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07/03/2017 Captulo1EspaosparaaMudana?

APolticadeParticipaonasNovasArenasDemocrticasAndreaCornwalleVeraSchattanCoelho

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Captulo1

Espaosparaamudana?APolticadeParticipaoemNovos

ArenasDemocrticas

AndreaCornwalleVeraSchattanCoelho

Odesafiodeconstruirpolticasdemocrticasondetodospossamrealizarseusdireitosereivindicar

Suacidadaniaumadasmaioresdenossaera.Asreformasnagovernanageraram

Umaprofusodenovosespaosparaoengajamentodocidado.Emalgunscontextos,instituies

Comlegadosnodomniocolonialforamremodeladosparaseadequaremgovernanacontempornea

agendasEmoutras,asreformasconstitucionaisedegovernanaderamorigema

Novasestruturas.Estes"novosespaosdemocrticos"hbridos(CornwalleCoelho2004)so

Intermedirios,situadosnainterfaceentreEstadoesociedadeelesso

Tambm,emmuitosaspectos,espaosintermedirios,condutasparanegociao,informaoe

troca.Podemserfornecidosefornecidospeloestado,apoiadosemalgunscontextos

porgarantiaslegaisouconstitucionaiseconsideradoporatoresestataiscomooespaoem

Cidadoseseusrepresentantes.Noentanto,elestambmpodemservistoscomoespaos

Conquistadopelasdemandasdasociedadecivilparaincluso. Algunssofugazes,oneoffconsultivo
i

EventosOutrassoinstituiesregularizadascomumapresenamaisduradourana

Governana.

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Emcontrastecomasanlisesquesituamtaisinstituiesnaesferapblica,como

OpoderosorelatriodeAvritzer(2002)sobreasinstituiesdegovernanaparticipativadoBrasil,ou

DentrodombitodoEstado,comonocasodeFungeWright(2003)

Governana",sugerimosqueconstituemumaarenadistintanainterfacedoEstado

Eaesferapblica:oquechamamosaquide"esferaparticipativa".Arelaoentre

Aesferaparticipativa,tantocomogovernoquantocomaesferapblica,

parcialSuasinstituiestmumaexistnciasemiautnoma,foraeforado

Instituiesdepolticaformalevidaassociativacotidiana,emboramuitasvezes

Enfiadaatravsdepreocupaeseposiesformadasneles.

Comoarenasnasquaisoslimitesdotcnicoedopolticopassamaser

Negociados,elesservemcomoumtipointeiramentediferentedeinterfacecomosprocessospolticos

Outrasviasatravsdasquaisoscidadospodemarticularassuas

Protesto,petio,lobbyeaodiretaoumesmoorganizarparasatisfazersuasprprias

Necessidades(CornwalleGaventa2001,GoetzeGaventa,2001).Estessoespaosde

Contestao,bemcomoacolaborao,emqueosparticipantesheterogneos

Diversasinterpretaesdeparticipaoedemocraciaeagendasdivergentes.Assimsendo,

Elessocadinhosparaumanovapolticadepolticapblica.

Estelivroexploraoscontornosdestanovapoltica.Reneestudosdecasoque

Examinaropotencialdemocrticodeumadiversidadedeinstituiesdeesferaparticipativa:

OsconselhosdeinstalaeshospitalaresnafricadoSul,umprocessodeliberativoanvelnacionalnoCanad,

ConselhosdepolticasparticipativasegruposcomunitriosnoBrasil,ndia,Mxicoe

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Bangladesh,OramentoParticipativonaArgentina,frunsparticipativoscriadosporONGs

AngolaeBangladesh,frunscomunitriosnoReinoUnidoenovosespaosintermedirios

CriadopormovimentossociaisnafricadoSul.Oscolaboradoresaceitamaspromessasoferecidas

Pelosdefensoresdaparticipaoseoaumentodaeficinciaedaeficciados

Umademocraciamais"profunda"ouumacidadaniamaiscomprometida(Mansbridge1999Funge

Wright2003Dryzek2000Gaventa2004)eexplorlosemumadiversidadedefatoressociais,

Culturalepoltico.

Juntos,oscontribuintesexaminamemquemedidaaexpansodo

Parapromoveroprojetodedemocratizao,atravsdainclusode

InteresseseaextensodasprticasdemocratizadorasnoEstadoenaesferapblica,e

Desenvolvimento,atravsdamaioreficciaeequidadedaspolticaspblicas.Umnmero

Dosestudosfocamespecificamentenasade,umsetorquecombinaumahistriade

PromessasinspiradaspelaDeclaraodeAlmaAtade1978,inovaesexcitantescomo

Conselhosdesadebrasileiroseexperinciasemdeliberaoemsistemasdesade

Norte,comdesafiossistmicosqueincluemenraizadasdesigualdadesdeconhecimentoe

poder.Socomplementadoscomcasosqueexploramumasriedeoutros

Desenvolvimento,desdeaparticipaonaalocaoegestoderecursosat

Associaesefrunsdevizinhana.

Partindodeumaliteraturacaracterizadamaisporhistriasdesucessoemcontextosonde

Governoprogressistaacompanhadoporumasociedadecivilforte,organizadae

InovaocomoooramentoparticipativoemPortoAlegreouoplanejamentoparticipativo

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EmKerala(Heller2001FungeWright2003)amaioriadoscasosqueconsideramos

Aquiestomuitomais"comuns".Eoscontosquenossoscolaboradoresdizemde'espaosvazios'

(Mohanty),derepresentantesausentesevozes(Mohanty,Mahmud,Williams,von

LiereseKahaneVonLieres),dojogodapolticadentrodessasarenas(Cornwall

Rodgers)edamultiplicidadedereivindicaesdelegitimidadealavancadaspelasociedadecivil(Barnes

Castello,HoutzagereGurzaLavalleRoqueeShankland)atestama

Complexidadedagovernaoinclusivaeparticipativa.Exploramosaextensoemque

Debatessobreademocraciadeliberativaeagovernanaparticipativa

Contextosondeosregimespsautoritrios,fracturadosecronicamentesubrecursos

Osserviosestataiseoclientelismogeneralizadodeixamemseucaminhofrgiledesconfiado

RelaesentreoscidadoseoEstado,aoladodedoiscasosdonortequeilustram

Algunsdosdesafiosdainclusoquepermanecememdemocraciasprogressistasestabelecidas.

Aexpansodasarenasparticipativastem,emalgunscontextos,facilitadoacriaode

Novosatorespolticosesubjetividadespolticas(Baocchi2001,Heller2001,Avritzer2002).

Noentanto,apesardetodaainovaoinstitucionaldosltimosanos,continuaaexistiruma

Jurdicoetcnicoquefoicriadoparainstitucionalizaraparticipaoe

Arealidadedaexclusoefetivadecidadosmaispobresemarginalizados.com

Estalacunaeosdesafiosdaincluso,representaoevozquesurgemnabuscade

Parafazeraponte,queestelivroestprincipalmentepreocupado.Estorganizadoemduassecespara

Reflectemumapreocupaocentralcom,porumlado,ainclusosubstantivae,poroutrolado,

Osefeitosmaisamplosdedemocratizaodaesferaparticipativa.Queestesso

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InterdependenteevidenteConsequentemente,estaintroduotecetemasque

Detodoolivrocomoumtodo.

Noquesesegue,procuramoscontextualizartemasemergentesdosestudosdecaso

Apresentadasnestelivronoquedizrespeitoadebatesmaisamplossobreapolticade

governana.Comeamosdestacandoalgumasdaspromessasdeparticipao,e

Consideraralgumasdascomplexidadesderealizlasnaprtica.Nscontinuamosa

Estudosdecasoapresentadosnestelivroparaexploraroqueelestmparanos

MltiplasinterfacesatravsdasquaisoscidadosseenvolvemcomoEstadoe

Formaesdeatoreseprticasdeparticipaoqueanimamoprocessoparticipativo

Oqueissoimplicaparaademocratizaoeodesenvolvimento.

Participao,Democracia,Desenvolvimento

Osquadrosdemudanaparaaintervenododesenvolvimentotrouxeramdebatesqueabsorveram

Geraesdefilsofospolticosfrentedodesenvolvimentocontemporneo

poltica. Dolocal'cogovernaoedasinstituies"cogesto"promovidopela
ii

Agnciassupranacionaiseinstitucionalizadaspelosgovernosnacionais(Ackerman2004,

Manor2004),explosonousodemecanismosparticipativosedeliberativos,

DeJuradosCidadosaAvaliaesParticipativasdePobreza(Fischer2000

1997),altimadcadatemsidoaquelaemqueas"vozes"dopblico,e

'Ospobres',tmsidocadavezmaisprocurados.

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Umaconflunciadeagendasdedesenvolvimentoedemocratizaotrouxe

Envolvimentonagovernana.Aspolticasdedescentralizaopromovidas

Dcadade1990afirmaramaproximarogovernodo"povo"(Blair2000,PNUD,2003).

Governaoereformassetoriais,instigadasepromovidasporagnciasdecrditoe

Doadoresbilaterais,criouumaprofusodestiosnosquaisoscidadospassaramaser

MelhorandoaresponsabilizaoearesponsividadedoEstado(CrookeSverisson2003Manor

2004GoetzeJenkins,2004).Umadcadadeexperimentaocom

Metodologiaseesforospara"expandir"aparticipaonasburocraciasdedesenvolvimento

(Thompson,1995Chambers,1997),levaramaumaabordagemtardiadosanos90squestesdeparticipao

Governana(Gaventa2004).Aomesmotempo,a"viradadeliberativa"nosdebates

Ademocraciaeapolticadepolticaspblicasreflecteuminteressecrescentenopotencial

Instituiesdeliberativaseprticasderenovaodemocrticanonorte(Bohmane

Rehg1996Dryzek2000HajereWagenaar,2003Fung2003),edemocratizaoda

AsrelaesentreoEstadoeasociedadenosul(Heller2001,Avritzer2002,CoelhoeNobre,2004).

Essasdiferentesvertentesserenemnacrenadequeenvolveroscidados

Osprocessosdegovernaocontribuemparamelhorescidados,melhoresdecisese

Governo(Mansbridge1999,CoheneSabel,1997,Avritzer2002,Gaventa2004).

Comumatodosaconvicodequeosfrunsparticipativosqueseabrem

CanaisdecomunicaoenegociaoentreoEstadoeoscidadosservempara

Melhorarademocracia,criarnovasformasdecidadaniaemelhoraraeficciaea

Eqidadedepolticaspblicas.Capacitaroscidadosaempenharemsedirectamentenaresoluode

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Atividadeseparafazersuasdemandasdiretamenteaosrgosestataisacreditadoparamelhorar

Compreenderecontribuirparamelhoraraqualidadedadefinioeda

Implementaodeprogramasepolticaspblicas(Cunill,1997CoheneSabel,1997

Abers2001Fung2003).Estaspolticaseprogramassovistos,porsuavez,como

Contribuindoparagarantiroacessodosmaispobresaosserviossociais,melhorando

Perspectivasdeinclusoeconmicaepolticaeparaodesenvolvimento(BancoMundial2001

PNUD,2003).

Umasriedepressupostosnormativossoincorporadosnascontasdosbenefcios

Participao,quetendemafundirelementosdescritivoseprescritivossem

Definindooslimitesentrerefernciasempricasediscursopolticonormativo.

Subjacenteaessassuposiesestacrenadequeoscidadosestoprontospara

Partilhamassuasagendaspolticascomosburocratas,desdequesejamoferecidas

Oportunidadesequeosburocratasestodispostosaouvireresponder.Comoosestudos

Estelivrodemonstramadiferenaentreasexpectativasnormativaseasrealidadesempricas

Apresentaumasriededesafiosparaosprojetosdedemocratizaoedesenvolvimento.isto

Tornaseevidentequeaparticipaodosmaispobresemarginalizadosestlongedeser

Simples,equeexistemvriascondiesprviasparaaentradaem

Instituies.Muitodependedequementranestesespaos,emcujostermosecomque

"Autoridadeepistmica"(Chandoke,2003).

EvelinaDagnino(2005)destacauma"conflunciaperversa"entreduasverses

Participaonosdebatescontemporneossobregovernana.Porumlado,aparticipao

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Comoumprojectoconstrudoemtornodaextensodacidadaniaedoaprofundamentoda

democracia.Poroutrolado,aparticipaopassouaserassociadaao

ResponsabilidadeseaisenoprogressivadoEstadodopapeldegarantede

Direitos,tornandoomercadooqueDagninochamoude"arenadesubstituiodacidadania"

(2005:159).Nessalgica,oscidados,enquanto"usurios",tornamseauto

Servios(CornwalleGaventa,2001).Oparadoxo,Dagninoobserva,quetanto

Exigemumasociedadecivilactiva,defactopractiva.

Umdostemasqueatravessaestelivroainsistnciananecessidadededescompactaro

Categoria"sociedadecivil",analisarcriticamentequemvemrepresentaroscidadosna

Participaoeopapelqueasorganizaesdasociedadecivilpodemdesempenhar

Melhorandooacessoedemocratizandoatomadadedecisesnessarea.Sociedadecivil

Comumenteacreditampossuiraspropriedadesdemocratizadorasqueso

Associadoesferapblica(CoheneArato,1992,Acharyaetal.,2004,Edwards

2004).Noentanto,a"sociedadecivil",defacto,umacategoriaresidual,naqual

Elementospolitizadosvmaserconfundidoscomapolticaoupositivamentereaccionriacvica

Organizaesquepodemterideaiseprticasantidemocrticas(Dryzek2000).Depoisde

Todos,comolembraChandoke(2003),asociedadeciviltodemocratizadoraquanto

Praticantes.

Contasdasvirtudesdasociedadecivildestacamopapelquetaisorganizaespodemdesempenhar

ResponsabilizandooEstado.Noentanto,acrescenteparticipaodasorganizaesdasociedadecivil

Desempenharopapeldefornecedoreseintermediriosnosdesdibujamos

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Binrio"estatal"/"sociedadecivil",levantaquestessobreasuaautonomiae

Responsabilizao(Chandoke2003Tvedt1998).Ondeosactoresdasociedadecivil

Estimularnovasprticassociaisepolticasqueelas

Pblicas,elaspodemcontribuirsignificativamenteparaainclusoe

Deliberao(Avritzer2002,CoheneArato1992).Noentanto,umsaltodef

Essesefeitospositivosparaa"sociedadecivil"emgeral,comoAcharyaetal.(2004)apontam.Umachave

Pergunta,ento,quaistiposdeorganizaesdasociedadecivil

Participao,equaissoascondiesemqueelesvmparaflorescereganhar

influncia.

AreconfiguraodasrelaesEstadoSociedadequeestocorrendocomaintroduode

Ostiposdenovossitesdemocrticoseprticasquesoofocoparaestelivrotambmchama

Paraumavisodoestadoquevaialmdeconstrulocomoummonlito.ComoIrisMarion

Youngargumenta:

...umareificaoenganosaconceitualizarasinstituiesgovernamentaiscomo
Formandoumsistemadegovernananico,uniformeecoerente,"oEstado".Naverdade,em
Menosnamaioriadassociedadesdomundodehojecominstituiesestataisemfuncionamento,
Essasinstituiesseinterligamemnveisdiferentes,svezessesobrepememjurisdio,
Esvezestrabalhamdeformaindependenteoucompropsitoscruzados(2004:62).
Defato,osatoresestataisnaesferaparticipativapodemcompartilharcrenas,ideais,preconceitose

Redessociaiscomatoressociais(Heller2001)Ealgunsdessesatoresestomuitolonge

Doburocratainspidoouintruso(duGay2000),mesmoqueoutrosfaamumaformadearte

Obstruotecnocrtica.,afinaldecontas,oEstadoquefrequentementeobjectodemobilizao

EquecontinuaaserogarantedosdireitosEespaosparticipativosfornecidospeloestado,taiscomo

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Comomuitosdosaquianalisados,noapenasfornecemlocaisparaoenvolvimentodasociedadecivil

Maspodeestimularativamenteacriaodenovascoletividadespolticas(Baocchi2001

Young2000).

Oqueestadiscussoressaltaanecessidadedeentendertanto"oEstado"como

Sociedade"comoterrenosheterogneosemutuamenteconstitutivosdecontestao(Houtzager

2003SkocpoleFiorina1999Chandoke2003).Istoexigeumavisodaparticipao

"Umresultadocontingente,produzidocomoatorescoletivos(sociedadecivil,estadoeoutros)

Negociarrelaesemumterrenoprexistentequerestringeefacilitatiposparticulares

Deao"(Acharyaetal.,2004:41).Ademocratizaovemcomissopara

Aintroduodepacotespadroassociadosreformademocrticaliberal

Programas.ComoJohnDryzekargumenta:

Democratizao...noaexpansodademocracialiberalparacadavezmaiscurvas
Domundo,masextensesaolongodequalquerumadastrsdimenses...
Primeirofranquia,expansodonmerodepessoascapazesdeparticipar
Efetivamentenadecisocoletiva.Osegundooescopo,trazendomais
reasdevidapotencialmentesobcontroledemocrtico...Aterceiraaautenticidade
Docontrole...:serrealemvezdesimblico,envolvendoaefetiva
Participaodeactoresautnomosecompetentes(2000:29).

Asinstituiesdaesferaparticipativapodemcontribuiraolongode

Dimenses,multiplicandoespaosnosquaiscadavezmaispessoasvmparticipar

Navidapoltica,dandoorigemanovassubjetividadespolticaseabrindocadavezmaisreas

Detomadadedecisoparaoengajamentopblico.,noentanto,comoterceirodeDryzek

Dimensesqueestelivroestprincipalmentepreocupado.Eemrelaoquestode

Aautenticidadeeaqualidadedaparticipaocidadquenossotrabalho

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Debatesvibrantesnateoriapolticasobrequestesderepresentaoedeliberao,medida

Paraexplorarmaisaprofundadamentemaisadiantenestecaptulo(Fraser1992,Young2000,Mansbridge

2000Dryzek2000Fung2003).

ParaumaParticipaoSustentvel

Oquenecessrioparaqueosatoresmarginalizadoseexcludosparticipem

Significativosemfrunsparticipativosinstitucionalizadoseparaquesuaparticipaoresulte

Emmudanasreaisnapolticaenaprtica?Osinstitucionalistasargumentaramqueachave

Oreforodaparticipaoencontrasenomelhordesenhoinstitucional:nasregrase

Processosdecisriosqueincentivemosactoresaparticiparem(Immergut1992

2003).Ostericosdomovimentosocialargumentaramqueachaveestnamobilizaosocialque

Empenhaparaumadistribuiomaisjustadosrecursosdisponveis(Tarrow1994,Alvarez,Dagninoe

Escobar1998).Osestudosnestelivroapontamparaumconjuntomaiscomplexodeinteraes

Entreosprincpiosdedesigneaparticipaoestimulante"debaixo".Ese

Asinstituiesdaesferaparticipativadevemsergenuinamenteinclusivase"terdentes"isto,

Seelesdevemsermaisdoqueteraputicaouborrachastampingexerccios(verArnstein1971)

Umasriedequestescrticasprecisamserabordadas.

Emprimeirolugar,aexpansodoenvolvimentodemocrticoexigemaisdoqueconvitesparaparticipar

(Cornwall,2004).Paraqueaspessoaspossamexercerasuaagnciapoltica,elasprecisamprimeiro

Reconhecemsecomocidadosemvezdeseveremcomobeneficiriosouclientes.

Adquirirosmeiosparaparticiparigualmenteexigeprocessosdeeducaopopulare

Mobilizaoquepossamelhorarascompetnciaseaconfianadosgruposmarginalizados

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Grupos,permitindolhesentrareparticiparemarenasparticipativas.Osestudos

LivrodevonLieres,Williams,vonLiereseKahane,MahmudeMohantyapontampara

Aimportnciadosespaossocietaisalmdaarenaparticipativanaconstruoda

Capacidadedeparticipaodosgruposmarginalizados(verFraser,1992Kohn,2000).Ainda

instituiesesferaparticipativossotambmespaosparaacriaodecidadania,ondeatravsde

Aprendendoaparticipar,oscidadosreduzemseusdentespolticoseadquiremhabilidadesquepodemser

Transferidosparaoutrasesferassejamelasdepolticaformaloudeaode

comosugeremoscaptulosdeRoqueeShankland,BarneseCornwall.

Emsegundolugar,asquestesdeinclusoimplicamquestesderepresentao.Seessasinstituies

Representam"acomunidade","utilizadores","sociedadecivil"oumesmo"cidados",sobreoque

Aspessoasentramnelesequaissosuasreivindicaesdelegitimidadeparafalarporoutros?

Quemecanismos,seexistem,existemparafacilitararepresentaodegruposmarginalizados,

Eoqueelesequivalemnaprtica?Eoquemaispoderiasernecessriopara

Baseparaumarepresentaomaisampla?Nosnossoscasos,humcontrastesignificativo

Entrecontextosemquemovimentossociaisaltamenteorganizadosearticulados

ComoatorescoletivoscomonoBrasilenaArgentina(Castelloetal.,Coelho,Cornwall

Rodgers)eaquelescomoBangladesh,ndiaefricadoSulemqueosindivduos

Colocadossuadisposiocomoumprolongamentodasresponsabilidadesfamiliares,ou

Doseusexoouraa,emvezdosgruposeleitoraisquerepresentam(Mahmud,Mohanty

Williams).Essasquestesderepresentaochamamaatenoparaosdiferentestiposde

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Polticaseperspectivasdedemocraciaquesurgememdiferentes

Contextospolticos.

Emterceirolugar,simplesmentecolocarestruturasdeparticipaonolocalnosuficientepara

Instituiespolticas.Muitacoisapassaadependerdasmotivaesdaquelesque

E"participao"paraeles.Aparticipaopromovida

Burocrataspodemouvirasexperinciasdaspessoasecompreendersuaspreocupaes,

Fazermelhorespolticas?Oudeformaaqueoscidadosparticipemactivamentenaelaboraoe

Polticasdemonitoramento?Ou,defato,paraqueessespblicospossamdesafiarburocratasaserem

Maisresponsvel?Nossosestudosdemonstramnoapenasapolivalnciadoconceitode

Participao(Mahmud,vonLieres,Mohanty),mastambmacoexistnciadentrode

Umnicocenriodecompreensopluraleconcorrentedoquepodeseradquirido

Emconstantenegociao(Cornwall,Rodgers,RoqueeShankland).

Emquartolugar,ningumquerapenasfalarefalarenovernadamudar.Oque,ento,

demoraparaqueaparticipaosejaeficaz,bemcomoinclusive(Warren2000)?Coelho

(2004eaqui)sugerequeaconjunodetrsfatorescrtica:oenvolvimentodeum

Umamploespectrodemovimentospopulareseassociaescivis,burocratascomprometidos,

Eprojetosinstitucionaisinclusivosqueabordamprticasdeexclusoe

vis.Emcontextoscomdistribuioderecursosaltamenteassimtricaentreosparticipantes,

Humperigomuitorealdecapturadeelite(Mahmud,Mohanty).Domesmomodo,

Dependnciadeescolhaspolticaspoderestringiradeliberaoaquestesdeimplementao,

Oferecendopoucamargemrealpararepensaraspolticas. Certosdesenhosinstitucionaisso,Fung
iii

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(2003)argumenta,maisoumenosinclinadoapromoveralegitimidade,ajustiaouaeficciada
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Decisestomadasnessesespaos.Essasdimensesnoconvergem,Fungaponta:

Difcilprivilegiarumsemsacrificarosoutros.Ondeasinstituiessoimplantadas

Semprestaratenoaosrecursosdedesignqueajudamamediaroconflito,

Configuraesdepapiseformasderepresentaoeabordarastensese

Offsentreinclusividadeeeficcia,fcilosuficientepara"velhoscaminhos"eformas

Deexclusoedominaoparapersistirem'novosespaos'(Cornwall,2002).

Porfim,queefeitostmasesferasparticipativasnacidadaniaena

Engajamentoemgeral?Enquantoalgunsescritoresestootimistassobreseupotencial

Estimularumamaiorparticipaoedemocratizaoapartirdebaixo(Baocchi2001Avritzer

2002),outrosapontamparaosefeitosambivalentesdaparticipaoinstitucionalizada

Edaenergiapolticae,portanto,deumamaiordemocratizao(PiveneCloward,1977

Dryzek1996Taylor1998).Osefeitosnegativostaiscomoadesilusoeuma

FizzlingforadaenergiaedocompromissoemergemmaisclaramentenocaptulodeBarnes.Mas

Outroscaptulosapontamparaoutrosefeitosnoantecipados,democratizadores,comoinstituies

Comeoucomummandatorelativamenterestrito,deuorigemaformasdeengajamentoque

Almdeseuslimites,ouondeosatoressociaisaproveitaramasoportunidadespararepolitizaresses

Espaos(Rodgers,RoqueeShankland).Estescasoslevamao

Participaoumprocessoaolongodotempo,animadoporatorescomsuasprprias

Projetospolticos.Acimadetudo,enfatizamaimportnciadecontextualizar

Instituiesparticipativasemrelaoaoutrasinstituiespolticase

Pgina15

Sobreaspaisagenssociais,culturaisehistricasdequefazemparte(Heller

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2001Cornwall2004).

Nasseesqueseseguem,exploramosasquestesquesurgemapartirdessespontosemmaisprofundidade.

Comeamosporconsideraroqueosestudosnestevolumetmparanosdizersobreomicro

Polticasdeparticipaoemarenasparticipativasinstitucionalizadas.Seguimosparaenderear

Questesdediferenaeasquestesderepresentaoeaspolticasdeinclusoque

surgir.Finalmente,passamosaconsiderarosefeitoseasdimenses

Esferaparticipativa,comfocotantonoenvolvimentocomoEstadoquantono

Perspectivasdedemocratizaodademocracia.

EspaosdePoder:AMicroPolticadeParticipao

Doenquadramentodiscursivoquemoldaoquepodeserdeliberado,implantaode

Linguagemtcnicaereivindicaesautoridadequereinstitucionalizamclivagens

Sociedade,maneiracomoousodertuloscomo"usurios"ou"membrosdacomunidade"

Circunscreveaagnciapolticadosparticipantes,cursosdepoderatravsde

Dimensoparticipativa.Como'convidadosespaos asinstituiesda
"iv,

Esferaparticipativasoenquadradosporaquelesqueoscriam,einfundidoscompoder

Relaeseculturasdeinteraotrazidasnelesdeoutrosespaos(Cornualha

2002).Estessoespaosdepoder,emqueformasdesilnciodedominaoexplcitaoutcita

Certosatoresouimpedilosdeentrar(Gaventa2005).Noentanto,estessotambmespaos

Possibilidade,emqueopoderassumeumaformamaisprodutivaepositiva:

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Permitindoaoscidadostransgredirposiescomoreceptorespassivosefazervalerosseus

Contestaessobre"governamentalidade"(Foucault1991).

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Consideraraparticipaocomoumprocessocontingenteecontestadodestacaamicro

Encontrosemarenasparticipativas.Osestudosdestelivrosituamessamicropoltica

LocaiscomhistriasmuitodiferentesdeinteraoEstadocidado,configuraesde

Instituieseculturaspolticas.DaAngolapsconflitoGrBretanhadoNovoTrabalho,

DoBangladeshruralaoBrasilurbano,osestudosnestafaixadevolumeemcontextos

Comhistriaseculturasdistintamentediferentes.Emboraasdesigualdadese

Existemformasdeexclusoembutida,suasdimensesedinmicasdiferem,assimcomo

Noesdecidadania,eograuetiposdemobilizaosocialeestado

Apoiouosesforosparacorrigiradiscriminaosistmica,quercombasenognero,

Raa,castaouclasse(Kabeer2001).

ChaudhurieHeller(2002)argumentamqueumalacunacrticadodebatesobre

Oaprofundamentodademocraciatemsidosuasuposiodequeosindivduossoigualmentecapazesdeformar

Associaeseparticiparemactividadespolticas.Isto,argumentameles,ignora

Diferenasdepoderentregrupossociais:

Seissoproblemticoemqualquerdemocraciamenosqueperfeita(enoh

Democraciasperfeitas)especialmenteproblemticanasdemocraciasemdesenvolvimento

Ondeosdireitosbsicosdeassociaosocircunscritosedistorcidospor

Dependnciasverticais(relaesclientelistas),formasrotineirasde

Excluso(porexemplo,osistemadecastas,purdah),adesigualdadeesvezescompleta

Pgina17

Afaltadelegalidadepblicaeapersistnciadeformasprdemocrticasde

(2002:2).

OrelatodeWilliamssobreosconselhosdesadenafricadoSulrevelaatenacidade

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Prticasmaisantigasdepaternalismonessesnovosespaos,reproduzindopadresdeinterao

Herdadodopassadoracista.Eleargumentaqueaprpriaculturae

Osconselhosdesadeafricanosservemparaperpetuarodomniodosbrancose

Hierarquiasexistentesdepodereprivilgio.Internalizaodenormasquevalorizam

Conhecimentoseformasdediscursopodemlevaraspessoasasesilenciarem.Williams

Citaumajovemempresrianegra:"Osnegrosnoparticipamporquesentem

Inferioraosbrancos.Aparticipaorequerconhecimentoespecialeosnegrosfazem

Notmosconhecimentosnecessriosparaenvolverosbrancosemquestescomoasade.

MahmudcitaumamulhersemterramembrodaCG,quecomentou:"Eusoupobree

Ignorante,oquevoudizer?Aquelesquesomaisexperientesfalammais".

Simplesmentecriarespaosfazpoucoparalivrlosdasdisposiesparticipantespodemtrazer

(Bourdieu1977).Profissionaisvalorizadosporsuaexpertiseemumcontextopodem

Noestardispostosaadmitiravalidadeouovalordeconhecimentose

PrticasemoutroCidadosqueestiveramnoextremoreceptordopaternalismoou

PreconceitosnosencontroscotidianoscomasinstituiesdoEstadopodemtrazer

Comelesparaaesferaparticipativa.Mahmudmostracomoclivagenssociaisexistentes

Somapeadoseminstituiesparticipativas,reduzindooshomensemulheresmaispobresaosilncio.

Noentanto,elatambmrevelaumainversodessasdinmicasdepoderquandosetratadeoutrasformasde

Pgina18

Engajamento,noqualaquelessilenciadosemespaosparticipativosretomamsua

voz.Elacitaummembrodogrupodacomunidadefemininadebase:"oeducadoebem

Offmembrospodemdebateroudiscutirumpontodeformaorganizada,masquandosetratade

Protestandoelessogeralmentesilenciososetentarficarforadacena'.

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OcaptulodeMohantydestacaprecisamenteessetipodecontrastenandiarural,entre

"Espaosvazios"degovernanalocalegestodebaciashidrogrficasemqueasmulheres

Participaomarginalouausente,eosgruposdesadeapenasparamulheresemque

ativo.Elamostracomoasoportunidadesdisponveisparaparticiparestocircunscritaspor

Esteretiposessencializadosdaspreocupaesecapacidadesdasmulheres,deixandopouco

asmulheresaparticiparcomocidadosenocomoalasoumes.Numcontextoemque

Asmulherestmpoucasoportunidadesdeaprenderashabilidadesnecessriaspara

Participativo,eondeassanessociaistrabalhamparaostracizaraquelesqueafirmam

Existembarreiraspotentesincluso.Algumasmulheresconseguemquebrar

Comexpectativasnormativasecomeamareivindicarseusdireitosdevoz.Masissopodeconvidar

Outrasformasdeexcluso.ElacitaNirmala,umatrabalhadoradesadefeminina:

Poucasmulheresaquitmconscinciadeseusdireitos.Algunsdensqueso
Educadoseconscientesdosnossosdireitos,somosvistoscomoum"incmodo"eum
Ameaaconstantedentrodaaldeia.Assim,enquantoasmulheresque
Dcilserchamadoparareunies,vamosserdeliberadamentemantidosfora.

Paraaspessoasquevivemnapobreza,sujeitasadiscriminaoe

Sociedade,aexperinciadeentrarnumespaoparticipativopodeser

Extremamenteintimidante.Comoelesfalameoqueelesfalampodemserpercebidos

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PorprofissionaiscomopoucocoerentesourelevantesSuaparticipaopodeservista

Pelopoderosocomocatico,perturbadoreimprodutivo.IrisMarionYoungargumenta

Queasnormasdedeliberaosoculturalmenteespecficasemuitasvezesfuncionamcomoformasde

Poderquesilenciaoudesvalorizaodiscursodealgumaspessoas"(1996:123).Umpotente

Desafioparaainclusosubstantiva,ento,superarasdesigualdades

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Conhecimentostcnicosedepoderqueenfraquecempersistentementeoque
Chandokechamaa"autoridadelingsticaeepistmica"(2003:186)desubalterno

Etornaoconsensocomunicativo(Habermas,1984)umidealdistante.

Bridgingtheseinequalitiesthroughmediation,trainingorcoachingoffersthepromiseof

enhancingthepossibilitiesofdeliberation.Buttherearealsorisks.Barnesdescribes,for

example,howyoungpeopleintheUKwerecoachedbyyouthworkerstopresent

'acceptable'versionsofconcernsthatmighthavebeendevaluediftheywereexpressed

inyoungpeoples'ownlanguage.Aswegoontosuggest,strategiestoamplifythevoice

ofmarginalizedgroupsmaycomplicateeffortstofosterdeliberation.Estratgico

interpretationonthepartofwellmeaningintermediariesmay,asChandoke(2003)

argues,overshadowauthenticcommunicationandleavethesubalternnolesssilenced

thanbefore.Mobilizationmaybringmarginalizedactorsintoparticipatoryspaces,but

notnecessarilyequipthemwiththeskillstocommunicateeffectivelywiththeothers

thattheymeetthere.Andactivistswithexperienceinsocialmovements,politicalparties

orunionsmaybringwiththemmoreconfrontationalanddirectlypartisanstylesof

Pgina20

politicsthatdepartfromtheconsensusseekingand'rational'modesofargumentation

ofdeliberativedemocracy,asCornwall'sBraziliancasestudyshows.

Yettheseverypowerdynamicscanalsoimbueparticipatoryspaceswiththeir

dynamism.Spacesforparticipationmaybecreatedwithonepurposeinmind,butcan

cometobeusedbysocialactorstorenegotiatetheirboundaries.Discoursesof

participationare,afterall,notasingular,coherent,setofideasorprescriptions,but

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configurationsofstrategiesandpracticesthatareplayedoutonconstantlyshifting

ground(cf.Foucault1991).Thetransformationofmanagementspacesintopolitical

spaces,inMahmud'saccountoftheactivistNGONijeraKori'sworkwithhealthwatch

committeesinBangladesh,redefinedtheirpossibilities.RoqueandShankland'saccount

ofthe'mutation'ofdonorintroducedinstitutionsinAngolarevealshowparticipants'

otherprojectsrefashionedandreconfiguredtheirscope,generatingnewleadershipand

democratizingeffects.Rodgers'chapterprovidesaparticularlyrichaccountofthese

dinmica.HeshowshowtheParticipatoryBudgetingprocessinBuenosAiresoverlaid

existingsociopoliticalpracticesandrelationstoprovide'spacesofautonomy'within

theprocess,whichallowedthe'subvertingofthesubversion'ofpoliticization.Estes

studiesrevealthevitalityoftheparticipatorysphereanditstransformatorypotential

theyalsounderscorethepointthatmuchdependswhocomestoparticipatewithinits

institutions,towhichwenowturn.

Pgina21

QuestionsofRepresentation

Distinctivetotheparticipatoryspherearenew,pluralandmarkedlydifferentformsof

representationandaccountabilityfromthoseconventionallyassociatedwiththe

institutionsofliberaldemocracy(Houtzageretal.2004).Theseencodedifferentlogics

andnormsofdemocracy,construingdifferentunderstandingsaboutwhooughtto

participate.'Civilsociety'comestoberepresentedinavarietyofways:byindividuals

speakingaboutandforthemselves,bynominatedrepresentativesfromnon

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governmentalorganizations,byelectedrepresentativesfromneighbourhood

associations,bymembersofcollectiveactorssuchasunionsormovements,andother

variantsbesides.Thereisevidenceoftensionresultingfromthedifferentsourcesof

legitimacythatunderpinclaimstospeakandactasrepresentativesinclusionary

aspirationsorobjectivesmayconflictwithclaimsbasedonthelegitimacyaffordedby

evidenceofcommittedactiononthepartofmarginalisedgroups(Barnes,Castelloetal.).

Theextensiveliteratureonrepresentationoffersarangeofperspectivesonhowtobest

ensuretheinclusionoflessorganizedandvocalgroups.Ononehand,thereisacurrent

thatarguesforamoredirectdemocraticapproach:participatorysphereinstitutions

shouldbeopentoeveryonewhowantstoparticipate.Somepointouttheriskself

selectionposesforfavouringthosewithmostresources,andproposemethodsof

randomselectionthatseektomirrorthemakeupofthepopulation(cf.Fishkinand

Luskin1999).Othersfocuslessonthemethodsofselectionandmoreonincentives,

concentratingthefocusofforaonquestionsofparticularinteresttopoorercitizens

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(Fung2003).Thiscurrentiscounterposedtoargumentsthattheveryprocessofcreating

abasisforrepresentationformarginalisedsocialgroupsisonlypossibleifthereisa

parallelprocessofmobilizationanddefinitionofcollectiveidentitiesandagendas.

Acrossourcases,thereisadiversityofformsofrepresentationthatspeaktoboththese

Perspectivas.MahmuddescribeshowinCommunityGroupsmanagingvillagelevel

healthservicesinBangladeshindividualsspeakingas'communityrepresentatives'are

generallyelitesprofessionals,teachers,wealthyfarmersandtheirwivesappointedby

thechairman.InWilliams'accountofSouthAfricanhealthfacilitiesboards(HFBs),
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thosewhospeakforpatients'interestsaremorelikelytobeworkingforcommunity

healththanrepresentingparticularsocialgroups.Castelloetal.'schapteroffersa

differentperspective,fromacontextthatismarkedlydifferent:Brazil'slargestcity,So

Paulo,where'citizenparticipation'generallyreferstotheengagementofregisteredcivil

societyorganizations,ofwhichtherearemanyhundreds.Theirfindingsshedfurther

lightonquestionsofrepresentationintheparticipatorysphere.Lessthanfivepercentof

theorganizationssurveyedrepresentedthemselvesasdescriptiverepresentativesEum

similarlysmallnumbersawthemselvesinclassicelectoralterms.Foralmosthalf,the

vastmajority,representationwasaboutmediation.Suchorganizationssawthemselvesas

aboutadvocatingfortherightsofothers,andprovidingabridgebetweenpoorlyor

underrepresentedsegmentsofthepopulationandthestate.

Theexperiencesbroughttogetherinthisbookpointtotradeoffsthatneedtobetaken

intoaccountwhenexaminingthecapacityoftheparticipatoryspheretopromotethe

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inclusionofsectorsofsocietythathavetraditionallybeenmarginalised.Towhatextent,

forexample,wouldapreferenceforforumswherethepubliccometoberepresentedby

methodsofrandomselectionopenthedoorsoftheseinstitutionsforthosewhomay

otherwisefinditdifficulttoenter(cf.FishkinandLuskin1999)?Andtowhatextent

wouldthisreproducethehighlyasymmetricaldistributionofsocial,symbolic,political

andeconomicresourcesthatexistinsocietyatlarge,unmediatedbypracticesof

organizingthatcanlendmoremarginalisedactorstheskillstoparticipateeffectively?isto

isonethingforcitizenstoenterparticipatoryforatoinformthemselvesandgenerate

opinionsfromreasoneddiscussion,andanotheragainforthesediscussionstoconsistof

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debatesamongpoliticisedcollectiveactorswithstronglypolarisedpositions.o
challengeassociatedwiththefirstsituationishowtofomentprocessesinwhichpoorer

andmoremarginalisedcitizenscanfindtheirvoicethatofthesecondistheriskof

contributingtotheradicalizationandamplificationofthepowerofvetoofgroupswho

feelthemselvestobeonthemarginspolitically,whichcansubstantiallyrestrictthe

democraticpotentialofthesearenas.

Deliberativedemocratswouldarguethatprovidingparticipantswithsufficient

informationandaccesstoexpertise,andseekingtoencouragethemtoformpositions

duringdiscussionsratherthantobringprepreparedpositionsandagendaswiththem,

caninstilnewnormsofconduct(Fung2003).Goodfacilitationcanplayahugely

importantrole.Techniquesthatareexplicitlyorientedtoamplifyingthevoicesofthe

leastvocalenhancethepossibilitiesofdeliberation,allowingpositionstobeopenly

Pgina24

debatedratherthandefensivelyasserted.Andtheintroductionofinnovativeinteractive

practicescanbegintochangethecultureofinteractionintheparticipatorysphere,

counteringthereproductionofoldhierarchiesandexclusions,andenablingagreater

diversityofvoicestobeheard.

Yetatthesametime,itisevidentthatsomeactorsinevitablyarriveatthetablewith

ideas,impressionsandknowledgethatnoamountoffacilitationordeliberationcan

budgetoexpectanylessistoprofoundlydepoliticisetheprocessofdeliberation,aswell

astoshuntpreferences,beliefsandalliancesthatarebytheirverynaturepoliticaloutof

theframe.Thosewhohavesomeresourcesforexample,linkswiththepartypolitical

systemorpowerfulpatronsstandbetterplacedtoexpandtheirchancesofaccessto
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theseforumstoadvancetheirownagendas.Affiliationtoothersocietallyproduced

meansoforganisingcollectiveinterests,whethermassbasedpopularmovementsor

formalpoliticalparties,areneversimplyleftatthedoorwhenpeoplecometo

deliberate,asCornwall's,Rodgers',andBarnes'studiesshow.Entendendoo

politicsofthesespacesrequirescloserattentiontopoliticalnetworksthatspanthestate,

participatoryandpublicspheres,andtotheimplicationsofthearticulationstheymake

possvel.

VonLieresandKahane'sstudyofanationalleveldeliberativeprocessinCanadaraises

afurtherquestion:towhatextentaretherulesofthegameadoptedtofacilitateinclusive

deliberationculturalartefactsandhowdotheyimplicitlyexcludeotherculturally

definedwaysofthinkingaboutrepresentation?TheRomanowCommission'sreviewof

Pgina25

Canada'shealthcaresystemfailed,theycontend,totakeseriouslyenoughhow

marginalizationmaybeperpetuatedindeliberativespaces.Byenlistingcitizensas

individuals,thedialoguefailedtogiveAboriginalpeoplesufficientopportunityfor

voice,preciselybecausetheindividualisticpremisesofthemethodusedclashedwith

indigenousformsofgroupbasedrepresentationthatworksthroughaffiliation.Deles

analysishighlightsthesignificanceofresponsivenesstoculturallylocatedformsof

organization,representationanddeliberation,aswellastheimportanceofthecreation

ofspacesforwhattheycall'affiliated'marginalisedcitizens.

JaneMansbridgesuggeststhatin'communicativesettingsofdistrust,uncrystallised

interestsandhistoricallydenigratedstatus'(2000:99),descriptiverepresentationthe

representationofasocialgroupbythosefromthatsocialgroupwhospeakasaswellas
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forthatgroupisnecessaryifsubstantiveattentionistobegiventotheissuesthataffect

thisgroup.ItispreciselythiskindofsettingthatWilliams'accountaddresses,andhe

highlightsaseriesoffactorsthatconspiretoexcludeBlackparticipantsfrombeingable

toengageina'politicsofpresence':alackofassociationsthatcanputforwardBlack

interests,amismatchbetweenmechanismsforenlistmentandformsofcommunication

thatwouldreachBlackcitizens,historicaldominationofsimilarinstitutionsbymiddle

classwhitesoftenofthedogoodervariety,whoseconcernfor'poorBlackpeople'

eclipsesBlackcitizens'capacitytorepresenttheirowninterestsandneedsand

internaliseddisprivilege,withentailmentsintermsofselfconfidenceandcapacityto

associateandvoicedemands.AsPhillips(1995)argues,a'politicsofpresence'offers

Pgina26

boththesymbolicvalueofvisibilityandthepossibilityofmorevigorousadvocacyof

theinterestsofotherwiseexcludedgroups.Inthissetting,Williamscontends,itis

preciselythiswhichisneeded.

InacritiqueofHabermas'(1984)notionofthepublicsphere,Fraserarguesthat

marginalizedgroupsmayfindgreateropportunitiesforexercisingvoicethrough

creatingtheirownspaces,whichsheterms'subalterncounterpublics'.Shesuggeststhat

thesespaceshave'adualcharacter.Ontheonehand,theyfunctionasspacesof

withdrawalandregroupmentontheotherhand,theyalsofunctionasbasesand

traininggroupsforagitationalactivitiesdirectedtowardwiderpublics'(1992:124).

Mansbridge(2000)highlightsanotherdimensionofsuchspaces:as'laboratoriesofself

interest'theycanenablehistoricallymarginalisedgroupstobuildpositions,constructa

politicsofengagementandgaingreaterlegitimacytovoicedemandswithin
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participatorysphereinstitutions.Suchspacescancometoserveapoliticsof

transformationbygivingpreviouslyexcludedgroupsthetimeandopportunityto

constructtheirpoliticalpreferencesandexpresstheirconcernsforthemselves.Elespodem

alsoprovideanarenaformakingdemandsandconcernslegibletothestate.

Mobilizationcreatesnotonlyasharedlanguage,butalsoopportunitiesforpolitical

apprenticeshipandtheconditionsunderwhichnewleaderscanemerge.Whileinmany

ofourcases,itisactivistNGOswhohavetakentheleadincreatingthesespaces.Butas

Mohanty,BarnesandCornwallemphasise,thestatehasacrucialroletoplayin

redressingsocietaldiscriminationandactivelysupportinginclusionofmarginalised

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groupsinpoliticalarenasofallkinds(Young2000).AsHeller(2001)argues,closer

attentionneedstobepaidtosynergiesbetweensocialmovementsandstatesupported

politicalprojectsinfosteringthesubstantiveparticipationofsubalternactors.

EngagingtheState

Greaterattentionhasbeengiveninworkonparticipatorysphereinstitutionstosocial

actorsthantothestateactorswhosecommittedinvolvementissodecisivefortheir

success(Abers2001Fox1996Heller2001).Mahmud'scasestudyofcitizenmobilization

intheabsenceofengagedstateactorsshowscriticallimitationstoachievingchangesin

healthdeliveryifthosewhoplananddeliverservicesarenotpartofthediscussion,and

thesignificanceofrecognitionandinstitutionalsupportbythestatefortheviabilityof

participatoryinstitutions.Coelhohighlightsthesignificanceofpublicofficials'

commitmentasacofactorinproducingsuccessfulandinclusiveparticipatoryfora.

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Barnesdetailswhatsuchactorscontributetomakingparticipationmeaningful.Mas
surprisinglylittleisknownaboutwhatdrivestheseactorstodefendsocialparticipation

asapoliticalproject.Whatisitthatmotivatesstateofficialstoparticipateandtofollow

throughdecisionsarrivedatinthesespaces?Whatmakesbureaucratsamenabletowhat

canendupbeinglongandconvoluteddeliberativeprocesses,ratherthanresortingto

quickerandmoreauthoritariandecisionmakingprocesses?Whatincentivesmotivate

themtoinvestincreatingamoreenablingenvironmentandactintheinterestsofpoorer

andmoremarginalisedcitizens?Andwhatdotheygetoutofparticipatinginthe

participatorysphere?

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Thecommitmentofpoliticiansandbureaucratstoparticipatorygovernanceneedstobe

analysedagainstabackdropofacomplexconjunctionofvariables.Theseincludethe

valuesandpartypoliticalaffiliationsoftheseactors,attemptstoinfluenceandgain

informationaboutpublicopinion,andthestructureofopportunitiesdefinedbythe

politicalsystem(SkocpolandFiorina1999).Wherepreferencesareunstable,itmaybe

expedienttopoliticianstoseekmeansofsecuringopportunitiestoinfluenceaswellas

respondtotheconcernsoftheelectorate.Participatorysphereinstitutionsmayoffer

suchanopportunityiftheyarewellgroundedinrelationshipswithbroader

constituenciesandcommunitiesitmaywellbeinpoliticians'intereststoseekto

enhancetheirviability(Heller2001Mansbridge2003).Assuch,theyformonewayof

discoveringwhatinfluenceselectoralpreferencesalongsideinstrumentssuchas

opinionpollsorfocusgroups.

Yetanostensiblecommitmenttoparticipatorygovernancecaninitselfalsopaypolitical

Dividendos.Politiciansandseniorbureaucratscanadoptthemantleofparticipationto
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givethemselvesdistinctivepublicidentitiesaschampionsforthecauseofopenand

accountablegovernment.InBrazil,forexample,claimstobepromotingpopular

participationappearonmanyamunicipalgovernmentlogo,andhavebeentheleftist

Workers'Party'sbadgeofrespectabilityaswellas,arguably,afactorintheirelectoral

successinthepast.Politiciansmayseeknewalliesinparticipatoryarenas,whether

againstotherpoliticiansortocontrolthebureaucracyinturn,participatorybureaucrats

mayseeksimilarkindsofalliances,whetheragainstelitistpoliticiansandbureaucratsor

Pgina29

togainsupportandlegitimacy.Participationasapoliticalprojectcanbeseen,then,asa

strategythatseekstocultivateallies,strengthennetworksandgainvotes.

'Championsofchange'withinbureaucraciesplayacrucialroleincreatingand

resourcingspacesforchange,andassuchbecomealliesforsocialmovementsandcivil

society(Fox1996).Indeed,statesupportandrecognitionisneededifthesespacesareto

functionatall,asMahmudpointsout.Infrastructuralsupport,fundingforpublic

events,andfortrainingandtransporttocarryoutconsultationsorinspectfacilitiesare

tangiblemeasuresofcommitmenttheyarealsoessentialfortheveryviabilityofthese

Instituies.Butthereareotherdimensionstoconstructivestateengagement.AsBarnes

suggests,thismaybeasmuchaboutredressingdisciplinarytendencies,valuingdiverse

formsofdialogueandexpressionandmodifyingtheofficialnormsandrulesthatoften

cometodominateparticipatorysphereinstitutionsasaboutofferingcitizens

opportunitiestoparticipate.Thepersonalandpoliticalcommitmentofstateofficialsto

theparticipatoryprojectnotonlymakesthissupportandengagementpossible,italso

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contributestotheirwillingnessandcapacitytoberesponsive.Cornwallshowshowa
complexmeshofideology,partypoliticalaffiliationsandpersonalandprofessional

biasesappearinBrazilianbureaucrats'andhealthworkers'accountsoftheirroleina

municipalhealthcouncil.Shearguesthattoseethesespacespurelyintermsoftheir

citizenparticipantsistomissanimportantdimensionoftheirdemocratizingeffects.

Thepoliticsofinclusionbythestateinvitesfurthercomplexities.VonLieresargues,for

SouthAfrica,thatinapoliticalcontextthatfeaturesprevailingexpectationsofthenon

Pgina30

bindingnessofpublicdeliberation,ahistoryofdistrustandmanipulation,alackof

viablesocialmobilizationtoarticulatedemands,andresidualauthoritarianand

paternalisttendenciesintheconductofstateofficials,participatoryarenasmaysimply

reinforcerelationsofpowerpatternedbyexperiencesinotherinstitutionalspaces,rather

thancreateviablearenasfordemocratization.Itmaywellbethatitisintheseother

spacessuchasthoseofoppositionalsocialmovementsandpopularprotestthatthose

whoaresilentfindtheirpoliticalagency,developtheirskillsandnourishtheirpassion

forengagement(cf.Mouffe2002).Yetinbridgingthesearenasandthoseofthe

participatorysphere,theremaybemuchatstake.Dryzek(1996)arguesthatthatthe

priceofinclusionmaybehighforgroupswhoseagendasdivergesosignificantlyfrom

stateprioritiesthatentryriskscooptionanddemoralisation.Forsomegroups,andfor

someissues,investmentinengagementwiththestatemayfailtopayoffasenergiesare

divertedintobackwatersthatdetractfromlargerpoliticalstruggles(Taylor1998).

Barnes'analysisofthetransformationofaninstitutioninitiatedbycitizensintheUK

intoagovernmentsponsoredforumdemonstratesoneofthemostevident

consequences:alossofsocialenergyasseepingbureaucratizationkillsoffspontaneity

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andcreativity,leavingsuchaninstitutionapaleshellofitsformerself.

VonLieres'accountoftheSouthAfricanTreatmentActionCampaignshowshow

engagementatmultipleinterfaceswiththestatefromthecourtsandthestreetstothe

clinicmayoffergreaterprospectsforextendingtheboundariesofthepolitical(Melucci

1996).Itis,sheargues,intheircapacitytointermediate,toworkacrossarenaswitha

Pgina31

politicsofidentificationthatbringstogetheradiversespectrumofinterestgroups,that

theirefficacylies.AstheTACcaseshows,strategicparticipationmaycometodepend

ontheexerciseofagencyoutsidetheparticipatoryarena,toleverpressureforchange

(Cortez2004).Barnes'accounthighlightsthesignificanceoftheconstructionand

mobilizationofan'oppositionalconsciousness'throughthiskindofmobilizationasa

meansofanimatingparticipation(cf.Mouffe2002).But,asshepointsout,thisinitself

posesnewchallengesforstateactors,includingtheneedforskillsforcreativeconflict

managementneededtoworkconstructivelywithoppositionalpositionswithout

dousingtheirpassion,andforacknowledgingapluralityofdiscursivestyles,rather

thantryingtomanagevoicesinto'acceptable'versions.Intermediationisrequiredwithin

aswellasacrosssitesforengagementifparticipationistoproducebettermutual

understandingbetweenthediversityofactorswithintheparticipatorysphere.

Concluso

Thenormativeexpectationsofdeliberativeandparticipatorydemocracyfindweak

supportinthefindingsofthestudiesofeverydayexperiencesofparticipatory

governanceinthisbook.Butdespiteconsiderableshortcomings,thecasespresented

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heregivesomecauseforoptimism.Theirveryordinarinesstellsotherstories:of

incrementalchange,ofagrowingsenseofentitlementtoparticipate,ofslowbutreal

shiftsinpoliticalagency.Theyrevealglimpsesofhowopeninguppreviously

inaccessibledecisionmakingprocessestopublicengagementcanstimulatethecreation

Pgina32

ofnewpoliticalsubjectsaswellasnewsubjectivitiesand,withit,deependemocracy

alongallthreeofDryzek'saxes.

Whatdoesittakeforparticipationintheparticipatoryspheretoofferrealprospectsfor

changeinthestatusquoforhistoricallymarginalisedsocialgroups?Coelhoshowshere

howitistheconjunctionofenablingpoliciesandlegalframeworks,committedand

responsivebureaucrats,wellcoordinated,articulatesocialactorsandinclusive

institutionaldesignsthatproducesgreaterdiversityamongstrepresentatives,thus

expandingaccessifnotinfluenceofhistoricallymarginalisedgroups.Yettheseco

factorsdonotadduptoaonesizefitsallrecipe.Contextmatters.Inmanyofthecases

inthisbook,anumberofthesefactorsarestrikingintheirabsence.Incontextssuchas

BangladeshandAngola,ineffective,underresourcedandcorruptstatestructures

fracturethepossibilitiesforresponsiveness.IncontextsliketheUK,India,SouthAfrica

andBrazilwherethestateisrelativelystrong,afearoflettinggoofcontrol,highlevels

ofbureaucratizationandembeddedaspectsofpoliticalcultureprovidepotentobstacles

totheparticipationoftraditionallyexcludedcitizens.

Thesecontrastsurgeformoreattentiontobepaidtothecontingenciesofpolitical

cultura.Theyunderlinetheneedforanyanalysisofparticipationtobesetwithinthe

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historiesofstatesocietyrelationsthathaveshapedtheconfigurationsandcontestations

ofthepresent.Politicalhistoriesandculturesofstruggleasofsubjugation,of

authoritarianruleasofpoliticalapathymayembeddispositionsinstateandsocietal

actorsthatarecarriedintospacesforparticipation.Thesemaymakeallianceswithstate

Pgina33

actorsorformsofcollaborationdifficulttorealise,especiallyforgroupswhoserightto

participateatallhasbeenpersistentlydeniedinthepast.Changingpoliticalculturecalls

forchanges'onbothsidesoftheequation'(Gaventa2004).Gaventa'sequation

highlightsthemutuallyconstitutiverelationshipbetweenstateresponsivenessand

citizenmobilization.Contextualfactorsmodifythepossibilitiesofthisrelationship.

Wherestatecapacityisattenuatedbyunderresourcing,corruptionorplain

ineffectiveness,citizensmaymobilisetoprovideforthemselveswhereculturesof

paternalism,patrimonialismorauthoritarianismpersist,somecitizensmaygear

themselvesupforafightbutothersmayneverenterthefray.Whatanumberofthe

casesinthisbookshowisthatinsuchcontexts,theintroductionofnewpolitical

practices,newspacesforthearticulationofconcernsandinterests,andnew

opportunitiesforpoliticalapprenticeshipcanbeginaprocessofchangethatmayhave

broaderrippleeffects.Theypointtoshiftsthathavebeguntoreconfiguredemocratic

noivado.

Theroutinizationofdiscussionaboutpublicpoliciesintheparticipatoryspherehas

successfullyservedtobroadendebatebeyondmoreclosedtechnicalandpoliticalspaces,

asCoelho,vonLieresandKahane,RoqueandShankland,Barnes,andRodgersshow.

Certainconditionsamplifypossibilitiesforchange:mobilisedcollectiveactors(Castello

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etal.vonLieresRodgersCornwall)stateactorsinterestedinbuildinglongerterm
allianceswithcivilsociety(CoelhoBarnesCornwall)institutionaldesign

characteristicsthatcontributetoreducingasymmetricdistributionofresourcesamong

Pgina34

participants(CoelhovonLieresandKahane)andopportunitiestoinfluenceresource

allocationaswellastheshapeofpublicpolicies(RodgersBarnes).Ourcasesalsoshow

thatother,morecontingent,factorscanalterthebalanceofpower.Thesemaybe

unintendedconsequences,suchasthe'mutations'describedbyRoqueandShanklandor

theprocessesofpoliticizationthataccompanyresourcenegotiationsanalysedby

Rodgers,whoseneteffectsare'unexpecteddemocratization'.Ortheymaybethesubtle

shiftsthatnewdiscoursesofrights,socialjusticeandcitizenshipcreateastheycirculate

throughnetworksthatsupportdifferentsocialactorsandexpandtheirinterpretiveand

politicalhorizons.

Participatorysphereinstitutionscanbecome'schoolsforcitizenship'inthewordsofa

BrazilianactivistcitedbyCornwallinwhichthosewhoparticipatelearnnew

meaningsandpracticesofcitizenshipbyworkingtogether.Thesheerdiversityofactors

andpositionswithinthissphereofferopportunitiesfordevelopingan'expanded

understanding'(Arendt1958)thatallowspeopletoseebeyondtheirownimmediate

problemsorprofessionalbiases.AsRodgers,BarnesandCornwallobserve,participants

inthesespacesbringcommitmenttothemandtalkofgettinganenormousamountof

personalfulfilmentoutoftheirengagement.Interactionsinthisspherecanhelpchange

dispositionsamongstbureaucratsaswellascitizens,instillinggreaterrespect,and

enhancingtheirpropensitytolistenandcommitmenttorespond.Yetmuchdependson

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theopennessandcapacityofthestate.Whereentrenchedinequalitiesandthepostures
andpracticesofstateofficialsmutemarginalvoices,andwherelittlewillingnessor

Pgina35

capacityexiststoredresstheseinequalitiesandaddressthespecificconcernsofthese

groups,otherspacesoutsidethesearenasbecomeespeciallycritical:bothassitesin

whichtogainconfidenceandconsolidatepositions,butalsofromwhichtoactonother

partsofthestatethroughotherformsofpoliticalaction,includingstrategicnon

participation(Cortez2004).

Ourstudiesshowthatpervasiveinequalitiesinpowerandknowledgeandembedded

politicalculturesposeconsiderablechallengesforcreatinginclusivedeliberativefora.

Theysuggestthatevenincaseswherethereisconsiderablepoliticalwilltoensurethe

viabilityoftheseinstitutions,inequalitiesofpowerandknowledgeandembedded

technocracyaffecttheirdemocratizingprospects.Whatdotheytellusabouthowthese

inequalitiescanbeaddressedandhowmarginalisedgroupscanbecomemore

meaningfullyinvolved?Thefirststepistoguaranteeaplaceatthetableforsuchgroups,

throughrulesofengagementaswellasofselectionthatseektobroadenparticipation

beyondestablishedinterestgroups.This,inturn,requiresprocessesthatcanbuildthe

capabilitiesofmoremarginalisedactorstousetheirvoicesandthatextendcapacity

buildingeffortstostateofficials,asmuchtounlearnattitudesastoacquirethecapacity

tolistentocitizensandrecognisetheirrights.

Thechallengeforexpandingdemocracythroughtheparticipatoryspheremaybeless

theextenttowhichdemocraticinstitutionscanbringaboutchange,thanwhichchanges,

inwhomandinwhoseinterests.Aneverpresentdilemmaishowtoinsulatethesespaces

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fromcapturebynondemocraticelements,includingadministrationswhosimplyuse

Pgina36

themfortherapeuticorrubberstampingpurposes(Arnstein1971).Anotherishowto

guaranteetheirpoliticalefficacyandviability,andaddresssomeoftheveryreal

tensionsthatarisebetweenshorttermandlongtermsolutions,betweeninclusiveness

andeffectiveness,betweenstruggleandnegotiation.Theverynewnessofmanyofthese

institutions,theweaknessoftheirinstitutionaldesignsandthelimitedpurposesfor

whichsomeofthemwereoriginallycreatedhastendedtocreatefragileconnections,if

any,withtheformalarchitectureofgovernance.Thiscreatesanumberofproblems,

includingthedifficultyofensuringthedemocraticlegitimacyofdecisionsmadein

forumsthatbypasselectoralandparliamentarymechanismsofrepresentation(Dryzek

2001deVita2004).Ultimately,theextentthattheparticipatorysphereisableto

promotelegitimaterepresentationanddistributionaljusticemaydependnotmerelyon

howeachspacewithinitperforms,butonrelationshipswithotherinstitutionswithin

thepublicsphereandthestate.

Amplifyingthedemocraticpotentialandenhancingthedemocraticlegitimacyofthe

participatorysphere,thecasespresentedheresuggest,needtotakeplaceonthreefronts:

catalysingandsupportingprocessesofsocialmobilizationthroughwhichmarginalised

groupscannurturenewleaders,enhancetheirpoliticalagencyandseekrepresentation

inthesearenasaswellasefficacyoutsidetheminstitutingmeasurestoaddress

exclusionaryelementswithintheinstitutionalstructureoftheparticipatorysphere,from

rulesofrepresentationtostrategiesthatfostermoreinclusivedeliberation,suchasthe

useoffacilitationandarticulatingparticipatorysphereinstitutionsmoreeffectively

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Pgina37

withothergovernanceinstitutions,providingthemwithresourcesaswellaswith

political'teeth'.Itiswithaddressingthesechallengesfortheory,aswellasforpractice

thatfuturedirectionsforparticipatorygovernancelie.

Agradecimentos

Wewouldliketothankthe'SpacesforChange'workinggroupoftheDevelopment

ResearchCentreonCitizenship,ParticipationandAccountability,andJohnGaventa,

DRCDirector,foralltheircontributionstotheideaspresentedinthischapter.Nosso

analysisbenefitedfromthecommentsofJohnGaventa,PeterHoutzager,DavidKahane,

RanjitaMohantyandIanScoones,towhomweareverygrateful.

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Notas

iWearegratefultoMarcusMeloforthispoint.

iiThegenealogyofwritingonparticipatorydemocracycanbetracedbacktoAristotle,andhasits
morerecentrootsintheworkofPateman(1970)andMacPherson(1973). Formatted:Not
Highlight
iiiIndeed,asDryzekpointsout,publicpolicyisnotindeterminateandthereare'certain

imperativesthatallstatessimplymustmeet'(2000:93).

ivTheterm'invitedspaces'originatesinjointworkwithKarenBrockandJohnGaventa(Brock,

CornwallandGaventa2001Cornwall2002Gaventa2004).

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