrequiredwithin
aswellasacrosssitesforengagementifparticipationistoproducebettermutual
understandingbetweenthediversityofactorswithintheparticipatorysphere.
Concluso
Thenormativeexpectationsofdeliberativeandparticipatorydemocracyfindweak
supportinthefindingsofthestudiesofeverydayexperiencesofparticipatory
governanceinthisbook.Butdespiteconsiderableshortcomings,thecasespresented
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heregivesomecauseforoptimism.Theirveryordinarinesstellsotherstories:of
incrementalchange,ofagrowingsenseofentitlementtoparticipate,ofslowbutreal
shiftsinpoliticalagency.Theyrevealglimpsesofhowopeninguppreviously
inaccessibledecisionmakingprocessestopublicengagementcanstimulatethecreation
Pgina32
ofnewpoliticalsubjectsaswellasnewsubjectivitiesand,withit,deependemocracy
alongallthreeofDryzek'saxes.
Whatdoesittakeforparticipationintheparticipatoryspheretoofferrealprospectsfor
changeinthestatusquoforhistoricallymarginalisedsocialgroups?Coelhoshowshere
howitistheconjunctionofenablingpoliciesandlegalframeworks,committedand
responsivebureaucrats,wellcoordinated,articulatesocialactorsandinclusive
institutionaldesignsthatproducesgreaterdiversityamongstrepresentatives,thus
expandingaccessifnotinfluenceofhistoricallymarginalisedgroups.Yettheseco
factorsdonotadduptoaonesizefitsallrecipe.Contextmatters.Inmanyofthecases
inthisbook,anumberofthesefactorsarestrikingintheirabsence.Incontextssuchas
BangladeshandAngola,ineffective,underresourcedandcorruptstatestructures
fracturethepossibilitiesforresponsiveness.IncontextsliketheUK,India,SouthAfrica
andBrazilwherethestateisrelativelystrong,afearoflettinggoofcontrol,highlevels
ofbureaucratizationandembeddedaspectsofpoliticalcultureprovidepotentobstacles
totheparticipationoftraditionallyexcludedcitizens.
Thesecontrastsurgeformoreattentiontobepaidtothecontingenciesofpolitical
cultura.Theyunderlinetheneedforanyanalysisofparticipationtobesetwithinthe
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historiesofstatesocietyrelationsthathaveshapedtheconfigurationsandcontestations
ofthepresent.Politicalhistoriesandculturesofstruggleasofsubjugation,of
authoritarianruleasofpoliticalapathymayembeddispositionsinstateandsocietal
actorsthatarecarriedintospacesforparticipation.Thesemaymakeallianceswithstate
Pgina33
actorsorformsofcollaborationdifficulttorealise,especiallyforgroupswhoserightto
participateatallhasbeenpersistentlydeniedinthepast.Changingpoliticalculturecalls
forchanges'onbothsidesoftheequation'(Gaventa2004).Gaventa'sequation
highlightsthemutuallyconstitutiverelationshipbetweenstateresponsivenessand
citizenmobilization.Contextualfactorsmodifythepossibilitiesofthisrelationship.
Wherestatecapacityisattenuatedbyunderresourcing,corruptionorplain
ineffectiveness,citizensmaymobilisetoprovideforthemselveswhereculturesof
paternalism,patrimonialismorauthoritarianismpersist,somecitizensmaygear
themselvesupforafightbutothersmayneverenterthefray.Whatanumberofthe
casesinthisbookshowisthatinsuchcontexts,theintroductionofnewpolitical
practices,newspacesforthearticulationofconcernsandinterests,andnew
opportunitiesforpoliticalapprenticeshipcanbeginaprocessofchangethatmayhave
broaderrippleeffects.Theypointtoshiftsthathavebeguntoreconfiguredemocratic
noivado.
Theroutinizationofdiscussionaboutpublicpoliciesintheparticipatoryspherehas
successfullyservedtobroadendebatebeyondmoreclosedtechnicalandpoliticalspaces,
asCoelho,vonLieresandKahane,RoqueandShankland,Barnes,andRodgersshow.
Certainconditionsamplifypossibilitiesforchange:mobilisedcollectiveactors(Castello
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etal.vonLieresRodgersCornwall)stateactorsinterestedinbuildinglongerterm
allianceswithcivilsociety(CoelhoBarnesCornwall)institutionaldesign
characteristicsthatcontributetoreducingasymmetricdistributionofresourcesamong
Pgina34
participants(CoelhovonLieresandKahane)andopportunitiestoinfluenceresource
allocationaswellastheshapeofpublicpolicies(RodgersBarnes).Ourcasesalsoshow
thatother,morecontingent,factorscanalterthebalanceofpower.Thesemaybe
unintendedconsequences,suchasthe'mutations'describedbyRoqueandShanklandor
theprocessesofpoliticizationthataccompanyresourcenegotiationsanalysedby
Rodgers,whoseneteffectsare'unexpecteddemocratization'.Ortheymaybethesubtle
shiftsthatnewdiscoursesofrights,socialjusticeandcitizenshipcreateastheycirculate
throughnetworksthatsupportdifferentsocialactorsandexpandtheirinterpretiveand
politicalhorizons.
Participatorysphereinstitutionscanbecome'schoolsforcitizenship'inthewordsofa
BrazilianactivistcitedbyCornwallinwhichthosewhoparticipatelearnnew
meaningsandpracticesofcitizenshipbyworkingtogether.Thesheerdiversityofactors
andpositionswithinthissphereofferopportunitiesfordevelopingan'expanded
understanding'(Arendt1958)thatallowspeopletoseebeyondtheirownimmediate
problemsorprofessionalbiases.AsRodgers,BarnesandCornwallobserve,participants
inthesespacesbringcommitmenttothemandtalkofgettinganenormousamountof
personalfulfilmentoutoftheirengagement.Interactionsinthisspherecanhelpchange
dispositionsamongstbureaucratsaswellascitizens,instillinggreaterrespect,and
enhancingtheirpropensitytolistenandcommitmenttorespond.Yetmuchdependson
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theopennessandcapacityofthestate.Whereentrenchedinequalitiesandthepostures
andpracticesofstateofficialsmutemarginalvoices,andwherelittlewillingnessor
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capacityexiststoredresstheseinequalitiesandaddressthespecificconcernsofthese
groups,otherspacesoutsidethesearenasbecomeespeciallycritical:bothassitesin
whichtogainconfidenceandconsolidatepositions,butalsofromwhichtoactonother
partsofthestatethroughotherformsofpoliticalaction,includingstrategicnon
participation(Cortez2004).
Ourstudiesshowthatpervasiveinequalitiesinpowerandknowledgeandembedded
politicalculturesposeconsiderablechallengesforcreatinginclusivedeliberativefora.
Theysuggestthatevenincaseswherethereisconsiderablepoliticalwilltoensurethe
viabilityoftheseinstitutions,inequalitiesofpowerandknowledgeandembedded
technocracyaffecttheirdemocratizingprospects.Whatdotheytellusabouthowthese
inequalitiescanbeaddressedandhowmarginalisedgroupscanbecomemore
meaningfullyinvolved?Thefirststepistoguaranteeaplaceatthetableforsuchgroups,
throughrulesofengagementaswellasofselectionthatseektobroadenparticipation
beyondestablishedinterestgroups.This,inturn,requiresprocessesthatcanbuildthe
capabilitiesofmoremarginalisedactorstousetheirvoicesandthatextendcapacity
buildingeffortstostateofficials,asmuchtounlearnattitudesastoacquirethecapacity
tolistentocitizensandrecognisetheirrights.
Thechallengeforexpandingdemocracythroughtheparticipatoryspheremaybeless
theextenttowhichdemocraticinstitutionscanbringaboutchange,thanwhichchanges,
inwhomandinwhoseinterests.Aneverpresentdilemmaishowtoinsulatethesespaces
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fromcapturebynondemocraticelements,includingadministrationswhosimplyuse
Pgina36
themfortherapeuticorrubberstampingpurposes(Arnstein1971).Anotherishowto
guaranteetheirpoliticalefficacyandviability,andaddresssomeoftheveryreal
tensionsthatarisebetweenshorttermandlongtermsolutions,betweeninclusiveness
andeffectiveness,betweenstruggleandnegotiation.Theverynewnessofmanyofthese
institutions,theweaknessoftheirinstitutionaldesignsandthelimitedpurposesfor
whichsomeofthemwereoriginallycreatedhastendedtocreatefragileconnections,if
any,withtheformalarchitectureofgovernance.Thiscreatesanumberofproblems,
includingthedifficultyofensuringthedemocraticlegitimacyofdecisionsmadein
forumsthatbypasselectoralandparliamentarymechanismsofrepresentation(Dryzek
2001deVita2004).Ultimately,theextentthattheparticipatorysphereisableto
promotelegitimaterepresentationanddistributionaljusticemaydependnotmerelyon
howeachspacewithinitperforms,butonrelationshipswithotherinstitutionswithin
thepublicsphereandthestate.
Amplifyingthedemocraticpotentialandenhancingthedemocraticlegitimacyofthe
participatorysphere,thecasespresentedheresuggest,needtotakeplaceonthreefronts:
catalysingandsupportingprocessesofsocialmobilizationthroughwhichmarginalised
groupscannurturenewleaders,enhancetheirpoliticalagencyandseekrepresentation
inthesearenasaswellasefficacyoutsidetheminstitutingmeasurestoaddress
exclusionaryelementswithintheinstitutionalstructureoftheparticipatorysphere,from
rulesofrepresentationtostrategiesthatfostermoreinclusivedeliberation,suchasthe
useoffacilitationandarticulatingparticipatorysphereinstitutionsmoreeffectively
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withothergovernanceinstitutions,providingthemwithresourcesaswellaswith
political'teeth'.Itiswithaddressingthesechallengesfortheory,aswellasforpractice
thatfuturedirectionsforparticipatorygovernancelie.
Agradecimentos
Wewouldliketothankthe'SpacesforChange'workinggroupoftheDevelopment
ResearchCentreonCitizenship,ParticipationandAccountability,andJohnGaventa,
DRCDirector,foralltheircontributionstotheideaspresentedinthischapter.Nosso
analysisbenefitedfromthecommentsofJohnGaventa,PeterHoutzager,DavidKahane,
RanjitaMohantyandIanScoones,towhomweareverygrateful.
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Notas
iWearegratefultoMarcusMeloforthispoint.
iiThegenealogyofwritingonparticipatorydemocracycanbetracedbacktoAristotle,andhasits
morerecentrootsintheworkofPateman(1970)andMacPherson(1973). Formatted:Not
Highlight
iiiIndeed,asDryzekpointsout,publicpolicyisnotindeterminateandthereare'certain
imperativesthatallstatessimplymustmeet'(2000:93).
ivTheterm'invitedspaces'originatesinjointworkwithKarenBrockandJohnGaventa(Brock,
CornwallandGaventa2001Cornwall2002Gaventa2004).
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