Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO
DOS DHESCA
ESTUDOS DE CASO PAD BRASIL
THE IMPACTS OF
MEGAPROJECTS AND
THE ESCR VIOLATIONS
CASE STUDIES PAD BRAZIL
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES
PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO
DOS DHESCA
ESTUDOS DE CASO PAD BRASIL*
THE IMPACTS OF
MEGAPROJECTS AND
THE ESCR VIOLATIONS
CASE STUDIES PAD BRAZIL*
* Sistematização de 3 Estudos de Caso realizados em 2008, por Organizações integrantes do PAD Brasil.
* Sistematization of 3 Case Studies developed in Brazil in 2008 by PAD Brazil member Organizations.
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS
E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA
ESTUDOS DE CASO PAD BRASIL
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SUMÁRIO
Apresentação .......................................................................................................... 7
PARTE 1
AGROCOMBUSTÍVEIS – QUESTÕES PARA O DEBATE POLÍTCO
E SOCIAL ................................................................................................................. 9
1. Introdução ............................................................................................................. 11
1.1. Fontes Energéticas e Organização Fundiária dos Agrocombustíveis no Brasil ......... 12
2. A soja ..................................................................................................................... 14
4. O financiamento .................................................................................................... 59
PARTE 3
A TRANSPOSIÇÃO DO RIO SÃO FRANCISCO – NOVOS CONTORNOS ........ 71
1. Introdução ............................................................................................................. 73
PART 1
AGROFUELS – ISSUES FOR A POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DEBATE ............... 111
PART 3
THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER – NEW OUTLINES173
5. The Human Right to Water and a New Water Culture ..................................... 188
10. The Struggle for the Resistance: Democracy Radicalization .......................... 203
7
planeta. Alguns efeitos destes projetos, como grandes barragens ou a disse-
minação de áreas de agronegócio, acabam por provocar a negação do que os
motivou: semear bem estar, trabalho e progresso. No seu lugar, colecionam-se
mazelas, como concentração de riqueza, aumento da desigualdade, desem-
prego e destruição irreparável do meio ambiente.
Assim, diante deste cenário, o PAD espera que os leitores e leitoras, a partir
do conhecimento do estágio de reflexão atual, possam aportar outros subsí-
dios e propostas para este debate, visando a consagração de um conceito de
desenvolvimento, mais justo, integral e verdadeiramente sustentável para o
nosso continente.
8
PARTE 1 AGROCOMBUSTÍVEIS –
QUESTÕES PARA O DEBATE
POLÍTCO E SOCIAL
José Carlos Alves Pereira
Coordenador do Setor de Migrações Sazonais da Pastoral dos Migrantes, Doutorando
em Sociologia no IFCH/UNICAMP.
E-mail: josecarlos.pereira31@gmail.com
9
1 INTRODUÇÃO
11
produzir. De acordo com o relatório Planeta Vivo 2006, da Rede WWF (2006),
o mundo consome anualmente 25% a mais de recursos naturais do que o
planeta pode produzir.
Com isto, meu intuito é colaborar para diminuição da lacuna política e social
nesse debate, apontando para os impactos destrutivos do modelo vigente
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | AGROCOMBUSTÍVEIS – QUESTÕES PARA O DEBATE POLÍTCO E SOCIAL
12
TABELA 1
Soja 21.219,1
Cana de açúcar 6.963,6
Madeira (Eucaliptos e pinus)1 5.560,2
Total 33.742,9
Fonte: Conab* 2007/2008
No espaço desse texto, não é possível fazer uma abordagem minuciosa sobre
a organização da produção de cada uma dessas matrizes energéticas refle-
tindo sobre seus impactos socioambientais, a posição e atuação dos atores
sociais envolvidos (Estado, empresários, instituições financeiras, trabalha-
dores e movimentos sociais). Nesse sentido, farei uma abordagem panorâ-
mica sobre sua organização, procurando destacar pontos comuns nos seus
impactos socioambientais. Na análise, privilegiarei a produção de cana de
açúcar que, comparativamente, é das três matrizes energéticas a que mais
cresce em área plantada, investimento financeiro e onde, ao lado da produção
de madeira, são mais recorrentes as violações dos direitos da pessoa humana
e degradação ambiental.
1 Não estão computados nesse número a quantidade de hectares de florestas nativas (cerrado e equatorial)
destruídas para a produção de carvão, celulose e papel, que também compõem esta matriz energética.
INTRODUÇÃO
* Conab – Companhia Nacional de Abastecimento – Órgão ligado ao Ministério da Agricultura, Pesca e Pecuária.
13
2 A SOJA
TABELA 2
14
MAPA 1
Boa parte da produção de soja, que antes era destinada à fabricação de óleo
de cozinha (ingrediente básico no cozimento de alimentos na cozinha brasi-
leira) e ração animal para engorda de aves e bovinos, agora passa a ser desti-
nada à produção de agrocombustíveis, e com isto diminui a produção de óleo
de cozinha, de carnes e de leite. A antiga lei da oferta e da demanda já nos
ensina, há tempos, que a escassa oferta desses produtos básicos da mesa
alimentar no mercado os encarece e os torna menos acessíveis à população
de baixa renda, expondo-a à situação de insegurança alimentar.
É possível afirmar que o modelo de produção no qual ela está baseada não se
apresenta como uma plataforma de desenvolvimento que viabiliza o equilíbrio
ambiental, o acesso a terra, à água, a segurança alimentar e a distribuição
eqüitativa de riquezas.
15
3 PINUS E EUCALIPTOS
TABELA 3
16
expropriação de terras camponesas no Vale do Jequitinhonha pela empresa
Acesita (Companhia produtora de aço inoxidável e energia) a partir de meados
da década de 1960 (Maria Aparecida M. Silva, 1999; Margarida Maria Moura,
1988); a ocupação de terras indígenas e expulsão de quilombolas na região
do Sapê do Norte, no Espírito Santo, também em meados da década de 1960
pela Aracruz Celulose (Daniel Silvestre, Maria Elena Rodriguez, 2007; Sérgio
Schlesinger, 2008; Celeste Ciccarone, 2006), e, mais recentemente, o avanço
sobre propriedades familiares na região Nordeste, no Mato Grosso, na região
Sul e na região Norte.
O estímulo aos grandes e médios produtores, bem como aos pequenos pro-
dutores de pinus e eucaliptos, está assentado no Plano Nacional de Florestas
– PNF – e consiste no mais importante programa de apoio e fomento à produ-
ção de florestas artificiais no Brasil. Ao promoverem a atuação dos pequenos
agricultores familiares como fornecedores de matéria-prima para as grandes
empresas de agrocombustíveis, empresários e governo redefinem os agro-
combustíveis como sendo “combustível social”.
Pelo Mapa 2 e pelas fotografias que se seguem, é possível ter uma noção das
extensões do monocultivo de eucaliptos no Alto Jequitinhonha.
17
MAPA 2
Minas Gerais em destaque no mapa do Brasil. Localização e extensão das terras plantadas com eucaliptos.
Fonte: http://www.ecolatina.com.br/pdf/anais/Workshop_Mudancas_Climaticas_Siderurgia/BenoitCarrier.pdf.
Acesso em 20 de fevereiro de 2008
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | AGROCOMBUSTÍVEIS – QUESTÕES PARA O DEBATE POLÍTCO E SOCIAL
Para concluir, é pertinente destacar que, embora não haja registros precisos,
sabe-se que em um dos elos do processamento dessa fonte de energia, mais
precisamente a produção de carvão vegetal, ocorre a utilização da força de tra-
balho infantil, e são recorrentes as situações de trabalho análogo à escravidão.
18
4 CANA DE AÇÚCAR
19
4.2. AVANÇO SOBRE A FRONTEIRA AGRÍCOLA
No caso do estado de São Paulo, dados do IEA – Instituto de Economia Agrí-
cola e da CATI3 – Coordenadoria de Assistência Técnica Integral (2008) confir-
mam estas estatísticas de expansão e concentração fundiária pela cana, ao
revelar que houve aumento da área plantada e da produtividade de cana de
açúcar entre as safras de 2005-2006 e 2006-2007. Nesta última safra de cana,
foram colhidas 327, 7 milhões de toneladas, o que superou em 15% a safra de
2006. No que se refere à produtividade, o crescimento da safra 2007 foi de
2,3%, e, em relação à expansão dos canaviais, estes engoliram 12,7% a mais
de terras do que em 2006. Já as terras cultivadas com feijão diminuíram cerca
de 13,5% em 2007, e sua produção ficou em apenas 77 mil toneladas frente
às 90 mil toneladas alcançadas em 2006.
20
MAPA 3
21
Nas pensões alugadas localizadas nas periferias das cidades, os trabalha-
dores são amontoados em grupos de 10, 15 pessoas em pequenas casas de
apenas cozinha e um quarto, ou cozinha e dois quartos sem as menores
possibilidades de manutenção higiênica do local. Além disso, são obrigados a
pagar, cada um, de 70,00 a 80,00 reais por mês. Isto é, o preço do aluguel é
cobrado por pessoa. Ou, na linguagem dos proprietários dos imóveis, o preço
é “por cabeça”5. Em visitas a trabalhadores alojados em pensões nos muni-
cípios de Rio das Pedras-SP, Cosmópolis-SP, Guariba-SP, Américo Brasiliense-
SP, Ibaté-SP, vários deles me informaram que mesmo crianças, a partir de um
mês de vida6, quando há no imóvel, são contabilizadas e cobradas individual-
mente aos pais pelos proprietários dos imóveis.
“Todo mundo tem que pagar. Eles cobram da gente é por cabeça.
Desde a criancinha pequena até a gente grande, tudo tem que pagar”
José Maria, trabalhador migrante, 29 anos,
proveniente do município de Codó-MA.
Isto faz com que muitos trabalhadores, necessitados de obter um salário que
dê para pagar suas despesas locais e remeter um pouco de dinheiro para a
família que ficou na região de origem, não só cumpram as metas de produtivi-
dade impostas pelas usinas, mas também as superem, chegando a cortar 25,
30, e até mesmo 59 toneladas de cana por dia de acordo com registros do
sindicato dos trabalhadores rurais de Cosmópolis e da própria usina (Usina
Ester) para quem o trabalhador Eduardo cortou a cana7.
5 A expressão “por cabeça” é muito usada por fazendeiros pecuaristas para se referir ao seu gado (bovinos,
eqüinos, caprinos). Aqui, curiosamente, os proprietários de pensões e quartos de aluguel usam a mesma
expressão para se referir aos trabalhadores cortadores de cana alojados em seus imóveis. Isto nos leva a
considerar, nesse caso, a degradação do humano nos planos físico biológico, moral e simbólico.
6 Há trabalhadores que trazem suas famílias nucleares (esposa e filhos) para o local de destino de sua migração.
7 Depoimento de Carlita da Costa – Presidente do Sindicato dos trabalhadores rurais assalariados de
Cosmópolis-SP.
22
Piora esta situação o fato de que muitas usinas diminuem seus investimentos
em EPIs. Outras – contrariando a Norma Regulamentativa 31 – NR318 – sequer
os fornecem, nem substituem ferramentas de trabalho já gastas como facão,
luvas e perneiras.
9 http://www.radioagencianp.com.br/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1461&Itemid=43
Acesso em abril de 2007
23
4.4. TRABALHO ESCRAVO DA REGIÃO DE FRONTEIRA AGRÍCOLA
À REGIÃO CENTRO-SUL
No seu Capítulo VI “Dos crimes contra a liberdade individual”, Seção I “Dos
crimes contra a liberdade pessoal”, o Código Penal10 Brasileiro, através da
Lei N° 10.803, de 11 de dezembro de 2003, que altera o art. 149 do Decreto –
Lei N° 2.848, de 7 de dezembro de 1940, estabelece penas para o crime nele
tipificado e indica as hipóteses nas quais se configura a condição análoga à
de escravo. Vejamos a redação do Artigo.
24
MPTE em pequenas, médias e grandes usinas que descumprem a legislação
trabalhista, expondo os cortadores de cana a condições insalubres de traba-
lho, degradantes e análogas a escravo.
Essa violação de direitos não ocorre apenas nas terras longínquas da região
Norte do Brasil. Em várias usinas do estado de São Paulo, como a Renascença,
a usina Nova América, unidades do Grupo Cosan em Igarapava-SP, o MPTE
flagrou situações em que os trabalhadores não recebiam EPIs, ou os recebiam
em precárias condições e inadequados ao uso 11. Na usina Renascença, os
trabalhadores que desejassem utilizar EPIs deviam comprá-los no armazém
da usina, fato que viola abruptamente o primeiro dispositivo do capítulo 11 da
Norma Regulamentativa 3112. A usina não fornecia os instrumentos de traba-
lho e estimulava os trabalhadores a comprá-los em seu próprio armazém.
Capítulo 11, sobre ferramentas manuais, observa: 31.11.1 O empregador deve disponibilizar, gratuitamente,
ferramentas adequadas ao trabalho e às características físicas do trabalhador, substituindo-as sempre que
necessário. (C = 131.202-2/I3).
25
5 REAÇÃO DOS TRABALHADORES
13 No seu capítulo 10 sobre a “Ergonomia”, a NR31 prescreve: 31.10.5 Todas as máquinas, equipamentos,
implementos, mobiliários e ferramentas devem proporcionar ao trabalhador condições de boa postura,
visualização, movimentação e operação. (C = 131.197-2//I3).
14 Esta doença é transmitida pelo contato com as fezes do “Triatoma infestans”, popularmente conhecido
como “Barbeiro”. Este inseto é hospedeiro, ou seja, portador do protozoário Trypanosoma cruzi que,
por sua vez, presente nas fezes do barbeiro, transmite a doença de chagas. Esta doença não implica,
necessariamente, na invalidez do seu portador para o trabalho. O trabalhador portador da doença de
Chagas fica impedido de desenvolver atividades que exigem maior esforço físico, como cortar cana,
carregar lenha, descarregar caminhão, ou toda e qualquer atividade apenas nos casos em que a doença
está em estágio bastante avançado. Nos casos em que o estágio da doença é primário, ela é curável,
bem como o trabalhador pode desenvolver atividades leves. Em estágio avançado da doença, o trabalhador
só deve desenvolver atividades físicas sob orientação médica.
26
• Por fim, os trabalhadores denunciaram que, a despeito de algumas me-
lhorias que as usinas têm feito nas condições de lazer (sala de tv e campo
de futebol) e alojamento, muitos de seus chefes fazem chantagens e
intimidações aos trabalhadores que desejam voltar para casa (região de
origem) no início de dezembro, ou que reivindicam melhores salários, EPIs
e alojamentos.
Primeiro, dizem que vão sortear uma moto, mas só para aqueles que não
faltarem mais nos últimos dias; Segundo, dizem que não vão cobrar este
mês de pensão, mas só para aqueles que não faltarem mais nos últimos
dias; Terceiro, dizem que se a turma trabalhar na folga acaba [a safra de
cana] mais cedo.
27
não agüentamos mais, perdemos a força física e estamos perdendo a
esperança. Já estamos pensando: será que o Governo tem parte na
Usina a ponto de querer só o lucro?
Não coloquei o meu nome, pois aqui quem reivindica tem seu contrato
cassado e o nome vai para a lista negra que a COSAN está fazendo
todos os anos.
A única coisa que queremos pedir é: NOS MANDE EMBORA, POIS NÃO
SOMOS ESCRAVOS!15
15 No manuscrito original esta frase está grafada assim mesmo, em caixa alta.
28
Mirandópolis é uma cidade quieta, mas tem policiamento reforçado.
Tem também dois presídios de segurança, dois presídios com regime
fechado e outros dois com regime semi-aberto. Ele disse que nós evitás-
semos de fazer bagunça na cidade. Entendi que para fazermos tudo que
a usina queria deveríamos agir como presidiários.
Depois de dez dias que eu estava trabalhando nessa usina, no outro dia
cedo, falei com a assistente social que eu queria ir embora. Mas, ela me
disse que era difícil de me liberar, pois eu tinha acabado de chegar.
Mas, eu não suportava mais ficar ali sendo vigiado 24 horas por dia,
trabalhando duro, comendo e dormindo mal. Sem falar no salário que
eles não informaram para a gente de quanto seria. Não suportei. Pedi
demissão. A usina não quis demitir. Então, larguei tudo lá e voltei. [...]
Trabalhador anônimo, Araçuaí-MG, 19 de abril de 2008
Ainda outro trabalhador migrante que cortou cana para a usina CUPIM, em
Campos dos Goytacazes, norte do Rio de Janeiro, denuncia:
29
6 AS AMEAÇAS E IMPACTOS
SOBRE O EQUILÍBRIO AMBIENTAL
30
As queimadas efetuadas para aumentar a produtividade do corte de cana,
além de agredir a saúde dos trabalhadores, atingem também a população das
cidades vizinhas aos canaviais, pois a fuligem da cana se espalha facilmente
pelo ar, que fica poluído por “hidrocarbonetos ou aromáticos contendo benzeno
e similares, muito prejudiciais à saúde”. (Zampernini, 1997; Allen et al., 2004;
Rocha & Franco, 2003; Oppenheimer et al., 2004, Apud SILVA, 2008, P. 10).
O relatório “Planeta Vivo 2008” da Rede WWF (2008) aponta que não havendo
uma reversão no modelo atual de consumo e diminuição do ritmo da degra-
dação ambiental, os recursos naturais da Terra podem entrar em colapso a
partir de 2030.
31
7 CONVERGÊNCIAS COM
BARRAGENS, TRANSPOSIÇÕES
DE RIOS E CRIMINALIZAÇÃO
DE MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS
32
diametralmente opostos às propostas de reforma agrária e desenvolvimento
industrial baseados na criação de micro e médios pólos de desenvolvimento
nos quais as comunidades locais tenham pleno acesso aos processos de
decisão sobre a organização e distribuição da produção, em consonância com
suas características e necessidades locais.
33
8 ATORES SOCIAIS DA RESISTÊNCIA
AO ATUAL MODELO DE PRODUÇÃO
DE AGROCOMBUSTÍVEIS
34
8.3. A EXTENSÃO SOCIAL DE SUAS AÇÕES E PERSPECTIVAS
No caso dos agrocombustíveis a extensão social das ações desses atores
sociais passa pela viabilização a que trabalhadores possam fazer denúncias
individuais e coletivas sobre a violação de seus direitos, passando pela
cobrança junto a órgãos públicos como o MPTE e DRTs pela exigência de
fiscalização e punição sobre violadores de direitos; pela formação e capaci-
tação de lideranças que possam articular ações locais de reflexão e crítica
sobre o modelo de produção; pela divulgação do debate sobre agrocombus-
tíveis e Dhesca, pela pressão sobre governos e Estados para que viabilizem
condições sociais adequadas no processo de escolha e desenvolvimento de
modelos de produção ecologicamente sustentáveis e socialmente justos.
É assim que as ações de entidades do PAD Brasil, como a FASE, têm resultado
na elaboração de estudos e documentos analíticos, políticos e esclarecedores
sobre os usos e impactos sociais da biomassa como matriz energética;
que entidades como a CPT e a Pastoral dos Migrantes denunciam ocorrências
de mortes de trabalhadores por esgotamento físico no eito dos canaviais e
diversas situações em que os trabalhadores são expostos a condições análo-
gas à escravidão, em alojamentos e pensões precárias; que sindicatos como
o de Cosmópolis têm, juntamente com os trabalhadores, buscado formas de
controle da produção para evitar roubos e sobrecargas de trabalho; a forma-
ção de grupos de mulheres e jovens em diversas localidades das regiões de
origem de migrantes cortadores de cana que se associam para discutir as
condições de vida e trabalho dos seus esposos e filhos nos canaviais e
carvoarias, a implementação de espaços, como o Departamento Municipal de
Migrações de Itinga-MG que foi pensado, conquistado e dirigido por mulheres;
que o Fórum Social de Cultura e Paz de Piracicaba tem conseguido que o
MPTE e Delegacias Regionais apliquem TACs – Termos de Ajustamento de
Conduta – a usinas e donos de pensões que não cumprem os direitos traba-
lhistas, de habitação e alimentação adequada aos trabalhadores.
35
9 MODELO ALTERNATIVO:
MINI-USINAS DE
AGROCOMBUSTÍVEIS
36
As mini-usinas podem produzir diesel através de soja, mamona, girassol,
dendê. Também podem produzir etanol à base de cana de açúcar. Elas podem
ser implementadas por pequenos agricultores sem risco e concorrência com
a produção de alimentos. Podem ser implementadas em fazendas de 10, 20,
30, 40, 50 hectares.
37
TABELA 4
38
9.1. CONDIÇÕES TECNOLÓGICAS, SOCIAIS E ECONÔMICAS PARA
APLICAÇÃO DO MODELO
Já há tecnologias que permitem a instalação imediata das mini-usinas em
pequenas fazendas e assentamentos rurais. Nesse sentido, a técnica não se
constitui como um obstáculo a sua instalação.
39
10 CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS
40
desaparecer rios e lagos, bem como a biodiversidade da flora e da fauna.
Os riscos ambientais desse modelo se multiplicam ao considerarmos que os
monocultivos avançam em direção às regiões Centro Oeste e Norte, amea-
çando os ecossistemas do pantanal e da floresta amazônica, fundamentais
para o equilíbrio do planeta.
41
Sobre os modelos alternativos, apresentei o caso das mini-usinas e destila-
rias que, mesmo demandando pouca terra, são capazes de produzir de 100
a 40.000 litros de combustível por dia. Além disso, comprovadamente por
trabalhos científicos, são ambiental, econômica e socialmente mais eficazes
para gerar e distribuir riquezas e democratizar o acesso à biomassa como
matriz energética.
42
BIBLIOGRAFIA E DOCUMENTOS
CONSULTADOS SOBRE O TEMA
BISON, Nelson; PEREIRA, José C. Alves. (Orgs.) Agrocombustíveis, Solução? a vida por um fio
no eito dos canaviais. São Paulo: CCJ, 2008.
COMISSÃO PASTORAL DA TERRA; SIT; MPT. Campanha da CPT contra o trabalho Escravo –
Relatório Parcial. Rio de Janeiro. 03/10/2008.
43
CONAB – COMPANHIA NACIONAL DE ABASTECIMENTO. Mapas da Produção Agrícola.
Disponível em: http://www.conab.gov.br/conabweb/geotecnologia/sigabrasil/
mapa_producao_agricola/cana.jpg. Acesso em 24 de outubro de 2008.
FACCIOLI, Inês; BISON, Nelson. Cortadores de Cana mortos no setor canavieiro paulista.
In: SERVIÇO PASTORAL DOS MIGRANTES (Org.) Agrocombustíveis, solução?
A vida por um fio no eito dos canaviais. São Paulo: CCJ, 2008.
FARGIGONE, J. et al. Land clearing and the biofuel carbon debt. Sciencexpress, fevereiro
de 2008.
NOVAES, José Roberto Pereira. Campeões de produtividade: dores e febres nos canaviais
paulistas. pp. 167-177. Estudos Avançados. 21 (59), São Paulo, 2007.
ORTIZ, Lúcia et al. Novos caminhos para o mesmo lugar: a falsa solução dos
agrocombustíveis. Porto Alegre: Núcleo de Amigos da Terra, 2008.
O ESTADO DE SÃO PAULO. Cana: em ritmo acelerado. São Paulo: O Estado de São Paulo,
21 de novembro de 2007. Suplemento Agrícola.
PEREIRA, José Carlos Alves. À Procura de viver bem: jovens rurais entre campo e cidade.
Campinas, 2007: IFCH-UNICAMP. Dissertação de mestrado.
RIGHELATO, R.; SPRCKLEN, D.V. Carbon mitigation by biofuels or by saving and restoring
forests? Science, 317: 902, 2007.
ROSILLO-CALLE, Frank; BAJAV, Sérgio V.; ROTHMAN, Harry (Orgs). José Dilcio Rocha
e Maria Paula (Trad.). O uso da biomassa para produção de energia na indústria
brasileira. Campinas: Unicamp, 2005.
SCHLESINGER, Sérgio. Lenha nova para a velha fornalha. Rio de Janeiro: FASE, 2008.
SILVA, Maria Aparecida de Moraes. Errantes do fim do século. São Paulo: UNESP, 1999.
44
SILVA, Maria Ap. de Morais. Agronegócio: a reinvenção da colônia. In: BISON, Nelson;
PEREIRA, José C. Alves. (Orgs.) Agrocombustíveis, Solução?: a vida por um fio
no eito dos canaviais. São Paulo: CCJ, 2008.
SILVESTRE, Daniel Silvestre; RODRIGUEZ, Maria Elena. Eucalipto, Aracruz Celulose e violações
Direitos Humanos. Rio de Janeiro: PAD Brasil, 2007.
WWF – World Wide Fund For Nature. Relatório Planeta Vivo – 2006. Suíça, Gland, 2006.
Disponível também em: http://assets.wwf.org.br/downloads/
wwf_brasil_planeta_vivo_2006.pdf. Acesso em 15 de abril de 2008.
WWF–World Wide Fund For Nature. Relatório Planeta Vivo – 2008. Suíça, Gland, 2008.
Disponível também em: http://www.wwf.org.br/informacoes/especiais/
relatorio_planeta_vivo_2008/index.cfm. Acesso em outubro de 2008.
45
DOCUMENTOS E DOCUMENTÁRIOS
NOVES, José Roberto Pereira; ALVES, Jose Francisco. Migrantes. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ;
São Carlos: UFSCar, 2007.
NOVES, José Roberto Pereira (Org.). Trabalho no agronegócio canavieiro – educação através
das imagens. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ, 2007.
NOVES, José Roberto Pereira (Org.). Trabalho infantil – educação através das imagens.
Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ, 2007.
NOVES, José Roberto Pereira. Quadra fechada. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ, 2004.
REPÓRTER BRASIL. Conexões sustentáveis São Paulo – Amazônia. Quem se beneficia com
a destruição da floresta? São Paulo, 2008.
46
PARTE 2 O COMPLEXO DO
RIO MADEIRA E A
VIOLAÇÃO DOS DIREITOS
HUMANOS ECONÔMICOS,
SOCIAIS, CULTURAIS
E AMBIENTAIS
Emanuel Pontes Meirelles
Assessor do Programa Controle Social da Associação de Desenvolvimento da Agroecologia
e Economia Solidária da Amazônia Ocidental – ADA AÇAÍ – Porto Velho – RO.
47
1 A LÓGICA DE DESENVOLVIMENTO
PREDATÓRIO NA AMAZÔNIA
49
Esse quadro revela a adesão ao mito do desenvolvimento que, na prática, não
trouxe melhoria à qualidade de vida das comunidades locais, produzindo po-
breza e desigualdade. A negação desses grupos como prioridade dos proje-
tos governamentais indica que, ao ignorar os valores de identidade e cultura
dessas populações, os modos de vida desses grupos étnicos, formadores de
nossa sociedade, são ameaçados de extinção. Da mesma forma, as calamida-
des ambientais produzidas ameaçam o legado da riqueza da biodiversidade
brasileira. Ao ignorar os saberes e modos de vida dos povos da Amazônia, o
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | O COMPLEXO DO RIO MADEIRA E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS ECONÔMICOS, SOCIAIS, CULTURAIS E AMBIENTAIS
50
2 O COMPLEXO DO RIO MADEIRA
51
as áreas do reservatório das hidrelétricas de Tucuruí – PA, Balbina – AM e
Samuel – RO. Os danos são irreversíveis por acarretarem penosas conseqüên-
cias sociais que envolvem comunidades ribeirinhas, indígenas, quilombolas,
extrativistas e urbanas. Entre esses impactos diretos estão, por exemplo, o
aumento da mortandade dos peixes, a destruição dos igarapés – um dos prin-
cipais locais de pesca dos ribeirinhos – a destruição da biodiversidade da
floresta e perda de terras férteis de roçado, pela inundação da várzea do rio
decorrente da construção das barragens. A implantação dessas barragens
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | O COMPLEXO DO RIO MADEIRA E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS ECONÔMICOS, SOCIAIS, CULTURAIS E AMBIENTAIS
Em maior escala, o represamento dos rios agrava o efeito estufa, pela produ-
ção de gás carbônico quanto maior a concentração de água, maior a concen-
tração de materiais em decomposição e gases nocivos à camada de ozônio.
O primeiro estudo acerca do CRM, realizado por Furnas Centrais Elétricas, foi
apresentado em 2003. Em 2004, foi assinado um Termo de Referência do
Projeto com o IBAMA para a realização dos Estudos de Impacto Ambiental,
de responsabilidade de Furnas e Odebrecht. Em março de 2007, devido às
muitas falhas de diagnóstico, prevenção de impactos e descumprimento do
termo de referência, o IBAMA negou viabilidade ambiental ao empreendi-
mento, conforme seu parecer técnico 14/2007:
2 Nota técnica 071/2007, 4ª Câmara da Procuradoria da República – Meio Ambiente e Patrimônio Cultural.
52
Tais fatos foram objetos de questionamento judicial e de denúncia interna-
cional na Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos3, ainda sem aprecia-
ção de mérito. Mesmo sob forte tensão social, com protestos de movimentos
brasileiros e bolivianos, denúncias de ilegalidades, inexistência de acordo com
os outros países da Bacia do Madeira, ausência de participação e consulta
às populações atingidas e falhas nos estudos de viabilidade ambiental, o Exe-
cutivo continuou avançando na proposta de construção das usinas e o leilão
da hidrelétrica de Santo Antonio realizou-se no dia 10 de dezembro de 2007,
saindo vitorioso o consórcio Furnas-Odebrecht, que já vinha à frente dos estu-
dos para o empreendimento.
cionais, que guardam uma relação própria com o rio Madeira, com a Floresta
3 Ação Civil Pública nº. 2006.41.00.004844-1 e denúncia internacional oferecida pelos movimentos bolivianos.
53
Amazônica e cuja ocupação e manejo dos bens naturais são essenciais para a
preservação da biodiversidade da região. São populações ribeirinhas, indígenas,
extrativistas, seringueiros e pequenos agricultores que serão atingidos no uso
dos seus territórios tradicionais pelas usinas de Santo Antônio e Jirau no rio
Madeira, comprometendo cultura, subsistência, rituais religiosos, práticas
medicinais, entre outros. Assim, representa um desrespeito do governo brasi-
leiro aos estatutos jurídicos de proteção dos povos indígenas e tradicionais,
como o são a Convenção 169 da OIT, a Declaração dos Povos Indígenas da
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | O COMPLEXO DO RIO MADEIRA E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS ECONÔMICOS, SOCIAIS, CULTURAIS E AMBIENTAIS
4 Relatos de moradores ribeirinhos da região da Comunidade de Santo Antônio, colhidos em reunião com
lideranças das comunidades locais.
54
tais informações, do mesmo modo que pouco sabem sobre a legislação
constitucional, infraconstitucional e tratados internacionais que respaldam
os direitos que intuitivamente conhecem e reivindicam. Além disso, as comu-
nidades desejam saber mais sobre o objeto e andamento dos processos judi-
ciais em curso que questionam a legalidade do licenciamento concedido ao
consórcio Mesa.5
5 Idem.
6 Recomendações formuladas pela Relatora Nacional para o Direito Humano ao Meio Ambiente da Plataforma
Dhesca Brasil, Marijane Lisboa, em abril de 2008.
7 Idem.
55
2. Realização de estudos de impacto ambiental em toda a bacia do rio Madeira,
em particular nos territórios boliviano e peruano, além dos demais estados
brasileiros circundantes (Acre, Amazonas e Mato Grosso), excluindo-se a
possibilidade de postergação das condicionantes para etapas posteriores;
10. Apuração de denúncias sobre abuso de poder contra pescadores por parte
de técnicos da SEDAM, através de abertura de processo administrativo e
punição dos responsáveis;
56
3 O MODELO DE POLÍTICA
ENERGÉTICA BRASILEIRA
4. Os esforços para mitigar os impactos das grandes barragens não são reco-
nhecidos ou são subestimados, e as medidas para prevenir ou reduzir seus
impactos frequentemente falham. Mesmo quando as pessoas são reco-
nhecidas como elegíveis para reassentamento, raramente têm seus modos
de vida restaurados. Existe um recorde similar assombroso de esforços
falidos para mitigar os impactos ambientais das grandes barragens;
57
6. Grandes reservatórios podem emitir grande quantidade de gases que
fazem aumentar o ‘efeito estufa’.
hídrico. As duas últimas fontes são viáveis em todo o país, sendo que os
Estados do Paraná, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul e Ceará têm grande
potencial de produção de energia eólica. Dentre as fontes alternativas de
geração de energia, de acordo com estudos, a energia solar tem maior custo
de implantação, maior custo de geração e menor capacidade de produção de
energia. Os estudos apontam ainda que a biomassa e as PCHs (Pequenas
Centrais Hidrelétricas) possuem menor custo de implantação e geração, e
maior capacidade de produção de energia.
58
4 O FINANCIAMENTO
59
Quanto aos projetos no Madeira
60
5 VIOLAÇÃO DO DIREITO
HUMANO À ÁGUA
O ideal do acesso à água como direito humano tem sido substituído cada vez
mais pela referência à água como bem de valor econômico, consolidando-se
um tratamento mercadológico sobre esse elemento essencial a qualquer forma
de vida, e contrariando os artigos 1° e 2° da Declaração Universal dos Direitos
da Água, proclamada em 1992 pelas Nações Unidas, que caracteriza a água
como “condição essencial à vida” e “patrimônio do planeta”.
61
6 VIOLAÇÃO DO DIREITO
HUMANO AO MEIO AMBIENTE
8 Política pública difere de política governamental – a primeira envolve participação dos diversos grupos
socais na sua formulação; a segunda é travada de modo fechado, em gabinetes;
62
7 SITUAÇÃO DAS FAMÍLIAS
AMEAÇADAS
QUADRO 1
1. Santo Antônio 48 29 19
2. Teotônio 60 26 34
3. Morrinhos 25 11 10
4. Trata Sério 5 3 2
5. Amazonas 25 9 16
6. Porto Seguro 54 5 2
7. Macacos 12 9 3
8. Ilha do Presídio 5 2 2
9. Ilha do Guilherme
(Boca da Jatuarana) 12 3 9
11. Jatuarana 7 4 3
63
QUADRO 1 (CONTINUAÇÃO)
64
Algumas questões específicas chamam a atenção. Considerando que o histó-
rico do processo de construção de hidrelétricas e deslocamento no Brasil não
tem sido nada benéfico para os atingidos por barragens, qual será o destino
da comunidade Cachoeira de Teotônio, que reside em terras da União? Mesmo
quando duas famílias disseram ter título, a grande maioria dos moradores não
o possui. Segundo o RIMA, Teotônio e Amazonas irão ser reassentados em
outro lugar de sua escolha. (FURNAS & ODEBRECHT & LEME, RIMA, 2005b,
pp. 57 a 58).
QUADRO 2
Santo Antonio 29 5 17 24 83
Ilha do Presídio 2 1 50 1 50
Engenho Velho 16 7 44 9 56
Trata Sério 3 2 67 1 33
Cachoeira dos Macacos 9 8 89 1 11
São Domingos 14 13 93 1 7
Amazonas 9 1 11 8 89
Boa Vista 4 4 100 0 0
Ilha Boca do Jatuarana 3 1 33 2 67
Jaturana 4 2 50 2 50
Nossa Sra Auxiliadora 15 9 60 6 40
Porto Seguro 5 2 40 3 60
Betel 13 4 31 9 69
Cachoeira de Teotônio 26 2 8 24 92
Morrinhos 11 5 45 6 55
Gleba do Jaci 13 10 77 3 23
Jaci Paraná 56 16 29 40 71
LiverPool 1 0 0 1 100
Joana DÁrc I 16 5 31 11 69
SITUAÇÃO DAS FAMÍLIAS AMEAÇADAS
65
O processo de deslocamento de famílias é muito complexo, uma vez que
envolve ampla gama de valores, desde a incerteza de melhoria de vida até a
perda do tempo de vida gasto na melhoria da localidade. Daí a necessidade
das empreiteiras realizarem uma ampla campanha de esclarecimento e expli-
cação sobre as características do empreendimento e o papel de cada loca-
lidade no processo.
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | O COMPLEXO DO RIO MADEIRA E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS ECONÔMICOS, SOCIAIS, CULTURAIS E AMBIENTAIS
QUADRO 3
ATIVIDADES PARA O SUSTENTO DA FAMÍLIA
Nº de serviços funcionalismo
Comunidade famílias agricultura pesca comércio gerais público outros
Santo Antonio 29 5 5 4 2 0 20
Ilha do Presídio 2 1 1 0 0 0 0
Engenho Velho 16 3 4 1 0 1 11
Trata Sério 3 3 2 0 0 0 0
Cachoeira dos Macacos 9 9 7 1 0 0 1
São Domingos 14 14 5 0 1 0 1
Amazonas 9 4 8 1 0 0 0
Boa Vista 4 4 0 0 0 0 1
Ilha Boca do Jatuarana 3 3 3 0 0 0 0
Jatuarana 4 4 3 0 0 0 1
Nossa Sra Auxiliadora 15 15 7 0 2 0 7
Porto Seguro 5 4 4 1 0 0 1
Betel 13 10 5 0 0 1 3
Cachoeira de Teotônio 26 7 20 9 0 1 2
Morrinhos 11 9 2 2 0 1 1
Gleba do Jaci 13 8 1 0 3 1 2
Jaci Paraná 56 16 32 6 9 10 21
Liverpool 1 1 0 0 0 0 0
Joana DÁrc I 16 13 2 1 0 0 3
Joana DÁrc II 6 6 1 0 0 0 3
Joana DÁrc III 7 5 1 0 0 1 2
Mutum Paraná 116 5 3 21 17 19 65
Abunã 39 5 3 3 9 11 16
Total 417 154 119 50 43 46 161
Fonte: Diagnóstico ADA AÇAÍ – 2008.
66
A atividade agrícola é praticamente para o consumo. Observe-se no quadro 3
a coluna de consumo ser superior à de venda. Contudo, excedentes da ativi-
dade são vendidos para melhorar a renda familiar. Isto se verifica na resposta
à pergunta sobre a finalidade da plantação em que a coluna “ambos”, consumo
e venda, tem a maior importância.
67
8 REAÇÃO DOS
MOVIMENTOS SOCIAIS
Iniciativas populares:
• Iniciativas sociais promovidas pelo Instituto Madeira Vivo (IMV), que orga-
nizou a Campanha Popular Rio Madeira Vivo;
• Carta da Iniciativa MAP (Madre de Dios, Acre e Pando) sobre o CRM, elabo-
rada durante o seu VII Fórum, em novembro de 2007, pedindo a suspensão
do licenciamento e solicitando respostas das trinta e três condicionantes
do Complexo do Madeira para o CONAMA através do FBOMS (Fórum
Brasileiro de Ongs e Movimentos Sociais para o Meio Ambiente).
Iniciativas jurídicas:
68
Iniciativas técnicas:
69
FONTES DE CONSULTA
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | O COMPLEXO DO RIO MADEIRA E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS ECONÔMICOS, SOCIAIS, CULTURAIS E AMBIENTAIS
Campanha “Na floresta tem Direito: justiça ambiental na Amazônia”, PAD, 2007.
Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB). Hidrelétricas no Rio Madeira: energia para
quê e para quem ?, 2007.
Núcleo Amigos da Terra Brasil. O maior tributário do rio Amazonas ameaçado, 2007.
70
PARTE 3 A TRANSPOSIÇÃO DO
RIO SÃO FRANCISCO –
NOVOS CONTORNOS *
S I S T E M AT I Z A Ç Ã O DE
“Por que é que a gente vai gastar tanto dinheiro abrindo um canal
de 700 mil quilômetros, enquanto tem gente morrendo de sede
em menos de 10 quilômetros?”
Toinho pescador
* Estudo de Caso de Violações no campo dos Direitos Humanos Econômicos, Sociais, Culturais e Ambientais
– PAD-NE
71
1 INTRODUÇÃO
Tudo isso, através de um rio... um rio que se chama Francisco; mas que bem
podia se chamar Liberdade.
73
Recentemente, esteve em cartaz no circuito nacional a produção cinemato-
gráfica “Ensaio sobre a Cegueira”, dirigida por Fernando Meirelles, com base
na obra do escritor português José Saramago. O livro, assim como o filme,
traz vários elementos para pensarmos sobre o processo de reprodução e pro-
dução de valores. O momento atual da sociedade na vida política, citadina,
urbana e rural, demonstra a crise de preceitos éticos, a perda da solidariedade
a reafirmação da lógica do individualismo de forma exacerbada e a promessa
de que não há uma ordem possível além do capital.
Na introdução de sua obra, o autor recorre à epígrafe que expressa bem esse
momento, “se podes olhar vê, se podes ver, repara”1. Muito mais que algo que
nos parece distante, mas não é. Ao contrário do que se pensa, a economia e a
política do país, os rumos e direções que o projeto de transposição aponta e a
ordem a que se propõe, fragilizam a lógica dos direitos humanos, o que nos
indica a necessidade de olhar para esta questão de forma global.
74
2 DE ONDE PARTIMOS:
A TRANSPOSIÇÃO DO
SÃO FRANCISCO E A
VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCAS
O projeto sobre a transposição das águas do Rio São Francisco é uma história
longa que remete ao período do Brasil colônia e, nos momentos de sucessivas
crises da seca no semi-árido nordestino, volta à cena do debate sempre com
grande polêmica.
Sem dúvida uma das maiores polêmicas deste governo a tese de que a trans-
posição do rio São Francisco resolverá um problema secular – a seca no semi-
árido nordestino – coloca no centro das discussões não apenas o modelo de
gestão dos recursos hídricos, mas o modelo de desenvolvimento desejado.
75
PAD/2007. Identificou-se a partir da missão do Projeto Relatores Nacionais/
Plataforma Brasileira Dhescas em 2006, pesquisa documental e bibliográfica
acerca do tema, a hipótese de que o Projeto de Transposição estava sendo
posto em execução sem as devidas consultas e apresentação do Relatório de
Impacto Ambiental – RIMA – junto à população das áreas de sua implemen-
tação, ou seja, a comunicação, a informação era um fator determinante para
compreender as múltiplas ações desse projeto na realidade local.
Por outro lado, todos são unânimes em defender a revitalização das bacias do
rio São Francisco, uma vez que suas condições atuais estão totalmente favorá-
veis à produção agrícola familiar, bem como a definição de uma política de convi-
vência com o semi-árido a partir de um modelo de desenvolvimento sustentável.
76
3 O MODELO DE
DESENVOLVIMENTO COMO
AVALIZADOR E INCENTIVADOR
DE MEGAPROJETOS
77
A transposição é a maior obra de engenharia que já foi proposta para o país.
Com 720Km de extensão dos canais artificiais no projeto, a obra tem o segun-
do maior volume de recursos das ações de infra-estrutura do Plano de Ace-
leração do Crescimento – PAC: R$ 6,6 bilhões até 2010, oriundos majorita-
riamente do BNDES, evidência explícita da prioridade que o segundo governo
Lula está dando aos investimentos produtivos e à infra-estrutura. Estima-se
que os recursos necessários poderão chegar a R$20 bilhões. Como estratégia
de enraizamento nacional da Iniciativa de Integração da Infra-Estrutura Regional
Sul-americana – IIRSA – um plano de integração assumido pelos 12 governos
sul-americanos e liderado pelo Brasil – o PAC reconfigura o Estado brasileiro,
hoje hegemonizado pelas grandes corporações do agronegócio e pelo siste-
ma financeiro, cuja estratégia é crescer a qualquer custo. Nessa estratégia,
há uma criminalização dos movimentos sociais, em vista dos focos de resis-
tência às obras do PAC, em várias partes do país, a exemplo da campanha
que vem sendo realizada pelo Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens –
MAB denunciando o modelo energético brasileiro, quem se beneficia com
ele e suas consequências tanto para o meio ambiente como para a maioria
da população.
Por outro lado, o rio está situado em uma região que apresenta especificidades,
mas que tem problemas comuns ao país cujas soluções devem ser buscadas
a partir de uma visão nacional de território. Nesse sentido, os impactos decor-
rentes dos grandes projetos previstos para fazerem uso da água do São
Francisco certamente terão reflexos em todo o país.
78
que ancestralmente as ocupam (ribeirinhas, pescadoras, quilombolas, indíge-
nas) não possuem documentação, o que configura uma disputa que opõe
povo versus grandes projetos. O território, sobretudo para as populações indí-
genas e quilombolas, é o espaço de morar, de viver e produzir; é o lugar dos
familiares, da cultura, do sustento, do sagrado, dos cemitérios, dos cultos.
Daí que, ao ser retirado o espaço desses povos, o que se destrói é não apenas
as comunidades enquanto coletivo, mas as pessoas e suas histórias.
Nesse sentido, falar da revitalização do rio é falar de rio e povo; das comuni-
dades e da conservação de seus territórios. É por isso que o discurso oficial
da revitalização não se aproxima do real, pois a revitalização do rio deveria
estar diretamente vinculada à conservação dos territórios das populações que
têm o rio como referência, como fonte de vida. É por isso que transposição
não combina com revitalização. O geógrafo baiano Milton Santos, para quem o
território seria o último ponto de resistência de um povo, dizia que “...enquanto
se tem o território, tem defesa; no momento em que perde o território, se está
entregue às feras”. Com a transposição, indígenas e quilombolas, em especial,
ficarão vulneráveis a todas as consequências dela advindas.” Estarão, de fato,
entregues às feras.
79
3.3. A TRANSPOSIÇÃO NÃO RESOLVE POR SI A QUESTÃO DA SECA, QUE TEM
CAUSAS MAIS PROFUNDAS, COMO A CONCENTRAÇÃO FUNDIÁRIA
E A SECULAR DOMINAÇÃO POLÍTICA. PELO CONTRÁRIO, ELA SOFISTICA
A INDÚSTRIA DA SECA E DIVERSIFICA SEUS BENEFICIÁRIOS
É sabido que a região Nordeste tem o maior índice de açudagem do mundo –
70 mil açudes construídos em um século e uma grande capacidade de arma-
zenar água. Estes açudes acumulam um potencial de cerca de 37 bilhões de m³,
considerado o maior volume represado em regiões semi-áridas do mundo.
Segundo especialistas, estes açudes têm capacidade de atender plenamente
as demandas regionais, mesmo nos períodos de seca extrema. Bastaria a cons-
trução de uma infra-estrutura integrada de acesso a essas águas. Ocorre que
os projetos para a região nunca foram pensados para dar conta dos graves
problemas sociais, ou seja, a política hidráulica da região nunca teve vínculo
com uma reforma hídrica nem agrária que viesse favorecer aquelas popula-
ções que precisam do acesso a essa água.
3 Parcerias Público-Privado (PPP’s) foram a forma encontrada pelo governo para ampliar os investimentos
nos serviços de água e saneamento. O Estado transfere a parceiros privados a execução de algumas
de suas atribuições na área de serviços de infra-estrutura, em troca da garantia de condições de
financiamento e segurança de remuneração aos parceiros privados. Instituições como o Banco Mundial são
entusiastas desse tipo de parceria, posto que aceleram a privatização da água no Brasil – sendo esta uma
recomendação já antiga desse banco, no sentido de que projetos vinculados à questão hídrica tenham
retorno econômico.
80
com financiamentos do Banco Mundial, deixando bem clara a opção preferen-
cial do governo por conceder mais poder à iniciativa privada e por continuar
privilegiando a relação com as instituições financeiras multilaterais.
81
milhares de municípios de todos os Estados do Nordeste, poderão entrar
em colapso hídrico se certas obras, basicamente adutoras, não começarem a
ser feitas agora.
82
4 OS USOS DAS ÁGUAS
DA TRANSPOSIÇÃO
No Ceará, a água da transposição terá vários usos: do rio São Francisco ela
cairá no açude Castanhão; dali segue para a bacia do baixo Jaguaribe, servindo
aos interesses da fruticultura irrigada; seguirá depois para o Canal da Integra-
ção e, de lá, para o distrito industrial e portuário do Pecém, onde se pretende
instalar uma siderúrgica, uma refinaria e três termelétricas, cujos efeitos de
poluição (do ar, da água e do solo) reverterão não só sobre as populações do
entorno mas sobre parte da economia da região do litoral oeste do Estado,
baseada no turismo desde os anos de 1990.
83
No caso da siderúrgica, a expectativa é de que ela atraia em torno de si um
pólo mecânico, uma fábrica de cal, uma fábrica de gases industriais e uma
fábrica de refratários e, para isso, só ela vai consumir um volume de água
correspondente à água que atende um município de 90 mil habitantes.
No Rio Grande do Norte, o destino das águas do São Francisco será primor-
dialmente a fruticultura para exportação. O estado possui a segunda maior
represa do nordeste (Armando Ribeiro Gonçalves), com cerca de 2,4 bi-
lhões de m3 que tem condições de abastecer toda a sua população nos
próximos 20 anos.
84
Mais de 100 cidades localizadas às margens do rio não têm sistema de trata-
mento de esgoto, despejando toda a sujeira no seu leito.
85
5 DIREITO HUMANO À ÁGUA
E UMA NOVA CULTURA DE ÁGUAS
Essa nova cultura surge para negar a atual cultura conservadora da água,
pautada na apropriação e comercialização da água e do meio ambiente, que
serve de instrumento para geração de lucro e manutenção no poder de uma
elite que cultiva e comercializa através da esfera política uma imagem estere-
otipada do nordeste – uma paisagem de chão seco, povoado por pessoas
86
esquálidas e gado sedento – que ajuda a perpetuar velhas e arcaicas políticas
e gerenciamento de recursos hídricos, onde técnicas perdulárias de irrigação
aliadas a práticas insustentáveis (uso de agrotóxicos), marcam o cenário,
assim como mega-empreendimentos, para servir a interesses de mercado.
Uma nova cultura da água olha para o semi-árido como lugar de pujança, vita-
lidade e potencialidade. Mesmo que a palavra semi-árido signifique árido pela
metade, a região pode ser sustentável por inteiro. A nova cultura defende
ações que apresentam saídas para quem vive no semi-árido que não seja o
êxodo rural. Alternativas que fazem do clima da região, clima de otimismo;
onde a chuva é guardada para uso da família nas cisternas; onde uma série
de tecnologias simples – algumas já implementadas – que vieram pelas mãos
e pela criatividade da sociedade civil disputam, no âmbito das tecnologias
apropriadas e apropriáveis, um projeto para o semi-árido, afirmando que o
nordeste tem água sim. Estas são hoje mais de 40 técnicas, viabilizadas pelas
organizações da sociedade que se articulam em torno da ASA – Articulação do
Semi-Árido: poços artesianos, barragens subterrâneas, mandalas, barragens
de pedra, cacimbões, poços artesanais, bomba popular, barreiro calçadão,
Programa 1 terra e 2 Águas (onde junto com a segunda água para produção,
deve vir também a terra), tratamento das águas salinizadas, dentre outras.
Todas essas alternativas à transposição se apresentam mais econômicas,
eficientes e com menores impactos ambientais.
87
6 A ÁGUA COMO MERCADORIA
88
Com a chegada das águas da transposição, a produção vai aumentar e,
junto com ela, os problemas de saúde, a contaminação das águas e a expul-
são de moradores/as.
Em virtude do alto custo financeiro para manter a obra – pois não é barato ter
a energia necessária para bombear água para altitudes que chegam a 300
metros e para distâncias de 750Km – as tarifas de água e luz vão ficar mais
caras para a população, pois para fazer a transposição é preciso construir 2
grandes Eixos: Norte e Leste e cerca de 14 Lotes. Além do que, os custos de
operação, manutenção e controle de qualidade da água são muito altos, em
função dos equipamentos que serão instalados, das estações de
bombeamento e de outra empresa que será criada para fazer a gestão dessa
água. Ou seja, a operação do sistema será privatizada. Some-se a isso o fato
de que ela vai passar a ser de controle federal.
89
dos serviços da água será, no mínimo, cinco a seis vezes maior do que o que
se cobra atualmente. A população das cidades é quem vai subsidiar os usos
econômicos da água como: a irrigação de frutas nobres, criação de camarão,
produção de aço, tudo destinado à exportação.
Projetos como estes não surgem de forma isolada, ou seja, para a sua implan-
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | A TRANSPOSIÇÃO DO RIO SÃO FRANCISCO – NOVOS CONTORNOS
Nos dois casos, governos, bancos, empresas e políticos têm interesses que
se complementam e se fortalecem com o “negócio” da transposição e do
complexo do Madeira. Os bancos lucram com os empréstimos a governos e
às empresas que irão construir a obra, fornecer os equipamentos necessários
e exportar o produto final para os países centrais. Os governos viabilizam seus
projetos de modernização conservadora e de inserção competitiva na globa-
lização. As empresas financiam as campanhas da maioria dos políticos e
depois cobram o apoio, através das licitações fraudulentas, e os políticos
acabam ganhando as eleições com esses recursos e com as promessas de
redenção da população pobre do semi-árido.
90
possibilidade de desenvolvimento das populações locais, nas palavras do
professor Hildebrando Soares, tal situação conforma o denominado “ocaso
do desenvolvimento”.
4 Consenso de Washington – acordo celebrado entre o FMI, Banco mundial e BID, no final de 1989,
em que políticas de ajuste estrutural passariam a ser condicionalidade para todos os empréstimos
na América Latina realizados por essas Instituições.
91
7 AS TRANSNACIONAIS
DO HIDRONEGÓCIO
92
Consórcio Lote/Consórcio/
Eixo Trecho Lote maior empresas menores Local
NORTE II B HIDROCONSULT Lote 05 – Encalso/Convap/ Jati/CE
Arvek/Record – ENGEVIX
Lote 06 – EIT/Delta/Getel – Missão
MAGNA Velha/CE
Lote 14 – Construcap/
Ferreira Guedes/Toniolo
Busnello/Ambiental –
MAUBERTEC
Lote 07 – Carioca/ Cajazeiras/PB
S.Apaulista/Serveng –
MAGNA
III e IV F ENGESOFT CE/PB/RN
LESTE V C TECHNE Exército Floresta/PE
Lote 09 – ENGER
Lote 10 Ibirim/PE
Lote 11 – OAS/Galvão
Barbosa Mello/Coesa –
TECNOSOLO
Lote 13 – Encalso/Convap/ Serra
Arvek/Record – DUCTOR Talhada/PE
D ECOPLAN Lote 12 – OAS/Galvão
Barbosa Mello/Coesa –
ECOPLAN
E
Fonte: Mapa “Projeto de Integração do Rio São Francisco com Bacias Hidrográficas do Nordeste
Setentrional” do Consórcio Logos Concremat/Ministério da Integração Nacional.
Além das empresas ganhadoras das licitações dos lotes na tabela acima,
temos nos Estados grandes transnacionais envolvidas com a efetivação do
projeto da transposição:
A Vale do Rio Doce – empresa privada global, com sede no Brasil. Ela é líder
na produção e diversificação de minério de ferro, carvão, alumínio, dentre
outros. Está envolvida com a instalação de uma usina siderúrgica, uma refinaria
93
e 3 termelétricas na área do Complexo Portuário do Pecém, no Ceará – uma
delas já com licença de instalação concedida – junto com o grupo MPX
Energias S.A, do mega-empresário Eike Batista, a Energias do Brasil (holding
do grupo Energias de Portugal) e com o BNDES. Para seu funcionamento, a
Termelétrica deverá usar carvão importado da Colômbia pela MPX.
94
8 A SITUAÇÃO DO PROJETO
95
visitantes o material de divulgação do projeto (mapas, cartilhas,DVD realizado
pelo Ministério), sem qualquer aprofundamento ou outras argumentações para
além do roteiro oficial.
No projeto, está previsto que o Eixo Norte levará água para o sertão de Pernam-
buco, Ceará, Paraíba e Rio Grande do Norte, abrangendo os lotes de 1 a 7.
Os lotes 1 e 2 serão concluídos até 30 de novembro de 2010; os lotes 3 a 7 só
deverão ser finalizados em novembro de 2011. Para este Eixo, o PAC prevê,
até 2010, R$ 2,89 bilhões. Segundo pesquisadores, somente os estados da
Paraíba, Rio Grande do Norte e Ceará, acumulam juntos nos seus reserva-
tórios 26 bilhões de m³, ou seja, 70% das águas reservadas no semi-árido;
11 vezes as águas da baía da Guanabara.
96
cristalino) foram realizados tão somente 10Km, não há por que continuar com
a obra pois, a se manter nesse ritmo, ela levará, no mínimo, 40 anos para ser
executada, servindo apenas para liberar as águas estocadas nos estados do
nordeste setentrional e para gerar mais lucros para construtoras e empreiteiras.
A SITUAÇÃO DO PROJETO
97
9 OS CONFLITOS CONSTITUCIONAIS
E JUDICIAIS
O caso da transposição das águas do rio São Francisco pode ser visto como
exemplo da subserviência da alta Corte de Justiça do nosso país a interesses
político-partidários e econômicos de um outro poder. O Supremo Tribunal
Federal, em todos os seus julgados (2005 e 2007), desconsidera a vida e o
meio ambiente, em função de gastos já realizados pelo governo. Com essa
compreensão, imediatista e venal, abdica de um dos mais valorosos princí-
pios do direito – o Princípio da Precaução – que exige cautela quanto à possi-
bilidade de danos irreversíveis. Menospreza os instrumentos legítimos de
participação popular e efetivação da democracia –Audiências Públicas e
Consultas Públicas – pondo em dúvida os interesses de diversos setores
da sociedade contrários à obra. Ele se destitui, por si mesmo, de sua função
precípua de garantidor da Justiça quando o direito é ferido por outro poder,
ou seja, quando a harmonia entre os Poderes da República é quebrada.
Assim, de guardião da Constituição Federal passa a subserviente da ordem
hegemônica vigente, quando avaliza uma política de desprezo e indiferença
para com a população do semi-árido.
98
ele foi aprovado sem terem sido analisados os impactos sobre a bacia desde
a sua nascente, em Minas Gerais.
99
Público Federal. Tratava-se de apreciar o pedido liminar, mas ainda não seria o
julgamento definitivo das ações. Através do voto da maioria dos ministros, o
STF autorizou a continuidade das obras, passando por cima da Constituição
Federal, desprezando os instrumentos mais legítimos de participação popular
e concretização da democracia.
100
10 A LUTA PELA RESISTÊNCIA:
RADICALIZAÇÃO DA DEMOCRACIA
Desta forma, a decisão do Comitê do São Francisco não está sendo cumprida,
pois as consultas públicas ocorreram com o mínimo de participação ao invés
de garantir debates mais amplos, necessários a um projeto tão complexo e
polêmico. Some-se a isso o fato de que políticos, técnicos e movimentos
sociais dos dois maiores estados doadores de água – Minas, 70%, e Bahia,
20%, também não foram ouvidos.
Além do desrespeito aos povos atingidos pela obra, outros fatos a este vêm
se juntar que tão somente corroboram para uma flagrante afronta ao estado
de direito e à democracia, tais como as lacunas nos EIA-RIMA, violação do
direito de comunidades tradicionais e indígenas e gasto exagerado do dinheiro
público.O mais grave, no entanto, é a total falta de legitimidade popular do
projeto, comprovada mediante as inúmeras manifestações contrárias dos povos
ribeirinhos e organizações populares do semi-árido brasileiro.
101
A decisão do STF, no final de 2005, de derrubar as liminares que mantinham o
licenciamento do projeto suspenso e a sua conseqüente retomada, quebra-
ram totalmente esse incipiente diálogo com o governo.
Através da Via Campesina têm sido realizados novos mutirões no Eixo Norte,
no Ceará e Rio Grande do Norte. Organizações da sociedade civil e pesquisa-
dores de outros países (Itália, Alemanha, França) têm visitado as obras da
transposição para contribuir na difusão da problemática dos recursos hídricos
na região, desde um âmbito mais geral.
No Ceará, foi constituída em 2005, a Frente Cearense Por uma Nova Cultu-
ra da Água e Contra a Transposição das Águas do Rio São Francisco, para
102
agregar as organizações da sociedade civil e movimentos em torno da luta
contra o projeto e disseminar o debate sobre uma nova cultura da água.
Foram realizadas atividades sobre o tema no II FSNE e no Forum Social
Brasileiro.O DVD sobre a transposição realizado pela Frente Cearense, com
tradução para o espanhol, tem sido divulgado em outros países através de
agências de cooperação internacionais e recentemente, com tradução para o
alemão, por iniciativa da Fundação Kobra, da Alemanha.
Por fim, toda a nossa resistência é baseada na crença de que ser contrário
à obra da transposição é afirmar uma nova cultura da água que significa acre-
ditar que as chaves para a construção de um nordeste viável e vibrante, do
ponto de vista econômico, ambiental, social e político passa por uma política
A LUTA PELA RESISTÊNCIA: RADICALIZAÇÃO DA DEMOCRACIA
103
11 O QUE VEM SENDO PRODUZIDO
SOBRE O TEMA
LIVROS
ALVES, João. Toda a verdade sobre a transposição. [s.n.t.].
Câmara dos Deputados (2005). Transposição do Rio São Francisco: mitos e realidade.
Org. João Alfredo: Departamento de Apoio Parlamentar – Coordenação de
Serviços Gráficos. Brasília-DF. Câmara dos Deputados: 52ª Legislatura – 3ª Sessão
Legislativa. Série Separatas de Discursos, pareceres e projetos – No. 428/2005.
COMISSÃO PASTORAL DA TERRA – CPT. Água: conquista da cidadania. Fortaleza, 1994. 19p.
FEITOSA, Sérgio Marcos. A Seca no Nordeste e a transposição do rio São Francisco. Recife:
Fonte Viva, 1995.
MONTENEGRO, João Alfredo de Sousa. Transposição do rio São Francisco: mitos e realidades.
Brasília: Câmara dos Deputados, 2006.
SAID, Magnólia; CASTRO, Gigi; DIAS, Debora; GONÇALVES, Adelaide. A Vida por um rio.
Fortaleza: Expressão Gráfica Editora, 2008. 96p.
104
SOUTO, Paulo. Transposição do rio São Francisco: um projeto sem sustentação.
Brasília, 2001. 26p.
Mugambi, J.N.K & Kebreab, G. (2006). Água potável para erradicar a pobreza. Norwegian
Church Aid (Ajuda da Igreja Norueguesa)
Moreira, G.:, Transposição do Rio São Francisco: um crime ambiental e social – março de 2008
Braga, B.(2004): Transposição de rio, questão política. Página do Ministério da Integração Nacional.
Ministério da Integração (2008): Projeto São Francisco: a realidade que une recursos hídricos
com geração de emprego e inclusão social
Cardoso, A.P. Judiciário descumpriu lei quando permitiu transposição. Revista Consultor
Jurídico, 16 de janeiro de 2008.
IBASE – TRANSPOSIÇÃO DO RIO SÃO FRANCISCO. Revista Democracia Viva, n. 27, jun-jul 2005.
RELATÓRIOS
ARTICULAÇÃO POPULAR PELA REVITALIZAÇÃO DO SÃO FRANCISCO. “Aceleração do
crescimento” na bacia do rio São Francisco: o traçado de conflitos e injustiças
sociais e ambientais. Relatório – Denúncia. Sobradinho, 2008.
CASTRO, Gigi. Relato viagem a Cabrobró (PE) e Sobradinho (BA) – Entrega prêmio Pax
Christi a Dom Luís Cappio e V Romaria das Águas 15 a 19 de outubro de 2008.
Fortaleza, 2008.
Relatório da Missão São Francisco (2006). Projeto Relatores Nacionais em Direitos Humanos,
Econômicos, Sociais, Culturais e Ambientais. Plataforma DHESC Brasil.
(versão preliminar).
PAD Reginal Nordeste (2006). Relatório do regional Nordeste do PAD – 2007. Coordenação
do Regional NE e Coordenação Nacional do PAD.
Relatório de Impacto Ambiental (RIMA) do Projeto de Transposição de Águas do Rio
São Francisco para o Nordeste Setentrional (2000). Projeto São Francisco Água
para Todos. Ministério da Integração Nacional: INPE/FUNCATE. Junho de 2000.
Transposição das águas do Rio São Francisco para o abastecimento do Nordeste semi-árido:
solução ou problema? Por: João Suassuna Engro. Agrônomo, pesquisador da
Fundação Joaquim Nabuco (FUNDAJ): artigo publicado pela FUNDAJ em
http://www.fundaj.gov.br/docs/tropico/desat/joao.html
105
ARTIGOS
Cadernos Manuelzão, v.1, n.1, jun. 2006
http://www.scribd.com/doc/90491/caderno-manuelzao
MENSAGEIRO. Rios são vida, pela vida vamos lutar. Belém, n.170, jul./ago. 2008.
Edição especial – A morte dos rios.
O SERTÃO vai virar mar?. Desafios do Desenvolvimento, ano 2, n.6, jan. 2005.
Aziz Ab’asber. A quem serve a transposição do São Francisco?. Artigo publicado em 2004,
pela Fundação Brasil Cidadão para a Educação, Cultura e Tecnologia.
Site: www.brasilcidadao.org.br/noticias.textos.asp?id=85
Camelo Filho, J.V. (2007): De Pedro de Alcântara a Luís Inácio: Transposição do Rio São Francisco:
O IMPACTO DOS GRANDES PROJETOS E A VIOLAÇÃO DOS DHESCA | A TRANSPOSIÇÃO DO RIO SÃO FRANCISCO – NOVOS CONTORNOS
CORDEL
OLIVEIRA, Rogaciano. Transposição do rio São Francisco: a quem interessa? Fortaleza, 2005.
FOLHETO
FRENTE CEARENSE POR UMA NOVA CULTURA DA ÁGUA CONTRA A TRANSPOSIÇÃO DO RIO
SÃO FRANCISCO. A Transposição das águas do rio São Francisco não vai matar
a sede de 12 milhões de pessoas!. Fortaleza, [2007].
Mutirão de entidades divulga carta sobre o rio São Francisco (2005). Carta da Lapa:mutirão
pela vida do rio São Francisco. www.cptnac.com.br/?system=news&action=
read&id=1406&eid=157
VÍDEOS
MINISTÉRIO DA INTEGRAÇÃO NACIONAL. Projeto São Francisco: resgatando a esperança
de 12 milhões de brasileiros. 15min. Color.
106
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS
AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS
CASE STUDIES PAD BRAZIL
FOREWORD
During its existence, PAD (Dialogue and Articulation Process) has stimulated
the reflection and the production of studies, always trying to enforce the Human
Rights capability to help in the construction process of fair and more sus-
tainable societies.
The works here presented intend exactly to foster this construction process
and, for that, the study of three cases focuses on large ongoing projects in
Brazil, the transposition of waters from the São Francisco river, the hydro-
electric dam in the Madeira river and yet the growth of the agrofuel sector.
In all these studies, we can have a closer understanding about history, con-
flicts, difficulties and setbacks, as well as the important role of the social move-
ments to rise the awareness on the side effects of the projects, not always
committed to the “modernization”.
The texts also make evident the breaches between the levels of speech and
practice. When the subject of Human Rights is brought to the cases of mega-
projects, many times the promises and words shadows the facts and the
practical actions. In these case studies it was possible to detect frightening
Human Rights violations, especially those related to the economic, social, cul-
tural and environmental rights, with heavy local impacts, which should not be
measured only in economic terms. These traditional economic and mercantile
perspectives to seize the social costs are not able to account the human and
dignity dimension, as a central value to growth and development policies.
109
These works want to rise the awareness about the kind of the ongoing deve-
lopment policies, still biased by a very traditional conception of economic
growth (developmentalism), but now wrapped under the modern label of
“sustainable development”, all respectful of Human Rights but, in the real
ground, still following the ancient receipt based on heavy exploitation of
natural and social resources. The most important awareness, perhaps, should
be now related to effort to implement, at last, the so-called change in the
development paradigm.
Considering all these points, the PAD hopes readers may contribute with new
insights and proposals to this debate, aiming to build a fair, wholly and truly
sustainable vision of development to the American continent.
110
PART 1
AGROFUELS – ISSUES
FOR A POLITICAL
AND SOCIAL DEBATE
José Carlos Alves Pereira
Coordinator of the Seasonal Migrations Division of Pastoral dos Migrantes,
Doctorate in Sociology from the IFCH/UNICAMP.
Email: josecarlos.pereira31@gmail.com
111
1 INTRODUCTION
However, in the political and social dimension there are gaps in the debates
on agrofuels made from biomass. There are recurring approaches to its tech-
nological and economic development, but very little is said about its negative
social and environmental impacts. These gaps contribute to negating its
potential ecological advantages and increase repeated violations of the
ESCEHRs – economic, social, cultural and environmental human rights of the
populations involved in and affected by their production.
Another aspect involves the national and international extent of the interest in
production and control of biomass, which points to an extra-territoriality that
includes not only the producing regions and countries, such as Latin America,
Central America, the USA and Africa, but also the continents that are depen-
dent on the energy generated, such as North America, Europe, and Asia, based
on the maintenance of their high standards of consumption.
Along these lines, where there is pressure from some of the effects of the
current development model for agrofuels, (such as concentration of lands,
environmental damage, and increased poverty, which may be more intense
in some countries,) the impacts of its production affect all of humanity both
environmentally and socially, insofar as the financing for it is multi-nationalized,
workers are attracted and environmental damage is done, keeping in mind
that the high standards of consumption remain the same in some countries.
It is worth pointing out that these high standards of consumption are reached
by lowering wages in poorer countries and by exploiting natural resources in
higher quantities and at faster speeds than the earth is able to produce them.
113
According to the Living Planet 2006 report, from the WWF Network (2006),
the world currently consumes 25% more natural resources than the planet is
able to produce.
In this text, focus will be given to reflection on the dynamic of the organization
and production of agrofuels in Brazil, highlighting their connections and inter-
faces with other social processes, such as dams and river diversions and
criminalization of social movements. From this perspective, emphasis will be
given to the fact that the organization and production of agrofuels is based on
a structural model of development that is extra-territorial and ecologically
unsustainable, based on its efficiency in blocking rights, concentrating wealth,
and increasing poverty.
Strictly speaking, soy, artificial forests and sugarcane will not in and of them-
selves be dealt with as problems; but, the social forms that sustain the pro-
duction of these energy sources and their socio-environmental impacts, such
as the scarcity of fresh water and violation of fundamental human rights such
as freedom, and deprival of the basic material condition of life.
By doing this, I intend to collaborate towards reducing the political and social
gap in this debate by pointing to the destructive impacts of the current model
and by shedding light on the forms of labor resistance and organization, of
social movements, of studies that show other alternatives for a development
model that is effectively articulated with environmental balance, equal distri-
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | AGROFUELS – ISSUES FOR A POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DEBATE
114
TABLE 1
Soy 21,219.1
Sugarcane 6,963.6
Wood (Eucalyptus and pine)1 5,560.2
Total 33,742.9
Source: Conab* 2007/2008
In the space of this text, it is not possible to take a detailed approach to the
organization of the production of each one of these energy sources, with
reflections on their socio-environmental impacts and the position and activity
of the social actors involved (the state, businesspeople, financial institutions,
workers, social movements). In this sense, a panoramic approach will be used
to look at their organization, in an effort to highlight some common factors in
their socio-environmental impacts. In this analysis, privilege will be given to
sugarcane production, which is, comparatively speaking among the three,
the one that has most grown in planted area and financial investments and
where, along with wood production, human rights violations and environmental
damage most occur.
1 The number of hectares of native forest (cerrado and equatorial forest) destroyed by the production of coal,
INTRODUCTION
cellulose and paper, which are not included in this energy matrix, are not calculated in these number.
* Conab – National Supply Company – Agency connected to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fish, and Livestock
115
2 SOY
Table 2 shows that the sources of financing for soy production in Brazil
include everything from public funds that come from the BNDES and from the
BB – Banco do Brasil, to private funding that comes from investment funds
and funds coming from international financial institutions such as the IDB –
Inter-American Development Bank.
TABLE 2
The Table above also shows the variation in the growth of planted area
between 2007 and 2008. It is worth noting that the regions with the greatest
encroachments of soy were, in descending order, the North, especially the
state of Roraima, the Northeast, especially in the state of Maranhão, and the
Central-West, especially in the state of Mato Grosso; all of these regions are
in the Legal Amazon and also contain cerrado biome. Below, Map 1 illustrates
what is discussed above.
116
MAP 1
A large part of the production of soy, which had been previously used to manu-
facture cooking oil (a basic ingredient used in Brazilian cooking) and animal
feed that was used to fatten poultry and cows, is now used to produce
agrofuels and because of this production of cooking oil, meats and milk has
fallen. The established law of supply and demand taught us long ago that
the scarcity of these basic staple products in the market makes them more
expensive and less affordable for the low-income population, placing them in
a situation of food insecurity.
It can be said that the production model on which this is based is not presented
as a platform for development that makes environmental balance, access to
land, water and food safety and equal distribution of wealth more viable.
117
3 PINE AND EUCALYPTUS
Pine and eucalyptus monocultures (artificial forests) for cellulose, paper and
charcoal production occupy large swaths of land in Minas Gerais, Sao Paulo,
Paraná, Santa Catarina, Bahia, Rio Grande do Sul, Mato Grosso do Sul, Espírito
Santo, Maranhão, Amapá, Goiás, and Mato Grosso. These forests are mainly
used to produce paper, cellulose and charcoal, with the first two being pro-
ducts sold in the domestic and on the international markets and the latter
(charcoal) being used as fuel in domestic and international steel mills in the
production of pig iron.
According to data from the ABRAF2 (2008), with the exception of the states of
Sao Paulo and Bahia, in every other state there was growth in the amount of
artificial forests from 2006-2007. In the first year these artificial forests occu-
pied 5,373,417 ha. In 2007, they covered 5,560,203 ha. In Table 3, we can see
their growth in the different regions of Brazil.
TABLE 3
As is the case with soy, artificial forests have expanded towards the North,
Central-West, and Northeast using financing from BNDES, the IDB, Banco do
Brasil, and private Investment Funds. Moreover, they are encroaching on
areas occupied by the Quilombolas, Indigenous peoples, and small farmers
who farm these lands to feed their own families and sell their excess crops
in the market. An emblematic case of this is the history of expropriation of
118
peasant lands in the Vale do Jequitinhonha by the Acesita company (a com-
pany producing stainless steel and energy), which started in the 1960s (Maria
Aparecida M. Silva, 1999; Margarida Maria Moura, 1988). The occupation of
Indigenous lands and expulsion of the Quilombolas in the region of Sapê do
Norte, in Espírito Santo, also took place in the 1960s but was perpetrated
by Aracruz Celulose (Daniel Silvestre, Maria Elena Rodriguez, 2007; Sérgio
Schlesinger, 2008; Celeste Ciccarone, 2006). More recently, there have been
advances made on family farms in the Northeast region, in Mato Grosso, in
the South, and in the North regions.
The stimulus for large and mid-sized producers, as well as small producers
of pine and eucalyptus, lies in the PNF – National Forests Plan and consists
of the most important program of support and stimulus for artificial forest
production in Brazil. By promoting the activities of small farmers as suppliers
of this raw material to large agrofuel businesses, businesspeople and the
government have redefined agrofuels as being “social fuel.”
Yet, looking at the effects of the growth of artificial forest, the eucalyptus
monoculture in the plateaus of the Vale do Jequitinhonha, in Minas Gerais,
is used by the paper, cellulose and charcoal agro-industry undertaken by
ACESITA which, in the 1970s, and with the permission of the state and federal
governments, took control of around 126 thousand hectares of lands that
were previously occupied by Quilombolas, Indigenous people, and family
farmers. According to ACESITA, of these lands, 33 thousand hectares are
environmental reserves.
119
MAP 2
Minas Gerais highlighted on the map of Brazil. Location and extent of lands planted with eucalyptus.
Source: http://www.ecolatina.com.br/pdf/anais/Workshop_Mudancas_Climaticas_Siderurgia/
BenoitCarrier.pdf. Accessed on February 20, 2008
lie in the plateaus are today overrun by eucalyptus and have dried up, leaving
hundreds of peasant families without access to their water.
120
4 SUGARCANE
In the 2005/2006 harvest, only 39% of the sugarcane ground came from sup-
pliers, with 61% being produced by the plants themselves, which points
towards a concentration of land ownership in this process. Moreover, the
plants have become stronger by raising funds that have made increasing
productive capacities easier, as well as making it easier to store and market
sugarcane. They have also made it so that businesspeople from this indus-
try have internationalized the character of their properties’ growth, which
increases the characteristic of concentrating land ownership from the national
to the international.
Thus, religious cults such as the Unified Church, businesses in the Soros Foun-
dation Group (belonging to top investor George Soros), Microsoft, Google,
Precius Woods, and Stora Enso have begun to acquire and control large
tracts of lands in Latin America. The case of the Adecoagro company (2008),
belonging to George Soros, illustrates this. This company holds over 225,000
hectares of land in Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay. In Brazil, these acquisitions
and this control occur principally in the agrofuels’ agricultural frontier region
(Central-West and North).
121
4.2. ADVANCE ON THE AGRICULTURAL FRONTIER
In the case of the state of Sao Paulo, data from the IEA – Institute of Agricul-
tural Economy and the CATI3 – Coordinatorship of Integral Technical Aid
(2008) confirm these growth and land concentration statistics for sugarcane,
showing that there was an increase in planted area and productivity of sugar-
cane between the 2005/2006 and 2006/2007 harvests. In the last sugarcane
harvest, 327.7 million tons were harvested, surpassing the 2006 harvest by
15%. Regarding productivity, the 2007 harvest grew by 2.3% and sugarcane
fields were spread over 12.7% more lands than in 2006. Land being used for
bean crops was cut by 13.5% in 2007 and its production fell to just 77 thou-
sand tons in relation to the 90 thousand tons seen in 2006.
In 1998, according to data from the INCRA – National Institute for Agrarian
Colonization and Reform, 97% of arable lands in the Southeast region had
already been exploited. In the South region, this percentage reached 96.3%,
in the Northeast region it was 74%, and in the North region, exploited areas
made up 49% of the total. In Map 3 we can see sugarcane coverage of
Brazilian lands.
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | AGROFUELS – ISSUES FOR A POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DEBATE
Using the data presented, and the mapping of the sugarcane, one can better
understand why the soy, pine, eucalyptus and sugarcane fields have encroached
on the Amazon region. They already occupy almost all of the area possible in
the Southeast, South and Northeast regions; not even settlement regions
under the agrarian reform were safe4.
3 The IEA and the CATI are centers of research and assistance connected to the Secretary of Agriculture
and Supply of the state of Sao Paulo.
4 In Paraíba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, Minas Gerais, São Paulo, and Paraná there is a growing number
of settlement families who grow sugarcane to supply plants. These families allege that they have found it
very hard to obtain financing to plant grains, but that they easily obtain financing, especially from the Banco
do Brasil and the Banco do Nordeste, to plant eucalyptus, castor beans and sugarcane on their lands.
More information on sugarcane in rural settlements in Sao Paulo is found in PEREIRA, José Carlos Alves.
À Procura de viver bem: jovens rurais entre campo e cidade. Campinas, 2007: IFCH-UNICAMP.
Master’s dissertation.
122
MAP 3
123
In the rented pension houses located on the outskirts of the cities, workers
are placed in groups of 10, 15 people in small houses with just one kitchen
and one room, or one kitchen and two rooms without the least possibility of
maintaining the locale hygienic. Furthermore, they are each required to pay
from 70 to 80 Brazilian reals per month. This is the rent that is charged each
person. Rather, in the language of the landlords, it is the “per head”5 charge.
On visits to workers housed in pensions in the municipalities of Rio das
Pedras-SP, Cosmópolis-SP, Guariba-SP, Américo Brasiliense-SP, and Ibaté-SP,
many of them stated that even children who live in the house are counted as
individuals by the landlord and charged to the parents starting when they are
one month old6.
“Everyone has to pay. They charge us by the head. From the smallest
child to the grown-ups, everyone has to pay”
José Maria, migrant worker, 29,
native of the municipality of Codó-MA.
Under the intense physical wear on workers when cutting sugarcane, Maria
Aparecida de Moraes Silva (2007) points out that, if the working life of a slave
from Brazil’s colonial era is compared to the working life of the sugarcane
worker, the sugarcane worker’s is shorter. A slave worker could work for up to
twenty years, yet the sugarcane worker can at most work for fifteen years;
this is because of the intensity of the work that this human being carries out
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | AGROFUELS – ISSUES FOR A POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DEBATE
The majority of the plants require the workers to cut twelve tons of sugarcane
per day on average. Those who do not reach this average at the end of the
month are fired and, what is more, their names are put on a list that the plants
use to identify the workers who do not meet their demands. These are called
blacklists. The plants pay a very low salary, two Brazilian reals and forty cents
per ton of cut and burned cane on average.
This makes it so that many workers, who need to make a salary to pay their
own expenses and send a little of the money to their families who remained
in their native cities, not only meet the production goals put in place by the
plants, they also surpass them cutting up to 25, 30 and even up to 59 tons
of sugarcane per day in accordance with Cosmópolis rural worker union
records and the plant’s own records (Usina Ester) where one worker, Eduardo,
cut sugarcane7.
5 The expression “per head” is often used by livestock farmers to refer to their cattle (cows, horses, goats).
Here, curiously, the owners of pensions and rented rooms use the same expression to refer to sugarcane
workers housed on their property. This leads us to consider, in this case, human degradation on the
physical-biological, moral and symbolic levels.
6 There are workers who bring their nuclear families (wife and children) to the place they are migrating to.
7 Statement from Carlita da Costa – President of the Union of rural salaried workers of Cosmópolis-SP.
124
This situation is worsened by the fact that many plants cut their investments
in IPE. Others, going against Regulatory Norm 31 – NR318, do not even supply
IPE, nor do they replace worn out work equipment such as machetes, gloves
and leg guards.
Moreover, the horrific conditions and high intensity of the work have caused
serious illnesses, fatal occupational accidents and even the deaths of migrant
workers. José Roberto Pereira Novaes (2007) points out that, in order to
mitigate the illnesses and pains suffered by the workers due to their intense
physical efforts, they
Many other workers, even when they are using anti-inflammatory medications,
can not bear the pains, cramps, and accelerated heart beat and they suffer
fatal occupational accidents. According to a report by the Regional Labor
Office – SP, in 2005 alone, 416 sugarcane cutters died in Sao Paulo (National
News Agency 9, 2006). Included in this number are workers who died due
to occupational accidents and those who died from physical exhaustion.
The Pastoral of the Migrants also reported that, in the state of Sao Paulo alone,
from April of 2004 to July of 2008, twenty-one workers who died had signifi-
cant symptoms of physical exhaustion from overworking when cutting the
sugarcane (FACCIOLI; BISON, 2008).
8 THE REGULATORY NORM ON SAFETY AND HEALTH IN AGRICULTURAL, LIVESTOCK, FOREST, FOREST
EXPLORATION, AND MARINE FARM BASED WORK - NR 31 was instituted by (Decree no. 86 of March 3,
2005 – Official Gazette of March 4, 2005)
It is aimed at establishing the precepts to be followed in the organization of work and the work
environment, in order to make the planning and development of agricultural, livestock, forestry, forest
exploration and marine farming activities compatible with safety and health and the work environment.
Its Applications extend to any activities involving agriculture, livestock farming, forestry, forest exploration
and marine farming, with the means of relating work and job and the location of the activities being
verified. It also applies to industrial exploration activities developed in agrarian establishments.
9 http://www.radioagencianp.com.br/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1461&Itemid=43
SUGARCANE
125
4.4. SLAVE WORK IN THE AGRICULTURAL FRONTIER REGION
TO THE CENTRAL-SOUTH REGION
In Chapter VI “Of crimes against individual freedom,” Section I “Of crimes
against personal freedom,” of the Brazilian Penal Code10, through Law N.
10.803, of December 11, 2003, which amends art. 149 of Decree – Law N.
2.848, of December 7, 1940, establishes penalties for transgression of it
and indicates hypotheses in which slave-like conditions are present. See the
Article below.
I – restrict the use of any means of transport by the worker, with the
intent to hold him at the work site; (Included by Law N. 10.803, of Dec.
12, 2003).
Art. 2 This Law goes into effect on the date of its publication.
Brasília, December 11, 2003; 182nd of the Independence and 115th of
the Republic.
The violations of the rights set forth in this Law are the constant objects of
complaints by workers and social movements and are repeatedly found in
inspections by the MPTE – Attorney General for Labor and Employment in
126
small, mid-sized and large plants who do not comply with the labor legisla-
tion by exposing sugarcane cutters to unhealthy, degrading, and slave-like
work conditions.
The MPTE points out that, in 2007, of the 5,877 workers freed from slave-like
work regimes, 3,117 of these were rescued from sugarcane fields. The large
majority were migrant workers from Maranhão, Paraiba, Alagoas, and Minas
Gerais. The other 2,760 workers were rescued from livestock and charcoal
farms (MPTE, 2008). In 2008, in a partial report released by the CPT/SIT/MPTE,
the statistics showed that from February to September of 2008, 3,902 workers
were freed from slave-like working conditions; and up until August/2008, most
of the workers were rescued from cattle ranches. Sugarcane monoculture ranks
number two in having high numbers of enslaved workers freed in the first half
of 2008. From 1995, when the rescue operations began, up until September
of 2008, 32,405 workers have been freed (CPT/SIT/MPTE, 2008).
This rights violation does not only occur on the remote lands of Brazil’s North
region. In several plants in the state of Sao Paulo, such as the Renascença, the
Nova América plant, and Cosan Group units in Igarapava-SP, the MPTE has found
situations where workers did not receive IPE or they received equipment in
precarious and inadequate conditions of use11. At the Renascença plant, the
workers who wanted to use IPE were supposed to buy them from the plant
store, which is in total violation of the first item of chapter 11 of Regulatory
Norm 3112. The plant did not supply work instruments and encouraged the
workers to buy them from the plant’s own store.
necessary. (C = 131.202-2/I3).
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5 WORKER REACTIONS
The workers in the Vale do Jequitinhonha who came to the sugarcane fields of
Sao Paulo in 2007 complained about the rise in occupational accidents and
that the plants paid no attention to labor laws. During visits and conversation
that we had in the rural communities that they came from, they called atten-
tion to some of the problems that occurred while working in the sugarcane
fields. See below:
• Back pain from intense physical efforts and bending of the legs and back
while cutting sugarcane;
• Early aging due to the intense and degrading work, nerve exhaustion and
skin cancer from the excessive heat and sugarcane ash;
• Payment at the end of the harvest. According to the workers, for the 2007
harvest, the highest individual payments made did not surpass R$1,700 or
R$1,800. In this payment the following are included: monthly salary, pro-
portional vacation days payment, proportional “thirteenth month salary”
(Christmas bonus);
13 In Chapter 10 on “Ergonomics” the NR 31 states: 31.10.5 All machinery, equipment, implements, furniture
and tools must provide the worker with the conditions for good posture, visualization, movement and
operation. (C = 131.197-2/I3).
14 This illness is passed by contact with the feces of the “Triatoma infestans,“ popularly known in Brazil
as the “Barbeiro.” This insect is a host, or rather, a carrier of the Trypanosoma cruzi protozoa which, in turn,
is found in the feces of the barbeiro, transmitting Chagas disease. This disease does not necessarily result
in the carrier being unable to work. Workers with Chagas disease are prohibited from doing activities that
require greater physical effort, such as cutting sugarcane, carrying timber, unloading trucks, or any other
activities only in those cases where the disease has reach a very advanced stage. In cases where the
disease is at the first stage, it is curable, and the worker can perform non-strenuous activities. In advanced
stages, the worker should only perform physical activities under a doctor’s supervision.
128
• Finally, the workers reported that, despite some improvements that the
plants had made in leisure conditions (TV room and football field) and
housing, many of their bosses used blackmail and intimidation on workers
that wanted to return home (to their hometowns) at the beginning of
December, as well as with those who demanded better salaries, IPE,
and housing.
Despite the fact that some plants have improved housing, cafeteria and food
conditions, there are still many plants that provide these things in an insecure
manner; they maintain antiquated and illegal control practices and punishments
for workers who ask for better work and rest conditions.
Since we arrived here at the housing on the Farm at the Bonfim Plant we
have been being cheated by the unit bosses. Published newspapers
saying that they were prepared to welcome us. A bold-faced lie. There
few working bathrooms and lack of water are just some of the mistakes
that happened here. Now that the end of the harvest has come, instead
of sending us home they are blackmailing us.
First, they say that they are going to raffle a motorcycle, but only for those
who did not miss any work on the last days. Second, they said that they
are not going to charge this month’s rent, but only for those who do not
miss any work on the last days. Third, they say that if the group works on
their days off, [the sugarcane harvest] ends earlier.
As if all of this were not enough, those in charge are going to the fields
and forcing us to cut sugarcane and blackmailing us by saying that if
we do not work we will not come back [the workers will not be hired]
again next year.
And so I ask, where is the Ministry of Labor who claims to be our de-
fender? Do they know about this? We do not trust the regional unions.
And so, who will help us? Can it be that everyone is already getting ready
for Christmas, New Year’s, while we are stuck in this uncertainty? When
can we leave? It has already been seven months; we are tired, we can
129
not take anymore, we have lost our physical strength and we are losing
hope. We are already thinking: can it be that the government owns part
of the Plant to the point that they only want the profits?
I am not signing my name, because here those who complain are fired
and their names go onto the blacklist that the COSAN makes every year.
If the Ministry [of Labor] does not do anything, we are going to put it in
the newspapers because there is no one for us and everyone is in favor
of the plant owners.
The only thing that we want to ask is: LET US GO HOME, BECAUSE WE
ARE NOT SLAVES15!
I am not a slave
[...] The housing complex where we stayed is very far from the city.
By car, it takes about 30 to 40 minutes to get there. The area is isolated
and there is no public phone available to the workers. There was a tele-
phone, the plant’s, and they would charge one real per minute for each
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | AGROFUELS – ISSUES FOR A POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DEBATE
worker who used it. [...] The lighting in the houses was bad and the water
given us for drinking was from an artesian well. And for food, there was
no variety in the foods that we could choose, for example, between beef
and pork. On the days when there is pork, those who can not eat it only
eat rice and beans.
[...] The plant forbids us from drinking alcoholic beverages in the hous-
ing. But, the bar (Boteco do Gato) is open during lunch and dinner so
that the workers can drink and buy cigarettes, toothpaste, and soap, and
play pool.
[...] There was a mass at the plant for the workers. The mayor of the
city and other plant bosses took part in the mass and made speeches.
Later the plant managers presented three types of security guards to iden-
tify us. First, they showed the plant security officer and said that he was
asset security. He protects the plant’s assets. He wears a dark purple
badge. Next, they showed us the housing security guard and told us that
we should respect him and not make any noise at all in the housing
complex. Last, they showed us a lieutenant in the military police and said
that he was the security for the municipality. He told us about the city’s
jails. He said that the city of Mirandópolis is a quiet city, but that it has
a large police force. There are also two security prisons, two closed
15 In the original manuscript, the phrase is written just like this, in upper case.
130
regime halfway houses, and another two semi-open regime halfway
houses. He told us not to make any trouble in the city. I understood that
for us to do everything that the plant wants we should act like prisoners.
After ten days of working at this plant, on the next day, early, I told the
social aid worker that I wanted to leave. But she told me that it was difficult
to release me, because I had just arrived.
But I could not take it anymore, sitting there being watched 24 hours a
day, working hard and eating and sleeping badly. Not to mention the
salary, which they would not tell us how much it was. I could not take it.
I quit. The plant did not want to let me go. So, I left everything there and
came back. [...]
Anonymous worker, Araçuaí-MG, April 19, 2008
Another migrant worker who cut sugarcane for the CUPIM plant in Campos
dos Goytacazes, northern Rio de Janeiro, complained that:
WORKER REACTIONS
131
6 THREATS TO AND IMPACTS
ON ENVIRONMENTAL BALANCE
The conversion of natural pastures and forests into soy, pine, eucalyptus,
and sugarcane fields can worsen environmental problems causing soil ero-
sion and surface water and ground water pollution due to the intensive use
of agrochemicals.
Burns are done so as to increase the productivity of the cut sugarcane, which
not only harms the health of the workers, it also affect the population in cities
surrounding the cane fields, because the sugarcane ash easily spreads through
the air, which is then polluted by “hydrocarbons and aromatics containing
132
benzene and similar chemicals, which are very harmful to health. (Zampernini,
1997; Allen et al., 2004; Rocha &Franco, 2003; Oppenheimer et al., 2004, Apud
SILVA, 2008, P. 10).
The WWF Network (2008) “Living Planet 2008” report points out that there
is no way to reverse the current consumption model and slow the clip of
environmental damage; Earth’s natural resources could enter into collapse
beginning in 2030.
133
7 CONVERGENCES WITH DAMS,
RIVER DIVERSIONS AND
CRIMINALIZATION OF SOCIAL
MOVEMENTS
It is pertinent and necessary to show that the production model adopted for
transforming biomass into agrofuels is not connected to other social processes
engendered by large national and international oligopolies. Thus, a worthwhile
question here would be: what is the connection between the current agrofuel
production model to the spread of hydroelectric dams, such as the Madeira
River complex, in the Amazon, the diversion of the São Francisco River and
the criminalization of social movements that critically position themselves
regarding the method and interests in which these processes are carried
out? Some central elements help to understand the connections between
these processes.
First: as in the case of agrofuels, the dams and river diversions in Brazil are
carried out by large businesses with national and international capital, including
public funds withdrawn from the FAT – Workers Aid Fund via the BNDES.
Third: in the case of growth in agrofuels, dams and river diversions, those
victimized suffer the same ethnic and racial discrimination, material expro-
priations (low salaries, eviction from lands, water deprivation) and rights viola-
tions. In whatever the case analyzed in the currently held model of develop-
ment may be, the peasants, Indigenous peoples, Quilombolas, salaried rural
and urban workers, and social movements are the ones harmed.
134
the organization and distribution of production in accordance with their
characteristics and local needs.
Fifth: whether in the expansion of agrofuels, the dam and river diversion, the
processes and instruments for making decisions are undemocratic and the
social movements that have made an effort to publicize the debate, denounce
human rights violations, announce alternative, ecologically correct, and socially
just models are strongly attacked and criminalized, as is the case with the
MST, CPT, NGO and other leaderships.
One can understand that the current model of development is based on private
and state actions that invert the logic of development and social well-being
in control of methods of production, castration of democracy, destruction of
natural resources, social multiplication of poverty and rights violations.
135
8 SOCIAL ACTORS IN THE
RESISTENCE TO THE CURRENT
AGROFUEL PRODUCTION MODEL
Insofar as there are large political and economic orchestrations in the national
and international plans in defense of the current agrofuel production model,
there are also diverse, national and international, social actors who have
organized and formed a front against the current model, with criticism and
alternative models such as the use of mini-plants that have been scientifically
proven to be much more appropriate to the process of reducing CO2 from the
atmosphere, without threatening the ecological vitality of the ecosystems,
and promoting the equal distribution of social wealth as well as opening up
the possibilities for democratization of access to and control of biomass as
an energy source
136
8.3. THE SOCIAL EXTENT OF THEIR ACTIVITIES AND PERSPECTIVES
In the case of agrofuels, the social extent of the actions of these social actors
goes from viability to what workers can do to make individual and collective
complaints about the violation of their rights, to demands that public agencies
such as the MPTE and the DRTs make good on fiscalization and punishment
for those who violate rights; also included are the education and training of
leaders who can articulate local reflection and critical activities on the produc-
tion model, publication of debates on agrofuels and ESCEHRs, and even pres-
sure on governments and states to make adequate social conditions viable in
the process of choosing and developing ecologically sustainable and socially
just production models.
This is how the actions of the agencies of PAD Brazil, such as FASE, have
resulted in the drafting of studies and analytical, political and detailed docu-
ments on the uses and social impacts of biomass as an energy sources.
Agencies such as the CPT, Pastoral dos Migrantes have reported worker deaths
from physical exhaustion in the sugarcane fields and several situations in which
the workers are exposed to slave-like conditions, in unsafe housing and pen-
sions. Unions such as the one in Cosmópolis have, along with workers, looked
for ways to control production and avoid theft and overworking. The formation
of women’s and youth groups in several locations in the migrant sugarcane
workers native regions have associated to discuss the living and working
conditions of their husbands and sons in the cane fields and charcoal plants.
There are spaces put in place, such as the Municipal Department of Migrants
of Itinga-MG, which was idealized, achieved and directed by women. The Social
Forum for Culture and Peace of Piracicaba has managed to get the MPTE and
Regional Offices to apply TACs – Terms of Adjustment of Conduct on the plants
and landlords who do not comply with appropriate labor, housing, and food
rights for workers.
137
9 ALTERNATIVE MODEL:
MINI-PLANTS FOR AGROFUELS
These researchers also called attention to the fact that many other studies
point in this direction.
138
The mini-plants can produce diesel using soy, castor beans, sunflower, and palm
tree oil. They can also produce ethanol using sugarcane. They can be imple-
mented on small farms without the risk to and competition with the production
of foodstuffs. The can be set up on farms of 10, 20, 30, 40, 50 hectares.
Although they are punctual, there are some mini-distilleries and mini-plants in
operation in Rio Grande do Sul, Minas Gerais and Sao Paulo. Researcher Enrique
Ortega drew up a detailed comparative study on the environmental, social,
and economic costs between the large-scale production model and the mini-
plant model using the Fazenda Jardim study, done in the municipality of Mateus
Leme-MG. Altogether, this farm has 300 hectares of land, but
“the micro-plant alcohol system uses only 20 hectares” which are orga-
nized in the following manner: “sugarcane (2ha), a reserve of native
vegetation within the valley where the micro-plant is located (10 ha),
diverse crops such as bananas, eucalyptus, and vegetables and an orchard
(1 ha), and pasture areas for the cattle (6 ha)” (ORTEGA et al: 2007, p, 5).
Enrique Ortega calls the mini-plant model the “Ecological Model,” because
its environmental impacts are practically inexistent. However, he calls the
large-scale model the “agrochemical Model” because it depends heavily on
chemical products that negatively impact the environment.
Using the Fazenda Jardim study, the researchers estimated the values of the
socio-environmental benefits and costs produced using the ecological model
(mini-plants) and the agrochemical model (large-scale production). Table 4
shows the comparative advantages between the micro-plant model (ecologi-
cal model) and the large-scale production model (agrochemical model).
139
TABLE 4
140
9.1. TECHNOLOGICAL, SOCIAL, ECONOMIC CONDITIONS FOR APPLYING
THE MODEL
There are already technologies that allow for the immediate installation of mini-
plants on small farms and rural settlements. In this sense, the technique is not
an obstacle to its installation.
Economically, small farmers do not have the means to install these mini-plants
themselves. Thus, they depend on government subsidies and special political
credits in order to acquire and install equipment. Yet, even this dependence
on the economic factor can not be included as an obstacle, because the large-
scale production that has been adopted today depends on substantial state
subsidies granted by the BNDES through the FAT and funds from international
financial institutions such as the IDB. Small producers of biomass also receive
state subsidies in order to operate as raw material producers. However, the
distribution of credit portfolios is quite uneven between large and small
producers with the former being given an enormous advantage. In the micro-
plant model, there will be greater symmetry in the distribution of credit portfo-
lios and, therefore, greater democratization in access to public funds.
The political factor is ideological. This is a barrier to the installation of the mini-
plant agrofuel processing model. Brazil’s policy (credit portfolios, subsidies,
logistics and infrastructure) is directly aimed at maintaining the large-scale
production model anchored in oligopolies, who wish to maintain political and
economic control. From this perspective, there is no doubt that the choice of
adopting development models surpasses the limits of technological and
economic factors and takes on a fundamentally political tone.
141
10 FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
National and international political groups have sought to put these issues
at the forefront of a debate on this topic on the international agenda. Their
priority, however, is restricted to guaranteeing large-scale production of
agrofuels in order to supply the global market, whose standard of consump-
tion of natural resources, especially in the wealthy countries, exceeds what
the earth is capable of producing by 25%, as shown by the WWF’s “Living
Planet Report” (2006).
Starting from this political and social mark, I attempted to show how the
current model is organized and what its socio-environmental impacts are.
In Brazil, the production of agrofuels is especially anchored in soy, pine, euca-
lyptus, and sugarcane monocultures on large tracts of land. My starting
point was based on the fact that these monocultures, in and of themselves,
are not a social, sociological or environmental problem. The problem arises
through the political and social forms in which their production is orga-
nized and distributed.
142
The monocultures are highly dependent on chemical products that, in the
medium term, drastically reduce the fertility of the land, making rivers and
lakes disappear as well as the biodiversity of the flora and fauna. The environ-
mental risks of this model are multiplied when we consider that the monocul-
tures are advancing towards the Central-West and North regions, threatening
the pantanal swamp and Amazon rainforest ecosystems that are fundamental
to the balance of the planet.
The current agrofuel production model is closely linked with large dam and
river diversion projects and criminalization of the social movements that
attempt to articulate in order to propose alternative and democratic models of
development that make it viable to increase the access to basic natural resour-
ces such as earth and water. As is the case with agrofuels, dams and river
diversion projects are carried out by large corporations with national and inter-
national capital, whose interests are diametrically opposed to the proposals of
agrarian reform and industrial development based on the creation of micro
and medium sized centers of development in which local communities have
full access to the decision making processes concerning the organization and
distribution of production in accordance with their characteristics and needs.
This heavy investment against environmental balance and the ESCEHRs is,
however, finding resistance among the workers and populations involved and
from those social movements engaged in the process of looking for alternative
models of development that include the promotion of fundamental human
rights and make them feasible.
In the case of the workers, they react in several manners including strikes,
protests, making statements, and writing detailed letters about the conditions
under which they must work in the monocultures. The social movements have
articulated themselves both nationally and internationally as agents of civil
society and public agencies. They have held meetings and debates, done
studies, made demands, promoted spaces for debate and decision-making
such as the Forums, and have proposed criticism and alternative models.
143
In regards to the alternative models, I have presented the case of the mini-
plants and distilleries which, even using little land, are capable of producing
100 to 40,000 liters of fuel per day. Moreover, they are scientifically proven to
be environmentally, economically, and socially more efficient at generating and
distributing wealth and democratizing access to biomass as an energy source.
144
BIBILIOGRAPHY AND DOCUMENTS
CONSULTED ON THE TOPIC
BISON, Nelson; PEREIRA, José C. Alves. (Orgs.) Agrocombustíveis, Solução? a vida por um fio
no eito dos canaviais. Sao Paulo: CCJ, 2008.
COMISSÃO PASTORAL DA TERRA; SIT; MPT. Campanha da CPT contra o trabalho Escravo –
Partial Report. Rio de Janeiro. 03/Oct/2008.
145
CONAB – COMPANHIA NACIONAL DE ABASTECIMENTO. Mapas da Produção Agrícola.
Available at: http://www.conab.gov.br/conabweb/geotecnologia/sigabrasil/
mapa_producao_agricola/cana.jpg. Accessed on October 24, 2008.
FACCIOLI, Inês; BISON, Nelson. Cortadores de Cana mortos no setor canavieiro paulista.
In: SERVIÇO PASTORAL DOS MIGRANTES (Org.) Agrocombustíveis, solução?
A vida por um fio no eito dos canaviais. Sao Paulo: CCJ, 2008.
FARGIGONE, J. et al. Land clearing and the biofuel carbon debt. Sciencexpress, February 2008.
NOVAES, José Roberto Pereira. Campeões de produtividade: dores e febres nos canaviais
paulistas. pp. 167-177. Estudos Avançados. 21 (59), Sao Paulo, 2007.
ORTIZ, Lúcia et al. Novos caminhos para o mesmo lugar: a falsa solução dos
agrocombustíveis. Porto Alegre: Núcleo de Amigos da Terra, 2008.
O ESTADO DE SÃO PAULO. Cana: em ritmo acelerado. Sao Paulo: O Estado de São Paulo,
November 21, 2007. Agrícola (Agriculture) Section.
PEREIRA, José Carlos Alves. À Procura de viver bem: jovens rurais entre campo e cidade.
Campinas, 2007: IFCH-UNICAMP. Master’s dissertation.
RIGHELATO, R.; SPRCKLEN, D.V. Carbon mitigation by biofuels or by saving and restoring
forests? Science, 317: 902, 2007.
ROSILLO-CALLE, Frank; BAJAV, Sérgio V.; ROTHMAN, Harry (Orgs). José Dilcio Rocha e Maria
Paula (Trad.). O uso da biomassa para produção de energia na indústria
brasileira. Campinas: Unicamp, 2005.
SCHLESINGER, Sérgio. Lenha nova para a velha fornalha. Rio de Janeiro: FASE, 2008.
SILVA, Maria Aparecida de Moraes. Errantes do fim do século. Sao Paulo: UNESP, 1999.
146
SILVA, Maria Ap. de Morais. Agronegócio: a reinvenção da colônia. In: BISON, Nelson;
PEREIRA, José C. Alves. (Orgs.) Agrocombustíveis, Solução?: a vida por um fio
no eito dos canaviais. Sao Paulo: CCJ, 2008.
SILVESTRE, Daniel Silvestre; RODRIGUEZ, Maria Elena. Eucalipto, Aracruz Celulose e violações
Direitos Humanos. Rio de Janeiro: PAD Brasil, 2007.
WWF – World Wide Fund for Nature. Living Planet Report – 2006. Switzerland, Gland, 2006.
Also available at: http://assets.wwf.org.br/downloads/
wwf_brasil_planeta_vivo_2006.pdf. Accessed on April 15, 2008.
WWF–World Wide Fund for Nature. Living Planet Report – 2008. Switzerland, Gland, 2008.
Also available at: http://www.wwf.org.br/informacoes/especiais/
relatorio_planeta_vivo_2008/index.cfm. Accessed in October of 2008.
147
DOCUMENTS AND
DOCUMENTARIES
NOVAES, José Roberto Pereira; ALVES, Jose Francisco. Migrantes. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ;
Sao Carlos: UFSCar, 2007.
NOVAES, José Roberto Pereira (Org.). Trabalho no agronegócio canavieiro – educação através
das imagens. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ, 2007.
NOVAES, José Roberto Pereira (Org.). Trabalho infantil – educação através das imagens.
Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ, 2007.
NOVAES, José Roberto Pereira. Quadra fechada. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ, 2004.
148
PART 2 THE MADEIRA RIVER COMPLEX
AND THE VIOLATION OF HUMAN,
ECONOMICAL, SOCIAL, CULTURAL
AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS
Emanuel Pontes Meirelles
Counselor of the Programa Controle Social da Associação de Desenvolvimento da
Agroecologia e Economia Solidária da Amazônia Ocidental (Social Control of the
Western Amazonian Agroecology Development and Solidary Economy Program) –
ADA AÇAÍ – Porto Velho – RO.
149
1 THE PREDATORY DEVELOPMENT
LOGIC IN THE AMAZON REGION
The formation of the state of Rondonia and its capital exemplify that the popu-
lation and development processes of the Amazonian region was motivated,
initially, by the different extractivist cycles. These cycles conditioned the
Amazonian’s demographic growth dynamic to the economic prospering and
declining periods faced by the extractivist areas, causing an oscillatory popu-
lation movement, characterized by its ebbs and lows. The logic brought by the
development projects and plans executed can be summed up in one hand by
the projects of regional colonization and investments on the infrastructure,
which unleashed an intense occupation process, and on the other, by a policy
of expansion of the agricultural boundaries.
This expansion of the agricultural boundary over the Amazonian region, dis-
rupted the extractivism in several regions, turning extractivist areas into
pasture for the cattle and extractivists into rural workers.
151
This scenery reveals an adhesion to the “development myth”, which, in prac-
tice, didn’t bring any quality to the local communities’ life, producing poverty
and desiquality. The denial of these groups as a priority for the governmental
projects indicates that, by ignoring the identity and culture of these popula-
tions, the ways of living of these ethnical groups that form our society, we
threaten them with extinction.
152
2 THE MADEIRA RIVER COMPLEX
The Madeira River Complex (MRC) is one of the infrastructure projects of the
IIRSA initiative, included in the Development Integration Axis Peru-Brasil-Bolívia,
which has an estimated surface of 3,5 million km², from which 82% are
located in Brazilian territory, 10% in Peru and 8% in Bolivia. It is one of the
actions from the projects in Group 3 of this integration axis, which predicts a
Fluvial Corridor Madeira-Madre de Dios-Beni, involving the three countries.
The main goal of this waterway is to facilitate the transportation and the
social-economical development of this region. The estimated investment for
the execution of the projects in Group 3 is around U$ 10,5 million.
The construction of the Santo Antonio and Jirau hydroelectrical power plants
is inserted in a much wider context, which involves other two hydroelectrical
power plants and the construction of a waterway network of 4.200 km in the
Madeira River, shaping the so called Madeira Complex1. The power plants on
the Madeira River are the big investment of the federal administration in the
Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento (Growth Acceleration Program) –
PAC –, aiming to increase the energy offer for the next years, to expand agri-
culture in the region and to flow off grain production, mainly soy. Estimations
reveal a total cost of R$ 28 billion, including the subsidies granted by the
Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES).
Before the gigantic proportion of the undertaking and the hurry in implementing
it, the strategy used by the interested entrepreneurs and by Brazil’s Executive
Power was to fragment it, in order to favor political agreements, the pro-
duction of studies and licensing. As a matter of fact, without any previous
agreement with the Bolivian government, the Brazilian government started the
licensing process of two out of four hydroelectrical power plants (Santo Antônio
and Jirau), introducing them as isolated projects.
It is relevant to remember that the energetic matrix model that benefits the
construction of huge hydroelectric projects is nothing new to the Amazon
region; the decision of choosing this model of energy production caused
several economical, social, cultural and environmental damages to this region,
1 EIA (Estudo de Impacto Ambiental – Environmental Impact Study) of Santo Antônio and Jirau hydroelectrical
power plants.
153
as it can be observed on the dammed areas of the hydroelectrical power plants
of Tucuruí – PA, Balbina – AM and Samuel – RO. These damages are considered
irreversible since they brought painful social consequences to the riverside,
indigenous, quilombola, extractivist and urban communities affected. Among
these impacts are, for instance, the destruction of the “igarapés” – one of the
main fishing sites for the riverside populations –, the destruction of the
biodiversity of the Forest and the loss of fertile fields, due to the inundation of
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE MADEIRA RIVER COMPLEX AND THE VIOLATION OF HUMAN, ECONOMICAL, SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS
the cultivated plans along the riverside, caused by the construction of the
barrages. The implantation of these barrages expels the riverside populations
of their houses and lands, obstructing their means of subsistence structured
on the coexistence with the river.
The first study on the MRC, carried on by Furnas Electrical Centrals, was intro-
duced in 2003. In 2004, a Project’s Term of Reference was signed with IBAMA
for the execution of the Environmental Impact Studies, by Furnas and
Odebrecht. In March, 2007, due to the many mistakes on the diagnosis and on
the impact prevention, as well as to the non-observance of the term of refe-
rence, IBAMA denied the environmental viability of the undertaking, according
to its technical opinion 14/2007:
“Due to the high uncertainty level involved in this process; the identifi-
cation of the affected areas that weren’t contemplated in the study; the
non-dimensioning of the several impacts along with the lack of mitiga-
tive and environmental control measures necessary for guaranteeing the
populations’ welfare and the sustainable usage of the natural resources;
and the necessary observance of the Precaution Principle, the technical
team concluded that it is not possible to attest the environmental viability
of the Santo Antonio and Jirau hydroelectrical power plants, being man-
datory the execution of a new and more extensive Environmental Impact
Study, reaching both national and transborder regions, including the
realization of new public audiences. Therefore, it is recommended that
the Prior License is not issued.” (free translation)
Shortly after this contrary opinion, many significant changes in the structure
and on the directing board of the Ministry of the Environment and of IBAMA
have occurred. In June, 2007, Furnas requested the re-examination of the
opinion 14/2007 and, without any reasonable justification or further studies,
the new IBAMA’s board changed its position, attesting the environmental
viability of the project and issuing a prior license for the undertaking.2 Thus, it
is based on an incomplete Environmental Impact Study (EIA/RIMA) filled with
gaps, that four public audiences were held, all of them full of mistakes.
2 Technical note 071/2007, 4th Chamber of the Republic’s Procuracy – Environment and Cultural Patrimony.
154
Those facts were the object of judicial discussion and international denunciation
to the Interamerican Human Rights Commission3, still with no judgment on
the merit. Even under strong social tension, with protests by the Brazilian and
Bolivian social movements, accusations of illegalities, no agreement between
Brazil and the other countries of the Madeira River Basin, lack of participation
and consultation of the affected populations and mistakes on the environmental
viability studies, Brazil’s Executive Power insisted on the hydroelectrical power
plants construction and, therefore, the Santo Antonio power plant was auctioned
on December 10th, 2007; the winner was the Furnas-Odebrecht consortium,
which was ahead on the studies about the Project.
tionship with the Madeira river, the Amazon Forest and which occupation and
handling of the natural resources are essential to the preservation of the
3 Public Civil Action nº 2006.41.00.004844-1 and international accusation offered by the Bolivian movements.
155
region’s biodiversity. These are riverside, indigenous, extractivist, rubber
gatherer, small agriculturists that will be affected with the use of their tradi-
tional territories by the Santo Antonio and Jirau hydroelectrical power plants,
disrupting cultural, subsistence, religious and medical practices, among other
impacts. Thus, it is a disrespect by the government to the judicial statutes of
protection of the indigenous and traditional populations, such as the 169th
ILO Convention, the NU and OAS Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE MADEIRA RIVER COMPLEX AND THE VIOLATION OF HUMAN, ECONOMICAL, SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS
Peoples, the articles 215 and 216 of the Federal Constitution and the Presiden-
tial Decree 6040/2007, which established the national development policy for
the traditional communities.
Despite all the highlighted illegalities, IBAMA granted, on August 13th, 2008,
the installment license to Santo Antonio hydroelectrical power plant, allowing
the Madeira Energia S.A. consortium (MESA), formed by Furnas and Odebrecht,
to start the works on the first power plant of the Complex. As soon as Sep-
tember 1st, 2008, the riverside families began to be expelled, due to the
worksites’ settlement.
Besides these threats of violent removal, the Furnas’ employees used yet
another strategy: to propose irrelevant compensations to the riverside popula-
tion, offering hard cash, in the attempt of cooptating some and demobilizing
the communities’ resistance4.
Aside from being sickened by the employers’ attitude during the visits, the
riverside leaderships also showed their discontentment with the lack of infor-
mation on the actual range of the social-environmental impacts of the projects.
They denounce that they haven’t been given access to these information and
have little knowledge on the constitutional, infraconstitutional legislation and
4 Reports of riverside inhabitants from the Santo Antônio Community Region, gathered during a meeting with
the local communities’ leaderships.
156
international treaties that guarantee the rights that they intuitively know and
claim. On top of that, the communities wish to learn more on the objects and
courses of the lawsuits in process that question the legality of the licensing
granted to the Mesa consortium5.
The Brazilian State must be considered responsible for observing the Federal
Constitution, the ordinary legislation and all the international documents
that guarantee the protection and promotion of the human rights, particularly
in regard to its obligations towards the promotion of social, economical, envi-
ronmental and cultural policies adequate to the population. Considering the
origin defects present on Brazil’s Executive Power’s decision of carrying
the construction of the Madeira’s hydroelectrical power plants on, without
taking all the reasonable measures inside the scope of its attributions, it is
important to guarantee6:
1. The immediate suspension of any act related to the licensing of the Santo
Antonio and Jirau hydroelectrical power plants, with the nullity of the prior
license granted and the nullity of the auction and installment license of the
Santo Antonio power plant;
5. That water and energy, essential goods for human subsistence, are under
federal control and are available at reasonable prices and proper quality,
inhibiting the privatization and commercialization of the sector.
Even if the nation’s authorities keep the political decision of building the
Madeira River’s hydroelectrical power plants, refusing to carry on a detailed,
independent and participative analysis of Brazil’s energetic needs, it is indis-
pensable to adopt the following recommendations7:
1. Annulment of the prior license, auction and installment license for the
Santo Antonio hydroelectrical power plant, with the following immediate
suspension of the works until the measures listed below are taken;
THE MADEIRA RIVER COMPLEX
5 Idem.
6 Recommendations made by the National Reporter on the Human Right to the Environment of the Brazilian
Platform ESCEHR, Marijane Lisboa, in April, 2008.
7 Idem.
157
2. Carrying out studies on the environmental impacts on the Madeira River
Basin as a whole, in particular on the Bolivian and Peruvian territories, as
well as other Brazilian surrounding states (Acre, Amazonas and Mato Grosso),
excluding the possibility of postponing conditions to future stages;
indigenous territories;
5. Negotiation with the Peruvian and Bolivian governments for the institutional
decision on the viability and interest over the undertaking;
158
3 THE BRAZILIAN ENERGY
POLICY MODEL
Some arguments that clearly show the negative impacts of the world’s great
barrages were highlighted as follows:
1. Great barrages don’t represent the same benefits of reducing the pre-
cariousness of the decentralized renewable energies;
2. The ones that promote great dams underestimate the costs and overstate
the benefits: the environmental passive related to the economic costs of the
huge hydroelectric projects, the amount of people that request resettlement
or compensation for the land, housing and livelihood losses are undervalued
and these hydroelectrical power plants often generate less energy than
what was promised;
3. Great barrages imply great social and ecological impacts: according to the
World Commission on Dams, barrages are responsible for the displace-
ment of forty to eighty million people, many of which are displaced without
receiving an adequate or even any compensation, and are an important
factor of the rapid decline of fluvial biodiversity all around the world;
4. The efforts to mitigate the impacts caused by the great barrages are either not
recognized or underestimated, and the measures taken to prevent or reduce
them usually fail. Even when people are recognized as eligible to be resettled,
they rarely have their livelihood’s restored. There is a haunting record of failed
efforts to minimize the environmental impacts of the great barrages;
159
6. Great dams can emit great amounts of gases that increase the “green-
house effect”;
two sources are viable all around the country, and the states of Paraná, Rio
de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul and Ceará in particular have a great potential
for eolic energy generation. Among the alternative energy generation sources,
according to studies, the solar energy is the most expensive one to be imple-
mented and generated, having the lower capacity of energy production.
The studies also reveal that the biomass and the small hydroeletric centrals
have lower implantation and generation cots, and possess higher energy
production capacity.
The need of promoting a qualified public debate on this subject must be faced
as a national public interest, due to the damages that have already been caused
to the national property and to the existence of projects that aim to inundate
thousands of kilometers of the riches of the Amazon Forest. This problem
becomes even more complex before Brazil’s great hydric and energy produc-
tion potential. However, without being limited to an immediate growth, but
advancing towards an effective economic development, it is vital that all the
environmental, social, economical and cultural damages caused are included
in this policy’s account.
160
4 THE FINANCING
When they were first introduced, in 2003, the Santo Antonio and Jirau hydro-
electrical power plants’ projects would have a total cost, including the naviga-
tion ecluses, of US$ 5,5 billion. This value was increased, on the official stud-
ies on the project, to over US$ 9 billion, even though the number of turbines
had decreased and, with them, the installed capacity of the barrages (from a
total of 7.480 MW to 6.450 MW). When the Agência Nacional de Energia,
(National Energy Agency, a federal organ) – ANEEL – approved the viability
studies of the project, in April, 2007, with a reviewed installed capacity of
6.494,4 MW, the total cost estimated for the construction of both hydroelectri-
cal power plants had increased to R$ 25, 72 billion, or US$ 12,6 billion, which
represents a rise of 129 % over the initial estimations.
Regarding the Santo Antônio and Jirau hydroelectrical power plants, BNDES
(the Brazilian Development Bank) committed itself to finance 80% of the under-
taking, without any previous analysis on its economical or social viability.
The participation of a public bank, such as BNDES, as the financer of under-
takings that clearly represent possible risks in several areas, needs to be
questioned. Around 50% of BNDES resources are originated on the Fundo de
Amparo ao Trabalhador (Workers’ Support Fund) – FAT – along with the PIS/
PASEP Fund and the Merchant Marine Fund.
Through the iniciative of some civil organization networks, such as Rede Brasil
sobre Instituições Financeiras Multilaterais (Brazil’s Network on Multilateral
Financial Institutions), in 2003, the BNDES Platform was formed, consisting
in an ensemble of claims on the development policy promoted by BNDES.
This articulation revendicates that this public bank becomes, in fact, a bank of
the Brazilian people and, besides elaborating an analysis of the financings
granted by BNDES, proposes changes in several areas, such as disclosure,
participation and social control, elaboration of territorial and regional, environ-
mental, climatic, gender, ethnical, labor and income criteria, and sectorial poli-
cies on social infrastructure, credit decentralization, agroecological and rural
development, energy, climate and regional integration.
In the document sent to the Bank on September, 2008, regarding the risks on
the implantation of the MRC, the Platform requests to BNDES:
161
In relation to the projects on the Madeira River:
1. The non-approval of the financing for the power plants on the Madeira River,
until all the uncertainties over the impacts (almost all of them publicly known)
are cleared;
1. Make the list of projects on the electrical sector that were approved and
contracted by the Bank over the last five years available to everyone;
3. Start the debate on the recovery of the losses (social and environmental)
resulted from each of the projects financed by BNDES, aiming to elaborate,
under popular control, Economical and Social Recovery and Development
Plans for the Communities Affected by the Electrical Sector Undertakings
financed by BNDES;
162
5 VIOLATION OF THE HUMAN
RIGHT TO WATER
The ideal of the access to water as a human right is increasingly being replaced
by the reference of water as an economic good, strengthening a commercial
treatment of this element, essential for any life form, and disregarding the 1st
and 2nd articles of the Universal Declaration of Water Rights, proclaimed in
1992 by the United Nations, which characterizes water as a “condition essen-
tial for the life” and “property of the planet”.
To privatize or desregulamentate water is to obstruct the vital arteries of a
community, to undermine the capacity of planning public policies that focus
on the universality of rights and on social control. The privatization of water to
financial institutions and great investors, points out Brazil’s institutional mal-
leability as a whole, also regarding its sovereignty. To widely open the nation’s
doors to private investments and their vertical and unconditional dynamics,
stimulates the priority inversion concerning the development of Brazil. Income
distribution, environmental sustainability and regional integration should have
as a milestone the definition of water as a public property, fundamental right
and object of participative management.
The financial institutions view of the Amazon reveals, in this context, a non-
declared privatization policy. The International Monetary Fund and the World
Bank influence global policies that gradually lead towards the public
desregulamentation of water and of essential public services that guarantee
water access. At the moment they sign loan contracts with poor countries, for
example, they demand contractual clauses and engagement on the privatization
of public water companies. In several places, including Brazil (owner of 53%
of the South American water reserve and 12% of the world’s reserve), there is
a strong pressure by the multinationals for the privatization of water, which is
already a reality in the case of the barrages.
The construction of the Santo Antonio and Jirau hydroelectrical power plants is
inserted in the policy that restricts water access and invests in its commercializa-
tion, disregarding its quality as a resource essential for life. The construction of the
barrages on the riverbeds, in practice, inhibits the access to the river by the riverside
populations, privatizing some parts of it. Big companies that own the barrages
have already manifested to the government that they are against giving away
“their water” for the breeding of fishes or any other purposes, despite the fact
that the hydric resources, as well as the hydric potential (for energy generation,
for instance), are public properties, according to the Federal Constitution of 1988.
163
6 VIOLATION OF THE HUMAN RIGHT
TO THE ENVIRONMENT
8 A public policy is different from a governmental policy – different social groups take part in the elaboration
of the first one, while the second one is worked out privately, inside the cabinets;
164
7 THE SITUATION OF THE
THREATENED FAMILIES
The research developed by ADA AÇAÍ covered four information axes: identifi-
cation axis, social axis, economic axis and environmental axis. The research
was made in the so called Área de Influência Direta (Area of Direct Influence)
– AID – of the undertaking, visited and interviewed 417 families, which repre-
sents around 37,5% of the 1.110 estimated real states. A total of 1.692 people
belonging to these 417 families were interviewed.
The communities and data gathered through the research are as follows:
TABLE 1
SUMMARY OF THE FIELD RESEARCH
Research data
Total Total number
number of answered Closed
Community of families questionnaires houses
1. Santo Antônio 48 29 19
2. Teotônio 60 26 34
3. Morrinhos 25 11 10
4. Trata Sério 5 3 2
5. Amazonas 25 9 16
6. Porto Seguro 54 5 2
7. Macacos 12 9 3
8. Ilha do Presídio 5 2 2
9. Ilha do Guilherme
(Boca da Jatuarana) 12 3 9
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TABLE 1 (CONTINUATION)
Research data
Total Total number
number of answered Closed
Community of families questionnaires houses
11. Jatuarana 7 4 3
12. Engenho Velho 27 16 11
13. Jaci Paraná 98 56 13
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE MADEIRA RIVER COMPLEX AND THE VIOLATION OF HUMAN, ECONOMICAL, SOCIAL, CULTURAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL RIGHTS
Due to the recentness of the field research made on the first semester of 2008
and its relevance on revealing a “ground zero” for the people who live in the
communities threatened by displacement and their social, environmental and
cultural survival, we chose to present some of the information gathered by the
researchers’ crew of ADA AÇAÍ, analyzing it from a local perspective.
166
Some specific issues call the attention. Whereas the Brazilian historical pro-
cess of the hydroelectrical power plant and displacement haven’t benefited
those affected by the barrages, what will be the future of Cachoeira de Teotônio
community, settled in federal lands? Even though two families claim to have
land titles, the vast majority of the inhabitants don’t. According to the RIMA,
Teotônio and Amazonas are going to be resettled in another place of their
choice (FURNAS & ODEBRECHT & LEME, RIMA, 2005b, pages 57 to 58).
Something different has happened to the Engenho Velho Community, the first
one to be displaced by the Santo Antonio power plant. In Engenho Velho, at
least seven out of sixteen researched families possess land titles from the
Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (National Institute of
Agricultural Colonization and Reform) – INCRA, and have already negotiated a
new place for them to settle. However, the documentation that Furnas should
have given to the local residents (contract, financial compensation for the
improvements made, floor plant of the future village, etc.) hadn’t been delivered
up to the moment of the last visit.
TABLE 2
FAMILIES THAT DO/DON’T POSSESS A LAND TITLE
number of
Community families with title % no title %
Santo Antonio 29 5 17 24 83
Ilha do Presídio 2 1 50 1 50
Engenho Velho 16 7 44 9 56
Trata Sério 3 2 67 1 33
Cachoeira dos Macacos 9 8 89 1 11
São Domingos 14 13 93 1 7
Amazonas 9 1 11 8 89
Boa Vista 4 4 100 0 0
Ilha Boca do Jatuarana 3 1 33 2 67
Jaturana 4 2 50 2 50
Nossa Sra Auxiliadora 15 9 60 6 40
Porto Seguro 5 2 40 3 60
Betel 13 4 31 9 69
Cachoeira de Teotônio 26 2 8 24 92
Morrinhos 11 5 45 6 55
Gleba do Jaci 13 10 77 3 23
Jaci Paraná 56 16 29 40 71
THE SITUATION OF THE THREATENED FAMILIES
LiverPool 1 0 0 1 100
Joana DÁrc I 16 5 31 11 69
Joana DÁrc II 6 0 0 6 100
Joana DÁrc III 7 3 43 4 57
Mutum Paraná 116 18 16 98 84
Abunã 39 7 18 32 82
TOTAL 417 125 30 292 70
Source: Diagnóstico ADA AÇAÍ – 2008.
167
The family’s displacement process is very complex, since it involves a series
of values that range from the uncertainty over life improval to the waste of
time on local improving. This is why it is necessary for the contractors to carry
out a campaign that explains the undertaking’s characteristics and the role of
each settlement on the process.
The displacement of these communities will affect the food and nutritional
security of the families that subsist through the extractivism of local specimens,
whether for self-consumption or income generation. The construction of Ma-
deira River’s hydroelectrical power plants will affect food availability, since the
construction of barrages and dykes tends to increase fish death, negatively
affecting the local supplying, subsistence and income of riverside populations.
TABLE 3
Santo Antonio 29 5 5 4 2 0 20
Ilha do Presídio 2 1 1 0 0 0 0
Engenho Velho 16 3 4 1 0 1 11
Trata Sério 3 3 2 0 0 0 0
Cachoeira dos Macacos 9 9 7 1 0 0 1
São Domingos 14 14 5 0 1 0 1
Amazonas 9 4 8 1 0 0 0
Boa Vista 4 4 0 0 0 0 1
Ilha Boca do Jatuarana 3 3 3 0 0 0 0
Jatuarana 4 4 3 0 0 0 1
Nossa Sra Auxiliadora 15 15 7 0 2 0 7
Porto Seguro 5 4 4 1 0 0 1
Betel 13 10 5 0 0 1 3
Cachoeira de Teotônio 26 7 20 9 0 1 2
Morrinhos 11 9 2 2 0 1 1
Gleba do Jaci 13 8 1 0 3 1 2
Jaci Paraná 56 16 32 6 9 10 21
Liverpool 1 1 0 0 0 0 0
Joana DÁrc I 16 13 2 1 0 0 3
Joana DÁrc II 6 6 1 0 0 0 3
Joana DÁrc III 7 5 1 0 0 1 2
Mutum Paraná 116 5 3 21 17 19 65
Abunã 39 5 3 3 9 11 16
Total 417 154 119 50 43 46 161
Source: Diagnóstico ADA AÇAÍ – 2008.
168
The agricultural activity is executed basically for the family’s consumption.
It can be observed on table 3 that the consumption column numbers are higher
than the commerce ones. However, the activities’ excess is sold to increase
the family’s income. This can be verified by the answer on the plantation’s
goal, in which the column “both”, meaning both consumption and sales, has
greater importance.
The contribution of these plantations (riverside beans, manioc for flour, rice and
watermelon) to the family’s income is significant. It single-handed gathers the
majority of the answers (119 times). It is important to emphasize that a future
displacement, in case the economic characteristics of the riverside communi-
ties’ livelihood are not taken into consideration, violates the rights to food and
to family subsistence production.
169
8 THE SOCIAL MOVEMENTS’
REACTION
Popular initiatives:
• Social initiatives promoted by the Instituto Madeira Vivo (IMV), which orga-
nized the Popular Campaign for a Living Madeira River;
• Letter from the MAP initiative (Madre de Dios, Acre e Pando) on the MRC,
elaborated during its VII Forum, in November, 2007, requesting the suspen-
sion of the licensing and answers on the thirty three conditions of the
Madeira Complex by CONAMA through the Fórum Brasileiro de Ongs e
Movimentos Sociais para o Meio Ambiente (Brazilian Forum of NGOs and
Social Movements for the Environment) – FBOMS.
Judicial initiatives:
• Initiative from the NGO Amigos da Terra Amazônia (Friends of the Amazon
Region) who brought to court a Public Civil Action requesting the annulment
of the prior license for the construction of the Complex;
170
• Initiative of local movements and communities along with the federal
prosecuting counsel requesting the annulment of the Madeira River’s
hydroelectrical Power plants’ licenses;
Technical initiatives:
• Instituto Pólis (SP) study that points out the impacts on the city of Porto
Velho, revealing the increase in approximately 100 thousand people migra-
tion to the region;
171
SOURCES FOR CONSULTATION
Campanha “Na floresta tem Direito: justiça ambiental na Amazônia”, PAD, 2007.
Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB). Hidrelétricas no Rio Madeira: energia para
quê e para quem ?, 2007.
Núcleo Amigos da Terra Brasil. O maior tributário do rio Amazonas ameaçado, 2007.
172
PART 3 THE TRANSPOSITION
OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO
RIVER – NEW OUTLINES *
SYSTEMA
ATT I Z AT I O N
* Case study on violations of human, economic, social, cultural and environmental rights – PAD-NE
173
1 INTRODUCTION
This document consists on yet another contribution, from the civil organizations
and social movements’ point of view, concerning the Project of Transposition
of the São Francisco River, its meaning and its impacts.
This study is a contemplation over the fate that will be sealed to thousands
of people living in the Northeastern Semi-Arid Region, with the materialization
of this work.
An indictment against the greed and the authoritarianism of those who consider
themselves as semi-gods.
The public expression of a demand that has been repressed for centuries: to
plead for the recognition of the Northeastern Region of Brazil as a fundamental
party on the development of the country, on the cultural exchange and the
exchange of knowledge, experience, creativity and solidarity.
All that is possible through a river... a river called Francisco; but it also could
have been called Freedom.
The systematization of the São Francisco river case by the PAD organization
occurs at an especific time in the political history of the country: a time to
reorganize. Whether due to the changes on the municipal political cenaries,
pointing towards some shifts in interest concerning the implementation of
the transposition, or to the afirmation of a development standard directed
to the market.
On the other hand, when we look to the cultural scene, music, movies and
poetry, as the epigraphs chosen to introduce each iten of this document, we
find out that this dimension also feeds us with considerations on the eco-
nomical and political courses, as well as the social struggle path being taken.
175
Recently, the movie “Blindness”, directed by Fernando Meirelles and based on
a novel written by José Saramago, was showing on theatres all over Brazil.
The book, as well as the movie, introduces many elements that allow us to
think about the processess envolving the production and the reproduction of
values. The current moment lived by society in the political, civil, urban and
rural life, bring about the ethical crisis, the decadence of solidarity, the confir-
mation of an aggravated individualism logic and the promise that there is no
other possible order than the capital.
In the introduction to his work, the author refers to an epigraph that really
reflects this moment: “If you can see, look. If you can look, observe”. This can
be much more familiar than one might think. On the contrary of what is usually
believed, the economy and the politics of Brazil, the paths and directions
pointed by the transposition project and the order to which it is submitted to,
take off strenght from the human rights logics, which indicates the need to
observe this issue from a global perspective.
176
2 WHERE DO WE COME FROM:
THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE
SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER AND
THE VIOLATION OF ESCEHR
The Transposition of the São Francisco River Project is a history that alludes to
the colonian period in Brazil and, during a season of repeated drought crisis in
the Northeastern Semi-Arid Region, brings about the ever controversial debate.
PAD chose to continue the debate – begun in 2007 and which resulted in a
publication – due to the importance of this matter and for considering it a both
national and international issue, once it brings about the development patterns
in a globalized economy.
The first study on the subject was entitled “Violations of Human Rights on The
Case of the Transposition of the São Francisco River Project” (Violações de
1 In June 5th, 2001, a decree was approved, creating the São Francisco Hydrographical Basin Committees, aiming
to manage the hydric resources, including the projects of conservation and revitalization of the São FranciscoBasin.
177
Direitos Humanos no caso do projeto de Transposição das Águas do Rio São
Francisco, PAD/2007). Through the 2006 mission of the Projeto Relatores
Nacionais / Plataforma Brasileira DHESCAs (National Reporters Project / Brazilian
Platform of ESCEHR), documental and bibliographical research on the issue, it
was identified that the hypothetical transposition project was being executed,
without the duly consultations or the presentation of the Enviromental Impact
Report to the affected population, in other words, the comunication, the infor-
mation was a key factor for the comprehension of the multiple actions of this
project on the local realities.
The reality of the São Francisco River case points out that society needs to
face this issue, since it is a project filled with controversies, that denies the
basic principal of social participation, the practice of active citizenship, the
democratization of the debates so the riverside, quilombola, indigenous
population, the rural and urban workers, can have a say on what development
pattern is pretended in order to empower the local space. It’s an open debate
due to the gaps and political rearrengements, but, above all, due to the ensemble
of disrespects to political processes, institutional paths, as well as national
and international legislation (PAD, 2007, 26).
In the other hand, it’s unanimous to support the revitalization of the São
Fancisco basins, since their current condition is entirely propitious to familiar
agriculture, as well as the definition of a policy that allows the coexistence
with the semi-arid climate from a sustainable development perspective.
Thus, the path of the debate till now and what differentiates us from the Federal
administration is that, on the scope of the civil society – Forums, Networks, Social
Movements, NGOs – taking the cost and the negative impacts on the population,
on their means of subsistence and on the environment into consideration, the
elaboration of a policy of coexistence with the semi-arid climate would affect
the respective population and would actually promote a new water culture.
178
3 THE DEVELOPMENT PATTERN
AS GUARANTEE AND INCENTIVE
FOR MEGAPROJECTS
In financial terms, the loan generation profile is kept – but now due to the
indebtment of the states and municipal districts towards the multilateral banks.
Brazil’s direct investment on foreign countries during the last 2 years surpasses
the amount invested on the years before. The strategy is to expand over the
economy of bordering countries (free market policies to all South American
countries). A capital integration model is strengthened, lead by Brazil and
financed by multilateral financial institutions and by BNDES. This same strategy
is reproduced on national territory, in Rondônia, with the Hydroelectrical
Complex of Madeira River, in Santa Catarina, with hydroelectrical power plant
of Campos Novos, and in the frontier between Tocantins and Maranhão, with
the hydroelectrical power plant of Estreito. That is, hydroelectrical power plants
are built using our energy resources to attend national and international
interests, so those who want can profit by turning energy into a commodity.
179
The transposition is the greater engineering undertaking ever proposed to
Brazil. Due to the extension of 720 km of the artificial channels in the project,
the work has the second greater resources’ volume from all the infrastructure
actions comprised in the Plano de Aceleração do Crescimento (Growth Accelera-
tion Plan) – PAC: R$ 6,6 billion until 2010, mostly granted by BNDES, an explicit
evidence that the priority of this second Lula’s administration, in terms of pro-
ductive investments, is the infrastructure. It is estimated that the resources
needed can sum up to R$20 billion. As an strategy for the national establish-
ment of the Iniciativa de Integração da Infra-Estrutura Regional Sulamericana
(Initiative for the Integration of the South American Regional Infrastructure) –
IIRSA –, an integration plan ratified by all the 12 South American administra-
tions and lead by Brazil, the PAC reshapes the nation, currently hegemonized
by the agrobusiness’ big corporations and by the financial system, which
strategy is to grow at any price. Through this, a criminalization of the social
movements can be observed, taking into consideration the resistance to the
PAC works, all around the country, such as the campaign that has been made
by the Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (movement organized by the
people that were affected by barrages) – MAB –, denouncing the Brazilian
energy policy, those who benefit from it and its consequences on the environ-
ment and on the majority of the population.
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER – NEW OUTLINES
To ratify the real meaning of the fight against the transposition, three points of
view were determined:
In the other hand, the river is located in a region that has some specific issues,
but mostly problems common to all of Brazil, which should be faced from a
national perspective of territory. Thus, the impacts caused by the transposi-
tion of the São Francisco River will certainly reflect all over the country.
The territories are fundamental to the São Francisco basin population. Many
populations that once lived there were extinct due to the Portuguese coloni-
zation and/or expelled from their lands to make room for the cattle farms.
Thus, land disputes between the populations and big corporations become
180
inevitable, since the transposition project is taking place in an area where the
original communities (riverside, fishermen, quilombola and indigenous popu-
lations) don’t possess any documentation to prove their ownership. Especially
for the quilombola and indigenous populations, the territory is a place to reside,
live and produce; it is the place where one can find the family, the culture, the
subsistence, the sacred, the dead, the rites. By taking the territory away from
these people, not only the communities as a whole, but the individuals and
their history are destroyed.
One of the greatest impacts of the transposition are the federal conflicts
resulted from the rupture in the national integration feeling caused by the
transposition project, from a authoritarian perspective, running over the State
of Rights, concerning the violation of the Hydric Resources legislation, the
denied democracy and the denied participation. This manifestation of federal
conflict only takes place because the river is capable of being both the mean of
subsistence and the source of development for the population of several states.
Official documents imply that 70% of the water subject to the transposition
will serve to irrigation and coal industry purposes, 26% to supply water for big
cities, including the industrial district of Pecém, in Ceará; only 4% of the water
will be destined for human consumption.
181
3.3. THE TRANSPOSITION IS NOT SINGLE-HANDED THE SOLUTION FOR
THE DROUGHT, DUE TO THE DEEPER ROOTS OF THIS ISSUE, SUCH
AS LAND CONCENTRATION AND SECULAR POLITICAL DOMINATION.
ON THE CONTRARY, THE TRANSPOSITION MAKES THE DROUGHT
INDUSTRY MORE COMPLEX AND DIVERSIFIES ITS BENEFICIARIES
It is known that the Northeastern region has the world’s highest damming rate
– 70 thousand dams built over one century and a huge capacity for storing
water. These dams can hold around 37 billion m³, which is considered to be
the largest volume of dammed water on Semi-Arid Regions all over the world.
According to specialists, these dams have the ability to fully attend regional
demands, even during long dry spells. The construction of an infrastructure
integrated to these dams would be enough to solve the issue. The problem
is that all the projects planned for this region were never meant to handle
the existing social issues, that is, the hydric policy of the region was never
bounded to neither an agrarian nor a hydric reform that would benefit the
affected populations.
The real explanation for the drought in the Northeastern Region is the lack of a
policy of coexistence with the Brazilian Semi-Arid Region, since this is one of
the most pluvious Semi-Arid Regions in the world (precipitation average of
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER – NEW OUTLINES
700mm). It is also one of the most populated, with 20.000.000 habitants, over
40% living in the Northeastern Region, struggling in an environment with few
public policies concerned with the development of the population.
Many works have began with the justification of solving the Semi-Arid Region
drought problem, but ended up by being put aside, after they were used for
political purposes.
The Integration Minister, since 2007, highlighted that the irrigation projects
directed to the agrobusiness will be boosted by Public-Private Partnerships
– PPP’s 2 –, initiating a contractual pattern for the Semi-Arid Region, and
2 Public- private Partnerships (PPPs) were the instruments chosen by the government to enlarge the
investments in water and sanitary services. The State transfers to private partners the execution of some of
its attributions concerning infrastructural services, in exchange of guaranteeing the operational conditions
and of payment to the private partners. Institutions such as the World Bank support this type of initiative,
since they speed up the process of privatization of water in Brazil, which is an old recommendation of this
bank, so that projects concerning hydric issues can receive an economic return.
182
reckoning on financings granted by the World Bank, asserting the position of
the government towards empowering the private initiative and to keep on
favoring the relationship with the multilateral financing institutions.
Big strategies were determined for the indiscriminate expansion of the agro
and hydric business, the monoculture pointed to the agro combustibles, mining,
siderurgy industry, barrages, factories, railroads, all favored by incentives
granted to the transnationals through public resources, which results in both
social and environmental irrecoverable damages.
This unsustainable government policy is even more worrying before the climate
changes’ impact on the Northeastern Region, certainly the frailest one from a
social, economical and climate perspective. Thus, the transposition for irriga-
tion purposes, for instance, indicates the negligence towards environmental
sustainability. On top of several other impacts, these project will cause serious
economic issues, since the hydroelectrical power plants, located on the São
THE DEVELOPMENT PATTERN AS GUARANTEE AND INCENTIVE FOR MEGAPROJECTS
Francisco River Basin, are responsible for 98% of the energy generated in the
Northeastern Region.
The affirmation that the transposition will eliminate the water supplying issue
in the Northeastern Region hasn’t been holding up. Till now, the hydric scarcity
on the recipient regions hasn’t been verified. This necessity is also not recog-
nized by the National Water Agency (ANA), whose publication – Atlas Nordeste
de Abastecimento Urbano de Água (Northeastern Urban Supplying Atlas) –
doesn’t refer to the government project as a solution for the water shortage
in the Northeastern and Minas Gerais urban regions. In the ATLAS, 530 small
and medium decentralized works are suggested to solve the water supplying
problem of 34 million people from nine different states; these works can be
done in 1356 cities with over 5 thousand people, at a cost of R$3,6 billion.
In this same study, the ANA estimates that until 2015, thousands of cities
from all the Northeastern states, can suffer a hydric collapse if some works,
mainly the water mains, don’t begin to be built right now.
183
To reinforce these affirmatives, researchers that study the transposition im-
pacts, consider that to persist on the decision of implementing this project
will end up by extinguishing the river, through the process of salinization, since
sea water has already invaded around 145 km of its area, shown by the current
fishery in this region of species found only in marine waters. They also assert
that the drought is not a problem since 70 thousand dams were built in the
Semi-Arid Region, with the capacity to store 36 billion m³ of water; they only
need the construction of water mains and channels to be put to use. They say,
at last, that the transposition can generate the hugest environmental and social-
economic disaster in the Brazilian history.
Scientific studies, doctorate thesis and hydric experts affirm that there’s no
hydric problem in the Semi-Arid Region, since it counts with a precipitation
average of 700mm. There are, indeed, management, access and waste issues.
Some water bodies located in some regions of Ceará, such as Cariri, are
enclosured, disregarding the environmental legislation, the right of usage
should be registered in a notary’s office and the dams are privatized.
In São Paulo, the transposition of the Tietê basin to the Cubatão basin was
executed without the duly precautions in respect to the sewage treatment and
disposal, which caused the eutrophization of several water bodies. The popu-
lation, highly unsatisfied with the transposition of São Paulo’s sewages to the
inside of the basin, demanded the recovery of the environment and obtained a
transitory disposal on the states’ constitution, in 1989, prohibiting the rever-
sion of the Tietê waters. Nowadays, the water from this river follows its natural
course and the affected parties struggle for compensation mechanisms due
to the environmental and economical losses that resulted from this work.
In fact, the transposition of any water body is never free of impacts, either on
the donor or on the recipient basin.
184
4 THE USAGE OF THE
TRANSPOSITION WATERS
In Ceará, the transposition will serve to many purposes: from the São Fran-
cisco River it will disembogue on the Castanhão Dam; it will then flow into the
low Jaguaribe basin, to irrigate the fruit cultures, then it will go to the integra-
tion channel and, from there, to the Harbor and Industrial Complex of Pecém,
where it is intended to be installed a siderurgical plant, a refinery and three
thermoelectrical power plants, which pollution effects (air, water and soil) will
affect not only the local population, but part of the state’s west coastal region
economy, based on tourism since 1990.
The industrial district of Pecém has already half of the infrastructure (harbor,
power, roads, railroads) needed for the settlement of highly pollutant and great
water consumming industries. From this unsustainable perspective, the
transposition water is the only missing element to conclude the competitive
modernization project planned for Ceará. All the equipments that are being
negotiated by the government have greatly impacted the environment, and for
many of them, the water is basically the raw material used. On top of that, the
water will go to these industries as a tax incentive.
185
a refractory industry, which converts into the equivalent volume of water used
to supply a 90 thousand people town.
Thus, it is easy to acknowledge the causes of the silting up, deforestation and
river pollution. It is mainly the agrobusines that contaminates the groundwater
and the river. According to researchers that study health related subjects, the
low Jaguaribe’s region has one of the greatest cancer rates in Ceará, caused
by the abusive usage of agrotoxics by the companies.
In an area between Pernambuco and Bahia, the water will be used for the
irrigation of a 150.000 hectares project, which comprises the plantation of
sugar cane and five factories for the production of ethanol, from one of the
most powerful groups of Japan – the Itochu Consortium. In the region in which
the Barra-Ba diocese is located, on the margins of Rio Grande – the last great
affluent of the São Francisco River – a Korean company, Celltrion Consortium,
have already purchased 40.000 hectares of land for the production of ethanol,
sugar and energy generation. The Project Bahia-Bio proposes the implantation
of 510.000 hectares for the plantation of sugar cane, under the same goal.
In Paraíba, the water will mainly serve the fruitcultures and coal companies, as
well as for water supplying. This state owns Coremas and Mãe D’Água water
tanks which, combined, contain an estimated volume of 1,3 billion m³, which
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER – NEW OUTLINES
would solve the problems faced by the inland region of Paraiba due to water
supplying for many years.
In Rio Grande do Norte, the destination of the transposition water will be pri-
marily the fruit cultures for exportation purposes. The state owns the second
larger water-tank of the Northeastern Region (Armando Ribeiro Gonçalves),
with a volume of around 2,4 billion m³ of water, capable of attending all its
population for the next 20 years.
João Abner, a PhD on hydric resources for the Federal University of Rio Grande
do Norte, says that the states that would be contemplated by the transposi-
tion project own a greater hydric supply in their basins than their demand,
which doesn’t show a hydric scarcity and, therefore, doesn’t justify the trans-
position for supplying purposes.
The impacts on the river due to the transposition are huge: decrease on the
number of species of fishes, due to the pollution of the river basin; reduction
of the navigation capacity, due to the silting up caused by the deforestation,
resulted of the construction of the barrages; losses for the artisanal fishery
and migration of the riverside population; drought of the riverside lagoons
due to the silting up; on the low São Francisco, in Alagoas, many fish species
have stopped reproducing, affecting the people that fish for a subsistence
purpose; the horticulture on the riverbed will be banned; more than 100 cities
located along the riverside don’t have a sewage system, disposing garbage
on the river bed.
A diagnosis made on the São Francisco river basin, in Minas Gerais (2007),
revealed that 93% of the cities don’t have sewage systems or criteria for the
186
final destination of the residues. The greatest polluter is the city of Belo
Horizonte, whose disposals flow into Rio das Velhas, that disembogue in the
São Francisco river. When it passes through the Três Marias region, it receives
all the sewage from the city, that has around 25.000 habitants. Another impact
still on this region was caused by the Minas Gerais Metal Company, owned by
the Votorantim Group, which started its activities in 1969, pouring directly into
the river, for more than a decade, all their zinc production residues. Nowadays,
the sectors that contribute for the pollution increase are: mining; coal industry,
using natural forests for siderurgy; extensive monoculture, such as eucalypt,
soy, grass and coffee.
187
5 THE HUMAN RIGHT TO WATER
AND A NEW WATER CULTURE
In Brazil, water has always served the interests of a few, according to a pattern
of uneven development. Since the 1988’s federal constitution, water became
a property of the states or the Union, subject to regulations and to a national
policy specific for hydric resources. In 2006, a Hydric Resources National Plan
was ratified – within the Hydric Resources National Policy, created by law – as
a form of shared planning between the government and society, in order to
determine what should be a reasonable, equitative and sustainable usage of
Brazilian water until 2020. Despite its limitations, since it was created during a
period of privatization of federal sectors, it allowed popular participation
through the Basin Committees and the Hydric Resources Councils. But the
problem was that society hasn’t been prepared to dispute the political control
of the water management system. In the case of the transposition, the Basin
Committees are often controlled by government sectors or companies.
This new culture rises in order to end up with the current conservative water
culture, based on the appropriation and commercialization of the water and of
the environment, serving as an instrument for the generation of profit and the
maintenance of the power in the hands of an elite that cultivates and commer-
cializes, through a political sphere, a stereotyped image of the Northeastern
Region – a dry landscape, populated by squalid humans and starving cattle –
that helps to perpetrate old policies and hydric resources management systems,
in which wasteful irrigation techniques allied with unsustainable activities, such
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as the use of agrotoxics, and megaprojects that serve the market interests
determine the scenery.
The drought industry culture promotes the banalization of the problems; imposes
wasteful and inappropriate irrigation systems, perpetrates an immediatist and
electoral policy which deals with the water from a production approach and
imposes privatization as a solution to the water management issue. This archaic
culture, reify the growing water demands, with both environmental and social
costs, despising the sustainability problem.
A new water culture views the Semi-Arid Region as a strong, vital and powerful
place. Although the expression semi-arid means half as arid, this region can
be entirely sustainable. A new water culture stands by actions that represent
solutions for the Semi-Arid Region population other than migration. Alterna-
tives that turn the regions’ climate into an optimistic one; in which water from
the rain is saved in home cisterns; in which many simple technologies – some
that have already been installed – generated by the hands and creativity of
the society – dispute, on the scope of adequate and adequable technologies,
a project for the Semi-Arid Region, one that claims that the Northeastern
Region has water indeed. There are currently over forty techniques made
feasible by civil organizations, gathered through ASA – Articulação do Semi-
Árido (Semi-Arid Articulation) – such as: artesian wells, subterranean barrages,
“mandalas”, rock barrages, “cacimbões”, popular pumps, “barreiro calçadões”,
program 1 land and 2 water (water for production and consumption purposes),
salt water treatment. All these alternatives are cheaper, more efficient and
have fewer impacts on the environment.
Besides, the agroecological handling and activities value all the different popu-
lations and their needs, as well as the regional climate dynamic, the local
biodiversity, linking, or not, the different technologies, and securing the organic
matter, by recovering the soil and respecting the ecological principles.
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6 WATER AS A COMMODITY
Besides the rise in price of the land and the real estate speculation, other
consequences can be verified on the places where this project is being imple-
mented, such as the rising cases of prostitution.
On top of that, the transposition changes all the familiar agriculture existent
in the region, carrying on a policy that favors the agro exportation model,
resulting on the rise in food prices.
In the Jaguaribe Valley, Ceará – seen as a new place for globalized commerce
– the project outline doesn’t consider the familiar and the traditional agricul-
ture alongside the watercourse. In consequence, the region has to face land
concentration, accelerated migration, a violent proletarianization process and
an acute concentration of income.
Nowadays, on the Jaguaribe Valley, the breeding of crabs and other crusta-
ceans is the second greatest demander of water. There are thirty six irregular
shrimp farms, according to a research made by Embrapa, in 2005. Any of the
cities surrounding Jaguaribe have sanitary landfills; the slaughterhouses are
located on the riversides and the garbage coming from the hospitals is also
disposed on the river. Add to that the abusive usage of agrotoxics on the
plantation of fruits for exportation purposes, which has been causing the
death of local species; this is also the region that concentrates the greater
190
number of cases of death by toxic contamination. After the transposition,
the production will be increased and, with that, the health problems, water
contamination and migration of the local populations.
Besides the fruit culture, the transposition will benefit the shrimp farmers.
To breed shrimp for exportation, mainly for Spain and Germany, the entre-
preneurs deforest the mangroves on Jaguaribe’s riverside, building hun-
dreds of vivariums.
The integration channel – which will carry water to the Castanhão dam and,
from there, to the metropolitan region of Fortaleza and for the usage of the
Harbor and Industrial Complex of Pecém (CIPP) – had its worksites paralized
since 2006, due to the lack of resources. To compensate the expenses gener-
ated by the maintenance of the channel, the water might be sold, including to
the Ceará’s Water and Sanitation Company (CAGECE), which will repass this
cost to the population.
Due to the high cost generated by this project – since it’s expensive to obtain
the necessary energy in order to pump water to sites that are located up to
500 meters above sea level and along 750 km –, water and light bills will
become more and more expensive, since, to execute the transposition it is
necessary to build two large axes, North and East, and around 14 lots. Besides,
the operational, maintenance and water quality control expenses are too
high, due to the equipments that should be installed, the pumping stations
and another company that shall be built to manage the water. In other words,
the execution of the system will be privatized and will be controlled by the
federal administration.
191
water for planting purposes. With the transposition, the cost generated by the
water supplying will be, at least, five to six times greater than the current one.
The town’s populations will be responsible for the payment of the economic
usage of the water, such as irrigation of noble fruits, shrimp breeding and
steel production, which are meant for exportation.
First of all, these are two of the greatest groundworks that clearly show the
same logic towards the capital interests: one nationally, the other one regionally.
In second place, both express the resistance of the authoritarianism that have
been the signature of megaprojects executed despite the duly consultations
of the affected populations.
Projects like this don’t come up isolated, that is, for their execution, a set of
activities must take place in order to make sure that their reach their final
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER – NEW OUTLINES
Thus, the São Francisco River Transposition, in case it is carried through, will
produce real damages from a territorial, social, economic, cultural memory
and historical point of view. The most serious one, however, is that this will, in
the end, make an old dream of the local elite come true, which is to transform
some places in the Northeastern region into reference centers of exportation
of products that can compete internationally. At the same time that this
192
privatizes natural resources, such as water, jeopardizing any possibility of
development of the local populations, in the words of Hildebrando Soares this
situation consists on the “decline of the development”.
The removal of all development possibilities for the countries belonging to the
African and Latin-American continents was attached to the growth concept
brought by the Washington Consensus3 and materialized by the strategic docu-
ments from the World Bank Group and from the Inter-American Development
Bank – IDB.
These banks became the greatest financers and warrantors of the North-
eastern region growth pattern during the last 20 years, intervening in the states’
policies, on the economic, political, technical, social and environmental field,
determining what and how the public policies should be.
The airport was amplified with resources coming from PRODETUR, through
loans granted by IDB. To allow the execution of other projects, the government
provided the necessary infrastructure to Pecém for the implantation of an indus-
trial district, aiming to bring big companies into the state. Since power gene-
ration and roads were not a problem, but there was a water shortage, due to
the great consumption of the siderurgical industry and refinery located in this
region, the Castanhão, a water supply, was built; thus, the integration channel,
responsible for carrying water from the Castanhão to Fortaleza and the indus-
trial district, was inaugurated. The development of Ceará became the justifica-
tion of the transposition. This plan didn’t go through on that administration;
twenty two years later, the plan begins to take shape and its warrant is the
transposition of the São Francisco River. That is, there will only be a siderurgical
industry a refinery and, currently, thermoelectrical power plants, if the trans-
position is concluded. WATER AS A COMMODITY
3 Washington Consensus – agreement signed between the IMF, the World Bank and IDB, on the end of 1989,
in which policies on structural adjustments would become a condition for all loans to be granted by these
institutions to Latin America.
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7 THE TRANSNATIONALS
OF THE HYDRICBUSINESS
Water became a “business” and, as such, its supposed owners aim to profit.
The transnational companies are the ones that, reckoning on the government’s
support, keep on disputing parts of Brazil’s territory, the riches that are found
in them, polluting, deforesting and destroying them.
The government also has its role in this transaction: laying hold of the scarcity,
growth and competitiveness speech, justifies the public financing as an incen-
tive for big corporations to install their branches in the region. This constitutes
a Brazilian water market, which is an old dream stimulated by the World Bank,
since Fernando Henrique’s administration, and it’s now about to become true.
And it’s through this network that the perspective that natural resources exist
to be disputed by those who are the most competent, own more money and
have more power, is more and more solidified in this country,
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Large Lot / Consortium /
Axis Section Lot consortiums Smaller companies Site
NORTH II B HIDROCONSULT Lot 05 – Encalso/Convap/ Jati/CE
Arvek/Record – ENGEVIX
Lot 06 – EIT/Delta/Getel – Missão
MAGNA Velha/CE
Lot 14 – Construcap/
Ferreira Guedes/Toniolo
Busnello/Ambiental –
MAUBERTEC
Lot 07 – Carioca/ Cajazeiras/PB
S.Apaulista/Serveng
– MAGNA
III and IV F ENGESOFT CE/PB/RN
EAST V C TECHNE Army Floresta/PE
Lot 09 – ENGER
Lote 10 – Ibirim/PE
Lot 11 – OAS/Galvão
Barbosa Mello/Coesa
– TECNOSOLO
Lot 13 – Encalso/Convap/ Serra
Arvek/Record – DUCTOR Talhada/PE
D ECOPLAN Lot 12 – OAS/Galvão
Barbosa Mello/Coesa
– ECOPLAN
E
Source: Map “Projeto de Integração do Rio São Francisco com Bacias Hidrográficas do Nordeste
Setentrional” from the Concremat / Ministério da Integração Nacional Consortium
Besides the companies that won the public tenders on the lots of the previous
chart, there are, inside the states, transnational companies involved with the
authorization of the transposition project.
The Celltrion Group, for instance, is a South Korean consortium which might
install a factory to produce ethanol in Bahia, 680km from Salvador, with invest-
ments around R$ 520 million that can add up to R$1 billion. To enable the
installment of this industrial unity, the state government will grant tax incen-
tives and construct the necessary infrastructure requested by the company.
The Itochu Group – one of the most powerful groups in Japan and worldwide,
acquired 150 thousand hectares between Pernambuco and Bahia, for the
installment of five alcohol factories, aiming to guarantee the supply of ethanol
in Japan, having already closed commercialization deals with Petrobrás for
this same purpose. It can be added to this group Toyota Tsusho and other two
large national groups, that are greatly diversified in regard to their business –
Odebrecht and Queiroz Galvão. The total cost with the work is U$ 3 billion.
195
Pecém’s Harbor Complex, in Ceará – the installment license has already been
granted to one of them – along with a group called MPX Energias S.A, owned
by the great entrepreneur Eike Batista, the Energias do Brasil (holding that
belongs to Energias de Portugal) and with BNDES. The thermoelectrical power
plant should use coal imported from Colômbia through MPX for its functioning.
The continuance of the works on the integration channel is being financed by
the World Bank and by BNDES.
The Del Monte Fresh Produce Brasil Ltda – located in Limoeiro do Norte,
Ceará, is one of the greatest companies on production and exportation of
fruits, exporting to many countries.
Coal culture entrepreneurs that will benefit from the transposition: Potiporã,
company from the group Queiroz Galvão; CAMANOR, located in the Mangue
harbor; Rio Mare Acuacultura and Maricultura Tropical Ltda, all of them located
in Rio Grande do Norte. Compescal; Parque Luso Brasileiro de Carcinicultura;
Seafarm – Criação e Comércio de Produtos and DACE-Dallas Comércio
Exportação Ltda., all located in Ceará.
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8 THE PROJECT’S CURRENT STATUS
The project spent, till this moment, around R$ 600 million on consultancies,
advisories and works. This amount would be enough to build 20% of the
water mains determined in the ATLAS for the Northeastern Region. On the
riverside towns, the government is investing in sanitation, calling it revitalization,
as an exchange for the transposition project to be done. In fact, the govern-
ment gathered all the sanitary works that were projected for the region and
called it the “São Francisco Revitalization”, without pondering on a strategy to
recover the river, counting on correlated and integrated actions. The central
issue is really the development pattern that is being established, which, on
the agro combustibles race, for example, points towards the implementation
of 510 thousand hectares of irrigated cane for the Bahia-Bio. In the other hand,
cities in need of water mains in the São Francisco valley, such as Campo Alegre
de Lurdes, in Bahia, are not witnessing any progress in this matter.
In the sites where the army has already initiated the work, health and dental
care is being offered, serving as a form of cooptation of the local populations,
since these actions are scattered and assistencialist, and aim to legitimate the
questionable presence of the army in those regions.
197
project’s publicity material to the visitors (maps, textbook, DVD elaborated by
the ministry), with no profound explanations or argumentation beyond the
official script.
In the project it is foreseen that the North Axis will bring water to Pernambuco,
Ceará, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Norte inlands, comprising lots 1 to 7. Lots 1
and 2 will be concluded until November 30th, 2010; lots 3 to 7 should only be
completed in November 2011. For this Axis, the PAC estimates, until 2010, a
cost of R$ 2,89 billion. According to researchers, only Paraíba, Rio Grande do
Norte and Ceará, accumulate between their water tanks 26 billion m3 of water,
that is, 70% of the water reserved in the Semi-Arid Region; eleven times the
water in Guanabara Bay, Rio de Janeiro.
The East Axis starts between the cities of Floresta and Petrolândia, in
Pernambuco, including part of the inland and agreste of Pernambuco and
Paraíba. Comprising lots 9 to 13, it is forecasted to be finished by September
2010. For this Axis, it is estimated, in the PAC, until 2010, a cost of R$ 1,91
billion. For lots 4, 5 and 6, it is estimated a total cost of R$ 570,39 million.
In that place, the government intends to inaugurate 700 km of concrete
channels, which will deviate part of the water to four states: Pernambuco,
Paraíba, Rio Grande do Norte and Ceará. There will be two channels: one north-
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER – NEW OUTLINES
ward, which will attend the demand of Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte, and
another one eastward, supplying Pernambuco and Paraíba. In Petrolândia, is
located the Pipipãs settlement, where 2.050 indigenous live, and the Kambywas
settlement, who might see their territory be cut in half due to the construction
of this axis. These populations may have to give half of their territory up,
letting go of their historical, anthropological and religious references. In the
Cabrobó region, live the Truká and the Tumbalalá populations, who struggle
for the delimitation of their lands for over eleven years.
The civil companies that will carry on the works of lots 3 and 4 of the project
have already been contracted. The winner was the Encalso/Conpav/Arvek/
Record consortium, which will be responsible, amongst other works, for the
construction of channels coated with concrete, tunnels and barrages, including
hydroelectric power plants. For the execution of the works on lot 6, the winner
was the EIT/Delta/Getel consortium. It is relevant to emphasize that the
company EIT was the second biggest donor for the recent campaign of the
elected mayor of Fortaleza.
In the East Axis (220 km), the Army’s Engineering Battalion located in Cabrobó,
Pernambuco, have already executed 16% of the 5,8 km approximation channel
and 53,5% of the barrage in the city of Areias. Fifty four families that have
been subsisting out of fishery for over nineteen years are predicted to be dis-
placed. In the North Axis, 24,7% of the 2,1 km approximation channel and
32,2% of the barrage in Tucutu, the first dam of the project, have already been
executed. It is important to emphasize that along the São Francisco basin there
are already seven barrages. Those who visit the worksites can observe that
not much has been done, although the movement of the machines, the re-
volved land and the investments are huge, and end up by justifying why the
198
government hasn’t withdrawn. The reality of the facts is that, if after one year
of work (cutting trenches and exploding rocks, since the soil is geologically a
crystalline), only 10 km were constructed, there is no reason to keep the project
on. In this pace, it will take forty years for the work to be concluded, serving
only to release the water stocked on the north most northeastern states and
to generate more revenue to the contractors.
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9 THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND
JUDICIAL CONFLICTS
The case of the São Francisco River Transposition can be taken as an example
of the subservience of Brazil’s Supreme Court of Justice to political and
economic interests of another power. The Federal Supreme Court in all of its
judgments (2005 and 2007) doesn’t take life or the environment into con-
sideration, due to the expenses already generated by the government. Under
this perspective, immediatist and venal, it abdicates of one of the most valuable
principles in Law – the precaution principle – which demands caution towards
the possibility of irreversible damages. It despises legitimate instruments of
popular participation and democracy experience – public audiences and con-
sultations – arraigning the interests from different sectors of society that are
against the project.
It removes itself from its essential function as the warrantor of justice at the
moment that Law is aggrieved by another power, that is, the harmony between
the Republic’s powers is broken. Thus, from guardian of the Federal Constitu-
tion it becomes subservient to the established hegemonic order at the moment
it guarantees a policy of disregard and indifference towards the Semi-Arid
Region population.
The project is filled with illegalities and unconstitutionalities. This can easily
be seen when the President removed from the National Congress the compe-
tence to deal with plans and, national, regional or sectorial development
programs and to decide on works on indigenous areas. The problem is that,
because the subject is a project concerning a national river, which works will
pass through indigenous areas, it should have been authorized by the Con-
gress in order to be allowed. This can be considered a flagrant violation of the
Federal Constitution, which in its 49th article (item XVI) establishes that it is of
exclusive competence of the National Congress to approve the exploitation
of natural resources on indigenous areas. The North Axis impounding point is
80 meters from the Island of Assunção, territory that belongs to the Truká
people, which has already been delimited. Other tracings of the project go
through the lands of Pipipãs, Anacés, Kambywas, who should have been heard
as well. Hydric resources policies, such as the National System of Hydric
Resources Management, are also being disregarded. The São Francisco Basin
Plan reckons the possibility of using water from the basin only for human or
animal consumption, after confirmation of scarcity. The reality is that it has
200
already been proved the industrial use of this water in Ceará and the usage for
agro exporting in other states.
There are twenty lawsuits on the Supreme Court that haven’t been judged on
their merit. In several of them, the environmental licensing before IBAMA is
being questioned, pointing out the flaws on the environmental impact studies
and on the procedure from the environmental organ, which doesn’t observe
the rules on environmental custody; and the disrespect to popular participa-
tion, since the Public Audiences were called together only as mere form, which
didn´t enable the participation of the basin riverside population. The Grant
filed by ANA is also questioned, since it disagreed with the amount established
on the São Francisco Hydric Basin Plan, elaborated in compliance with the
Hydric Resources National Policy, in addition to other arguments that allowed
the continuity of the works.
The work still doesn’t have the RIMA (Environmental Impact Report) from the
region that donates 70% of the water in the project, Minas Gerais, neither
from the region where the estuary is located, Bahia, which is the region that
suffered the most. This implicates on a violation of the environmental legisla-
tion, strengthening the comprehension that the work is unsustainable, since,
when an environmental licensing is not fulfilled, the impacts cannot be pre-
dicted. In this case, the studies on the environmental impacts were only done
on the water path, but not in the hydrographical basin as a whole, overlooking
some states, such as Minas Gerais, which is a big mistake. In the other hand,
IBAMA (the Brazilian Environmental Institute) has been trying to attend political
interests, and not technical ones, since it has been disregarding constitutional
dispositions and those established on the Hydric Resources legislation.
Several judicial actions were brought before the court by social movements,
NGO’s and federal and state prosecuting counsels. Some temporary restraining
orders were issued by federal judges, from Bahia, due to the verified illicitness.
A copy of the DVD on the transposition, elaborated by Ceará’s Coalition for a
New Water Culture, was attached to the minutes and handed to each Supreme
Court Minister.
In December 2005, the Brazilian Supreme Court gathered all the lawsuits
against the transposition to judge them as a whole and, provisorily, quashed
the existing restraining orders, authorizing the continuance of the project.
Pushed by the repercussion of bishop Dom Cappio’s fasting and prayer, the
Supreme Court, after two years, set the judgment on the transposition for
December 2007. Two appeals for the suspension of the work were put to trial:
one from the civil organizations and another one by the federal prosecuting
counsel. It was just a primary ponderation on the preliminary request, but not
201
yet the final judgment on the lawsuits. Through the majority of the ministers’
votes, the Supreme Court authorized the continuance of the works, going
past the Federal Constitution, disregarding the most legitimate instruments of
popular participation and democracy materialization.
There are still Public Civil Actions and Popular Actions, issued by indigenes
and people that live on the São Francisco riverside, waiting to be judged.
The dilemma is whether to appeal to a court connivent to this predatory model,
indiferent to the semi-arid population, in the belief that it is capable of reviewing
its own stands when confronted by a vast probatory documentation on an
iminent environmental disaster or to fall back upon internacional instancies to
guarantee that the semi-arid population’s rights will be respected. In October
2008, the São Francisco River Basin Committee requested a Public Audience to
the Supreme Court on the transposition matter, but it still doesn’t have a date.
In July 2008, the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (Socialism and Freedom Party),
issued an Unconstitucionality Direct Action, asking the Brazilian Supreme Court
for a temporary restraining order to suspend the works on the transposition
and the Presidential Decree that instituted the Management System of the
Project with the hydric basins located on the north-most of the Northeastern
Region. The lawsuit should have been judged on August, 2008.
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10 THE STRUGGLE FOR THE
RESISTANCE: DEMOCRACY
RADICALIZATION
Thus, the decision of the São Francisco Committee is not beeing executed,
since the public consultations occured with a minimum participation, instead
of guaranteeing broader debates, so necessary in the case of such a complex
and controversial project. Moreover, politics, technicians and social movements
from the two biggest water donnors – Minas, 70%, and Bahia, 20% – were
also not heard.
Besides the disrespect towards the people affected with the work on the
transposition, other facts corroborate for a flagrant offence against the state
of rights and against democracy, such as the gaps on the EIA-RIMA, violation
of the rights of the traditional and indigenous communities and abusive
expense of public revenue. The most serious issue, however, is the total
lack of popular legitimacy over the project, proved by inumerous contrary
manifestations by the riverside population and popular organizations from the
semi-arid Brazilian regions.
After the first fasting made by Dom Cappio, in 2005, and by other two country-
men that joined the bishop in solidarity, a dialogue begun with the Federal
Administration, which bounded itself to execute a broad, true and partici-
pative dialogue on the transposition, the revitalization and the sustainable
development of the Semi-Arid Region issues. Therefore, a mixed comission,
formed by both society and government, was established and it defined
technical debates to be held in Brasília on all three themes, as well as debates
on the São Francisco River and Semi-Arid regions. From all these debates,
the only one that actually occurred was held in Brasilia and discussed the
Sustainable Development. Due to the electoral period, no other debates were
held. After the elections and, even after the government’s promise of retaking
the dialogue, nothing was done.
203
The decision of Brazil’s Supreme Court, at the end of 2005, of throwing down
the temporary restraining orders that suspended the project and, in conse-
quence, permiting its continuation, broke entirely this insipid dialogue with
the government.
But, obstinated to live with dignity, the semi-arid people don’t give up. They
keep on the mobilizations, articulations, debates and direct actions in support
of the river.
Two fastings were made by Dom Cappio: one in Cabrobó, in 2005, that lasted
for 11 days; and another one in Sobradinho, in 2007, for 24 days, contributing
to the amplification of the mobilizations and protests made by the civil organi-
zations, with simultaneous fastings in other capitals, but also so that other
sectors of the country would make their positions on the transposition matter
explicit, for better or worse.
Still in 2007, there were settlements of over 1500 people on the worksites and
mobilizations on the Axes.
A fact that also caused great repercussion on society was the Caravana em
Defesa do Rio São Francisco e do Semi-Árido (Caravan in Advocacy of the
São Francisco River and of the Semi-arid region), formed in August 2007, to
THE IMPACTS OF MEGAPROJECTS AND THE ESCR VIOLATIONS | THE TRANSPOSITION OF THE SÃO FRANCISCO RIVER – NEW OUTLINES
The main goal of the Caravan is to warn about the inviability and unnecessarines
of the project to achieve the supposed goal which was proposed and to point
out that the northeastern supplying problems should be solved with much
simpler and cheaper alternatives, which will certainly bring more significant
results to the population.
In 2008, the Conferência dos Povos do São Francisco (São Francisco Popula-
tion Conference) took place in Sobradinho, joining ninety three social move-
ments and civil organizations. In that occasion, the social movements signed
a petition to the Serviço Paz e Justiça (Peace and Justice Service), indicating
the Bishop Dom Cappio to the Pax Christi International Award.
Through Via Campesina new mobilizations on the North Axis have been taking
place, in Ceará and in Rio Grande do Norte. Civil organizations and foreign
researchers (Italy, Germany, France) have been visiting the works on the
204
transposition in order to contribute to the dissemination of the problems
surrounding the hydric resources on the region, from a broader perspective.
In Ceará, the Frente Cearense Por uma Nova Cultura da Água e Contra a
Transposição das Águas do Rio São Francisco (Ceará’s Coalition for a New Water
Culture and Against the Transposition of the São Francisco River) was formed,
in 2005, to join civil organizations and social movements in the effort against
the project and to spread the debate about a new water culture. Activities on
these subjects were held on the II FSNE (2nd Northeastern Social Forum) and
on the Brazilian Social Forum. The DVD about the transposition made by Ceara’s
Coalition, containing a Spanish translation, has been divulged abroad, through
international cooperation agencies and, recently, with a German translation as
an iniciative of Kobra Foundation, to Germany.
In Paraíba, the Frente Paraibana em Defesa da Terra, das Águas e dos Povos do
Nordeste (Paraíba’s Coalition in Advocacy of the Land, the Water and the North-
eastern Population) was formed, calling attention to the deteriorated dams
that need their barrages to be repaired.
In Pernambuco, the debate is still not very organical, but, in 2008, rural and
urban social movements, non-governmental organizations and society forums,
got together in Cabrobó, for a manifestation against the beggining of the works
on the transposition.
From October 17th to 19th, 2008, the 5th Water Procession (Romaria das Águas)
took place in Sobradinho (an inland town of Bahia), so representantives of Pax
Christi – a catholic entity that works for a culture of Peace and Non-Violence,
headquartered in Brussels – could deliver the award.
from the 8th centennial commemoration of the Franciscan Charism. In the letter,
the Franciscans criticize the transposition, the agrocombustibles and the
abusive profits made by the economic market. The President didn’t meet them,
sending the vice-president as his representative.
In conclusion, all the resistance is based on the belief that to be against the
transposition is to ratify a new water culture, wich means to believe that the
key instruments for the construction of a viable and vibrant Northeastern
Region, from a political, economical, environmental and social perspective,
are a distribution policy, an effective administration and a democratic manage-
ment of water.
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11 WHAT HAS BEEN PRODUCED
ON THIS SUBJECT
Lots os material and studies have been produced and widely publicized con-
cerning the Transposition of the São Francisco River, as well as inumerous
articles.
There are some suggestions following this text for those who are interested in
making a more profound study on this matter.
BOOKS
ALVES, João. Toda a verdade sobre a transposição. [s.n.t.].
. Transposição de águas do São Francisco: agressão à natureza vs. solução
ecológica. [s.n.t.].
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APOIO | SUPPORT