Anais Xii Cidh Completo

XII Congresso Internacional de Direitos Humanos
Anais
Congresso Internacional de
Direitos Humanos
ISSN PARA TODAS AS VERSES
2178-7174
CARLA FABIANA COSTA CALARGE
ANTONIO HILARIO AGUILERA URQUIZA
(ORGS.)
Campo Grande - Mato Grosso do Sul - Brasil

Novembro de 2015
Apresentao
Organizao
Programao
Textos das Conferncias
Grupos Temticos
Trabalhos Completos
Banners
61
GT1- Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e Direitos Humanos
62
GT 2 - Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos Humanos
87
GT 3 - Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos Humanos
112
GT 4 - Educao em Direitos Humanos e Incluso
187
GT 5 - Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos Direitos Humanos
232
GT 6 - Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Desenvolvimento Sustentvel
243
GT 7 - Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira
275
GT 8 - Migrao e trfico de pessoas em situaes de fronteiras
305
Comunicaes Orais
314
GT1- Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e Direitos Humanos
315
GT 2 - Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos Humanos
472
GT 3 - Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos Humanos
651
GT 4 - Educao em Direitos Humanos e Incluso
1268
GT 5 - Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos Direitos Humanos
1614
GT6 - Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Desenvolvimento Sustentvel
1690
GT 7 Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira
1840
GT 8 Migrao e trfico de pessoas em situaes de fronteiras
2054
Sumrio
Sumrio
A Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS) e a Universidade Catlica Dom

Bosco (UCDB) realizam no perodo de 04 a 07 de novembro de 2015 o XII Congresso Internacional de Direitos Humanos.
O Congresso Internacional de Direitos Humanos tem se constitudo como um espao importante de intercmbio entre pesquisadores e estudantes, no s do Estado de Mato
Grosso do Sul, mas, de diferentes Instituies de Educao Superior do pas e alguns vindos
do exterior. Alm da participao de pessoas da academia (alunos e pesquisadores), tem sido
tambm, um espao de participao de lideranas de movimentos sociais (afrodescendentes,
indgenas, feministas, entre outros), estreitando o dilogo entre o conhecimento acadmico e
outras formas de conhecimentos.
Este XII CIDH, que tem como tema FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS DIREITOS HUMANOS NAS FRONTEIRAS vem dar continuidade aos trabalhos desenvolvidos nos anos anteriores, os quais trataram sempre de temas relacionados aos fundamentos
filosficos, histricos e jurdicos, assim como da prtica dos Direitos Humanos no Brasil e
em outros pases. Este, no entanto, pretende, tambm, ser um espao privilegiado de interlocuo sobre a dimenso cultural (diversidade) relacionada aos fundamentos e prtica
dos Direitos Humanos, assim como privilegiar o dilogo entre acadmicos e pesquisadores
nacionais com outros educadores de diferentes nveis e pases (Espanha, EUA, Argentina,
Alemanha, Itlia), sobre as prticas dos Direitos Humanos em contextos interculturais, enfatizando a autonomia e a educao em direitos humanos.
O I Seminrio Internacional de Direitos Humanos foi realizado 2001, com a parceria
e intercmbio entre professores/pesquisadores da Universidade Catlica Dom Bosco e da
Universidade de Salamanca/ Espanha. Os laos foram se ampliando atravs da realizao de
eventos nos dois pases e com a incluso de outras instituies internacionais (Complutense
de Madrid/Espanha, University of Washignton/EUA, Universidad de Rozrio/Argentina) e
instituies brasileiras (UFMS, UEMS, UFGD, UFPB, UFPE, UMESP, UNIMEP, UNICENTRO, entre outras).
A partir destes intercmbios foi criado o FIIDH FRUM INTERNACIONAL E INTERINSTITUCIONAL DE DIREITOS HUMANOS, ao qual este Seminrio est filiado. Dessa
forma, este evento contar com a participao de distintos professores pesquisadores de universidades nacionais e internacionais alm de instituies ligadas educao e aos Direitos
Humanos, tais como:
IDHMS - Instituto de Direitos Humanos do Mato Grosso do Sul;
CEEDHMS - Comit Estadual de Educao em Direitos Humanos;
FUNDECT - Fundao de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento do Ensino, Cincia e
Tecnologia do Estado de Mato Grosso do Sul;
MCDB - Museu das Culturas Dom Bosco (vinculado a UCDB);
FTD-ETP - Frum do Trabalho Descente e Estudo sobre Trfico de Pessoas;
MPT - Ministrio Pblico do Trabalho
CEDH - Conselho Estadual de Direitos Humanos de MS
OAB/MS - Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil/Mato Grosso do Sul.
Atravs destes vrios anos de evento, chega-se a este XII CONGRESSO INTERNACIONAL DE DIREITOS HUMANOS com boa dose de expectativa de avanar no debate de temas
Apresentao
Apresentao
relacionados aos Direitos Humanos e a cultura.

Em 2014 o XI CIDH foi marcado pelo tema da diversidade cultural e tivemos presenas marcantes, como a conferncia de abertura da professora Dra. Maria Esther Martnez Quinteiro / Universidade de Salamanca - Espanha, assim como de outros visitantes ilustres, com o Dr. Jesus Lima
Torrado (Univ. Complutense de Madrid / Espanha), Dr. Ams Nascimento, da Universidade de
Washington (EUA), Dra. Luisa Fernanda Vallejo Cruz (Univ. Central de Bogot/Colmbia), Dr.
scar Iglesias (Bogot/Colmbia) entre outros. Outro elemento importante que neste ano dobrou
o nmero de trabalhos acadmicos inscritos, sinal da seriedade e maturidade que o evento vem
adquirindo nos ltimos anos.
Atravs destes vrios anos de evento, chega-se a este XII CONGRESSO INTERNACIONAL
DE DIREITOS HUMANOS com boa dose de expectativa de avanar no debate de temas relacionados aos Direitos Humanos e as questes referentes fronteira.
Comisso Organizadora (Execuo)
Comisso de infraestrutura e logstica
Dra. Ana Paula Martins Amaral (UFMS)

Dr. Antonio Hilrio Aguilera Urquiza (UFMS)
Ms. Carla Fabiana Costa Calarge (MCDB/
UCDB)
Dr. Ccero Rufino Pereira (MPT/FTD-ETP/
UCDB)
Ms. Edson Luiz Xavier (Coordenador do
PIDH/UCDB)
Ms. Getlio R. de Lima (CEEDH-UFMS)
Ms. Isabelle Dias Carneiro Santos (UFMS/
CPTL)
Ms. Joana Maria Matos Machado (UCDB)
Dr. Jos do Nascimento (FIIDH/MS)
Ms. Jos Paulo Gutierrez (UFMS)
Dra. Luciane Pinho de Almeida (UCDB)
Dra. Luciani Coimbra (UFMS)
Ms. Maucir Pauletti (UCDB)
Ms. Patrcia Martinez Almeida (UCDB)
Dra. Ynes da Silva Felix (UFMS)
Alyson Matheus de Souza (UFMS)

Andreia Gusman (FADIR/UFMS)
Ms. Jos Henrique Prado (UFMS)
Ms. Aurlio Tomaz da S. Briltes (UFMS)
Jssica Maciel de Souza (Cientista Social/
UFMS)
Mateus Henrique Zotti Maas (UFMS)
Sandro Fabian Dornelles (FADIR/UFMS)
Comit Cientfico
Dra. Adir Casaro Nascimento (UCDB)
Dra. Aida Monteiro (UFPE)
Dra. Alcia Cabezudo (Univ. de Rozrio/Argentina)
Dr. lvaro Banducci Jnior (UFMS)
Dr. Ams Nascimento (Univ. de Washington)
Dra. Ana Keila Mosca (UFABC)
Dr. Andreas Niederberger (Universidade de
Frankfurt, Alemanha)
Dra. Beatriz dos Santos Landa (UEMS)
Dra. Carina Elisabeth Maciel (UFMS)
Dra. Esther Martnez Quinteiro (Univ. de Salamanca/Espanha)
Dra. Geziela Iensue (UFMS)
Dr. Heitor Queiroz de Medeiros (UCDB)
Dr. Jess Lima Torrado (Univ. Complutense/
Espanha)
Dr. Jorge Eremites de Oliveira (UFPEL)
Dr. Jos Manfroi (UCDB)
Dr. Josemar de Campos Maciel (UCDB)
Dr. Luis Fernando Sgarbossa (UFMS)
Dra. Margaret Griesse (University of Washington)
Dr. Neimar Machado de Souza (UFGD)
Dra. Sheila Stolz da Silveira (UFRG)
Dr. Oscar Iglesias Alvis (Univ. Salamanca/Espanha)
Dr. Ancelmo Schrner (UNICENTRO/PR)
Dr. Solon Eduardo Annes Viola (UNISINOS)
Comisso de credenciamento
Andra Lcia Cavararo Rodrigues (UFMS)
Kellen Dias Lacerda (UFMS)
Shih Yin Tsen (UFMS)
Snia Rocha Lucas (PPGant/UFGD)
Tnia Milene Nugoli (PPGant/UFGD)
Comisso de divulgao e inscrio
Ms.Getlio Raimundo de Lima (UFMS)
Ms. Joana Maria Matos Machado (UCDB)
Ms. Jos Paulo Gutierrez (UFMS)
Dr. Josemar de Campos Maciel (UCDB)
Marco Antnio Rodrigues (UFMS)
Ms. Rosngela Lieko Kato (UFMS)
Organizao (Discente)
Alyson Matheus de Souza (UFMS)
Ana Lcia Franco (UFMS)
Andra Lcia Cavararo Rodrigues (UFMS)
Bruna Cotrin Rodrigues (UFMS)
DaniellyAlmeida Lima (UFMS)
Demilson Boaventura da Silva (UFMS)
Gabriela Barbosa Lima e Santos (PPGant/
UFGD)
Inez de Oliveira de Souza (UFMS)
Gabriela Pereira (UFMS)
Isabelle Jablonski (UFMS)
Julio Cesar Nunes de Souza (UFMS)
Jnior Jos da Silva (PPGant/UFGD)
Kellen Dias Lacerda (UFMS)
Liliana Simionatto (UFMS)
Luyse Vilaverde Abascal Munhs (UFMS)
Marco Antonio Rodrigues (UFMS)
Mateus Henrique Zotti Maas (UFMS)
Mayara Holzbach (PPGant/UFGD)
Sara Farias Lopes (UFMS)
Snia Rocha Lucas (PPGant/UFGD)
Pmella Rani Epifnio Soares (UFMS)
Priscila de Oliveira Ribeiro (UFMS)
Rayane Bartolini Macedo (PPGant/UFGD)
Sabrina Morais (UFMS)
Shih Ling Hsuan(UFMS)
Shih Yin Tsen (UFMS)
Tania Milene Nugoli (PPGant/UFGD)
Wilker Solidade da Silva (PPGant/UFGD)
Organizao
Organizao
Dia 04/11/2015 ANFITEATRO BLOCO A (UCDB)

17h Credenciamento e entrega do material
19h30 Sesso de abertura
Apresentaes culturais (grupo de cordas/UCDB)

CONFERNCIA de ABERTURA

21h
Conferencista: Dra. Rosana Baeninger (UNICAMP)

Coordenao: Jos do Nascimento (IDHMS)
Lanamento de livros e outras publicaes
Dia 05/11/2015
MANH
MESA 01 8h - Complexo Multiuso UFMS (evento paralelo)
Tema: FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS Aspectos histricos e Jurdicos

Expositores: Dr. Ams Nascimento (Universidade de Washington / EUA)

Dr. Vladmir Oliveira da Silveira (PUC / SP)

Dr. Paulo Roberto Haidamus de O. Bastos (UFMS)

Coordenao: Dra. Ana Paula Martins Amaral (UFMS)
MESA 02 8h - Auditrio BLOCO B - UCDB
Tema: DIREITOS HUMANOS NAS FRONTEIRAS Migrao e refugiados

Expositores: Dra. Francesca Marzatico (Universidade Npoles / Itlia)

Ms. Vanessa Generoso Paes (Doutoranda USP)

Dr. Csar Augusto S. Silva (UFGD)

Dr. Ancelmo Schrner (UNICENTRO/PR)

Coordenao: Ms. Isabelle Dias Carneiro Santos (UFMS)
MESA 03 10h - Auditrio BLOCO B - UCDB
Tema: FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS Aspectos Histricos e Filosficos

Expositores: Dra. Maria Esther Martines Quinteiros (Universidade de Salamanca)

Dra. Flavia de vila (UFS)

Coordenao: Ms. Elaine Clair Alexandre dos Santos (UCDB)
TARDE - BLOCO A - UCDB

14h s 17h Apresentao de trabalhos conforme os GTs

16h s 17h e 30min - Exposio dos psteres/banners
NOITE
MESA 04 - 19h - Auditrio do Complexo Multiuso - UFMS
Tema: FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS Aspectos Histricos e Filosficos

Expositores: Dra. Maria Esther Martines Quinteiros (Universidade de Salamanca)

Dra. Flavia de vila (UFS)

Coordenao: Dr. Luis Fernando Sgarbossa (UFMS)
Programao
Programao
MESA 05 - 19h - BLOCO B- UCDB

Tema: FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS Aspectos histricos e Jurdicos

Expositores: Dr. Ams Nascimento (Universidade de Washington / EUA)

Dr. Vladmir Oliveira da Silveira (PUC / SP)

Dr. Paulo Roberto Haidamus de O. Bastos (UFMS)

Coordenao: Ms. Maucir Pauletti (UCDB)
Dia 06/11/2015
MANH
MESA 06 8h - Auditrio Bloco A UCDB
Tema: FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS Aspectos Jurdicos

Expositores: Dr. Jesus Lima Torrado (Universidade Complutense de Madrid)

Dra. Sheila Stolz da Silveira (UFRG)

Ms. Neyla Ferreira Mendes (Defensoria Pblica Geral/MS)

Coordenao: Dra. Jaceguara Dantas da Silva Passos (Procuradora dos DH)
MESA 07 10h - Auditrio Bloco A UCDB
Tema: DIREITOS HUMANOS NAS FRONTEIRAS Trfico de pessoas e trabalho escravo

Expositores: Ms. Estela Mrcia Rondina Scandola (UCDB)

Dr. Jos Carlos Sebe Bom Meihy (prof. Titular aposentado USP/UNIGRANRIO)

Dr. Tito Carlos Machado de Oliveira (UFMS)

Ms. Ccero Rufino Pereira (MPT)

Coordenao: Dra. Luciani Coimbra (UFMS)
TARDE - BLOCO A- UCDB

14h s 17h Apresentao de trabalhos conforme os GTs

16h s 17h e 30min- Exposio dos psteres/banners
NOITE - 19h - Auditrio Bloco A UCDB

Cerimnia de Encerramento
CONFERNCIA DE ENCERRAMENTO
Tema: DEMOCRACIA E DIREITOS HUMANOS

Expositor:
Dra. Mnica Herman Salem Caggiano (USP)

Coordenao: Dra. Ynes Da Silva Flix (UFMS)
Dia 07/11/2015
9h - Reunio FIIDH (comit cientfico, coordenadores e professores)
11h30 CERIMNIA FINAL DO XII CIDH
Textos das Conferncias
DA (IM)POSSIBILIDADE DE VIVER NA CIDADE: OS OUTROS COMO

MAL-ESTARES SOCIAIS: HAITIANOS EM JARAGU DO SUL (SC)
Ancelmo Schrner
Resumo.
Ao nos debruarmos mais detidamente sobre certas questes que envolvem as causas
dos problemas urbanos e as maneiras de super-los, verificamos que as respostas que
muitos, no cotidiano, tm na ponta da lngua so apenas enganadoramente bvias e,
com freqncia, incompletas ou equivocadas. No caso da impresa isso fica mais
evidente ainda. Convm sublinhar, ento, que tais processos, ligados sociologia do
outro (pobre, estrangeiro, migrante), radicam-se nos estados da desigualdade, tanto a
concreta quanto em sua construo simblica, verdadeira matriz dessas configuraes.
Entre as mais significativas caractersticas do processo migratrio constam aquelas
ligadas recepo do migrante e s suas condies de adaptao cidade, sua
habitao, seu territrio. A simples presena dos migrantes na cidade j denunciava a
existncia de outra realidade, em oposio a um discurso hegemnico. Os migrantes, os
mal-estares sociais, aparecem na imprensa geralmente atravs de expresses tais
como mar, ondas, corrente e fluxo, divulgando claramente uma imagem
ligada idia de ameaa, assalto e invaso. O que se deve, porm, contextualizar a
contribuio explicativa potencial da pobreza e da desigualdade nesse processo. A
visibilidade crescente da criminalidade que tem por palco a cidade, tem levado muitos
investigadores a encarar as migraes como um fenmeno social nefasto, cujas
dimenses preciso reduzir. Contudo, nada justifica a noo simplista que a
criminalidade decorre do nmero excessivo de migrantes. Por isso, criminalizar a
pobreza e os outros significa tratar a (in)segurana social como se fosse meramente
insegurana fsica e responder s desordens urbanas e conflitos gerados pela pobreza
persistente com a polcia e o aparato penal do Estado.
Palavras-chave: Migrantes; Criminalizao; Imprensa.
Introduo.
Entre 1960 e 1980, a industrializao de Jaragu do Sul foi intensificada,
aumentando o setor de servios e oportunidades de trabalho, passando a representar o
lugar da realizao do sonho urbano da gerao de empregos e de oportunidades
econmicas para trabalhadores rurais de vrias regies do Estado de Santa Catarina e
de Estados vizinhos, tais como o Paran. O xodo rural contribuiu significativamente
para o aumento do volume populacional da cidade, em razo da maior oferta de servios
e perspectivas de emprego para as populaes rurais. Este desenvolvimento aumentou a
oferta de empregos, atraindo um grande nmero de trabalhadores sem especializao e,
em menor quantidade, profissionais especializados oriundos principalmente do Oeste de

Santa Catarina, do Paran1 e do Rio Grande do Sul (AYROSO et al., 2002, p. 136).
Estes migrantes chegaram2 em busca de progresso, trabalho, de melhores
condies de vida. Para muitos, a migrao podia significar a possibilidade de conseguir
melhores condies de trabalho, o acesso aos bens de consumo, ao maior conforto,
educao e assistncia mdica3. Quem chegava trazia na bagagem sonhos e desejos
envolvidos pela promessa de um progresso que as classes dominantes acenavam como
possibilidade de uma nova vida. Todas essas condies de vida so encontradas na
grande cidade e no na roa, lugar onde viviam.
Estes migrantes deixaram a terra, as fazendas, os stios, os patres, as
madeireiras, seus costumes e tradies e buscaram, dentre muitos lugares no espao
urbano de Jaragu do Sul, uma vida melhor para si e suas famlias, como no Morro da
Boa Vista e no Morro da Pedra, lugares onde vrios conhecidos seus j haviam se
estabelecido. Agora, em outro contexto, esses migrantes so sujeitos sociais que
redefinem cotidianamente suas experincias, memrias e identidades e ao mesmo tempo
resignificam suas lutas e representaes sobre o espao urbano e a terra.
Este crescimento demogrfico, resultado do fluxo migratrio, era mo-de-obra
que chegava cidade destinada a suprir, de imediato, as necessidades das linhas de
produo. No comeo de 1979, por exemplo, a ACIJS realizou uma pesquisa sobre
mo-de-obra e foram computados os dados de 85 empresas que responderam a um
questionrio. Quanto evoluo da oferta de empregos, a pesquisa revelou que foram
criados 1.765 novos empregos no setor secundrio, crescimento de 17% sobre o inicio
do exerccio, enquanto que para 1980 seriam oferecidos nada menos do que 3.405
novos empregos4.
Em Jaragu do Sul a maioria desses migrantes comprou um terreno que se
localizava em loteamentos sem a infraestrutura exigida pelos cdigos municipais. Alm
disso, quase sempre, construam suas casas sem aprovar a planta na prefeitura, j que
geralmente no podiam arcar com o custo que isso envolvia. E, mesmo quando os lotes
eram legais, freqentemente a construo no era, como no caso do Morro da Boa
Vista. Os lotes na periferia eram acessveis tanto em funo de sua ilegalidade quanto
porque estavam no meio do mato, em bairros sem asfalto, eletricidade, gua, esgoto,
telefone, escolas, posto de sade e ligados cidade por um sistema deficiente de nibus,
criando uma uniformidade relativa da populao.
Verifica-se, assim, que a cidade transformou-se num parque industrial com
srios problemas de infra-estrutura, deficincia de moradia, transporte e educao, o que
se alia a altas taxas de explorao do trabalho, configurando o que Lcio Kowarick
1
Antes disso as empresas buscaram mo-de-obra na rea rural de Jaragu do Sul e em cidades vizinhas
como Schroeder, Guaramirim e Corup.
2
O mito de Jaragu do Sul como cidade do trabalho, das oportunidades (em tese, pelo menos) oferece
para essas pessoas estmulos para mudar, deixar o rural tradicional em busca do urbano moderno, o
que pode significar ascenso social e sobrevivncia de maneira diferente da do local de origem.
3
As representaes sobre Jaragu do Sul foram construdas atravs de notcias que circulavam de boa em
boca, noticirios transmitidos pelo rdio e atravs de jornais e revistas, alm de informaes obtidas nas
cartas de parentes que j trabalhavam na cidade. Com suas indstrias, comrcio, oportunidades, cidades
como Jaragu do Sul passam a assumir o papel de cidade ideal para os grupos de migrantes que buscam
novos lugares para viver.
4
Jornal A Gazeta de Jaragu, Jaragu do Sul, 28/03/1980, p. 1, grifo no original.
chama de espoliao urbana, isto , o somatrio de extorses que se operam atravs da

inexistncia ou precariedade de servios de consumo coletivo, apresentados como
socialmente necessrios em relao aos nveis de subsistncia, e que agudizam ainda
mais a dilapidao realizada no mbito das relaes de trabalho (KOWARICK, 1993, p.
62-63).
Nesta mesma lgica, mas com algumas caractersticas diferentes, temos a
chegada de imigrantes haitianos na cidade. Os primeiros haitianos que vieram para
Jaragu do Sul foram contratados por uma empresa da cidade. Muitos vieram depois,
indicados pelos primeiros. Hoje, no h registros de quantos haitianos vivem no
municpio, porm, o nmero cresceu em 2015.
A Polcia Federal de Joinville j emitiu 500 registros de haitianos na
circunscrio de Joinville (200 deles nos ltimos trs meses). Segundo o agente Fabiano
Jos Rohr, cerca de 60 registros so de Jaragu do Sul. Alm deles, estima-se que cerca
de 600 haitianos com pedido de refgio vivam no Norte catarinense. Os dados, porm,
no revelam a realidade populacional dos imigrantes nas cidades brasileiras. Muitos
obtm os documentos na chegada ao Brasil, pelo Acre, e depois precisam apenas
renovar os registros a cada seis meses, independentemente da cidade onde vivem5.
Diante disso, este texto procura discutir algumas questes referentes presena
dos haitianos em Jaragu do Sul e como essas questes esto sendo tratadas, seja pela
Prefeitura Municipal, seja pela imprensa. Alm disso, pontuamos algumas questes
referentes s formas de recepo desses imigrantes pela sociedade de maneira geral.
Migraofobia.
freqente encontrar na literatura sobre migraes no Brasil afirmaes no
sentido de que estas seriam responsveis, seno pela criao, pelo menos pelo
crescimento de uma faixa de populao residente nas periferias das grandes cidades em
condies de extrema pobreza, populao esta que obteria seus meios de subsistncia
desenvolvendo atividades caractersticas do setor informal da economia, ou
configuradoras do subemprego.
Ao nos debruarmos mais detidamente sobre certas questes que envolvem as
causas dos problemas urbanos e as maneiras de super-los, verificamos que as respostas
que muitos, no cotidiano, tm na ponta da lngua so apenas enganadoramente bvias
e, com freqncia, incompletas ou equivocadas. No que se refere pobreza como
alimentadora da criminalidade, da violncia, certo que ela , em certa medida, fator
relevante. O que se deve, porm, contextualizar a contribuio explicativa potencial da
pobreza e da desigualdade nesse processo.
A visibilidade crescente da marginalizao que tem por palco a cidade tem
levado muitos investigadores a encarar as migraes como um fenmeno social nefasto,
cujas dimenses preciso reduzir de modo a se poder comear a solucionar a
problemtica que elas suscitam. Dessa forma, o desenvolvimento econmico repercute
no plano social sob a forma de transformaes demogrficas (migraes internas,
urbanizao, acelerao do crescimento populacional), cuja intensificao parece ser a
5
Haitianos buscam emprego e um recomeo em Jaragu do Sul, Jornal A Notcia, Joinville, 11/07/2015.
causa principal dos desnveis econmicos e das tenses sociais que configuram a
marginalidade urbana (SILVEIRA, 2004, p. 379). Contudo, nada (a no ser as
aparncias) justifica a noo simplista que a marginalidade urbana decorre
principalmente do nmero excessivo de migrantes que se fixem na cidade, devendo
ser preciso considerar o mecanismo que ps em movimento os fluxos migratrios e suas
conseqncias para a economia urbana (SINGER, 2002, p. 51).
A simples presena dos migrantes na cidade j denunciava a existncia de outra
realidade, em oposio a um discurso hegemnico. Os migrantes aparecem na imprensa
geralmente atravs de expresses tais como mar, ondas, corrente, fluxo, divulgando
claramente uma imagem ligada idia de ameaa, assalto e invaso. Os habitantes da
cidade real so os produtos indesejveis do progresso. Aqueles que procuravam associar
o desenvolvimento de Jaragu do Sul potencialidade de suas indstrias, vitalidade de
seu comrcio, sua qualidade de vida, no podiam conviver com a exposio da
pobreza, que Patrick Champagne denomina de mal-estares sociais (CHAMPAGNE,
2011, p. 63).
A imigrao um fato social completo, ou seja, o itinerrio do imigrante
tambm caminho epistemolgico que nos oportuniza falar da sociedade como um todo e
abrangendo aspectos fsico-espaciais, econmicos, socioculturais, polticos,
antropolgicos, psicolgicos. Trata-se de dialtica profunda emigrao/imigrao e, por
isso, os paradoxos emergem com toda clareza. Convm sublinhar mais uma vez que tais
processos ligados sociologia do outro (pobre, diferente, estranho, estrangeiro,
migrante) radicam-se nos estados da desigualdade, tanto a concreta quanto em sua
construo simblica, verdadeira matriz dessas configuraes (VRAS, 2003, p. 36-37,
grifo no original).
Entre as mais significativas caractersticas do processo imigratrio constam
aquelas ligadas recepo do estrangeiro e s suas condies de adaptao cidade,
sua habitao, seu territrio. De fato, a insero no espao urbano carrega componentes
econmico-sociais, mas tambm o simblico e o imaginrio. A avaliao de sua vida
em Jaragu do Sul est perpassada pelo simblico. As categorias racionais e o
imaginrio estavam presentes no ato de emigrar e continuam presentes na nova terra
(VRAS, 2003, p. 284).
As pessoas, grupos, classes e instituies transitam entre territorialidades como
trnsito entre sentidos de viver, muitas vezes opostos e em contradio. Esse trnsito ,
quase sempre, carregado de disputas, tenses, conflitos, mediaes e negociaes,
geralmente exacerbadas em situao ou condio de migrao. Por isso, ela uma
situao/condio
de
mal-estar
porque,
em
movimentos
de
internalizao/externalizao, os sujeitos marcam e so marcados por processos de
identificao/diferenciao quase que permanentes (GOETTERT, 2010, p. 28).
Assim, interessante lembrar que, segundo Haesbaert (2007, p. 38, grifo no
original):
territrio j desde a sua origem etimolgica, no latim do Imprio Romano,
carrega essa ambivalncia entre o material e o simblico, tanto atravs da
raiz terra-territorium (domnio territorial concreto) quanto de trreo-terrere
(amedrontar), como a inspirao do temor pelo territrio como rea cujo
acesso privilgio de uns poucos. [...] assim, territo estaria ligado
etimologia popular que mescla terra e trreo, domnio da terra e terror,

como se as delimitaes da terra, os cercamentos, ao exclurem tantas
pessoas, inspirassem nelas o medo (e, por outro lado, forjassem uma
identidade para aqueles que usufruem diretamente do territrio).
H, com isso, a criao de uma migraofobia e de um loteamentofobia, pois a
primeira traz para a cidade os outros e o segundo marcado como o seu lugar na
cidade. O loteamento , ento, o lugar que agrega a dimenso material e simblica do
vivido, do percebido e da memria. onde o indivduo, mesmo em contato com outras
escalas, constri sua trajetria cotidianamente, onde
O lugar produto das relaes humanas, entre o homem e a natureza, tecido
por relaes sociais que se realizam no plano do vivido, o que garante a
construo de uma rede de significados e sentidos que so tecidos pela
histria e cultura civilizadora produzindo identidade, posto que a que o
homem se reconhece porque o lugar da vida. O sujeito pertence ao lugar
como este a ele, pois a produo do lugar liga-se indissociavelmente
produo da vida (CARLOS, 1996, p. 29).
Contudo, a compreenso do outro (tratando-se da alteridade) carrega vrias
dificuldades, pois, historicamente, passou a cuidar das questes empricas cruciais,
como as da diferena, do racismo, do preconceito e do poder. Dessa maneira, em largo
espectro que vai da filosofia s cincias sociais, incluindo a psicologia social, passou-se
a discutir essa complexa noo, que pode ser entendida de formas diferentes: o outro
como deslocamento do ego para outra pessoa o no e; um outro particular ou
generalizado; o mundo do estranho (VRAS, 2003, p. 31, grifo no original).
O termo estranho deriva do adjetivo latino extraneus e queria dizer vindo de
fora; ele o diferente, o externo, o estrangeiro, que diz respeito ao no familiar.
Disso deriva vrias situaes, entre elas a do homem que no pertence ao pas/lugar; o
estrangeiro como um inimigo (VRAS, 2003, 44-45). Temos, tambm,
palavras/expresses para nos reportamos ao estranho, que segundo Dussel so
Xnos (estranho; estrangeiro, de onde deriva xenofobia); paroiks (os
estrangeiros, os forasteiros, os que esto fora da sua ptria e no
conhecem bem a lngua e a cultura do pas, aqueles que carecem de
razes); proslytos (o que chega, o que se aproxima); parepdemous
(forasteiro; peregrino); e allogens (aquele que de outra nao, raa
ou tribo) (DUSSEL, 1984, p. 93).
Percebemos, assim, que este outro foi sempre um outro que devia ser
anulado, apagado. A sua visibilidade tem implicaes ainda mais complexas quando
remetem questo da criminalidade. No se trata apenas daquilo que diretamente
observvel pelas pessoas a partir do que a televiso e os jornais colocam em evidncia.
Em nome disso, rapidamente se aponta os migrantes como os culpados pelos crimes e
outros problemas urbanos.
Como os migrantes no so visveis de uma mesma maneira, o seu grau de

visibilidade est ligado as suas condies de vida e de trabalho, isto , precariedade de
sua situao profissional. E mesmo que o migrante no seja responsvel por esta
situao, ela afeta sua imagem de toda maneira. A sua visibilidade tem implicaes
ainda mais complexas quando remetem questo da criminalidade, e no se trata apenas
daquilo que diretamente observvel pelas pessoas a partir do que a televiso e os
jornais colocam em evidncia. A imagem dos migrantes veiculada pela mdia degradouos sensivelmente: eles so mais violentos e marginais que os da cidade de destino e tm
uma predisposio quase gentica para o crime. Em nome disso, rapidamente se
apontam os migrantes como os culpados pelos crimes, que passam a alvo de aes
policiais, nem sempre sustentadas pelas autoridades judiciais, mas fica a pecha, o
estigma6.
Dessa forma
[...] alvo de aes policiais, nem sempre sustentadas pelas autoridades
judiciais, eles so discriminados negativamente. A discriminao negativa
marca o seu portador com um defeito quase indelvel, o que significa estar
associado a um destino embasado numa caracterstica que no se escolhe,
mas que foi incutida por outra pessoa, causando uma espcie de estigma. A
discriminao negativa a instrumentalizao da alteridade, sendo
constituda como fator de excluso, de onde nascem e se consolidam
estigmas7 e preconceitos (CASTEL, 2008 p. 14).
Esses mal-estares sociais no tm uma existncia visvel seno quando se
fala deles na mdia, isto , quando so reconhecidos como tais pelos jornalistas. Ora,
eles no se reduzem apenas aos mal-estares sociais mediaticamente constitudos, nem,
sobretudo, imagem que os meios de comunicao do deles quando os percebem.
Sem dvida, os jornalistas no inventam em todas as matrias os problemas
de que falam. Eles podem pensar, no sem razo, que contribuem para torn-los conhecidos e faz-los entrar, como se diz, no debate pblico. Seria
ingnuo deter-se nesta constatao. Os mal-estares no so todos igualmente
mediticos, e os que o so sofrem inevitavelmente um certo nmero de
deformaes a partir do momento em que so tratados pela mdia porque,
longe de se limitar a registr-los, o tratamento jornalstico f-los
experimentar um verdadeiro trabalho de construo, que depende muito
amplamente dos interesses prprios deste selor de atividade
(CHAMPAGNE, 2011, p. 63).
6
Esta construo do que seja a delinqncia passa por uma influncia recproca entre as diferentes mdias
(principalmente os jornais locais), a polcia e a opinio pblica, ou, mais precisamente, certos grupos de
presso.
7
Um estigma um tipo especial de relao entre atributo e esteretipo. Atributos seriam meios de
categorizar as pessoas, tanto negativa como afirmativamente, e esteretipo seria a identificao do
indivduo a um atributo. Assim, quando indivduos se apresentam com atributos que os distingue os
outros e que, atravs deles se tornam (ou so tornados) socialmente inferiores, so portadores de estigmas.
So pessoas (ou grupos) vistos como inabilitados para a aceitao social plena (GOFFMAN, 1982, p.
13ss).
Percebemos, assim, que os haitianos so um verdadeiro um mal-estar social.

Para Champagne (2011, p. 63), os mal-estares sociais no tm uma existncia visvel
seno quando se fala deles na mdia, isto , quando so reconhecidos como tais pelos
jornalistas.
Ora, eles no se reduzem apenas aos mal-estares sociais
mediaticamente constitudos, nem, sobretudo, imagem que os
meios de comunicao do deles quando os percebem. Sem
dvida, os jornalistas no inventam em todas as matrias os problemas de que falam. Eles podem pensar, no sem razo, que
contribuem para torn-los conhecidos e faz-los entrar, como se
diz, no debate pblico. Seria ingnuo deter-se nesta
constatao. Os mal-estares no so todos igualmente
mediticos, e os que o so sofrem inevitavelmente um certo
nmero de deformaes a partir do momento em que so
tratados pela mdia porque, longe de se limitar a registr-los, o
tratamento jornalstico f-los experimentar um verdadeiro
trabalho de construo, que depende muito amplamente dos
interesses prprios deste setor de atividade (CHAMPAGNE,
2011, p. 63).
Para Bourdieu (2011, p. 85, grifos no original), ingnuo recusar esta
verdade possvel, sem dvida voltada a tornar-se cada vez mais improvvel medida
que se multiplicam os encontros com situaes propcias a desencoraj-la ou a inibi-la,
sobretudo os confrontos com o preconceito racista ou com os julgamentos
classificatrios, amide estigmatizantes, de funcionrios do mbito municipal,
jornalsticos ou policial, que, atravs do efeito do destino que eles exercem, contribuem
muito poderosamente para produzir os destinos enunciados e anunciados.
Eu no tinha que fazer fora para compartilhar do sentimento,

inscrito em cada palavra, cada frase, e sobretudo no tom da voz,
nas expresses faciais ou corporais, da evidncia desta espcie
de misria coletiva que fere, como uma fatalidade, todos aqueles
que esto amontoados nos lugares de rejeio social, onde as
misrias de cada um so redobradas por todas as misrias
nascidas da coexistncia e da coabitao de todos os miserveis
e sobretudo, talvez, do efeito de destino que est inscrito na
pertena a um grupo estigmatizado (BOURDIEU, 2011, p. 85).
A estrutura do espao social se manifesta, assim, nos contextos mais diversos, sob a forma de oposies espaciais, o espao habitado (ou apropriado) funcionando
como uma espcie de simbolizao espontnea do espao social. No h espao, em
uma sociedade hierarquizada, que no seja hierarquizado e que no exprima as
hierarquias e as distncias sociais, sob uma forma (mais ou menos) deformada e,
sobretudo, dissimulada pelo efeito de naturalizao que a inscrio durvel das
realidades sociais no mundo natural acarreta: diferenas produzidas pela lgica histrica
podem, assim, parecer surgidas da natureza das coisas (BOURDIEU, 2011, p. 160).
Percebemos, assim, foi sempre um outro que devia ser anulado, apagado. A
sua visibilidade tem implicaes ainda mais complexas quando remetem questo da
criminalidade. No se trata apenas daquilo que diretamente observvel pelas pessoas a
partir do que a televiso e os jornais colocam em evidncia. Em nome disso,
rapidamente se aponta os migrantes como os culpados pelos crimes e outros problemas
urbanos. Dessa forma, alvo de aes policiais, nem sempre sustentadas pelas
autoridades judiciais, eles so discriminados negativamente. A discriminao negativa
marca o seu portador com um defeito quase indelvel, o que significa estar associado a
um destino embasado numa caracterstica que no se escolhe, mas que foi incutida por
outra pessoa, causando uma espcie de estigma. A discriminao negativa a
instrumentalizao da alteridade, sendo constituda como fator de excluso (CASTEL,
2008, p. 14), de onde nascem e se consolidam estigmas8.
Acolhimento
Segundo matria publicada no Jornal A Notcia, de Joinville, Em Jaragu
do Sul, no h programa municipal especfico para atender aos haitianos, porm, o
crescente nmero de recm-chegados chamou ateno da Prefeitura e da Cmara de
Vereadores, que abriram debates sobre o tema9. Uma das primeiras a tratar do tema foi a
Um estigma um tipo especial de relao entre atributo e esteretipo. Atributos seriam meios de
categorizar as pessoas, tanto negativa como afirmativamente, e esteretipo seria a identificao do
indivduo a um atributo. Assim, quando indivduos se apresentam com atributos que os distingue os
outros e que, atravs deles se tornam (ou so tornados) socialmente inferiores, so portadores de estigmas.
So pessoas (ou grupos) vistos como inabilitados para a aceitao social plena (GOFFMAN, 1988, p.
13ss).
9
8
presidente do legislativo, Natlia Lcia Petry, que em junho de 2015 se manifestou

sobre os haitianos que vm buscar oportunidades de trabalho em Jaragu do Sul. Ela
disse que recebeu em seu gabinete imigrantes que esto com dificuldades de encontrar
oportunidades na cidade e tem passado por situaes difceis.
Para auxili-los, encaminhamos estes imigrantes haitianos para a

Casa de Passagem (Centro de Resgate Social), que um servio
da secretaria de Assistncia Social do municpio e prontamente
foram atendidos, informou. De acordo com Natlia, eles
foram levados ao Centro de Resgate Social e esto recebendo o
atendimento necessrio e sero encaminhados ao mercado de
trabalho. Ela contou que no mesmo dia, encontrou na agncia
dos Correios uma haitiana, com beb recm-nascido indo ao
hospital tirar os pontos da cesariana. Isso me comoveu e
novamente acionamos o Centro de Resgate Social para o devido
atendimento, disse. Eles passam por um momento difcil em
seu pas, assim como nossos imigrantes tambm j passaram e
vieram para o Brasil, Santa Catarina e Jaragu do Sul em busca
de uma nova vida10.
O vereador Jair Pedri (PSDB) tambm abordou o tema na Ordem do Dia e
ponderou que Jaragu do Sul tem sido muito hospitaleira com os haitianos e
senegaleses. Temos sim que tratar bem e respeitar essas pessoas. Porm, minha nica
preocupao que se ns, pas, Estado e municpio temos condies de receb-los? Eles
precisam deste apoio, mas quero deixar a reflexo se temos esta condio. Alm disso,
o vereador questionou se haver creche para que esta me haitiana coloque seu filho, se
haver posto de sade e trabalho. Ser que a cidade est preparada para receber e dar
as devidas condies para estas pessoas?11.
Os haitianos que chegam a Jaragu do Sul sem trabalho e lugar para morar
so acolhidos pelo Centro de Resgate Social no Bairro Jaragu Esquerdo. Segundo o
coordenador, Miguel Francener, no ltimo ano j passaram 15 haitianos pelo local.
Atualmente trs esto abrigados na casa de passagem. Alm de comida e lugar para
dormir, eles recebem ajuda para fazer a documentao (CPF, RG e Carteira de
10
Haitianos em Jaragu do Sul. Disponvel em <http://www.albinoflores.com.br/2015/06/haitianos-emjaragua-do-sul.html> Acesso em 30 de outubro de 2015.

11
Haitianos em Jaragu do Sul. Disponvel em <http://www.albinoflores.com.br/2015/06/haitianos-emjaragua-do-sul.html> Acesso em 30 de outubro de 2015.
Trabalho) e regularizar a situao no pas. Eles ficam no local de 30 a 60 dias at que

consigam se estabilizar. Durante a semana, frequentam aulas de lngua portuguesa no
Centro de Educao para Jovens e Adultos (Ceja). A gente percebe que eles so bem
unidos e que realmente esto em busca de algo para melhorar a vida da famlia, conta
Francener. Ele diz que muitas empresas esto indo em busca dessa nova mo de obra12.
Os hatianos que nos procuram com visto de refgio, entraram
pelo Acre e l fizeram a inscrio no CPF. Ento, na Casa de
Passagem, so realizados os demais encaminhamentos referentes
a Carteira de Trabalho. Em ambos os casos, aps a chegada da
Carteira de Trabalho, os usurios so encaminhados ao mercado
de trabalho. Com relao aos haitianos que chegam a Casa de
Passagem com toda a documentao, muitos vindo de outras
cidades e com registros de trabalhos na Carteira de Trabalho,
dado prazo 05 (cinco) dias para conseguirem trabalho
Esclarecemos que trata-se de prazo dado aos demais usurios,
quando so orientados e encaminhados ao mercado de trabalho e
empresas que procuram por trabalhadores. At o momento, a
Casa de Passagem atendeu aproximadamente 95 haitianos.
Alguns foram atendidos com acolhimento, outros apenas com
outras demandas por possurem local de moradia, e ainda outros
com passagem13.
Com muitos desempregados, eles tentam reduzir gastos dividindo espaos
pequenos e baratos. Na Vila Lenzi, um condomnio de quitinetes superpovoado pelos
imigrantes. Nos restrito espao de dois quartos e cozinha, comum que vivam de quatro
a cinco pessoas. Alm de ajudar as famlias, muitos ainda tm de quitar as dvidas feitas
para virem ao Brasil, que, segundo eles, podem variar de R$ 3 mil a R$ 12 mil.
Trabalhando principalmente em fbricas, a mdia salarial deles de R$ 1.000 a R$
1.50014.
Alm das discusses na Cmara dos Vereadores, o debate "O Brasil e as
Polticas de Acolhimento aos Haitianos. Elas existem?" foi promovido pela
12
Haitianos buscam uma vida melhor em Jaragu do Sul. Disponvel em http://poracaso.com/haitianosbuscam-uma-vida-melhor-em-jaragua-sul/ Acesso em 30 de outubro de 2015.
13
Relatrio Informativo sobre Atendimento oferecido aos Haitianos na Casa de Passagem. Jaragu do
Sul, 16 de outubro de 2015, Miguel Francener, Coordenador.
14
Universidade Catlica de Santa Catarina (antiga UNERJE) e aconteceu no dia 19 de

setembro de 2015.
Participaram do debate o Prefeito de Jaragu do Sul, Dieter Janssen, a
presidente da Cmara de vereadores, Natlia Petry, a Professora Janana Freiberger
Peixer, rea de Direitos Humanos do Centro Universitrio/Catlica de Santa Catarina,
uma proprietria de uma empresa de Recursos Humanos em Jaragu do Sul15, o
coordenador (Miguel Francener) e o psiclogo da Casa de Passagem (Pablo Roberto
Camilo), que mantida pela prefeitura de Jaragu do Sul, e um representante da
comunidade haitiana, chamado Figgins16.
A vinda dos haitianos ao Brasil segue a Lei do Refugiado (9.474/97). At
outubro de 2014 eram 7.289 refugiados reconhecidos pelo governo, no pas, em sua
maioria da Sria, Colmbia, Angola e do Congo, e ainda restam oficialmente 8.302
pedidos. Nestes nmeros no esto os haitianos, porque eles no sofrem perseguio
poltica, as razes do acolhimento so humanitrias, em virtude do terremoto ocorrido
no dia 12 de janeiro de 2010 e que devastou o pas deixando 300 mil mortos e 3 milhes
de desabrigados.
A Casa de Passagem de Jaragu do Sul coordenada por Miguel Francener
e conta com o apoio do psiclogo Pablo Roberto Camilo. Segundo eles, a Casa
costuma receber os haitianos pelo prazo limite de cinco dias, at que eles consigam
emprego na cidade, assim como acontece com os moradores de rua. Se conseguir
ocupao, o pessoal costuma permanecer na Casa at o primeiro pagamento. Segundo
eles, os haitianos chegam sem documentos e a Casa encaminha a confeco do CPF,
mas o custo no fica por menos de R$ 300,00 (muitos no tm esse valor). De 2013 at
agora, mais de 100 haitianos passaram pela Casa (hoje, quatro deles ainda esto l)17.
15
Ela, recentemente, viajou ao Acre junto com o marido para recrutar haitianos a pedido de empresas de
Jaragu do Sul. Observamos que essa estratgia no nova. Desde os anos 1970 e 1980 que empresas da
cidade fazem isso, muito embora naquele momento elas estavam voltadas ao Paran e Oeste de Santa
Catarina.
16
Relato do Diretor do Centro de Direitos Humanos de Jaragu do Sul, Srgio Homrich, que participou
do debate realizado no dia 19 de setembro na Catlica de Santa Catarina, ao autor, a quem agradecemos.
17
A Prefeitura tambm encaminha eles para tratamento de sade, com o

transporte at Joinville (isso mesmo, muitos so enviados para l) e fornece alimentao
e hospedagem, na Casa de Passagem.
As maiores dificuldades iniciais (alm da falta de tudo) so o mercado de
trabalho, cada dia mais demorado para conseguir vaga, e a falta de assessoria jurdica.
Regra geral, o pessoal vem para as indstrias do Vesturio, em sua maioria,
Metalrgico, e Construo Civil (eles tm preferido a construo civil em funo do
salrio por fora, onde recebem um pouco mais do que na fbrica)18.
A vereadora Natlia Petry, que j foi secretria de assistncia Social, falou
sobre o Servio de Abordagem Social mantido pela secretaria que, inclusive, tem
encaminhado os haitianos para cursarem o Ceja (Curso de Educao de Jovens e
Adultos), onde aprendem o portugus. Natlia disse que preciso uma Rede de
Atendimento especialmente para acolherem os haitianos19.
A funcionria da secretaria, Elci (que estava no evento acompanhando a
Natlia) afirmou que os haitianos tm atendimento igual aos brasileiros ("esto no
Brasil, brasileiros so", disse) e que so encaminhados aos cinco CRAS (Centro de
Referncia em assistncia Social), mantidos pela Prefeitura20.
Segundo os participantes do debate, consenso que cresce a demanda de
haitianos no municpio, a cada dia.
Figgins trabalha no Supermercado Angeloni. Chegou ao Brasil h quatro
anos, morou no Rio de Janeiro e est em Jaragu do Sul h um ano e quatro meses.
solteiro e sua famlia encontra-se no Haiti. Cursou administrao de Empresas e um ano
de Direito, segundo ele. Ele considera a Lngua Portuguesa o maior obstculo ao
chegarem ao Brasil, haja vista que 100% deles fala a lngua Crioulo e 60% tambm o
francs. Disse que ficou surpreso ao chegar a Jaragu do Sul e muitos lhe perguntarem
se no pas deles existia cachorro, ou automvel, entre outras bobagens e preconceitos21.
18
19
20
21
Entre a prpria platia foi falado coisas como essa gente suja, ela faz higiene
pessoal todos os dias, eles no fedem 22.
Assim, segundo Vras (2003, p. 25), trata-se de uma privatizao do espao
produzido coletivamente por estratos sociais ou etnias, ou de uma dada interpenetrao
delas: h uma combinao dos efeitos segregadores do mercado e de discriminao
tnico-cultural, formando, pois, uma territorialidade marcada pelo apartheid social.
Alm disso, a desigualdade no territrio urbano tambm se expressa, alm das
condies de moradia e nvel de vida da sua populao residente, com consequentes
perfis culturais e ocupacionais, na existncia de reas desprovidas de equipamentos,
despojadas de servios essenciais vida individual e social. Dessa forma, a
espacialidade burguesa se apresenta como parcial, truncada, pois, apesar de imensa (na
medida em que se universaliza), ao mesmo tempo especializada, reduzida s funes.
Nesse sentido, espao da alienao, objetifcado. A grande maioria dos cidados se
apropria da cidade atravs de seus medos e seus afetos, fragmentando o espao
(VRAS, 2003, p. 26).
Na esteira do que escreveu Henri Lefebvre, muito se fala em direito
cidade. Trata-se, de fato, do inalienvel direito a uma vida decente para todos, no
importa o lugar em que se encontre, na cidade ou no campo. Mais do que um direito
cidade, o que est em jogo o direito a obter da sociedade aqueles bens e servios
mnimos, sem os quais a existncia no digna. Esses bens e servios constituem um
encargo da sociedade, atravs das instncias do governo, e so devidos a todos. Sem
isso, no se dir que existe o cidado (SANTOS, 2002, p. 29).
Ocorre que, no apenas devido ao fato de que as anlises de muitos jornalistas

costumam no primar pelo rigor, mas, ainda por cima, em decorrncia da brevidade e da
superficialidade23 quase que impostas pelo tipo de veculo de divulgao (jornal, revista,
22
23
Como seu prprio nome parece indicar, os media fazem um papel de mediao entre a realidade e as
pessoas. O que eles nos entregam no a realidade, mas a sua construo da realidade. Isto , da enorme
quantidade de fatos e situaes que a realidade contm, eles selecionam alguns, os decodificam sua
maneira, os combinam entre si, os estruturam e recodificam formando mensagens e programas, e os
difundem, carregados agora da ideologia, dos estilos e das intenes que os meios lhes atribuem
(BORDENAVE, 2001, p. 80, grifos no original).
televiso ou rdio), h uma enorme carncia de anlises que, sem serem,

necessariamente, complicadas, sejam corretas, profundas e abrangentes. Longe de serem
um espelho, os meios de comunicao se tornam os lugares onde se elaboram, se
negociam e se difundem os discursos, os valores e as identidades. Neste caso, o tema da
migrao constri-se como generalidade sociolgica cuja grandeza exclui a
importncia de qualquer referncia a episdios, situaes e histrias de vida especficas.
A migrao apresenta-se sem nomes prprios. O migrante real, de carne e osso,
submetido ao subemprego, economia informal e ilegalidade, um personagem
inspito tambm na geografia do jornalismo impresso, sendo sempre citado, mas nunca
efetivamente protagonista. A marginalizao, portanto, dupla: na concretude social
vivida e na representao simblica do mundo vivido (SILVEIRA, 2004, p. 380-381).
A imprensa exerce um papel poltico fundamental nesse trabalho de
legitimao social. Construdos a partir do centro, seus discursos tm por princpio
consolidar, especialmente entre a chamada classe mdia, onde est a maioria de seus
leitores, a imagem de uma cidade ideal. Sua funo no apenas esquadrinhar a cidade,
delimitando espaos e personagens, mas tentar buscar, em torno dessas fronteiras, um
consenso capaz de reivindicar, respaldar e legitimar aes preventivas e, se necessrio,
repressivas. De certa forma, ela produz as diferenas transfigurando em relaes de
sentido, pela narrativa, as relaes de fora e de poder. Seus discursos so partes
daquela violncia simblica que, em nome da ordem e da norma, estigmatiza. E, pelo
estigma, segrega, exclui e nega a diferena que ela mesma produziu (GRUNER, 2002,
p. 85).
Partimos da idia de que certas imagens de ordem reduzem a violenta
complexidade do mesmo a uma espacialidade egocntrica do centro, e que esfumam o
outro em uma espacialidade de margens pouco definidas, de periferias. Alm disso, todo
ato de classificao em si mesmo um ato de excluso e de incluso que supe coero
e violncia, seja real ou simblica, e que acaba normalizada e traduzida e atos de
perverso.
Imagens de ordem que reduzem a violenta complexidade do mesmo a uma
espacialidade egocntrica do centro, e que esfumam o outro em uma espacialidade de
margens pouco definidas, de periferias. Se, como foi dito, todo ato de classificao em
si mesmo um ato de excluso e de incluso que supe coero e violncia, podemos
dizer agora que toda espacialidade produzida, inventada, normalizada, traduzida e/ou
representada como espao nico de excluso/incluso um ato de perverso. Perverso
na insistncia do mesmo e perverso na eterna reproduo do outro como o mesmo.
Perverso do s poder ser dentro e do s poder ser fora ( claro que se trata de um s
poder que sempre se move de forma voltil, efmera e provisria); perverso de rejeitar,
impedir, proibir os no-espaos, a feita de espaos, os espaos hbridos, as fronteiras, a
passagem entre fronteiras, a vida nas fronteiras (SKLIAR, 2003 p. 66).
Assim, a classificao das formas de sociabilidade, segundo os graus de
aproximao e afastamento, distncia e proximidade, conduz a excluir do modelo de
anlise das interaes as formas sociais exclusivas e conflituais e os particuiarismos. Ao
acentuar justamente as contribuies positivas e a ambivalncia da relao com o outro,
ela no permite perceber como esse ltimo vai recair na alteridade radical isto , como
sua diferena se traduz em essncia negativa (JODELET, 1998, p. 57).
aqui, ento, onde a utilizao de uma imagem de um mundo de proliferao

de excluses adquire significado. Porque se o outro quase o mesmo, mas no
exatamente o mesmo, o em virtude de seu deslocamento para fora de ns mesmos, em
seu movimento forado e foroso at ocupar um outro espao (SKLIAR, 2003, p. 81).
Dessa forma, e por isso, preciso nome-los, sab-los de algum modo. E, para
isso, nada melhor que coloc-los longe, no exterior de ns mesmos, a uma distncia tal
que nos seja fcil falar, discutir, conceitualizar, dizer; a uma distncia em que seja
impossvel ouvir(-nos), responder(-nos), dizer(-nos). Sob este olhar, podemos falar do
outro, mas no ouvir o outro, haja vista que ele est longe, seja fisicamente ou
simblicamente e longe deve ficar.
Dada a desordem da excluso, pelo desconhecimento, pela distncia dos
excludos, pela falta de controle sobre eles, a incluso pode ser entendida, de acordo
com Alfredo Veiga-Neto como
[...] o primeiro passo numa operao de ordenamento, pois necessria a
aproximao com o outro, para que se d um primeiro reconhecimento, para
que se estabelea algum saber, por menor que seja, acerca desse outro.
Detectada alguma diferena, se estabelece um estranhamento, seguido de
uma oposio por dicotomia: o mesmo no se identifica com o outro, que
agora um estranho (VEIGA-NETO, 2001 p. 113).
Essa tal operao de ordem, essa tal aproximao, esse tal reconhecimento,
esse tal saber determinam novas configuraes na questo e no problema da
espacialidade do outro, do lugar do outro, neste caso a periferia, o loteamento.
Skliar (2003, p. 103-104, grifos no original) adota para as representaes de
espacialidade a seguinte denominao:
[...] (a) a espacialidade colonial, isto , o outro malfico e a inveno
malfica do outro; (b) a espacialidade/o(s) espao(s) multicultural(is) - o
outro da relao eu/voc ou, melhor, da relao pluralizada, generalizada e
de certo modo obrigatria entre ns/eles; (c) a(s) espacialidade(s) da(s)
diferena(s) - o outro irredutvel, a distncia do outro, seu mistrio e, ao
mesmo tempo, o espao da mesmidade como sendo refm do outro. Vem
da a inveno malfica do outro e tratamento perverso ao outro.
Alm disso, todo ato de classificao em si mesmo um ato de excluso e de
incluso que supe coero e violncia, seja real ou simblica, e que acaba normalizada
e traduzida e atos de perverso. Essa perverso a perverso na eterna reproduo do
outro como o mesmo; a perverso do s poder ser dentro e do s poder ser fora; a
perverso de rejeitar, impedir, proibir os no-espaos, os espaos hbridos, as fronteiras,
a passagem entre fronteiras, a vida nas fronteiras (SKLIAR, 2003, p. 66).
Douglas (1966, p. 5) utiliza o exemplo da poluio e, em particular, de nossa
percepo sobre o que conta como sujo. Segundo ela, nossas concepes sobre
sujeira so compostas de duas coisas: cuidado com a higiene e respeito pelas convenes. Ela argumenta que a sujeira ofende a ordem, mas que no existe nada que se
possa chamar de sujeira absoluta. A sujeira matria fora de lugar. No vemos nada
de errado com a terra que encontramos no jardim, mas ela no est no lugar certo
quando a encontramos no tapete da sala (DOUGLAS, 1966, p. 5). Nossos esforos para
retirar a sujeira no so movimentos simplesmente negativos, mas tentativas positivas
para organizar o ambiente - para excluir a matria que esteja fora de lugar e purificar,
assim, o ambiente.
Como vemos, a construo do outro como poludo e poluidor, fora
descontrole e perverso, motivada pela necessidade de manter o sentimento de
retido, de ordem e controle, e de colocar a sujeira no lugar certo. importante,
porm, no perder de vista a simetria inerente na construo do outro. O outro um
repositrio de sentimentos e prticas no desejadas, tanto entre membros de grupos
hegemnicos como no hegemnicos (JOFFE, 1998, p. 125). Enquanto essas
representaes do outro so uma caracterstica constante da sociedade, em perodos de
crise24 as dimenses negativas do outro so intensificadas, e frequentemente se
transformam em bodes expiatrios, o ritual transfere o mal do interior para o exterior
duma comunidade (DOUGLAS, 1995, apud JOFFE, 1998, p. 111). Os perodos de
mudana geram insegurana, que por sua vez produz defesas para contrabalanar a
ansiedade provocada. As representaes depreciativas so uma dessas defesas (JOFFE,
1998, p. 111).
Estatisticamente, os migrantes so fortemente marginalizados no conjunto do
universo miditico, o que acarreta conseqncias importantes em termos de sentimento
de excluso e de falta de modelos de identificao. Se examinarmos a representao dos
migrantes em termos de qualidade, a mdia concede apenas alguns espaos de
visibilidade s aes e aos eventos ligados sua vida cotidiana, ao passo que, por outro
lado, ela amplifica todo acontecimento delituoso ou anti-social no qual esteja implicado
um indivduo ou um grupo de indivduos que no pertenam populao do lugar de
adoo. A representao dos migrantes parece, assim, transitar entre a ocultao e a
marginalizao (PRENCIPE, 2002, p. 39).
Consideraes finais.
Forasteiro e estrangeiro, o migrante transita nessa linha tnue a que chamamos
fronteira. Sua presena motivo de confronto e tenso, entre outras razes, porque
explicita a fragilidade dos valores culturais que, supostamente, sustentam a comunidade
e a constituem como tal. A migrao provoca uma ruptura em uma identidade que, fixa
no tempo, oferece certo grau de estabilidade e coeso para uma histria que deveria
desenrola-se com naturalidade. Contudo, h os migrantes que destoam nesse conjunto
pretensamente hegemnico, harmnico e pacfico, onde os conflitos sociais so vistos
como excepcionais uma onda , como algo que no faz parte das tradies
harmnicas da sociedade jaraguaense. Assim, por exemplo, greves, manifestaes,
passeatas, fechamento de ruas, exigncias por gua, esgoto, asfalto e transporte so
manifestaes realizadas por elementos estranhos, apoiados por ideologias esprias e
alheias ao corpo social jaraguaense, por natureza um corpo social sadio, sem conflitos.
24
Desemprego, aumento da populao, ocupao de reas de risco e de reas verdes, aumento da

criminalidade e da violncia.
Geralmente a sociedade que recebe migrantes tem a tendncia de englobar em

uma situao comum, freqentemente com base num trao pejorativo, os grupos recmchegados que so percebidos como culturalmente diversificados. A viso que os daqui
tm do outro que estes so naturalmente perigosos, no gostam de trabalhar, so
pouco produtivos, analfabetos, pobres e marginais. Ou seja, o outro mais do que um
nome, uma situao, caracterizada quase sempre pelo conflito. Contudo, o fato de
serem coletivamente nomeados acabou por produzir uma solidariedade real entre as
pessoas assim designadas porque, em decorrncia desta denominao comum, eles
foram coletivamente os objetos de um tratamento especfico, situao que levou
criao de uma identidade geral de migrantes a partir do sentimento de opresso
compartilhada e da experincia comum nos loteamentos, na periferia, nos morros: a
marginalizao e o preconceito. Assim, Jaragu do Sul menos o Eldorado do que
um campo de lutas sociais, de forma que os discursos expressam temor diante desses
grupos potencial e naturalmente perigosos.
Assim, um rpido olhar por certos discursos que apontam culpados pela crise
econmica revela que, mais uma vez, os migrantes esto sendo chamados
responsabilidade, e as migraes aparecem como problema a ser sanado em prol da
ordem social que se quer preservar. Afinal, o conjunto de processos sociais a que damos
o nome de migrao envolve grandes massas populacionais, as quais se encontram,
quase sempre, na condio de vtimas preferenciais dos problemas pelos quais so
responsabilizadas (BASTOS E PVOA NETO, 1993, p. 15).
Desta forma, culpar parte da populao pelos problemas sociais aparece como
uma idia de lucidez extraordinria, pois agrada os que gostam de solues claras,
diretas e com culpados visveis: os outros. Ou seja, como existem interesses polticos
e econmicos profundamente imbricados nas questes sociais, a dimenso demogrfica
aparece como a varivel mais fcil de ser atacada. Ela parece pertencer a esta categoria
de respostas exemplares na sua simplicidade e na sua eficcia aparente: bastaria reduzir
a vinda de migrantes para que os loteamentos clandestinos ou irregulares parassem de
proliferar, para que os morros deixassem de ser ocupados, para que a criminalidade
diminusse, para que os pobres e carentes desaparecessem. Ela tranqilizadora para as
elites porque lhes evita ter que fazer um exame crtico de suas responsabilidades e lhes
permite buscar a pax urbana (RIBEIRO, 2009, p. 71).
Para Loc Wacquant, criminalizar a pobreza e os outros significa tratar a
insegurana social como se fosse meramente insegurana fsica e responder s
desordens urbanas e conflitos gerados pela pobreza persistente, e ausncia de um
futuro vivel, com a polcia e o aparato penal do Estado. As demandas por mais
policiamento, pela ampliao das penas para delitos leves, por varrer das ruas os
indesejveis, a poltica da tolerncia zero e do pulso forte expressam um impulso
por delegar ao sistema de justia criminal as conseqncias negativas do desemprego,
da fome e da misria, enfim, da migrao (WACQUANT, 2001). Contudo, mesmo no
resolvendo o problema, uma retrica exitosa a que torna todo migrante um
paranaense, e o divulga como uma classe naturalmente perigosa. Esse esteretipo ganha
corpo atravs dos jornais, programas de rdios em campanhas explcitas ou implcitas
contra esses moradores. Este tipo de imprensa fala dos migrantes, mas no com os
migrantes, pois falar dos outros fcil, difcil falar com os outros.
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Acesso em abr. 2002.
FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS: ABORDAGENS SOBRE CONCEITOS

MATERIAIS E (IN)EFETIVIDADE ANTE AO SOBERANO PODER ESTATAL
Flvia de vila1
Tendo como premissa o paradoxo relacionado concepo terica inicial de direitos

humanos sendo limitao e/ou estratgia do soberano poder estatal, questionam-se suas
atribuies no mbito do direito e da sociedade internacional. Se, por um lado, os direitos
humanos podem ser entendidos como meio de reconciliao do humano com suas condies
bsicas, que lhe faltariam em razo da perda do mundo, em uma interpretao do trabalho de
Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben chama a ateno para a estratgia de poder estatal que se
utiliza dos direitos humanos para manuteno da vida nua, que sacraliza a vida na condio de
qualquer vida. Deste modo, ao invs da emancipao imanente advinda do pensar da prpria
da prpria condio humana que pode ser proporcionada pelo dilogo referente
emancipao humana, restringe-se a atuao dos direitos humanos ao mnimo alcance
possvel, que condiciona a dignidade humana ao exerccio do poder, em que a discusso
biopoltica se passa primordialmente em torno de estabelecimento de autoridade. Para estudar
este paradoxo, utiliza-se do mtodo arqueolgico-paradigmtico que Agamben adapta de
Foucault ao se eleger como paradigma polarizador a Declarao Universal dos Direitos
Humanos, de 1948. Nos bastidores da feitura Declarao Universal existiram polarizaes
ideolgicas que ainda se verificam na atualidade, tais como individualismo e coletivismo,
universalismo e relativismo, positivismo e negativismo. A Declarao Universal eleita como
paradigma, portanto, por se constituir em produto de evento singular, no qual a dignidade
humana e o exerccio de poder eram o foco das discusses. Haveria uma concepo idealizada
ou prpria de direitos do ser humano, com razes jusnaturalistas e/ou juspositivistas, que
pudesse limitar o poder estatal, tanto em tempos de guerra quanto na paz, ou a reafirmao
soberana do Estado ao expandir sua ao sobre indivduos para alm de suas fronteiras?
Algumas concepes prevaleceram frente a estes debates. O texto da Declarao Universal
revela o positivismo legal do primeiro rascunho produzido por John Peters Humphrey, em que
Professora do Departamento de Relaes Internacionais (DRI) e do Programa de Ps-Graduao em Direito

(PRODIR) da Universidade Federal de Sergipe (UFS). Mestre em Direito e Relaes Internacionais pela
Universidade Federal de Santa Catariana (UFSC) e Doutora em Direito Pblico pela Pontifcia Universidade
Catlica de Minas Gerais (PUC/Minas).
o vocbulo direito assume significado positivo e negativo. Neste sentido, reconhece-se o

esforo legal para limitar o comportamento dos Estados modelado na dualidade de direitos e
deveres. As pretenses e as liberdades dos seres humanos existiriam na medida em que no se
constitussem faculdades prprias do Estado e que tambm houvesse, por parte do Estado, o
dever de obedec-las. Consequentemente, a Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos teria
reconhecido direitos prprios dos seres humanos que, de alguma maneira, no pudessem ser
violados pelo Estado. No texto, tambm so percebidas as concepes universalistas e de
codificao legislativa de Ren Cassin, que comparou o documento ao prtico de um templo
grego antigo, com fundaes, degraus, quatro colunas e um fronto. Como pedras da
fundao, os primeiros dois artigos, que revelam os princpios da dignidade, liberdade,
igualdade e solidariedade. Os degraus se consubstanciariam no prembulo, representando as
razes para a existncia da Declarao. As quatro colunas como o corpo do documento, em
que se constituem em direitos individuais (arts. 3 a 11); direitos individuais e polticos
exercidos em sociedade (arts. 12 a 17); liberdades pblicas e polticas, religiosas e de
associao (arts. 18 a 21) e direitos sociais, culturais e econmicos (arts. 22 a 27). Os ltimos
trs artigos seriam o fronto, que amalgamariam toda a estrutura, por se referirem ao dever de
absteno do uso destes direitos contra os propsitos das Naes Unidas. O Direito Natural
preconizado por Jacques Maritain, bem como as quatro liberdades de Roosevelt, se fizeram
presentes nos termos do texto da Declarao Universal. Para Maritain, o Direito Natural, cujas
normas estariam enraizadas na natureza humana, teria sido deduzido de fenmenos derivados
da prpria experincia humana. Por isso, para ele, a Declarao Universal resultou de uma
formulao comum das concluses prticas dos Estados em relao a direitos possudos pelo
homem com base na sua experincia pessoal e social. Justificativas para tanto seriam
indispensveis e impotentes. No que diz respeito s quatro liberdades, Eleanor Roosevelt as
teve como determinantes para os trabalhos da Comisso das Naes Unidas para os Direitos
Humanos, da qual foi presidente de 1947 a 1948. Estas, baseadas em valores tradicionais
estadunidenses, foram endereadas ao Congresso Norte-americano nos anos que antecederam
ONU no Discurso das quatro liberdades, sendo elas: liberdade de expresso (freedom of
speech and expression); liberdade de religio (freedom of worship); liberdade face penria
(freedom from want); e liberdade face ao medo (freedom from fear). Tais concepes
encontraram resistncia sovitica nos bastidores da feitura da Declarao Universal. Para
Grigory Tunkin, os direitos humanos estariam limitados esfera domstica e sua titularidade
seria a coletividade, havendo privilgio da ao estatal, pois o sistema socioeconmico de um

determinado Estado seria responsvel pela sua concreta determinao. Assim, a verdadeira
liberdade deveria ocorrer em dimenses coletivas e no no isolamento, como sinnimo de
mera tolerncia. Estes debates que se seguiram at o implemento da Declarao Universal
revelam entendimentos antagnicos que ainda hoje so importantes, tais como o
universalismo em relao ao relativismo. Contudo, mesmo o desenvolvimento normativo dos
direitos humanos advindo dos Pactos Internacionais dos anos 60 do sculo passado
evidenciaram as limitaes frente a sua efetividade, bem como as estratgias de poder
utilizadas principalmente por Estados. Este uso dos direitos humanos como forma de exercer
poder sobre a vida j assumiu diversas feies, como a de ser mera propaganda capitalista, de
se assumir como a ltima utopia civilizatria, como ser justificativa ou pretexto para
intervenes em territrios estatais, desde que justas, etc. Todavia, a ausncia de profundos
debates filosficos ratificam seu uso para a preservao da vida nua, o novo corpo biopoltico
da modernidade, no entender de Agamben. A vida nua dissimulada no modelo jurdicoinstitucional no qual o exerccio do poder soberano se consolida, aparecendo invariavelmente
quando zoe e bios so separadas, ou por meio da desconsiderao da bios ou da mera
preservao da zoe. Assim, a redeno do humano no pode ser conseguida. A vida nua se
torna estratgia de poder. A relao exclusiva-inclusiva proporcionada pela linguagem no
mbito das relaes intersubjetivas capaz de manter a reflexo sobre o viver d lugar a um
espao de mera vida, que retira qualquer possibilidade de existncia de singularidades em
meio a um simulacro de sacralidade da vida (a vida desprovida). Perfaz-se, assim, ausncia de
efetividade em normativas internacionais que trazem conceitos desprovidos de contedo
material em razo de estarem ligados no a direitos, mas a excepcionalidades jurdicas.
IMIGRAO E DIREITOS DILOGOS COM OS OPERADOS DO ESTADO

NO BRASIL
Vanessa Generoso Paes1
Este artigo objetiva analisar, mesmo que de forma preliminar, questes

referentes imigrao e direitos articulados a experincia dos agentes do estado que
atuam no Ministrio Pblico da cidade de So Paulo. Para tanto, faz-se necessrio,
antes, discutir as categorias de estrangeiro e imigrao a serem utilizadas no artigo.
De acordo com dados do Ministrio da Justia, em 2010 o Brasil tinha 961 mil
estrangeiros vivendo regularmente no Pas, nmero que aumentou para 1,466 milho em
20112. Segundo as notcias que veicularam nas mdias no ano de 2012, as imigraes
para o Brasil se intensificaram neste ano, principalmente de haitianos, bolivianos,
espanhis, franceses e americanos. De acordo com dados do Ministrio da Justia, a
imigrao cresceu 50%, em comparao com o nmero de imigrantes que entrou no pas
no ano de 2010. Atualmente, o Brasil conta com 1,5 milho de imigrantes
documentados. Entre os indicadores que justificam o crescimento desses nmeros est a
crise que atingiu a zona do euro e condicionou um aumento populacional de imigrantes
vindos da Europa, Amrica Latina, em grande parte pases de circunvizinhana com o
Brasil, alm da sia e frica3, segundo os dados da Organizao Internacional de
Migraes (OIM).
No Brasil, a constituio que regula a condio jurdica do imigrante o
Estatuto do Estrangeiro, Lei n 6.815 de 19 de agosto de 1980, criado na vigncia do
1
Mestre em Histria Social pela USP. Atualmente doutoranda pelo mesmo programa de Histria Social
e bolsista do Conselho Nacional de Cincia e Tecnologia CNPq, cuja temtica de pesquisa versa
sobre Estado, Fronteira e Polticas de Imigrao no Brasil.
2
Para
maiores
detalhes
ver
notcia
que
veiculou
pelo
site
http://www.brasil.gov.br/noticias/arquivos/2012/05/17/brasil-ja-tem-quase-1-5-milhao-de-imigrantesregularizados-diz-ministerio-da-justica-1 acesso em 28/05/2013. Visualizar tambm a notcia no jornal
http://oglobo.globo.com/pais/acre-nao-tem-como-lidar-com-haitianos-que-nao-param-de-chegar-3555215
acesso em 12/06/2013. E a notcia considerada polmica pela utilizao do termo invaso empregado
pela mdia do jornal O Globo, como pode ser visto na matria a seguir http://oglobo.globo.com/pais/acresofre-com-invasao-de-imigrantes-do-haiti-3549381 acesso em 12/06/13.
3
Para
maiores
informaes
consultar
http://www.ebc.com.br/noticias/retrospectiva2012/2012/12/retrospectiva-imigracao acesso em 28/05/2013.
perodo ditatorial brasileiro, mediante o qual o estado atribui os direitos e obrigaes

dos sujeitos pautados nos critrios de segurana nacional, organizao institucional,
interesses polticos, culturais e socioeconmicos do Brasil, em defesa do direito do
trabalhador nacional. Tais mecanismos de segurana jurdica apontam que os sujeitos
no portadores de documentos de permanncia no Brasil esto excludos da cidadania,
levando-os a uma vulnerabilidade social da condio de sujeitos de direitos. Entender o
campo da imigrao a partir do entrecruzamento dos operadores que regem a fronteira
entre a cidadania, a lei e a condio de algeno do imigrante decisivo para produo
dos mecanismos que marcam a vulnerabilidade social, econmica e jurdica do
imigrante. Por que assim, tais dispositivos expem violncia o imigrante dentro do
Estado.
Neste contexto, ficava evidente o carter excludente do outro, uma vez que a lei
aplicava a doutrina de segurana nacional do territrio contra a possvel invaso por
inimigos ocultos. Assim sendo, diz
Art. 1 Em tempos de paz, qualquer estrangeiro poder, satisfeitas as
condies da Lei, entrar e permanecer no Brasil, e dele sair, resguardados os
interesses nacionais. Art. 2 Na aplicao desta Lei atender-se-
precipuamente segurana nacional, organizao institucional, aos
interesses polticos, scio-econmicos e culturais do Brasil, bem assim
defesa do trabalhador nacional. Art. 3 A concesso do visto, a sua
prorrogao ou transformao ficaro sempre condicionadas aos interesses
nacionais4.
Fica manifesto que os elementos atribudos pela lei esto relacionados com a
soberania do Estado, a delimitao de uma fronteira poltica, a insero dos limites de
nacionalidade e de cidadania, colocando o tema da imigrao no contexto da condio
do estrangeiro, pois o estrangeiro abriga a condio que se ope ao nacional de um
Estado, no qual a sua nacionalidade est relacionada com uma imediata traduo
poltica da condio de cidadania deste Estado, que tambm est vinculada Nao, aos
atributos de identidade nacional do indivduo. A partir deste pressuposto, a lei uma
conjectura que impera nas condies de oposio daquilo que no comum entre os
nacionais.
Os sentidos que envolvem a noo de estrangeiro transbordam os significados
jurdicos, porque a qualidade deste estatuto pode ser atribuda em funo das variadas
empregabilidades da noo de fronteira que existe no espao nacional, podendo ser
4
Para
maiores
detalhes
consultar
o
Estatuto
do
Estrangeiro
http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l6815.htm acesso em 20 de maio de 2015.
em
hierarquizadas, interconectadas e sofrerem outras denominaes nos contextos que so

acionadas. Ser estrangeiro reveste um atributo negativo dentro do grupo de referncia
que pertencemos5.
Comumente, ao no pertencer a uma determinada comunidade de destino a
palavra estrangeiro usada como rtulo atribuindo classificaes de grupos e pessoas.
Nestes termos, a rotulagem de no pertencimento pode servir para desqualificar o outro
em sua dimenso de vida, fortalecendo os laos de unidade do grupo que atribui e cria o
estigma. Logo, o estrangeiro aquele que no pertence ao territrio, o intruso 6, o
brbaro, aquele cuja historicidade apagada, erguendo-se um vazio histrico da
experincia que poderia ser compartilhada para o alargamento do sentido de ns,
daquilo que poderia redimensionar a perspectiva na sociedade. Como nos diz a
psicanalista Julia Kristeva
O estrangeiro um esfolado sob a carapaa de ativista ou de incansvel
trabalhador imigrado. Ele sangra de corpo e alma, humilhado por uma
situao em que, mesmo nos melhores casais, ele/ela ocupa o lugar da
empregada domstica, daquele/daquela que incomoda quando ele/ela cai
doente, que encarna o inimigo, o traidor, a vtima. O prazer masoquista
explica somente em parte sua submisso. Na realidade, esta refora o
estrangeiro por trs de sua mscara: segunda personalidade impossvel, pele
anestesiada com a qual se cobre para proporcionar a si mesmo um
esconderijo onde goza por desprezar as fraquezas histricas de seu tirano.
Dialtica do senhor e do escravo? A animosidade suscitada pelo estrangeiro,
ou no mnimo a irritao (O que voc est fazendo aqui? Aqui no seu
lugar!) Pouco o surpreendem. De bom grado ele sente uma certa admirao
para com os que o acolheram, pois em geral acredita serem eles superiores,
seja material, poltica ou socialmente. Ao mesmo tempo no deixa de julglos um pouco limitados, cegos. Pois os seus anfitries desdenhosos no
possuem a distncia que ele possui para se ver e para v-los. O estrangeiro
fortifica-se com esse intervalo que os separa dos outros e de si mesmos,
dando-lhe um sentimento altivo, no por estar de posse da verdade, mas por
relativizar a si prprio e aos demais, quando estes encontram-se nas garras
das rotinas da monovalncia. Os outros talvez possuem coisas, mas o
estrangeiro sabe que ele o nico a ter uma biografia, isto , uma vida feita
de provas. Nada como catstrofes ou aventuras (embora tanto umas quanto as
outras possam acontecer), simplesmente uma vida onde os atos so
acontecimentos, porque implicam escolhas, surpresas, rupturas, adaptaes
ou estratagemas, sem rotina ou repouso. Aos olhos dos estrangeiro, os que
no o so no tem vida alguma: mal existem, sejam plndidos ou medocres,
esto fora da corrida e, portanto, quase j corpos sem vida 7.
Consultar LOPES, Cristiane Maria Sbalqueiro. Inmigracin y derechos humanos: um anlisis crtico del
caso brasileo. Curitiba: Juru, 2013. p.21.
6
No livro Estrangeiros de Ns Mesmos de Jlia Kristeva, Rocco, 1994, a autora faz uma avaliao
filosfica da condio do estrangeiro no mundo ocidental, referenciando uma leitura, por vezes,
psicanaltica, outras vezes, existencial desta condio para com o outro, como tambm, para com ns
mesmos.
7
Ibdem, p. 15.
Neste movimento tanto de si como do outro, tanto de dentro quanto de fora,

Kristeva aponta para as fissuras da perspectiva ocidental, da face oculta da nossa
identidade, dos problemas do ostracismo, da dificuldade em viver com a diversidade,
mas tambm, das ndoas que diante do rompimento de fronteiras econmicas e
polticas, o humano ainda no foi capaz de conviver, partilhar de um processo de
construo de novas formas de alteridade que no sejam vistas como subalternas, ou,
que no sejam silenciadas pelas vozes consonantes do viver em tempos sombrios. Por
hora, visto como um imigrante em potncia, como uma ameaa segurana laboral dos
nativos. Dentro deste ensejo, cabe dizer que imigrao equivale condio de ir e vir do
sujeito em trnsito, da qualidade do movimento, da ao dos sujeitos. Seu contedo
exprime uma situao social, a um estatuto econmico no qual o imigrante busca suprir
por meio de seu trabalho, colocar a sua mo de obra venda nos contextos sociais em
que se encontra para desconstruir essa condio.
O cenrio das migraes contemporneas e seu acionamento de novas
articulaes de pertencimento cruzam posturas xenofbicas da sociedade civil, uma vez
que no cenrio das capitais e da nova articulao financeira que os imigrantes
presentificam a violncia de posturas que no reconhecem a histria e a sua diferena.
Extranjero no es slo el que viene de otra parte y habla otra lengua, sino
tambin el que no tiene acceso a las redes estratgicas, el que no participa en
su control y por eso depende de decisiones ajenas. La desigualdad nos hace
vivir aqu como si estuviramos lejos.
El extranjero no es slo el excluido de la lgica social predominante. Es
tambin el que tiene un secreto: sabe que existe otro modo de vida, o existi,
o podra existir. Si es un extranjero en su propia sociedad, un extranjeronativo, sabe que hubo otras formas de trabajar y divertirse, de comunicarse y
trazar el horizonte, antes de que llegaran turistas, empresas transnacionales o
jvenes que cambiaron los modos de hablar y hacer.
O estrangeiro, portanto, no est situado apenas como um ser advindo de outros

territrios que falam e possuem outras matrizes de pensamento, outras formas de se
situar nos cosmos, mesmo que partilhando da insero do mundo capitalista de
produo e, por sua vez, da sua excluso. Ser estrangeiro um modo de ser no mundo;
posto que ao movimentar seus mundos internos, prticas materiais e simblicas que o
qualificam como pertencentes a outro espao cultural so acionadas. No necessrio
sairmos do territrio brasileiro para perceber os povos que so estrangeiros em sua
prpria terra, basta pensarmos nas populaes indgenas, nas comunidades ribeirinhas e
quilombolas, nos excludos das tecnologias, nos idosos que sofrem a presso em
contextos familiares especficos, s para lembrarmos, apenas de algumas coletividades
que esto includas no territrio nacional e excludas das possibilidades de exercerem
seus direitos, vivendo a partir de suas percepes de mundo.
A imigrao, contudo, no alarga somente as concepes de mundo dos sujeitos,
mas modifica os cdigos de linguagem, ativando um deslocamento dos sentidos de
pertencimento e de suas representaes sociais. Transformar o sentimento de
extrangera como concebe Garca Canclini em formas de apropriao da sociedade
receptora, pode acionar outras possibilidades de viver a imigrao e, no apenas, de
sobreviver no lugar que se escolheu para exercer suas prticas de vida.
A problemtica da migrao, na tica de Paul Singer8, estaria relacionada com as
desigualdades regionais, estas, por sua vez agiriam como um imperativo categrico na
expulso das pessoas de seus espaos de origem. Com a sada de camponeses e
pequenos proprietrios do campo para as cidades, ocasionando grandes fluxos de
deslocamentos, reduziria o nmero absoluto da populao rural, correlacionado
incapacidade dos agricultores na manuteno da economia de subsistncia. Essa
dinmica acarreta uma presso populacional sobre as terras, limitando as reas
produtivas ao concentrarem a produo num reduzido nmero de proprietrios. Os
fatores de estagnao social acarretariam a imigrao de parte das populaes rurais,
resultando no crescimento vegetativo da populao das cidades.
[...] e admite que a migrao interna um processo social, deve-se supor que
ele tenha causas estruturais que impelem determinados grupos a se pr em
movimento. Estas causas so quase sempre de fundo econmico
deslocamento de atividades no espao, crescimento diferencial da atividade
em lugares distintos e assim por diante e atingem os grupos que compe a
estrutura social do lugar de origem de um modo diferenciado 9
Para Singer, o lugar de destino sofre os fatores de atrao, orientando os fluxos e

os espaos para onde se deslocam a populao. O fator de atrao exercido pela
demanda da fora de trabalho, entendida como oportunidades econmicas. No local
de destino, as imigraes alavancadas pelos vetores de mudana sofreriam uma guinada,
uma vez que podem produzir possibilidade de ascenso e mobilidade social. De outro
modo, os vetores de estagnao social ocasionariam uma dificuldade da populao em
inserirem-se no mercado de trabalho nos locais de destino, ocasionando a reemigrao.
8
9
Singer, Paul. Dinmica populacional e desenvolvimento. So Paulo: Hucitec, 1988.

Ibidem, 1980, p. 51.
Partindo dessa premissa, essa dinmica relacional no processo migratrio entre campo e
cidade nos pases considerados subdesenvolvidos acabaria reproduzindo determinadas
condies de subsistncia, uma vez que os sujeitos que emigram seriam alocados em
empregos domsticos ou do setor de servios. Dentro do circuito capitalista de produo
este preenchimento no bem quisto, pois considerado como falso emprego10.
Pode-se concluir, pois, que superpopulao e subemprego no campo, onde de
fato so encontrados, no resultam de excessivas densidades demogrficas
mas da distribuio desigual da propriedade do solo, que produz um
exrcito de reserva de trabalhadores agrcolas ao impedir a aplicao mais
ampla de mtodos intensivos de cultivo 11.
A partir dessa perspectiva terica podemos sintetizar os argumentos de Paul

Singer como causas e motes das migraes, processos sociais que a motivam, como as
implicaes das migraes e migrao e excluso social. A dinmica e a complexidade
de tal fenmeno poder ser interpretado como as condies de produo do capital e do
prprio processo de excluso nele embutido, onde a lgica da produo capitalista gera
um excedente de mo de obra excluda do campo e dos meios de sua produo,
alavancando movimentos migratrios decorrentes dos fatores de atrao e sada forada
dos processos histricos e sociais da sociedade contempornea.
A imigrao, assim, prenhe de significados, tanto quanto o sentido de ser
estrangeiro em sua prpria terra. Enquanto o estrangeiro um vir a ser, o imigrante
fadado a existir, est presente para competir com os empregos, segundo a opinio
pblica, para fazer uso das estruturas sociais dos pases de acolhida. Assim, o imigrante
condenado a existir a partir do momento que atravessa a fronteira, deixa de ser
estrangeiro comum para se tornar um imigrante12, uma condio social, econmica e
jurdica.
Dentro deste enquadramento jurdico-poltico, o imigrante aglutina uma espcie
de banimento por ter deixado sua ptria, pagando com sua excluso poltica no novo
territrio que habita. Essa dimenso arbitrria da poltica vida posta por Sayad;
o imigrante em sua forma mais acabada, ou seja, nos dois sentidos da palavra
(o sentido jurdico e o sentido social), decorrem todas as outras caractersticas
relacionadas ao termo imigrante e a seu par o emigrante, e atribuem
imigrao e, correlativamente, emigrao, suas formas especficas e,
respectivamente, de presena (pela imigrao) e de ausncia (por causa da
10
Idem, ibidem. 47.

Singer, Paul. Dinmica populacional e desenvolvimento. So Paulo: Hucitec, 1988. p. 102.
12
Ver SAYAD, Abdelmalek. A imigrao ou os paradoxos da alteridade. So Paulo: EDUSP, 1998.
p.243.
11
7
emigrao) sui generis. Porque contradizem todas as categorias de nosso
entendimento poltico (que , essencialmente, um entendimento nacional),
que so tambm as categorias constitutivas de nosso mundo social e poltico
(i. e., de nossa ordem nacional), a imigrao e com ela a emigrao,
constituem verdadeiros desafios ortodoxia social e poltica; espcie de
prova em contrrio ou de situao limite, elas foram a reflexo sobre a
noo de nao. Sendo o poltico monoplio exclusivo do nacional ele
inclusive sua caracterstica distintiva por excelncia -, o imigrante, como nonacional, dele excludo, e excludo de direito; mas o emigrante que ele
tambm (e que continua sendo enquanto for designado e nomeado como
imigrante) excludo de fato enquanto um nacional ausente (ausncia da
nao) do poltico.13
Essa presena ilegtima, segundo a ao jurdica do imigrante, acaba por

produzir um sistema binrio do nacional e do no nacional na plataforma poltica, alm
deste emigrante/imigrante reverberar uma espcie de dupla excluso nas faces
revestidas do imigrante, ausente da poltica que dita s referncias para vida e para
insero deste sujeito no mbito do social que delimitaria assim sua identidade civil.
Assim, como fazer parte de um corpo poltico no qual no se possui existncia, que no
tem legitimidade? Fica evidente a proximidade relacional entre sujeito sem direitos e
pessoas fora da lei, como sendo aqueles que habitam as bordas e esto fora dela,
mesmo estando dentro.
O
fenmeno
do
deslocamento
como
ascendncia,
experincias
de
deslocamentos, mudanas de espaos e valores, sendo que o espao dos deslocamentos

no apenas um espao fsico, ele tambm um espao qualificado em muitos sentidos,
socialmente, economicamente, politicamente, culturalmente14. Vale ressaltar que se
entende tambm como espaos de construo de subjetividades. importante frisar que
o imigrante no um ser que existe a priori na sociedade da qual saiu, s existe na
sociedade que assim o denomina a partir do momento em que atravessa suas fronteiras e
se instala em outro territrio. O imigrante edificado a existir, a nascer em uma
sociedade que assim o cria, o qualifica, o desmitifica, e o reconstri.
Nessa perspectiva, assume-se que a imigrao e os imigrantes s tm condio
de existncia no quadro econmico que contabiliza os lucros e os custos,
desempenhando um saldo positivo dos valores envolvidos no processo. Denomina-se o
imigrante como, somente, fora de trabalho provisria temporria e em trnsito. Ao
criticar a ideia de que o imigrante existe pelo seu trabalho e para exercer sua fora de
13
14
Idem, 1998, p. 243.

Ibdem, 1998, p.15.
trabalho, o objetivo apontar para a proposta de que a imigrao problema social

complexo. Segundo Sayad:
de todas as categorias de nosso entendimento poltico (e no s poltico)
que se trata nas percepes coletivas que se encontram no princpio da
definio dada do imigrante e do discurso que atualiza essa definio. Qual
essa definio? Se se aceita abandonar o universo familiar (universo social,
econmico, poltico, cultural ou moral, quando no mental etc.), ao qual se
pertence naturalmente ou do qual se natural, para usar uma
linguagem prxima da linguagem jurdico-poltica da naturalizao (ou,
melhor dizendo, da naturalidade); s se aceita emigrar e, como uma coisa
leva outra, s se aceita viver em terra estrangeira num pas estrangeiro (i. e.,
migrar), com a condio de se convencer de que isso no passa de uma
provao, passageira por definio, uma provao que comporta em si
mesma sua prpria resoluo15
Essas definies por meio das quais se reconhece o imigrante esto pautadas no
estatuto poltico que o imigrante transporta em si, uma vez que ele no apenas um
algeno, pois suas possibilidades de estar excludo do campo poltico um dos fatores
desse processo de incluso excluda - para utilizar uma categoria de Agamben16 - de
seus direitos e da sociedade que o espolia, mesmo fazendo parte dela.
****
No decorrer do sculo XXI, notavelmente a partir da dcada de 1970, as

polticas migratrias dos pases do Norte; com seus regimes de capital financeiro
globalizado, ocasionaram um processo de recrudescimento e controle de seus fluxos em
torno das migraes internacionais, que tem sido vistas pelos pases sul-americanos
como forma de organizar suas polticas migratrias em escala nacional. Nos Estados
Unidos e na Europa, aps os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001, determinados grupos
de imigrantes passaram a compor a categoria de indesejveis e possveis ameaas pelas
comunidades internacionais. Em muitos pases a lei que rege tal poltica a mesma para
crimes de narcotrfico, terrorismo e trfico de pessoas17.
A imigrao para o Brasil durante a dcada de 1980 passou por uma diminuio
drstica do seu fluxo, em virtude da crise econmica e do alto ndice inflacionrio que a
15
Ibidem, 1998, p. 57.

AGAMBEN, Giorgio. Homo Sacer: o poder soberano e a vida nua. Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG,
2002.
17
Consultar artigo FELDEMAN-BIANCO, Bela. Apresentao: deslocamentos, desigualdades e
violncia do estado. Revista Cincia e Cultura. Vol.67 no.2 So Paulo abr./jun. 2015.
http://cienciaecultura.bvs.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S000967252015000200009&lng=pt&nrm
=iso&tlng=pt Acesso em 28/06/2015.
16
economia do pas enfrentou aps o processo de reabertura poltica, baixo crescimento

econmico, alm do processo de transio democrtica do governo e do impeachment
do presidente Fernando Collor - eleito na incipiente experincia ps-ditadura militar.
Em termos de emigrao, o pas teve um elevado crescimento de brasileiros com destino
aos Estados Unidos e pases europeus.
Quanto aos emigrantes, o Brasil enfrenta em termos de gesto das suas
fronteiras, tanto no que concerne a circulao de produtos lcitos e ilcitos, quanto aos
brasileiros que residem no territrio de pases fronteirios da produo do
agronegcio18, conflitos ocasionados por questes agrrias e sociais. De tal modo, os
objetivos do Estado brasileiro na administrao de poltica migratria na fronteira esto
relacionados poltica econmica bilateral e aos projetos de integrao regional do
Brasil. As regies transfronteirias possuem uma forte presena de brasileiros que
buscam se tornarem latifundirios, um acontecimento que vem crescendo no somente
no Paraguai, como tambm na Bolvia, como foi possvel perceber durante a pesquisa
de campo realizada nesse ltimo pas.
A poltica imigratria para o Brasil teve um crescente a partir dos governos de
Luis Incio Lula da Silva (2003-2010), uma vez que no seu percurso de governo
priorizou polticas de cunho desenvolvimentistas, autorizando a construo de mega
projetos no setor de energia e infraestrutura no Brasil. A expanso econmica atraiu
contingentes de pessoas da Amrica do Sul e do Caribe. Muitos brasileiros que
emigraram durante a dcada de 1980 e 1990 resolveram retornar no intuito de terem
uma segunda chance em seu pas. A imigrao de Haitianos, africanos e asiticos
aumentou sua insero pelas fronteiras da regio norte do Brasil, assim como, cresceu o
nmero de pedidos de refgio.
Apesar dos nmeros indicarem um crescente populacional, a gesto da poltica
imigratria para o Brasil sofre uma ausncia de gesto e a estrutura de assistncia social
quase nula. A exceo, no Estado de So Paulo, feita pela prefeitura da cidade de
So Paulo que possui uma pasta de polticas pblicas para imigrantes, e pelas
instituies no governamentais, filiados igreja catlica. O trabalho de preveno,
apoio e gesto que deveria ser realizado pelo Estado brasileiro, por outra via, realizado
18
Para maiores informaes consultar HIRATA, Daniel. Segurana pblica e fronteiras: apontamentos a
partir do "Arco Norte". Revista Cincia e Cultura. Vol.67 no.2 So Paulo abr./jun. 2015.
http://cienciaecultura.bvs.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S000967252015000200009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Acesso em 28/06/2015
10
pelas instituies no governamentais. A dependncia e tutela dos grupos de imigrantes

e refugiados para com as ONGs produziram campanhas, aumentando as vozes para que
o Brasil aprove no congresso outra lei de imigrao, que no seja a de segurana
nacional dentro do territrio.
Em termos institucionais do Estado, o movimento de imigrantes e refugiados no
Brasil envolve um conjunto variado de ministrios e autarquias: Ministrio das Relaes
Exteriores, Ministrio do Trabalho, Ministrio da Justia, Polcia Federal dentre outros,
e os operadores da lei no mbito do Ministrio Pblico e Ministrio Pblico do
Trabalho que tem realizado aes para combater, prevenir, punir e reparar crimes
relacionados ao trfico de pessoas, uma vez que os mesmos tem se defrontado com
problemas no que tange a vulnerabilidade e explorao de imigrantes e refugiados
dentro do contexto da explorao do trabalho anlogo ao de escravo no Brasil.
Na sequncia, a promotora pblica, a quem entrevistei no ano de 2014,
estabelece os problemas que por mais que se distanciem, podem estabelecer conexes
no plano da migrao no Brasil: a migrao forada para o trabalho escravo, o trfico de
pessoas, trabalho escravo e violncia marcada por questes de gnero, raa, cor e etnia.
O trfico de pessoas e a imigrao esto intimamente ligados, porque o
trafico existe para quatro causas, segundo a Conveno Internacional de
Palermo e um consenso internacional, que h um crescente para trfico de
pessoas para adoo ilegal de bebs, trfico de homens e mulheres para
prostituio, trfico de pessoas para trfico de rgos que a minha
especialidade trfico de pessoas para trabalho escravo. Nessas quatro
causas, o que ns temos feito? Lembrando, o Brasil s tem um tipo penal
para trfico de pessoas para prostituio, e as mulheres at 2009 eram as
nicas vtimas, ao menos pela lei.
Os argumentos da promotora Eliana Vendramini Carneiro convergem para a

perspectiva de que o trfico de pessoas e a imigrao esto ligados, mediante uma
conveno internacional do Protoloco de Palermo; onde a operadora faz uma
certificao, por meio da sua atuao no MP de So Paulo, uma vez que adoo ilegal
de bebs, o trfico de homens e mulheres para prostituio e o trfico de pessoas para
trfico de rgos e o trfico para trabalho escravo so os pilares indigestos da ao
penal no Brasil, no havendo categoria especfica para dois tipos de crime:
Ns no temos um tipo penal, temos o Art.149 do Cdigo Penal que um
arremedo de escravido para trabalho forado, s que no atende a gravidade
dos fatos, a no ser que voc encontre uma organizao criminosa, da
acumula os crimes e os outros dois no tem tipo penal, trfico de pessoas
para trfico de rgos e, trfico de bebs para adoo ilegal.
11
Dentro da seara das categorias analticas que a histria, a sociologia e o direito

utilizam para manusear a questo do trabalho anlogo ao de escravo no mundo
contemporneo, promovendo debates prenhes de significado social; pois o problema se
insere no fato de no vivermos mais numa sociedade onde o trabalho escravo seja base
da produo. Da que a hiptese da historiadora ngela de Castro Gomes em suas
pesquisas sobre tal problema19, enfatiza que essa categoria mobilizada como
mecanismo para combater a explorao excessiva sobre os sujeitos em vulnerabilidade,
assim como, para promover o debate e a mobilizao na esfera pblica nacional e
internacional de que tal prtica condenvel num modelo de sociedade democrtica de
direito que passou por lutas polticas e conflitos sociais para galgar o estatuto
liberdade, igualdade e fraternidade na esfera poltica contempornea.
Outro problema elencado pela promotora Eliana Vendramini a falta de
acolhimento para com grupos de imigrantes/refugiados no Brasil. Dentro de uma
dinmica populacional crescente necessrio um maior comprometimento do Estado na
acolhida de populaes que por terem especificidades no podem ser encaminhadas
para casas de acolhimento destinadas aos moradores de rua. Enumerando os exemplos
da Prefeitura da cidade de So Paulo e de instituies ligadas igreja catlica, h
poucos exemplos de acolhimento a essa populao, uma vez que na capital paulistana j
h casos de pessoas em situao de rua. Tem se tornado um problema.
O combate, na verdade eu no falaria s em termos de crime, eu falaria em
Direitos Humanos, que envolve todos os ramos do direito. A preveno, o
combate e o acolhimento so todos problemas serissimos no Brasil. A
preveno, s vezes no pode acontecer como no caso dos desaparecidos por
que eu tenho subnotificao e problema de servio pblico.
Assim, outro problema que emergiu nas entrevistas com os representantes de

instituies que atendem imigrantes, em vrios setores, a ausncia da humanizao
dos setores administrativos do Estado, com a total falta de preparo do corpo
administrativo para lidar com pessoas em vulnerabilidade, para que o preconceito, ou, o
racismo institucional no acontea no atendimento ao imigrante/refugiado. Tais
problemas so relatados principalmente nos servios bsicos de sade, operadores do
direito e educao; sem contar dos casos de perseguio policial, j que por muitos
imigrantes/refugiados por terem tipos tnicos diferenciados da populao branca so
19
GOMES, ngela Castro. Trabalho anlogo a de escravo: construindo um problema. Histria Oral, v.
11, n. 1-2, p. 11-41, jan.-dez. 2008.
12
indicados como tipos suspeitos pelos servios de segurana pblica dentro de um pas
que tem srios problemas de enfrentamento ao racismo. O outro passa a ser visto como
suspeito e deve ser vigiado, pois pode representar o inimigo a ser controlado para a
implementao da democracia, paz e liberdade dos consumidores/cidados.
Ento, qual o grande problema hoje? No s o problema do sistema
pblico, que gravssimo, o poder pblico e o trabalho que feito para o
pblico, mas tambm, olhar isso com humanidade, isto no uma questo
de... Ah, uma cadeira, pe a cadeira aqui, tira a cadeira dali..., vamos
resolver a questo penal, vamos resolver a questo trabalhista, mas e a pessoa
na sua integralidade, mas cidado no Brasil o que vota, o que votado, o
que tm direitos, o que vai ao hospital, ento ela vai ter que passar de
pessoa cidad para ser alguma coisa, quando pessoa j deveria dizer tudo.
Outro problema da ausncia de dados nos servios pblicos do Estado sobre a

nacionalidade das pessoas que frequentam tais setores, que no se tornam em
estatsticas por que faz uso desses servios. No existir em nmeros, no possuir
documentos significa no existir para o Estado.
De
tal
forma,
para
os
especialistas
da
rea
de
atendimento
ao
imigrante/refugiado o trabalho para tais pessoas deve ser interdisciplinar, pois um

campo especfico do conhecimento no d conta s esferas das polticas de atendimento,
acolhimento, preveno a tais povos.
eu reorganizaria o meu pensamento na ordem, primeiro; para preveno,
conhecer o problema fazer um trabalho srio, estatstico. Para combater
preciso est no local certo atravs dessa viso estatstica, mudar a lei, j tem
projeto de lei para isso e um bom projeto de lei. Tambm preciso
ressocializar a pessoa e oferecer meio para que a mesma galgue um trabalho.
Primeiro que tem que ser um trabalho interdisciplinar, no do direito,
psicossocial, jurdico, humanitrio e resocializar atravs de vrios meios,
por exemplo, no s o abrigamento, a emancipao, aluguel social,
possibilidade de emprego, tambm um trabalho cultural, isso vem
acompanhado de uma percepo de que o outro o seu semelhante, isso no
um discurso religioso, isso um discurso de humanidade.
Segundo as crticas da promotora Eliana Vendramini, o Estado deve ter

oramento para encaminhar os servios relacionados imigrao, mas dentro de uma
dinmica que no seja mercadolgica dos servios, tal como: a pessoa que no vota,
logo, no tem voz de deciso dentro de um campo poltico, e no vista como
prioridade na sociedade que escolheu para viver. O fenmeno migratrio possui um
aspecto de fuga poltica, que corresponde aos supostos subjetivos dos processos
migratrios; que por sua vez so endereados por foras polticas objetivas de cunho
socioeconmico.
13
De tal modo, h uma confluncia de agentes dentro do Estado, na sociedade civil

e nas organizaes no governamentais que articulam polticas de imigrao no Brasil.
No que concerne ao Estado-nao, percebemos que o mesmo exerce um forte vetor na
configurao do territrio; como um espao conformado por relaes e prticas de
poder. Assim, a violncia apresentada como um campo de luta para a conformao de
segregao social por meio das prticas jurdicas. Esta perspectiva desconstri a viso
de um Estado laico, uma vez que este permeado por contradies e conflitos dos
agentes que o integra.
O Estado, mediante polticas migratrias concretas, como a legislao, exerce
uma forma de interveno num espao marcado pela ambiguidade, pela desigualdade e
pela violncia de situaes que, simultaneamente, foram ou induzem sada do
emigrante de um territrio nacional e impedem o ingresso em outros territrios.20
A poltica de Estado, contudo, para construir polticas pblicas para a imigrao,
precisa perceber que tal ato no uma ao de tutela, pois os imigrantes, assim, passam
a viver s margens do Estado de direito, vivendo num espao de inexistncia social,
sendo uma exceo includa do Estado. A emancipao social dar-se quando h
condies materiais para que as pessoas exeram suas capacidades laborais, cognitivas,
culturais; pois se almejamos a presena das experincias que no existem na sociedade
de direito, precisamos que essas subjetividades se faam presentes, que as experincias
que j existem mas so invisveis e no-crveis estejam disponveis; ou seja, transformar
os sujeitos ausentes, invisveis, em objetos presentes.21 E o acesso polticas publicas
poder ser uma ato de cidadania dentro do Estado.
DOCUMENTOS CITADOS
Estatuto do Estrangeiro em http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l6815.htm acesso
em 20 de maio de 2015.
ENTREVISTA
VENDRAMINI, Eliana. Entrevista concedida a Vanessa Generoso Paes. So Paulo,
novembro de 2014. (A entrevista encontra-se transcriada e autorizada para o projeto de
tese de doutorado de Vanessa Generoso Paes.)
20
POVOA NETO, 2011, p.124. Territrio e mobilidade: barreiras fsicas como dispositivos de poltica
migratria na atualidade. In: NATAL, Jorge (org.), Territrio e Planejamento. Rio de Janeiro: Letra
Capital/IPPUR, 2011. pp.123-147.
21
SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa. Renovar a teoria critica e reinventar a emancipao social. So
Paulo: Boitempo, 2007.
14
REFERNCIAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
AGAMBEN, Giorgio. Homo Sacer: o poder soberano e a vida nua. Belo Horizonte:
Editora UFMG, 2002.
FELDEMAN-BIANCO, Bela. Apresentao: deslocamentos, desigualdades e violncia
do estado. Revista Cincia e Cultura. Vol.67 no.2 So Paulo abr./jun. 2015.
http://cienciaecultura.bvs.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S000967252015000200
009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Acesso em 28/06/2015.
GARCA CANCLINI, Nstor. Las Fronteiras dentro de los Pases, Las Naciones Fuera
de su Territrio. Revista Diversitas. Ano 1, n1, mar/set 2013. p.16-28. In:
http://diversitas.fflch.usp.br/sites/diversitas.fflch.usp.br/files/2_CANCLINI.pdf
GOMES, ngela Castro. Trabalho anlogo a de escravo: construindo um problema.
Histria Oral, v. 11, n. 1-2, p. 11-41, jan.-dez. 2008.
HIRATA, Daniel. Segurana pblica e fronteiras: apontamentos a partir do "Arco
Norte". Revista Cincia e Cultura. Vol.67 no.2 So Paulo abr./jun. 2015.
http://cienciaecultura.bvs.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S000967252015000200009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Acesso em 28/06/2015
Kristeva, Jlia. Estrangeiros de Ns Mesmos. Rio de Janeiro: Rocco, 1994.
LOPES, Cristiane Maria Sbalqueiro. Inmigracin y derechos humanos: um anlisis
crtico del caso brasileo. Curitiba: Juru, 2013.
POVOA NETO, 2011, p.124. Territrio e mobilidade: barreiras fsicas como
dispositivos de poltica migratria na atualidade. In: NATAL, Jorge (org.), Territrio e
Planejamento. Rio de Janeiro: Letra Capital/IPPUR, 2011. pp.123-147.
SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa. Renovar a teoria critica e reinventar a emancipao
social. So Paulo: Boitempo, 2007.
SAYAD, Abdelmalek. A Imigrao ou os Paradoxos da Alteridade. So Paulo:
EDUSP, 1998.
SINGER, Paul. Curso de introduo economia poltica. Ed. Forense Universitria,
1991.
________ Economia poltica da urbanizao. So Paulo: Ed. Brasiliense, 1980.
________ Dinmica populacional e desenvolvimento. So Paulo: Ed. Hucitec, 1988.
________ Desenvolvimento econmico e evoluo urbana. So Paulo: Ed. Companhia
Editora Nacional, 1977.
SISTEMA INTERAMERICANO DE DIREITOS HUMANOS:

CONSIDERAES PONTUAIS SOBRE OS DIREITOS HUMANOS DAS
MULHERES1
Sheila Stolz2
RESUMO: As pesquisas levadas a termo pelo Ncleo de Pesquisa e Extenso em Direitos
Humanos (NUPEDH) vinculado a Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal do Rio
Grande (FADIR/FURG) e transcritas neste artigo tiveram como principal objetivo avaliar qual
tem sido o papel do Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos (SIDH) no que concerne
promoo, salvaguarda e efetiva proteo das violaes aos Direitos Humanos das mulheres
em solo latino-americano.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Direitos Humanos. Igualdade de tratamento e no discriminao.
Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos. Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos.
Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos.
SUMMARY: This research, carried out to term by Ncleo de Pesquisa e Extenso em
Direitos Humanos (NUPEDH) linked to the Faculty of Law of the Universidade Federal do
Rio Grande (FADIR/FURG) and transcribed in this paper, has as main objective to assess
what has been the role of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR)
regarding the promotion, protection and effective protection of the human rights violations
against women in Latin America.
KEY-WORDS: Human Rights. Equal treatment and no discrimination. Inter-American
System. Inter-American Court of Human Rights. International Human Rights Law.
Este ensaio fruto das pesquisas realizadas no mbito do Projeto de Pesquisa Feminismos e Direito: reflexes
sobre a teoria jurdica, o contedo das normas e as representaes discursivas nos discursos das sentenas
judiciais, vinculado ao Ncleo de Pesquisa e Extenso em Direitos Humanos NUPEDH/FURG. Quanto s
citaes originalmente escritas em outros idiomas que no o portugus, estas foram traduzidas pela autora e so
de sua inteira responsabilidade.
2
Professora Adjunta da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande (FaDir/FURG/RS). Mestre
em Direito pela Universitat Pompeu Fabra (UPF/Barcelona/Espanha). Doutoranda em Direito pela Pontifcia
Universidade Catlica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUC/RS) e bolsista CAPES. Bolsista do Programa de Doutorado
Sanduiche no Exterior (PDSE-CAPES) realizado na Facultad de Derecho da Universidad Complutense de
Madrid (UCM/Espaa). Coordenadora Geral do Ncleo de Pesquisa e Extenso em Direitos Humanos
(NUPEDH/FURG). Coordenadora do Curso de Ps-Graduao em Educao em Direitos Humanos
(PGEDH/FURG-UAB-CAPES). E-mail: sheilastolz@gmail.com
1
INTRODUO
O Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos origina-se quando, em 10 de

dezembro de 1948, a Assembleia Geral das Naes Unidas (ONU) aprova a Declarao
Universal dos Direitos Humanos (DUDH). Desde ento, desencadeou-se um processo de
mudanas no comportamento social e na produo de instrumentos e mecanismos
internacionais de direitos humanos que acabaram sendo incorporados ao ordenamento jurdico
dos pases signatrios. Esse processo resultou, em mbito internacional, na base dos atuais
Sistemas regionais e global de proteo dos direitos humanos e, em mbito interno dos
Estados, nos sistemas de proteo dos direitos fundamentais.
Paradoxalmente a este processo de positivao dos direitos humanos, chamados no
mbito interno dos Estados de direitos fundamentais, encontra-se a atual conjuntura nacional
e internacional. Esta, alm de apresentar uma srie de aspectos verdadeiramente preocupantes
no que se refere s violaes de direitos humanos, tanto no campo dos direitos civis e
polticos quanto na esfera dos direitos econmicos, sociais, culturais e ambientais, acaba por
se entrelaar ao processo de globalizao agravando, ainda mais, os problemas existentes.
Pois, como consabido, a globalizao3 tem aumentado vertiginosamente a concentrao da
riqueza, beneficiando apenas um tero da humanidade em prejuzo, especial mas no
somente, das/dos habitantes do Hemisfrio Sul que vivem em meio a desigualdade e a
excluso sociais brutais, comprometendo, em feito, a dignidade humana, a justia e a paz.
Circunstncias que s fazem aumentar, entre outras, a intolerncia tnico-racial, religiosa,
cultural, generalizando-se, outrossim, os conflitos e recrudescendo-se a violncia (em suas
mais diversificadas formas) e a degradao da biosfera.
Todos estes so acontecimentos que revelam o abismo existente entre os
indiscutveis avanos no plano jurdico-formal e a realidade concreta. Levando, tambm, a
indagao acerca da pertinncia das crticas lanadas a prpria ideia de se elaborar um texto
jurdico-poltico que tenha vigncia e validez em todo o Planeta, mas que corresponde, em
efeito, aos ideais morais e valorativos das sociedades ocidentais contemporneas. Em outras
oportunidades j manifestei minhas crticas ao que, a princpio, parece mais uma forma de
imperialismo ocidental do que propriamente a defesa de direitos humanos universais e
universalizveis (STOLZ, 2008). Mas, frente ao inescusvel fato de que os direitos humanos
tanto escondem quanto afirmam a estrutura dominante, cabe recordar que eles tambm
Em outro ensaio (STOLZ, 2009) tratei das relaes entre globalizao e direitos humanos.
revelam a desigualdade e a opresso e, assim sendo, ajudam a desafiar todo o tipo de

iniquidade, posto que objetivam resistir a dominao e a opresso pblica e privada.
Uma das formas possveis de resistir as injustias advm do mbito jurdico
internacional e da estrutura que se convencionou chamar de Sistema Internacional de proteo
dos Direitos Humanos, integrado, em mbito americano, pelo Sistema Interamericano de
Direitos Humanos (SIDH) e seu arcabouo jurdico. Como se constitui este Sistema e suas
aes no que concerne aos direitos humanos das mulheres sero analisadas, ainda que de
forma breve, no transcorrer deste paper.
1 COMO A COMUNIDADE INTERNACIONAL TEM PROCURADO DAR UMA

RESPOSTA VIOLAO OU AMEAA SEMPRE PRESENTES NA VIDA DAS
MULHERES EM TODO O MUNDO?
A ttulo de esclarecimento prvio convm recordar que o Direito Internacional dos

Direitos Humanos opera em quatro reas e em todas elas se encontra um vnculo possvel com
a garantia dos direitos humanos das mulheres. A primeira rea trata da fixao de normas
jurdicas e da criao do catlogo de Direitos Humanos que os Estados devem promover e
salvaguardar. A segunda, diz respeito promoo dos Direitos Humanos, ou seja, ao esforo
por desenvolver a conscincia da comunidade internacional acerca da existncia e a aceitao
de determinadas normas. A terceira concerne implementao de tais Direitos a nvel
nacional, uma rea na qual o Direito Internacional tem o papel de obrigar ou persuadir aos
Estados para que tomem as medidas necessrias com a finalidade de que os Direitos Humanos
sejam desfrutados por todos. A quarta e ltima rea, refere-se funo protetiva atravs da
qual o Direito Internacional outorga aos rgos internacionais a competncia de investigar e,
eventualmente, condenar e estabelecer compensaes e reparaes pelas violaes sofridas.
Ao processo histrico de expanso dos direitos humanos, somou-se o processo de
especificao de sujeitos de direitos que passam a ser vistos em suas peculiaridades e
particularidades e aqui, uma vez mais, a ONU, prosseguir, em inmeros tratados
internacionais, resolues e pareceres, reafirmando e reassegurando a liberdade e a igualdade
em suas distintas dimenses. No que concerne a igualdade, esta encontra-se reconhecida
como direito humano acolhido na DUDH quando afirma, em seu artigo 1, que todas as
pessoas nascem livres e iguais em dignidade e direitos e, em seu artigo 2, que
[...] toda pessoa tem capacidade para gozar os direitos e as liberdades
estabelecidos nesta Declarao, sem distino de qualquer espcie, seja de
4
raa, cor, sexo, lngua, religio, opinio poltica ou de outra natureza,
origem nacional ou social, riqueza, nascimento, ou qualquer outra condio.
(DUDH, 1948, grifos da autora).
A preocupao com a desigualdade e a discriminao desembocaram, ademais, na

estratgia poltica (amplu sensu) de igualdade entre mulheres e homens, que conhecida sob
a nomenclatura de mainstreaming (transversalidade) de gnero. Tal conceito se origina a
partir dos movimentos feministas, aparecendo, por vez primeira, nos textos internacionais
resultantes das medidas adotadas na Conferncia Mundial de Mulheres celebrada em Nairbi
em 1985, sendo assumida explicitamente na Plataforma de Aes da IV Conferncia Mundial
sobre Mulheres da ONU celebrada em Beijing, como se deduz da leitura dos pargrafos 79,
105, 123, 141, 164, 189, 202, 229, 238, 252, 273 da referida Plataforma.
A partir deste marco jurdico, a noo de transversalidade de gnero se encontra
especialmente refletida nos debates e nos relatrios levados a termo pela Comisso das
Naes Unidas sobre a Condio da Mulher (Commission on the Status of Women, criada em
21 de junho de 1946) e nos demais documentos da ONU 4 e suas afiliadas 5 , posto que o
mainstreaming de gnero (e tambm as demais transversalidades 6) exibe a importncia de
integrar os valores das mulheres nas polticas pblicas, nos planos e nos programas de
Governo e Estado desde sua criao, implementao e avaliao dos resultados.
Com base nestas ponderaes iniciais convm traar um panorama geral sobre os
direitos humanos das mulheres no Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos, tema da
prxima seo.
4
Convm recordar que o Economic and Social Council (Conselho Econmico e Social - ECOSOC) definiu a
transversalidade da perspectiva de gnero em suas concluses acordadas em 1997 da seguinte maneira:
Transversalizar a perspectiva de gnero o processo de valorar as implicaes para mulheres e homens de
qualquer ao planificada, incluindo legislao, polticas e programas, em todas as reas e em todos os nveis.
uma estratgia para fazer com que as preocupaes e experincias das mulheres assim como tambm a dos
homens constituam uma dimenso integral do desenho, implementao, monitoramento e valorao de polticas
e programas em todas as esferas polticas, econmicas e sociais de modo que as mulheres e os homens se
beneficiem por igual e a desigualdade no seja perpetuada. O fim ltimo alcanar a igualdade de gneros.
(ECOSOC, A/52/3, p.s/n). Esta definio apropriada para descrever o que os rgos de superviso
internacional devem fazer no campo dos direitos humanos.
ECOSOC.
A/52/3.
New
York:
NU,
1997.
Disponvel
em:
http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/52/3/REV.1(SUPP). Acesso em: 10 de mar. 2014.
5
Organizao Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), Organizao Mundial da Sade (OMS), por exemplo.
6
Note-se que o reconhecimento das diferenas e o consequente tratamento no discriminatrio, bem como a
criao e o incremento de polticas pblicas em prol dos grupos mais desfavorecidos para que desenvolvam suas
capacidades, foi tambm abarcada na Declarao do Milnio de setembro do ano 2000 e na qual a Cpula do
Milnio institui, entre os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milnio, o enfrentamento discriminao e
desigualdade racial e de gnero, formalizando no seu 3 Objetivo a necessidade de promover a igualdade entre
os sexos e a autonomia da mulher. Infelizmente, este um tema pendente de soluo para muitos coletivos
humanos, tanto assim que o Relatrio A Ascenso do Sul: Progresso Humano num Mundo Diversificado
sobre o Desenvolvimento Humano, elaborado pelo Programa das Naes Unidas para o Desenvolvimento
(PNUD, 2013), lana um alerta global para o fato de que as desigualdades sociais so acrescidas de fatores
concernentes ao mainstreaming (transversalidade) racial, etria, e de identidades de gnero.
2 A OEA E OS DIREITOS HUMANOS DAS MULHERES
A problemtica da mulher est presente nos Estados americanos antes mesmo da

fundao da Organizao dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e do Sistema Interamericano de
Direitos Humanos (SIDH), ambos datados de 1948. Foi durante a Sexta Conferncia
Internacional Americana (La Habana-Cuba), datada de 1928, que se criou, em resposta
presso exercida por ativistas feministas em todas as Amricas, a Comisso Interamericana de
Mulheres (Inter-American Commission of Women CIM), o primeiro precedente de
organismo internacional que se estabeleceu com o objetivo de assegurar o reconhecimento
dos direitos civis e polticos das mulheres7. Desde sua fundao, a CIM subministrou dados e
estudos sobre a condio jurdica e social da mulher em cada pas membro, constituindo-se,
ademais, no locus em que os governos podiam discutir temas e assumir compromissos
internacionais na rea da mulher.
Naquele momento histrico, 1928, a grande preocupao da CIM com as mulheres
da Regio era com o fato de que estas viviam em condies de grande desigualdade jurdica.
Seu acesso educao e ao poder poltico e econmico era limitadssimo e o sufrgio
feminino s era permitido em dois pases. Estes foram os motivos pelos quais durante muitos
anos a CIM dedicou seus esforos na obteno dos direitos civis e polticos da mulher. Em
1933, na Stima Conferncia Internacional Americana, a CIM promoveu e obteve a adoo da
Conveno Interamericana sobre a Nacionalidade da Mulher (primeiro instrumento mundial
sobre os direitos da mulher), na qual se estabelecia o direito da mulher em manter sua
nacionalidade de origem ao se casar com um estrangeiro.
Em 1938, na Oitava Conferncia Interamericana, aprovou-se a Declarao de Lima
em favor dos Direitos da Mulher, mas foi somente na Novena Conferncia Interamericana
de 1948 que se adotam dois importantes tratados elaborados pela CIM: 1) a Conveno
Interamericana sobre a Concesso de Direitos Polticos da Mulher, que estipula que o
direito ao voto e a ser votado e eleito para um cargo nacional no pode ser negado ou
restringido por razes de sexo; e, 2) a Conveno Interamericana sobre a Concesso de
Direitos Civis Mulher, na qual se outorga mulher os mesmos direitos civis que gozam os
homens. Ambas Convenes sentaram as bases para a igualdade de direitos no Sistema
Interamericano, a despeito de que na data de sua adoo o conceito de "direitos" em mbito
internacional se havia estendido para alm da esfera poltica e civil, abarcando tambm os
Veja-se em: CIM/OEA, 1998.
aspectos econmicos, sociais e culturais, e convertendo-se no que se denominou de "Direitos

Humanos".
Esta nova concepo foi claramente expressada na Declarao Americana dos
Direitos e Deveres do Homem (DADH), que foi aprovada pela recm-criada Organizao dos
Estados Americanos (OEA) durante a IX Conferncia Internacional Americana realizada em
Bogot em 1948. Antecipando-se Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos
(DUDH/ONU), este documento consagrou os "direitos essenciais" das pessoas como, entre
outros: os direitos vida, liberdade, segurana, integridade pessoal, educao, sade,
ao trabalho. Assim, estabeleceu-se o marco normativo inicial para o desenvolvimento do
Sistema Interamericano de defensa e promoo dos Direitos Humanos.
A estrutura que hoje sustenta o dito Sistema foi se construindo paulatinamente aps
este marco inicial. Em primeiro lugar, criou-se, em 1959, a Comisso Interamericana de
Direitos Humanos (CIDH), com o intuito de promover o cumprimento e a proteo dos
Direitos Humanos. Depois, instituiu-se a Assembleia Geral da OEA, que adotou, em 1969, a
Conveno Americana sobre Direitos Humanos (CADH), tambm conhecida com o nome de
Pacto de San Jose de Costa Rica, e o seu Protocolo Adicional de 1988. Em 1978, formou-se a
Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH), constituda com o intuito primordial
de resolver os casos a ela submetidos de supostas violaes dos direitos protegidos pela
CADH e tambm em outras Convenes Interamericanas como, por exemplo, a Conveno
Interamericana para Prevenir e Sancionar a Tortura (1987), o Protocolo da CADH relativo
Abolio da Pena de Morte (1991) e a Conveno Interamericana sobre a Desapario
Forada de Pessoas (1994).
na II Conferncia Mundial de Direitos Humanos das Naes Unidas8, realizada em
1993 em Viena (ustria), que se reconheceu, por vez primeira em um frum internacional,
que a violncia e a discriminao que se praticam contra a mulher em razo de gnero
constituem uma violao aos direitos humanos e que dado a sua recorrncia histrico-cultural
requerem um tratamento especial e instrumentos especficos. Ao abraar estas ideias, iniciamse os esforos para incorporar a perspectiva de gnero no conjunto de direitos protegidos pela
CADH. Depois de um longo trabalho que j vinha sendo realizado desde 1990, a CIM
promove e obtm a adoo por aclamao no vigsimo quarto perodo ordinrio de sesses da
Assembleia Geral da OEA da Conveno que estabelece que a violncia contra a mulher
Conferncia que foi realizada seguindo a Resoluo 45/155 adotada pela Assembleia Geral da ONU de 18 de
novembro de 1990. Conforme ONU. General Assembly. A/RES/45/155. Disponvel em:
<http://www.un.org/documents/ga/res/45/a45r155.htm>. Acesso em: 10 mar. 2014.
uma violao aos direitos humanos. A referida Assembleia foi realizada no dia 9 de junho de
1994 em Belm do Para (Brasil) e aprovou a Conveno Interamericana para Prevenir,
Sancionar e Erradicar a Violncia Contra a Mulher Conveno de Belm do Para (com
entrada em vigor internacional em maro de 19959).
Tambm em ateno s concluses da II Conferncia Mundial de Direitos Humanos,
a Comisso Interamericana de criou, em 1994, uma Relatoria Especial dos Direitos da
Mulher, com o mandato de analisar, informar e fazer recomendaes aos Estados sobre as
legislaes nacionais e as prticas sobre os direitos da mulher em cumprimento s obrigaes
assumidas. Quatro anos depois, em 1998, a CIDH publicou o primeiro Relatrio sobre a
Condio da Mulher nas Amricas o qual foi preparado pela Relatoria Especial. Nele, avaliase o cumprimento por parte dos Estados membros da OEA das obrigaes internacionais
estabelecidas nos tratados e nas declaraes regionais sobre os direitos da mulher,
apresentando-se, tambm, recomendaes que os Estados devem assumir.
A Assembleia Geral da OEA (AG/OEA) reunida entre 1 e 3 de junho de 1998 em
Caracas (Venezuela) reafirma seu compromisso anterior de fortalecer os direitos humanos
acordo previamente adotado na AG/OEA celebrada em 8 de junho de 1991 aprovando a
Declarao sobre a igualdade de direitos e de oportunidades entre a mulher e o homem e a
equidade de gnero nos instrumentos jurdicos interamericanos 10 . Nela se confere uma
especial relevncia ao tema de gnero, dando nfase ao respaldo poltico indispensvel para
tornar realidade os direitos e as oportunidades para a mulher, de modo tal que estes no sejam
somente direitos declarativos ou principialistas.
A Comisso Interamericana atender a estes reclames, dedicando maior ateno aos
direitos da mulher e aos avanos dos Estados-membros no que concerne a operacionalizao e
execuo dos acordos adotados a nvel internacional. Entretanto, de fato a partir da vinda
luz do Relatrio sobre a Condio da Mulher nas Amricas que a Comisso
Interamericana desenvolver seu potencial na matria seja atravs da prtica de incluir
captulos sobre a condio da mulher em seus informes gerais anuais por pas, seja porque
comeou progressivamente a examinar demandas individuais referentes a violaes de
direitos humanos com causas e consequncias especficas de gnero que, repassados Corte
CORTE IDH. Conveno de Belm do Par. NORAD: p.1-15. Disponvel em:

<http://www.corteidh.or.cr/tablas/26547.pdf.>. Acesso em: 12 mar. 2012.
Atravs do Decreto n. 1.973, de 1 de agosto de 1996, promulga-se a referida Conveno que ratificada pelo
Brasil em 27 de novembro de 1995.
10
Declarao aprovada na terceira sesso plenria, celebrada em 2 de junho de 1998: AG/DEC. 18 (XXVIIIO/98).
IDH, resultaram de forma progressiva em decises que tm conseguido importantes

progressos na proteo dos direitos das mulheres no Continente Americano.
Com o fim de intensificar a ao do Sistema Interamericano na rea dos direitos da
mulher, a Assembleia Geral da OEA adotou, no ano de 2000, o Programa Interamericano
sobre a Promoo dos Direitos Humanos da Mulher e a Igualdade e Equidade de
Gnero, o qual tem como objetivos, entre outros, integrar sistematicamente a perspectiva de
gnero em todos os rgos, organismos e entidades do Sistema Interamericano e alentar os
Estados-membros a formular polticas pblicas, estratgias e propostas dirigidas a promover
os direitos humanos da mulher e a equidade e igualdade de gnero. Este Programa tem sido o
eixo fundamental no desenvolvimento das estruturas e estratgias efetivas para a defensa dos
direitos humanos da mulher.
Variados so os problemas que as mulheres enfrentam na rea dos direitos humanos,
bem seja de jure ou de facto, e, no que concerne a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos
(Corte IDH, tambm conhecida como Corte de San Jos), o papel que a mesma jogou at a
entrada do novo milnio foi, em palavras de sua ex-presidenta, Cecilia Medina Quiroga,
extremadamente modesto (2003, p.908). Este balano correspondia averiguao ftica de
que, mesmo conhecendo casos em que as mulheres haviam sofrido violaes em seus direitos
humanos especficos, a Corte no adotou um enfoque sensvel s diferenas de gnero, ou
seja, no considerou como um elemento de deciso o sexo da vtima. Deste modo, atuou
atravs do uso de uma linguagem supostamente neutral e alheia ao gnero referendada pelo
Direito.
Em 1984, na estrita delimitao de sua competncia consultiva, foi a primeira vez
que a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos se pronunciou sobre questes pertinentes
aos direitos das mulheres, quando considerou discriminatrio o tratamento jurdico
diferenciado que se estabelecia na Constituio da Costa Rica para as mulheres estrangeiras
que contraiam matrimnio com homens costa-rienses11. Passaram-se 19 anos para que a Corte
IDH voltasse a se manifestar, dessa vez para consagrar o princpio de igualdade e no
discriminao como expresses do jus cogens 12 . Concluso que se averigua tambm nos
Casos Caballero Delgado y Santana vs. Colmbia (1995) e Loayza Tamayo vs. Per
(1997).
No obstante, em 2001 vem tona uma deciso paradigmtica da Corte IDH: o Caso
11
CORTE IDH. Propuesta de modificacin a la Constitucin Poltica de Costa Rica relacionada con la
naturalizacin. Opinio Consultiva OC-4/84 de19/01/1984, Srie A, n. 4.
12
CORTE IDH. Condicin jurdica y derechos humanos de indocumentados. Opinio Consultiva OC-18/03
de 17/09/2003, Srie A, n. 18, pargrafo 16 e seguintes.
Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes vs. Brasil, primeira julgado em que se aplica a
Conveno Interamericana para Prevenir, Sancionar e Erradicar a Violncia Contra a Mulher
em um caso de violncia domstica. Dois anos depois deste caso paradigmtico, a Corte IDH
volta a se pronunciar sobre questes de gnero desta vez no Caso Maritza Urrutia vs.
Guatemala (2003). Desde 2001 a Corte julgou mais 6 Casos, alm dos dois anteriormente
mencionados e que envolveram a temtica de gnero, a saber: Caso Massacre Plan Snchez
vs. Guatemala (2004), Caso del Penal Miguel Castro Castro vs. Per (2006), Caso
Gonzlez y otras (Campo algodonero) vs. Mxico (2009), Caso de la Masacre de Las Dos
Erres vs. Guatemala (2009), Casos Fernndez Ortega y Rosendo Cant vs. Mxico
(2010), Caso Atala Riffo y Nias vs. Chile (2012). Neste ltimo e mais recente caso Atala
Riffo y Nias a Corte analisa questes de gnero ainda que no referentes Conveno de
Belm do Par, mas igualmente responsabilizando o Estado Chileno por tratamento
discriminatrio e interferncia arbitrria na vida privada e familiar da Karen Atala Riffo
devido a sua orientao sexual e afetiva e que resultou, por deciso da Corte Suprema de
Justia do Chile, na retirada da guarda de suas trs filhas menores de idade.
CONCLUSO
Muito se tem falado sobre a diferena, a diversidade e o direito de todas e de todos
cidadania tudo parece indicar que qualquer pessoa pode apropriar-se deste discurso, que
no somente afvel e humanitrio, mas tambm aparentemente muito fcil de conjugar-se
com o discurso liberal da sociedade globalizada, onde h, segundo seus entusiastas e
defensores incondicionais, um mercado para tudo, e portanto, um espao para todos.
Atravs deste discurso as excludas e os excludos so rapidamente includos e convidados a
caminhar juntos na trilha da igualdade, numa sociedade que demonstra, desta forma, sua
suposta capacidade de evoluir.
Contudo, pouco se sabe e/ou pouco se quer saber, sobre as relaes de poder que
esto na base da lgica da excluso. Dito de outra forma, como alguns grupos foram, de fato,
excludos do poder, da riqueza, do status social, e quais foram as lutas histricas ainda
longe de estarem findadas que tornaram legtimos os movimentos sociais em prol da
distribuio equnime de bens materiais e de reconhecimento das diversidades.
Confinado invisibilidade, ao silncio e marginalizao, o percurso histrico de
lutas pelos direitos das mulheres um importantssimo movimento social que se desenvolveu
10
de forma descontnua a partir da Ilustrao at os nossos dias13. No obstante, agora temos

voz e nos fazemos ouvir. Neste sentido, o papel desempenhado pelo Sistema Interamericano
de Direitos Humanos e, em particular, pela Corte de San Jos, tem sido um motor de
mudanas para esta Regio. Pois, os informes e aes programticas do SIDH alinhadas nas
decises jurisprudenciais da Corte IDH fundadas em questes de gnero tm se refletindo
tambm no catlogo de medidas de reparaes impostas pela Corte aos Estados parte nos
processos, demonstrando assim no somente a sua sensibilidade s especificidades dos danos
a que esto expostas as mulheres, mas a necessidade de que, nos casos onde se identifiquem
uma discriminao estrutural, as reparaes tenham um efeito transformador da realidade,
orientando-se a identificar e eliminar os fatores causais da discriminao.
REFERNCIAS
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13
A ttulo de facilitar a compreenso, o feminismo acadmico decomps a histria do movimento feminista em

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1 Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e Direitos

Humanos
Coordenadores: Dr. Lourival dos Santos (UFMS), Dr. Neimar Machado (UFGD), Ms. Valria Calderone (UCDB) e Ms. Carla Calarge (MCDB / UCDB);
2 Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos Humanos

Coordenadores: Ms. Jos Henrique Prado (UFMS), Dr. Ancelmo Schrner (UNICENTRO/
PR), Ms. Edson Luiz Xavier (UCDB), Dr. Esmael Alves de Oliveira (UFGD);
3 Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos Humanos

Coordenadores: Dra. Arlinda Canteiro (UCDB), Dra. Geziela Iensue (UFMS), Dra. Jaceguara
Dantas da Silva Passos (Procuradora de Justia dos Direitos Humanos), Ms. Joana M. M.
Machado (UCDB), Dra. Luciani Coimbra de Carvalho (UFMS), Ms. Jos Paulo Gutierrez
(UFMS) e Ms. Mnica Adams (UCDB);
4 Educao em Direitos Humanos e Incluso

Coordenadores: Dra.Carina Elisabeth Maciel (UFMS), Dr. Getlio Raimundo de Lima
(UFMS), Ms. Rosngela Lieko Kato (UFMS), Dra. Smia Barbieri (OAB/MS), Dra. Sheila Stolz
da Silveira (UFRG) e Dra. Ynes da Silva Felix (UFMS);
5 Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos Direitos Humanos

Coordenadores: Dr. Jos Manfroi (UCDB), Ms. Jos Moacir de Aquino (UFMS) e Ms. Maucir
Pauletti (UCDB);
6 Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Desenvolvimento

Sustentvel
Coordenadores: Dr. Luis Fernando Sgarbossa (UFMS), Ms. Eliane Rodrigues Toniasso
(SINDASUL), Ms. Michel Ernesto Flumian (UFMS) e Ms. Patrcia Martinez Almeida (UCDB);
7 Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira

Coordenadores: Dra. Ana Paula Martins Amaral (UFMS), Dr. Carlos Magno N. Vieira
(UCDB), Dr. Heitor Queiroz de Medeiros (UCDB), Ms. Rose Cristiani Franco Seco Liston
(SEMED), Dra. Lvia Gaigher Bosio Campello (UFMS) e Ms. Isabelle Dias Carneiro Santos
(UFMS);
8 Migrao e trfico de pessoas em situaes de fronteiras

Coordenadores: Dr. lvaro Banducci Jnior (UFMS), Ms. Estela Mrcia Rondina Scandola
(UCDB), Ms. Micilene Teodoro (UFMS) e Dr. Josemar de Campos Maciel (UCDB).
Grupos Temticos
Grupos Temticos
Trabalhos Completos
Banners
Banners
Grupo de Trabalho 1
Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e
Direitos Humanos
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Universitria, acadmica do 2 semestre do curso de Direito da Universidade Catlica Dom Bosco (UCDB),
ariadnels@yahoo.com.br - Campo Grande, 2015.
2
Universitria, acadmica do 2 semestre do curso de Direito da Universidade Catlica Dom Bosco (UCDB),
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Grupo de Trabalho 2
Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos

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Ccero Jos Sobrinho- c1c3r0@live.com
Prof. Me. Maucir Paulettirf2588@ucdb.br
DIREITO-UCDB
Palavras-chave: Cana versus maa. Refluxo de mo de obra. Trabalho Escravo

,1752'8d2
O artigo se props, atravs da pesquisa bibliogrfica,
documental e de campo, efetuar uma anlise da questo das
dinmicas e modalidades do fluxo migratrio da mo de obra
indgenas do MS na colheita da maa no sul do pas, em
especial, nos estados do Rio Grande do Sul e Santa Catarina.
Indgena.
2%-(7,926
Verificar a relao existente entre o refluxo de

trabalhadores indgenas pelo processo de mecanizao
da colheita da cana com a contempornea iniciativa de
ida dos trabalhadores para a colheita da maa nos
Estados do Rio Grande do Sul e Santa Catarina
0(72'2/2*,$
A metodologia abrangeu a seara bibliogrfica, anlise de
dados iconogrficos, documental realizando pesquisa de
campo por meio de visitas aos locais em estudo bem como a
realizao de entrevistas.
Figura 1: Regularizao da mo de obra indgena no Estado.
5(68/7$'26
Os Indgenas se deslocam do Estado, em que pese as
isenes fiscais das industrias sucroalcooleiras, para a
colheita da ma no Rio Grande do Sul e Santa Catarina
como produto do refluxo da colheita da cana de acar na
dcada de 90. Contudo essa migrao para o trabalho no
tem atendido os requisitos legais em vigor fato que
contamina a relao de emprego.
&21&/862
Sobre esse vrtice debruou essa pesquisa cientifica para
comparar a situao vivida nesse perodo recm-vivenciado
do corte da cana-de-acar com a contempornea colheita de
mas. A problemtica no qual se encontra o trabalho
escravo perpassa por fatores econmico-sociais e desemboca
no aviltamento do homem pela sua necessidade flagrante de
sobrevivncia, bem como sua caracterizao e sua estreita
relao com o Crime de Aliciamento de trabalhadores de um
local para outro dentro do territrio nacional.
Figura2: Impacto dos TACs nas regularizao da mo de obra.
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CPIFCT/MS. 0HPRULDOGD&RPLVVmR3HUPDQHQWHGH
,QYHVWLJDomR H )LVFDOL]DomR GDV &RVQGLo}HV GH
7UDEDOKR HP 0DWR *URVVR GR 6XO/ Maucir Pauletti,
organizador. Campo Grande: Majup, 2014.
IBGE, Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatstica
(www.ibge.gov.br).Disponvel
em:ibge.gov.br/Censos/Censo_Demografico_2010/Res
ultados_Gerais_da_Amostra/errata_migracao.pdf.
Acessado em: 14 de julho de 2014.
CENTRO DE DOCUMENTAO INDGENA TEKO ARANDU E

OS DIREITOS INDGENAS: ACERVO DE MATERIAIS DA IMPRENSA.
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/HDQGUR6NRZURQVNL LVN#XFGEEU
+LVWyULD 8&'%
Palavras-chave: documentao histrica; indgenas; imprensa.

1 INTRODUO
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DEUDQJH MRUQDLV LPSUHVVRV H on line GHQWUH HOHV &RUUHLR GR
(VWDGR (VWDGmR H &DPSR *UDQGH 1HZV
2 DFHUYR GH MRUQDLV LPSUHVVRV p FRPSRVWR GH QRWtFLDV

GLVWULEXtGDV HP SDVWDV WHPiWLFDV $OGHLDV $VVLVWrQFLD D SHVTXLVD
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3DUWH GHVVH PDWHULDO HVWi FDWDORJDGD QD EDVH GH GDGRV GR VLWH
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&RUUHLR GR (VWDGR GH &DPSR *UDQGH06 H GR MRUQDO 2
3URJUHVVR 'RXUDGRV06 'HQWUH RV MRUQDLV on line GHVWDFDVH R
&DPSR *UDQGH 1HZV $OpP GRV MRUQDLV WDPEpP Ki GLYHUVDV
UHYLVWDV GH yUJmRV LQGLJHQLVWDV FRPR 2 3RUDQWLP H %UDVLOHLURV GH
5DL] (VVDV PDWHULDLV FRQILJXUDPVH FRPR LPSRUWDQWHV IRQWHV
KLVWyULFDV GDV SRSXODo}HV LQGtJHQDV SULQFLSDOPHQWH GR HVWDGR GR
0DWR *URVVR GR 6XO DR TXDO UHIHUHVH D PDLRU SDUWH GR DFHUYR H
DEUDQJH LQ~PHURV DVVXQWRV GR LQWHUHVVH GHVVDV FRPXQLGDGHV
3RU LVVR D RUJDQL]DomR FDWDORJDomR H GLVSRQLELOL]DomR GHVVH
DFHUYR p IXQGDPHQWDO SDUD SHVTXLVDGRUHV
DFDGrPLFRV SURIHVVRUHV PDV SULQFLSDOPHQWH SDUD DV SUySULDV
SRSXODo}HV LQGtJHQDV (QWUHWDQWR HVVHV PDWHULDLV SUHFLVDP VHU
DQDOLVDGRV FRP FXLGDGR H ROKDU FUtWLFR XPD YH] TXH PXLWDV
UHSRUWDJHQV H DUWLJRV YHLFXODGRV SHOD PtGLD VmR FDUUHJDGRV GH
HVWHUHyWLSRV IRUPDGRV SHOD SHUVSHFWLYD DLQGD HWQRFrQWULFD H
SUHFRQFHLWXRVD GD VRFLHGDGH EUDVLOHLUD
2 OBJETIVOS
'HPRQVWUDU D FRQWULEXLomR GR &HQWUR GH 'RFXPHQWDomR H
%LEOLRWHFD 'LJLWDO ,QGtJHQD 7HNR $UDQGX &HGRF SDUD D
JDUDQWLD GRV GLUHLWRV LQGtJHQDV HYLGHQFLDQGR D LPSRUWkQFLD GR
DFHUYR GH MRUQDLV H UHYLVWDV VDOYDJXDUGDGDV QR &HGRF
3 METODOLOGIA
)RL IHLWD XPD UHYLVmR ELEOLRJUiILFD DFHUFD GD WHPiWLFD
LQGtJHQD LQFOXLQGR REUDV FRPR $ YLDJHP GD YROWD GH -RmR
3DFKHFR GH 2OLYHLUD H 2 tQGLR EUDVLOHLUR GH *HUVHP
/XFLDQR %DQLZD )RL HIHWXDGD XPD DQiOLVH GR DFHUYR
GH PDWHULDLV GD LPSUHQVD VDOYDJXDUGDGRV QR &HGRF (VVH
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RUJDQL]DGDV FDWDORJDGDV H GLJLWDOL]DGDV $OpP GH
GLVSRQLELOL]DGDV SDUD RXWURV SHVTXLVDGRUHV HVVH PDWHULDO
WDPEpP p DQDOLVDGR SHOD HTXLSH GR &HGRF H FRQVWLWXLVH
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SRYRV LQGtJHQDV
5 CONSIDERAES FINAIS
2 &HQWUR GH 'RFXPHQWDomR ,QGtJHQD 7HNR $UDQGX YLVD DVVHJXUDU
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GR 0DWR *URVVR GR 6XO VHMDP SUHVHUYDGRV H PDLV TXH LVVR
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LQGtJHQDV
6 REFERNCIAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
2/,9(,5$ -RmR 3DFKHFR A viagem da volta 5LR GH -DQHLUR
&RQWUD &DSD
/8&,$12 *HUVHP GRV 6DQWRV O ndio Brasileiro: o que voc
precisa saber sobre os povos indgenas no Brasil de hoje
%UDVtOLD /$&('0XVHX 1DFLRQDO
CENTRO DE DOCUMENTAO INDGENA TEKO ARANDU E

OS DIREITOS INDGENAS: ACERVO DE MATERIAIS DA IMPRENSA.
9LWyULD&DWKDULQD*RPHV0RUDHV YLLWRULDFDWKDULQD#JPDLOFRP
/HDQGUR6NRZURQVNL LVN#XFGEEU
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Palavras-chave: documentao histrica; indgenas; imprensa.

1 INTRODUO
4 RESULTADOS
2 SUHVHQWH WUDEDOKR IRL GHVHQYROYLGR QR kPELWR GR 3URMHWR GH

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GRV SRYRV LQGtJHQDV HP HVSHFLDO GRV TXH YLYHP QR 0DWR
*URVVR GR 6XO 2 &HGRF SRVVXL XP DFHUYR FRPSRVWR SRU
GLYHUVDV REUDV OLWHUiULDV H DFDGrPLFDV UHODFLRQDGDV jV
TXHVW}HV LQGtJHQDV UHJLVWUR IRWRJUiILFR JUDYDo}HV GH iXGLR
H YtGHR 2 DFHUYR GH PDWHULDLV GD LPSUHQVD p DPSOR H
DEUDQJH MRUQDLV LPSUHVVRV H on line GHQWUH HOHV &RUUHLR GR
(VWDGR (VWDGmR H &DPSR *UDQGH 1HZV
2 DFHUYR GH MRUQDLV LPSUHVVRV p FRPSRVWR GH QRWtFLDV

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3URJUHVVR 'RXUDGRV06 'HQWUH RV MRUQDLV on line GHVWDFDVH R
&DPSR *UDQGH 1HZV $OpP GRV MRUQDLV WDPEpP Ki GLYHUVDV
UHYLVWDV GH yUJmRV LQGLJHQLVWDV FRPR 2 3RUDQWLP H %UDVLOHLURV GH
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KLVWyULFDV GDV SRSXODo}HV LQGtJHQDV SULQFLSDOPHQWH GR HVWDGR GR
0DWR *URVVR GR 6XO DR TXDO UHIHUHVH D PDLRU SDUWH GR DFHUYR H
DEUDQJH LQ~PHURV DVVXQWRV GR LQWHUHVVH GHVVDV FRPXQLGDGHV
3RU LVVR D RUJDQL]DomR FDWDORJDomR H GLVSRQLELOL]DomR GHVVH
DFHUYR p IXQGDPHQWDO SDUD SHVTXLVDGRUHV
DFDGrPLFRV SURIHVVRUHV PDV SULQFLSDOPHQWH SDUD DV SUySULDV
SRSXODo}HV LQGtJHQDV (QWUHWDQWR HVVHV PDWHULDLV SUHFLVDP VHU
DQDOLVDGRV FRP FXLGDGR H ROKDU FUtWLFR XPD YH] TXH PXLWDV
UHSRUWDJHQV H DUWLJRV YHLFXODGRV SHOD PtGLD VmR FDUUHJDGRV GH
HVWHUHyWLSRV IRUPDGRV SHOD SHUVSHFWLYD DLQGD HWQRFrQWULFD H
SUHFRQFHLWXRVD GD VRFLHGDGH EUDVLOHLUD
2 OBJETIVOS
'HPRQVWUDU D FRQWULEXLomR GR &HQWUR GH 'RFXPHQWDomR H
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JDUDQWLD GRV GLUHLWRV LQGtJHQDV HYLGHQFLDQGR D LPSRUWkQFLD GR
DFHUYR GH MRUQDLV H UHYLVWDV VDOYDJXDUGDGDV QR &HGRF
3 METODOLOGIA
)RL IHLWD XPD UHYLVmR ELEOLRJUiILFD DFHUFD GD WHPiWLFD
LQGtJHQD LQFOXLQGR REUDV FRPR $ YLDJHP GD YROWD GH -RmR
3DFKHFR GH 2OLYHLUD H 2 tQGLR EUDVLOHLUR GH *HUVHP
/XFLDQR %DQLZD )RL HIHWXDGD XPD DQiOLVH GR DFHUYR
GH PDWHULDLV GD LPSUHQVD VDOYDJXDUGDGRV QR &HGRF (VVH
DFHUYR p FRQVWDQWHPHQWH DOLPHQWDGR $V PDWpULDV VmR
RUJDQL]DGDV FDWDORJDGDV H GLJLWDOL]DGDV $OpP GH
GLVSRQLELOL]DGDV SDUD RXWURV SHVTXLVDGRUHV HVVH PDWHULDO
WDPEpP p DQDOLVDGR SHOD HTXLSH GR &HGRF H FRQVWLWXLVH
FRPR IRQWH GH SHVTXLVD VREUH GLYHUVRV WHPDV UHODWLYRV DRV
SRYRV LQGtJHQDV
5 CONSIDERAES FINAIS
2 &HQWUR GH 'RFXPHQWDomR ,QGtJHQD 7HNR $UDQGX YLVD DVVHJXUDU
TXH HVVHV PDWHULDLV GD KLVWyULD GRV SRYRV LQGtJHQDV HP HVSHFLDO
GR 0DWR *URVVR GR 6XO VHMDP SUHVHUYDGRV H PDLV TXH LVVR
GLVSRQLELOL]DGRV SULQFLSDOPHQWH SDUD DV SUySULDV FRPXQLGDGHV H
SDUD SURIHVVRUHV DFDGrPLFRV H SHVTXLVDGRUHV LQGtJHQDV H QmR
LQGtJHQDV
2/,9(,5$ -RmR 3DFKHFR A viagem da volta 5LR GH -DQHLUR
&RQWUD &DSD
/8&,$12 *HUVHP GRV 6DQWRV O ndio Brasileiro: o que voc
precisa saber sobre os povos indgenas no Brasil de hoje
%UDVtOLD /$&('0XVHX 1DFLRQDO
CIDADOS NO PAPEL: A NEGLIGNCIA DO ESTADO BRASILEIRO CONSUMANDO

VIOLAO A DIGNIDADE HUMANA DOS POVOS INDIGENAS SUL-MATO-GROSSENSES
-RmR$ODFL3HUHLUD/LPD8)06&37/MRDRDODFL#JPDLOFRP
,VDEHOOH'LDV&DUQHLUR6DQWRV8)06&37/SURIHVVRUDLVDEHOOHVDQWRV#JPDLOFRP
&XUVRGH'LUHLWR)XQGDomR8QLYHUVLGDGH)HGHUDOGH0DWR*URVVRGR6XO&DPSXV7UrV/DJRDV
Palavras-chave: Cidadania Indgena.

g
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do Estado. Dignidade
g
humana.
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GH FRQVROLGDU SROtWLFDV S~EOLFDV FRP ILWR GH PDWHULDOL]DU D FLGDGDQLD
LQGtJHQDHFRQVHTXHQWHPHQWHSRVVLELOLWDUDHVVHVSRYRVRH[HUFtFLRSOHQR
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HPUHODomRDTXHVWmRIXQGLiULDHP06
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EUDVLOHLUR WHP FRQVROLGDGR LPHQVD YLRODomR D GLJQLGDGH GRV SRYRV
LQGtJHQDV VXOPDWRJURVVHQVHV GLDQWH TXDGUR LPSHWXRVR TXH YLYLGR SRU
HVVDVFRPXQLGDGHV
(PTXHSHVHDWUDPLWDomRGHLQ~PHUDVDo}HVMXGLFLDLVVREUHGHPDUFDomR
GH WHUUDV LQGtJHQDV R (VWDGR QmR SRVVLELOLWD R PtQLPR GH VHJXUDQoD jV
FRPXQLGDGHV TXH DJXDUGDP R GHVIHFKR GHVVDV SHQGHQJDV UHVXOWDQGR
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FRQILQDGRV HP SHTXHQRV HVSDoRV VXEPHWLGRV j DOHJRULD GH DPHDoDV
SUHFRQFHLWRGLVFULPLQDomRHDVVDVVLQDWRV
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GLVFXVV}HV GRXWULQiULDV D UHVSHLWR GD FLGDGDQLD GLJQLGDGH GD SHVVRD
KXPDQD H R GHYHU GR (VWDGR EUDVLOHLUR QD SURPRomR GH PHGLGDV GH
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GLVSXWDGDV SHORV LQGtJHQDV IRUDP D HOHV
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FRQFHQWUD JUDQGH SDUWH GRV LQGtJHQDV
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CONDIES DE GUA E SANEAMENTO EM COMUNIDADES

QUILOMBOLAS DE MATO GROSSO DO SUL
-pVVLFD9LHLUD MHYLYLHLUD#JPDLOFRP
&DPLOOD6RX]D$PRULP'LDV FGLLLDV#JPDLOFRP
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(QJHQKDULD6DQLWiULDH$PELHQWDO 8QLYHUVLGDGH&DWyOLFD'RP%RVFR
Comunidades Quilombolas; gua; Esgoto; Indicadores

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PLOrQLR SHOD 218 VHQGR XPD GHODV D VXVWHQWDELOLGDGH
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VXVWHQWiYHO YROWDGR SDUD R UHXVR $ IDOWD GR VDQHDPHQWR
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OLJDGDV D UHGH JHUDO GH GLVWULEXLomR GH iJXD 'DV
FRPXQLGDGHV UXUDLV VmR DEDVWHFLGDV SRU UHGHV GH
GLVWULEXLomR GH PDQDQFLDLV VXEWHUUkQHRV H SRU
VXSHUILFLDLV (P VXD PDLRULD QmR UHFHEHP WUDWDPHQWR
DGHTXDGR $V FRPXQLGDGHV TXLORPERODV QmR SRVVXHP
UHGH GH FROHWD GH HVJRWR R VLVWHPD p UHIHUHQWH DR 06'
0HOKRULDV 6DQLWiULDV 'RPLFLOLDUHV VHQGR XPD
IRVVDVXPLGRXUR VHGR GDV FRPXQLGDGHV SRVVXHP
VHX HVJRWR WUDWDGR SRU HVVH VLVWHPD
2%-(7,926
&DUDFWHUL]DU DV FRPXQLGDGHV H DYDOLDU D VLWXDomR
GH DJXD H HVJRWR QDV FRPXQLGDGHV TXLORPERODV
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0(72'2/2*,$
2HVWXGRIRLUHDOL]DGRSRUPHLRGHGDGRVVHFXQGiULRV
XWLOL]DQGRLQIRUPDo}HVGD)81$6$H,1&5$EDVHDGR
QRVLQGLFDGRUHVUHIHUHQWHDRVLVWHPDGHiJXDHHVJRWRH
RQ~PHURGHKDELWDQWHV
ndices de
atendimento de
gua
ndices da situao
de esgoto
44
50%
100%
50
100%
0%
Chcara Buriti
42
100%
75%
Corguinho
Furnas de Boa Sorte
144
100%
100%
Dourados
Picadinha
60
33,33%
85%
06
Figueiro
Famlia Malaquias
79
56,96%
70%
07
Jaraguari
Furnas do Dionsio
98
75%
100%
Cidade
Comunidades
N de Famlias
01
Aquidauana
Furnas dos Baianos
02
Bonito
guas de Miranda
03
Campo Grande
04
05
08
Maracaju
So Miguel
75
32%
09
Pedro Gomes
Famlia Quintino
34
91,18%
40%
10
11
12
Rio Negro
Sonora
Terenos
Ourolndia
Famlia Bispo
Os Pretos
96
12
73
100%
100%
100%
10%
100%
64%
Tabela 1: Indicadores
Figura1: &RPXQLGDGHV4XLORPERODV.
&21&/862
+RXYH PHOKRUD QD TXDOLGDGH GH YLGD GDV IDPtOLDV
TXLORPERODV SRUHP GLVWDQWH GR FHQiULR LGHDO KDYHQGR D
QHFHVVLGDGH GH QRYRV LQYHVWLPHQWRV 1HFHVVLWDP DXPHQWDU
D FDSDFLGDGH GR DEDVWHFLPHQWR GH iJXD QD iUHD UXUDO H GD
SRSXODomR GH EDL[D UHQGD EXVFDQGR DWLQJLU RV QtYHLV GH
FREHUWXUD WRWDO GH iJXD DGHTXDGD DR FRQVXPR PHOKRUDU
FROHWD GH HVJRWR DXPHQWDU RV tQGLFHV GH WUDWDPHQWR UHXVR
H D FRQILDELOLGDGH QR VLVWHPD
Figura 2: Localizao das comunidades quilombolas rurais.
5()(51&,$6%,%/,2*5),&$6
FUNASA. &ROHWkQHDVREUHDV&RPXQLGDGHV1HJUDV
5XUDLV4XLORPERODVGH0DWR*URVVRGR6XO. Fundao
Nacional de Sade. Campo Grande, 2009.
INCRA. 4XLORPERODV. Instituto Nacional de Colonizao e
Reforma Agrria . Campo Grande, 2015.
(032'(5$0(172)(0,1,1212,6/
3HUVpIRQH&DUROLQH1RJXHLUDSHUVHIRQHFQ#JPDLOFRP
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PXoXOPDQDV p FHUWR TXH R XVR GR YpX LVOkPLFR FDXVD GHVFRQIRUWR
SULQFLSDOPHQWHDVVRFLHGDGHVRFLGHQWDLVHDTXHOHVTXHVHGHL[DPDOLHQDU
SHOD PtGLD RX SRU IDOWD GH FRQKHFLPHQWR DFHUFD GD UHOLJLmR $ LGHLD
HTXLYRFDGDGHTXHDVPXOKHUHVPXoXOPDQDVSUHFLVDPVHUVDOYDVSUHFLVD
VHUGHVFRQVWUXtGDSRLVMXVWDPHQWHUHSURGX]HVWDRSUHVVmR
2%-(7,926
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MARANHO, MEU QUILOMBO,MEU QUINHO

Silvaneti Pereira da Silva- silvanetsilva@yahoo.com.br
Debora Rocha Frana- debinha-rf26@hotmail.com
Paulo de Jesus Pereira NetoCurso de Direito-Faculdade Pitgoras
Palavras-chave
:
DIREITOS HUMANOS ; POVOS TRADICIONAIS ; QUILOMBOS.
2%-(7,92
,1752'8d2
O TRABALHO QUE SEGUE PRETENDE ANALISAR A FIGURA DAS
COMUNIDADES QUILOMBOLAS NO MARANHO PARTIR DE UM
CONTEXTO MARCADO DE DESIGUALDADES HISTRICAS. O
MARANHO O ESTADO COM UM DOS MAIORES NDICES DE
CONFLITOS AGRRIOS DO PAS. E BOA PARTE DESSES CONFLITOS
INCORRE SOBRE TERRITRIOS QUILOMBOLAS.
AO FAZER UMA LEITURA DOS DIVERSOS DISPOSITIVOS JURDICOS NACIONAIS E INTERNACIONAIS

QUE FORAM ASSINADOS E RATIFICADOS PELO BRASIL ACERCA DESSE ASSUNTO ,D A EXATA
COMPREENSO DO PROBLEMA A SER RESOLVIDO, EM VER QUANTOS SO, ONDE ESTO, ,
HOJE , A GRANDE LUTA DESSE POVO EM BUSCA DA SUA TERRITORIALIDADE, ROMPENDO ASSIM
COM AS FRONTEIRAS DO PRECONCEITO, DA AGRESSO ,DA INSEGURANA ,DOS CONFLITOS E
DAS DESIGUALDADES SOCIAIS, POIS EM OS RECONHECENDO SURGE PARA O ESTADO O DEVER DE
T-LOS COMO NO SIMPLES POSSUIDORES DA TERRA, MAS COMO DETENTORES DE UM
TERRITRIO , DE FATO E DE DIREITO,E COM UMA IDENTIDADE A PRESERVAR QUE VAI ALM DAS
FRONTEIRAS DO USO; SEU QUINHO DE TERRA(TERREIRO) ONDE A FAMLIA : PRODUZ ,COLHE ,
TROCA, CULTUA.
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PUBLICADAS , E EM RELATOS DE ALGUMAS COMUNIDADES AFETADAS DIRETAMENTE
PELOS CONFLITOS , POSTOS EM QUESTO NESSE TRABALHO. FEZ SE TAMBM UMA
ANALISE DOS DADOS REAIS DE LEGITIMAO DESSAS TERRAS JUNTO AOS RGOS
COMPETENTES.
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A CERCA DAS QUESTES DE UM POVO QUE POR TRADIO E , POR DIREITO SE
ENCONTRA PERMEADA DE HISTORIAS E VIVENCIAS . E QUE AO LONGO DOS
ANOS OS DESCENDENTES DESSAS COMUNIDADES LUTAM PARA PRESERVAR A
MEMRIA DE SEUS ANCESTRAIS E REPASSAR OS MESMO VALORES PARA AS
GERAES FUTURAS., REESCREVENDO ,ASSIM A PRPRIA HISTRIA.
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O DESRESPEITO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS DESSA COMUNIDADE PARTE
DA SOCIEDADE COMO UM TODO, NA MEDIDA QUE OS TRATA COMO
UM POVO INVISVEL, QUE EXISTE DE FATO, MAS NO CONSIDERADO,
VISTO QUE EM BUSCA PELA TERRA TORNA SE UMA AMEAA, E UMA
DESPESA A MAIS AOS COFRES PBLICOS QUE V OBRIGADO A D LHES
AS GARANTIAS CONSTITUCIONAIS DE TER UMA VIDA DIGNA..
Figura2: Texto texto texto
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ALMEIDA, Alfredo Wagner Berno Os quilombolas e a base de
lanamento de foguetes de Alcntara. Braslia: Ibama, 2006:55
Colaborao da Associao de Comunidades Negras Rurais do

Maranho (ACONERUQ-MA)
Projeto Nova Cartografia Social da Amaznia Srie: Movimentos sociais, identidade
coletiva e conflitos FASCCULO 8 Quilombolas de Caxias do Maranho Caxias, maio de 2006
Projeto editorial Alfredo Wagner Berno de Almeida Coordenador do PNCSA (PPGSCAUFAM, FAPEAM-CNPq)
XII CIDH
Congresso Internacional
de Direitos Humanos
MONUMENTOS HISTRICOS DE CAMPO GRANDE - MS COMO GARANTIA AO
DIREITO CULTURA E A IMPORTNCIA NA IDENTIDADE DA SOCIEDADE LOCAL
Simone Alves de Arajo - E-mail: simonexcg@hotmail.com
Maria Augusta de Castilho (Orientadora) - E-mail: m.a.castilho@terra.com.br
Universidade Catlica Dom Bosco
Palavras-chave: Direito. Cultura. Monumentos. Identidade Local
OBJETIVOS
INTRODUO
A presente pesquisa em sua fase inicial destaca os principais monumentos
histricos de Campo Grande, enfatizando os aspectos da preservao
para formao de uma identidade cultural local.
Incentivar, estimular a conservao dos monumentos histricos para que

as geraes futuras possam conhecer apreciar este patrimnio cultural da
sociedade local.
DESENVOLVIMENTO
O estudo foi iniciado no Museu Jos Antnio Pereira, instalado inicialmente na
antiga Fazenda Blsamo que foi doada pelo fundador da cidade a um dos seus
filhos, Antnio Luiz Pereira. A pequena casa de pau-a-pique, o monjolo, e o carro
de boi nos remetem ainda saga construda pelos pioneiros desbravadores do
serto que virou para a cidade um dos monumentos culturais.
Carro de Boi - Museu Jos Antnio Pereira
Morada dos Bas - Patrimnio Histrico de Campo Grande - MS
METODOLOGIA
O mtodo utilizado foi indutivo com observaes in loco, pesquisa em
livros, jornais, revistas bem como no Arquivo Campo Grande - ARCA, para
embasar teoricamente o estudo.
Museu Jos Antnio Pereira
Foto: Rodrigo Pazinato
VILA, Vicente Fideles de. Cultura de sub/desenvolvimento e desenvolvimento local.

Sobral: edies Uva, 2006.
CASTILHO, Maria Augusta; MITIDERO, Marilda Batista. O Museu Jos Antnio Pereira:
a educao patrimonial no contexto da territorialidade urbana de Campo Grande
MS. Campo Grande: Grfica Mundial, 2011.
KASHIMOTO, Emlia Mariko; MARINHO, Marcelo; RUSSEF, Ivan. Cultura, identidade e
desenvolvimento local: conceitos e perspectivas para regies em desenvolvimento.
Interaes - Revista Internacional de Desenvolvimento Local. Campo Grande, v. 3, n.
4, maro, 2002.

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REFUGIADOS DA REPBLICA DEMOCRTICA DO CONGO: O PAPEL DAS MISSES DE PAZ DA

ONU NA GARANTIA DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS.
0DULDQD0XRLR (PDLOPDULPXRLR#JPDLOFRP
/DULVVD/LPD (PDLOODULVVDBOLPDB#KRWPDLOFRP
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5HODo}HV,QWHUQDFLRQDLV 8QLYHUVLGDGH$QKHPEL0RUXPEL 6mR3DXOR63
Repblica Democrtica do Congo, refgio, Organizao das Naes Unidas, MONUSCO, guerra civil, relaes internacionais, direitos humanos.
,1752'8d2
2 35(6(17( 75$%$/+2 9,6$ $35(6(17$5 26 $63(&726
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62&,$/
Refugiados sem rumo na Repblica Democrtica do Congo, pois seus acampamentos foram
evacuados
fora
por
rebeldes.
Disponvel
online
em:
http://www.jn.pt/PaginaInicial/Mundo/Interior.aspx?content_id=1036633. Acesso em 21.03.2015.
0(72'2/2*,$
$ 3(648,6$ (67 $662&,$'$ $2 (678'2 (0 3$87$
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Agncia da ONU para Refugiados. 5HI~JLR QR %UDVLO 8PD $QiOLVH (VWDWtVWLFD

(2013-2015).
FANON, Frantz. (P GHIHVD GD 5HYROXomR $IULFDQD. Lisboa: S da Costa
Editora, 1980
MAZZUOLI, Valrio de Oliveira. ',5(,72 ,17(51$&,21$/ 3%/,&2
3DUWH *HUDO So Paulo: Editora Revista dos Tribunais, 4 edio, 2008.
WALTZ, K. N. 7HRULD GDV 5HODo}HV ,QWHUQDFLRQDLV. Traduo: Maria Lusa
Filgueiras Gayo. Lisboa: Editora Gradiva, 2002.
General Santos est a frente do comando da Misso de Paz da ONU na RDC. Disponvel online em:
http://www.dw.com/pt/defender-goma-%C3%A9-prioridade-para-miss%C3%A3o-de-paz-da-onu-nocongo/a-16960513. Acesso em 22.02.2015.
TERRITRIO E TERRITORIALIDADE TNICA NA PARABA: UM OLHAR A

PARTIR DA COMUNIDADE DO GURUGI- PB
Jadiele Cristina Berto da Silva - PIBIC/CNPq/UFPB - MDGLHOHEHUWR#\DKRRFRPEU
Orientador(a): Dr Maria de Ftima Ferreira Rodrigues - DGEOC/UFPB - IDWLPDURGULJXHVXISE#JPDLOFRP
Palavras-chave: FRPXQLGDGHUHPDQHVFHQWHGHTXLORPER(VWDGRWHUULWRULDOLGDGHpWQLFD

1. INTRODUO
2 GLUHLWR DV WHUUDV WUDGLFLRQDLV IRL XPD FRQTXLVWD GR SRYR QHJUR GDWDGD GD
&RQVWLWXLomR GH FRQVLGHUDGD &RQVWLWXLomR &LGDGm DLQGD TXH RV SLODUHV TXH
VXVWHQWDP HVVD FRQTXLVWD UHVXOWHP GH OXWDV WUDYDGDV SRU VpFXORV HQWUH R SRYR QHJUR D
HOLWHFRQVHUYDGRUDHR(VWDGREUDVLOHLUR/RJRDSUHVHQWDPRVQHVWHWUDEDOKRRVUHVXOWDGRV
ILQDLVGHVHQYROYLGRHQWUHRVPHVHVGHDJRVWRDDJRVWRHPTXHHVWiLQVHULGRR
SURMHWR 7UDMHWyULDV GH H[FOXVmR WHUULWRULDOLGDGHV HP FRQVWUXomR YHUVR H UHYHUVR GR
FDPSHVLQDWR QR (VWDGR GD 3DUDtED%UDVLO DSUHVHQWDGR DR 3URJUDPD ,QVWLWXFLRQDO GH
%ROVD GH ,QLFLDomR &LHQWtILFD 3,%,&&13T8)3% $ SHVTXLVD WRPRX FRPR HVWXGR GH
FDVRDFRPXQLGDGHGR*XUXJLVLWXDGDQRPXQLFtSLRGR&RQGHQD0HVRUUHJLmRGD0DWD
3DUDLEDQD QD TXDO KDELWDP IDPtOLDV QXPD iUHD GLYLGLGD HP GRLV DVVHQWDPHQWRV R
*XUXJL , H *XUXJL ,, FHUWLILFDGD HP GH GH MXOKR GH SHOD IXQGDomR &XOWXUDO
3DOPDUHV)&31R%UDVLORVTXLORPERVDSUHVHQWDPXPDFRQGLomRXPPRGRGHYLGDH
XPD RUJDQL]DomR VyFLR HVSDFLDO FXMD IRUPDomR UHPHWH D KLVWyULDGRV QHJURV H GRV VHXV
GHVFHQGHQWHV DWpDV JHUDo}HV FRQWHPSRUkQHDV HGHYHP VHUHQWHQGLGRV FRQVLGHUDQGRVH
RVGHVGREUDPHQWRVKLVWyULFRVTXHGLVWLQJXLUDPDVWUDMHWyULDVLQGLYLGXDLVHFROHWLYDVGHVVH
SRYR
2. RESULTADOS
2DWXDOWHUULWyULRGRPXQLFtSLRGR&RQGHIRLQRVpFXOR;9,,DVHVPDULDGDDOGHLDGRV
tQGLRVGD-DFRFDUHODWLYRDRSRYR7DEDMDUDORFDOL]DGRQDParahyba do Norte, QROLWRUDO
VXO GR DWXDO HVWDGR GD 3DUDtED 3HOD LQVDWLVIDomR DR WUDEDOKR HVFUDYR H OXWD FRQWUD R
VLVWHPD GH HVFUDYLGmR D UHVLVWrQFLD FRQFHELGD QD FULDomR GH TXLORPERV WDPEpP VH
ILUPRXQD6HVPDULDGD-DFRFDHHVSHFLILFDPHQWHQDORFDOLGDGHGR*XUXJL1HVVDUHJLmR
DGRDomRGHWHUUDVPDUFRXVHSDUDDOGHDPHQWRVHPUHFRPSHQVDDRVQDWLYRVSHORDFRUGR
ILUPDGRFRPD&RURDHVWDHUDFRQVWLWXtGDSRUFDERFORV$/HLGH7HUUDVUHVXOWRX
QD GHVLQWHJUDomR GRV DOGHDPHQWRV H SRU FRQVHTXrQFLD RV tQGLRV IRUDP H[SXOVRV RX
OLPLWDGRV D SHTXHQDV iUHDV GH WHUUDV 2V QHJURV H FDERFORV TXH YLYLDP GD 3RVVH GR
*XUXJL OXWDUDP FRQWUD RV ID]HQGHLURV TXH VH DSURSULDUDP GDV WHUUDV QD ORFDOLGDGH H
SDVVDUDP D H[WUDLU UHQGD GD WHUUD GHVVDV IDPtOLDV TXH TXDQGR QmR VH WRUQD PDLV YLiYHO
HVWHVFRPHoDPDH[SXOVDUDVIDPtOLDVFXOPLQDQGRQRVFRQIOLWRVDJUiULRVQDVGpFDGDVGH
H2FRQIOLWRSHODSRVVHGDWHUUDQHVVDFRPXQLGDGHIRLPDUFDGRSRUDo}HVGH
GHVSHMRV PRUWHV LQWLPLGDomR GHVWUXLomR GH URoDGRV H PRUDGLDV VHTXHVWUR SURFHVVRV
FRQWUD DV IDPtOLDV QHJUDV &RP D LQWHUYHQomR GR (VWDGR IRUDP FULDGRV DVVHQWDPHQWRV
RQGHDVIDPtOLDVQHJUDVILFDUDPHVWDEHOHFLGDVQRVDVVHQWDPHQWRVGH*XUXJL,H*XUXJL,,
(P D FRPXQLGDGH GR *XUXJL FRQKHFHX R GLUHLWR JDUDQWLGR QD &RQVWLWXLomR
)HGHUDOQRTXHWDQJHDJDUDQWLDGRUHFRQKHFLPHQWRHWLWXODomRGHVXDVWHUUDVPHGLDQWHD
UHLYLQGLFDomR GHXP SURMHWRGH FDSRHLUDGDDQJROD DVVLP FRPRDSRLRGHPRYLPHQWRV
QHJURV 3DVWRUDO 1HJUD GD 'LRFHVH GD 3DUDtED D $$&$'( LQGDJDUDP VREUH D TXHVWmR
QHJUD H VHX WHUULWyULR DEUDQJHQGR XP WUDEDOKR GH FRQVFLHQWL]DomR DFHUFD GR WHPD
TXLORPERODDKLVWyULDHRULJHPGDFRPXQLGDGH(PRVDVVHQWDPHQWRVGH*XUXJL,
H *XUXJL ,, VmR FHUWLILFDGRV SHOD )XQGDomR &XOWXUDO 3DOPDUHV FRPR ~QLFR WHUULWyULR
TXLORPEROD$GHPDUFDomRGRWHUULWyULRUHYRJDULDRVWtWXORVLQGLYLGXDLVGDVSURSULHGDGHV
GRV DVVHQWDGRV SRLV D WHUUD FRPR TXLORPEROD p GH XVR FROHWLYR 'HVVH PRGR RV
PRUDGRUHVGR*XUXJL,,UHFXVDUDPRWtWXORGDWHUUDFRPRTXLORPEROD1RODXGRWpFQLFRD
FRPXQLGDGHUHLYLQGLFDWHUUDVGHSDUDDJULFXOWXUDSHFXiULDDOpPGHDWLYLGDGHVFXOWXUDLV
$FRPXQLGDGHGH*XUXJL,QmRDFHVVDSROtWLFDVS~EOLFDVHVSHFLILFDVSDUDHVWDSRSXODomR
2 WUDWDPHQWR H D PRURVLGDGH GR DQGDPHQWR GR SURFHVVR QR ,1&5$ UHVXOWD QD
LQVDWLVIDomRGDFRPXQLGDGHSRLVVDEHVHTXHPHVPRDSDUWLUGRUHFRQKHFLPHQWRSRUpP
PDLV HILFD] QD WLWXODomR GDV FRPXQLGDGHV WUDGLFLRQDLV DFHVVDP SURJUDPDV
JRYHUQDPHQWDLVHVSHFtILFRV

$ HVSHFXODomR PRELOLiULD UHSUHVHQWD XP JUDQGH HQWUDYH DR ,1&5$ VREUHWXGR SDUD D
FRPXQLGDGH 1R *XUXJL Ki R SUREOHPD GH TXH SDUWH GD FRPXQLGDGH QmR TXHU VHU WLWXODGD
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WDQWRQDFRPXQLGDGHTXDQWRQR,1&5$
3. CONCLUSO
$ FRPXQLGDGH GH *XUXJL DGYpP YDULDGDV IRUPDV GH DSURSULDomR GH WHUUD TXH VH WRUQD
FHQiULRKLVWyULFRGDFRQVWUXomRGHOXWDVSHODWHUUD2SURFHVVRGHOXWDSHODWHUUDQRPHLRGRV
JUXSRV pWQLFRV p PDQLIHVWDGR DWUDYpV GD UHVLVWrQFLD GLiULD GHVVHV JUXSRV TXH DFHVVDP
PLQLPDPHQWH DOJXPDV SROtWLFDV S~EOLFDV SRUpP DLQGD UHVLVWHP DWUDYpV GDV RFXSDo}HV HP
VHXV WHUULWyULRV H VXDV PDQLIHVWDo}HV FXOWXUDLV $V SROtWLFDV S~EOLFDV UHSUHVHQWDP XP
SURJUHVVRQDOXWDTXLORPERODQD3DUDtEDHODVWrPDYDQoDGRSDXODWLQDPHQWHHPGHFRUUrQFLD
GRV H[SUHVVLYRV GHVDILRV SRVWRV SDUD HVVHV JUXSRV VRFLDLV 0HVPR FRP D FHUWLILFDomR D
FRPXQLGDGHTXLORPERODGR*XUXJLQmRGHVIUXWDGHSROtWLFDVS~EOLFDVYROWDGDVDRDWHQGLPHQWR
HP VD~GH OD]HU HWF $WXDOPHQWH QR *XUXJL R SURFHVVR GH WLWXODomR IDOKD HP HQWHQGHU H
DFRPRGDU DV QHFHVVLGDGHV DV SDUWLFXODULGDGHV H R PRGR GH YLGD GDV FRPXQLGDGHV
TXLORPERODV$FRPXQLGDGHTXLORPERODKRMHVHDVVHPHOKDDRVTXLORPERVGHRXWURVDPERV
VmRFHQWURVFRPXQLWiULRVGHUHVLVWrQFLDTXHPDUFDPRWHUULWyULREUDVLOHLUR
4 . OBJETIVOS
$QDOLVDU R SURFHVVR GH FRQVWUXomR GD WHUULWRULDOLGDGH pWQLFD HP *XUXJL FRPXQLGDGH
TXLORPEROD VLWXDGD QR PXQLFtSLR GR &RQGH3% H RV LPSDFWRV VRFLDLV UHVXOWDQWHV GD
LQWHUYHQomR GR (VWDGR QHVVD iUHD EHP FRPR R UHRUGHQDPHQWR WHUULWRULDO RFRUULGR D SDUWLU
GHVVD
5. METODOLOGIA
1DLQYHVWLJDomRHPSDXWDDQDOLVDPRVDSDUWLUGHSHVTXLVDTXDOLWDWLYDHTXDQWLWDWLYDRTXH
SHUPLWH XPD YLVmR PDLV DSURIXQGDGD GR WHPD 4XDQWR j HVFDOD WHPSRUDO RSWDPRV SRU
WUDEDOKDUPRV GH D $OpP GD SHVTXLVD ELEOLRJUiILFD H GD SHVTXLVD GRFXPHQWDO
DVVRFLDPRV DR HVWXGR HP SDXWD R WUDEDOKR GH FDPSR FRPR LQVWUXPHQWRV LQGLVSHQViYHLV j
SHVTXLVD &RPR IXQGDPHQWDomR WHyULFD QRV DSRLDPRV QXP GLiORJR LQWHUGLVFLSOLQDU FRP
0XQDQJD$UUXWL5DIIHVWLQ+DHVEDHUW*RPHVH5RGULJXHV%XVFDPRVQR,QVWLWXWR1DFLRQDO
GH&RORQL]DomRH5HIRUPD$JUiULD,1&5$HQD)XQGDomR&XOWXUDO3DOPDUHV)&3DVDo}HV
HPFXUVRTXHSRVVLELOLWDPDVVHJXUDURVGLUHLWRVDTXHID]HPMXVDVFRPXQLGDGHVWUDGLFLRQDLV

6. REFERNCIAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
$5587, -RVp 0DXULFLR 0RFDPER $QWURSRORJLD H KLVWyULD GR SURFHVVR GH IRUPDomR
TXLORPEROD%DXUX6mR3DXOR(GXVFWLFD
+$(6%$(57 5RJpULR 7HUULWyULR H 0XOWLWHUULWRULDOLGDGH XP GHEDWH ,Q 5HYLVWD
*(2JUDSKLD$QR,;1
0217(,52 .DUROLQH GRV 6$1726 'H TXLORPER D WHUUD TXLORPEROD FRQIOLWRV SHOD
SURSULHGDGHGDWHUUDQDFRQVWUXomRWHUULWRULDOGH*XUXJL3DUDtED0RQRJUDILD
081$1*$.5HGLVFXWLQGRDPHVWLoDJHPQR%UDVLOLGHQWLGDGHQDFLRQDOYHUVXVLGHQWLGDGH
QHJUD(G%HOR+RUL]RQWH$XWrQWLFD
081$1*$ .DEHQJHOH *20(6 1LOPD /LQR 2 QHJUR QR %UDVLO GH +RMH 6mR 3DXOR
(GLWRUD*OREDO
081$1*$.DEHQJHOH2ULJHPHKLVWyULFRGRVTXLORPERVHPIULFD,Q
5$))(67,1&3RUXPD*HRJUDILDGR3RGHU6mR3DXORWLFD

Banners
Grupo de Trabalho 3
Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos

Humanos
A FLEXIBILIZAO DAS NORMAS DE DIREITOS TRABALHISTAS FUNDAMENTAIS DISPOSTAS

NOS ACORDOS E CONVENES COLETIVAS NO ESTADO DE MATO GROSSO DO SUL
Michele Sorgatto Acadmica Curso de Direito Fadir/UFMS
misorgatto@hotmail.com
NOTAS INICIAIS
Erdi da Silva Magalhes Acadmico Curso de Direito Fadir/UFMS

erdimagalhaes@yahoo.com.br
A flexibilizao das normas trabalhistas conceitua-se como a

ampliao da liberdade na aplicao da norma jurdica, possibilitando o
afastamento da rigidez de algumas leis para permitir, diante de situaes
que o exijam, maior dispositividade das partes para alterar ou reduzir os
seus comandos. Existem diversas disposies normativas, com
destaque as de natureza constitucional, ajustadas com a finalidade de
ampliar as garantias que tutelam a proteo do trabalhador. No tocante
s relaes de trabalho, a flexibilizao surge como um fenmeno
inevitvel, decorrente do processo de globalizao da economia,
acarretando intensas controvrsias acerca de suas vantagens e
desvantagens para trabalhadores e empregadores.
Entretanto, a disposio constitucional prev que os direitos
trabalhistas podem ser mitigados por simples negociao entre
sindicatos ou entre sindicatos e empregadores, estabelecendo regras
que possam sofrer restries por meio de convenes ou acordos
coletivos de trabalho. Neste escopo, o presente estudo tem por objetivo
analisar e identificar clusulas normativas presentes nas convenes e
acordos coletivos de trabalho, associadas s possibilidades de
flexibilizao enumeradas no texto Constitucional e seus reflexos.
Figura 2: Demonstrativo da contabilizao das horas trabalhadas

para compensao.
NOTAS FINAIS
Do total de 79 acordos e convenes coletivas analisadas foi
possvel verificar que, majoritariamente (mais de 50%), a
compensao das horas trabalhadas no ultrapassou a proporo de
1h trabalhada/1h compensada e com prazo mximo de 90 dias para
compensao, como demonstrado na Figura 1 e na Figura 2.
Flexibilidade relacionada ao tempo de trabalho (banco de horas)
implica no aumento, segundo seus defensores, da produtividade do
trabalho e, consequentemente, a competitividade da empresa.
Figura 1: Demonstrativo do tempo mximo para compensao de horas

trabalhadas.
Vale ressaltar que existem critrios que devem ser observados e

que representam limites da flexibilizao no que tange s normas
coletivas acordadas e que no podem ser ultrapassados, sob pena de
nulidade das normas decorrentes.
METODOLOGIA
O estudo que ora se apresenta foi levado a efeito a partir do mtodo

da pesquisa bibliogrfica-documental da anlise das convenes e
acordos coletivos registrados no Sistema Mediador do Ministrio do
Trabalho e Emprego no Estado de Mato Grosso do Sul, no perodo de
janeiro de 2013 a fevereiro de 2015.
BARROS, Alice Monteiro de. Curso de Direito do Trabalho. So Paulo: LTr, 2011, 7 edio.
BRASIL, Repblica Federativa do. Consolidao das Leis Trabalhistas. Disponvel
http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto-lei/Del5452.htm, acessado em: 15/09/2015.
BRASIL,
Repblica
Federativa
do.
Constituio
Federal.
Disponvel
http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/ConstituicaoCompilado.htm, acessado em 14/09/2015.
Sendo que o Sistema Mediador foi implantado somente em 2013,

quando comearam a ser registrados as negociaes coletivas.
Demonstrando um aumento significativo dos dados a partir de 2014.
em:
em:
DELGADO, Maurcio Godinho. Curso de Direito do Trabalho. So Paulo: LTr, 2013, 12 edio.
NASCIMENTO, Amaury Mascaro. Curso de Direito do Trabalho histria e teoria geral do Direito do
Trabalho: relaes individuais e coletivas do trabalho. So Paulo: Saraiva, 2011, 26 edio.
OLIVEIRA, Rafaella Amaral de. Flexibilizao das normas trabalhistas e precarizao das relaes
laborais: do estado de bem-estar ao estado assistencialista. Anais do XXIII Congresso Nacional do
CONPEDI/UFPB, Joo Pessoa/PB, ISBN 978-85-68147-68-9, 2014.
SANTOS, Jos Aparecido dos. As Dimenses Individual e Coletiva do Direito do Trabalho. Anais do XXI
Encontro Nacional do CONPEDI/UFU, Uberlndia/MG, ISBN 978-85-7840-081-1, 2012.
TUPIASSU, Alessandra de Cssia Fonseca Tourinho. Mercado, Trabalho e a Proteo do trabalhador.
Dissertao apresentada na Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, So Paulo, 2011.
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A SUBCIDADANIA BRASILEIRA E SUA RELAO CONTROLVERSA AO INSTITUDO NA CARTA DE

DIREITOS HUMANOS E NA CONSTITUIO FEDERAL DE 1988
Luena Abigail Pimenta Ricardo luanigail@outlook.com
Direito Faculdade de Direito Milton Campos
SUBCIDADANIA, CARTA DE DIREITOS HUMANOS, CONSTITUIO FEDERAL DE 1988
1 INTRODUO
O recon hecimento da dig nidade humana torno u-se um valor
univers al desde o sculo XX. Ao fim da Seg unda Guerra, a
transnacionalidade permitiu aos pases a vin cu lao s
organizaes internacion ais e tratados em bus ca da paz e
direitos para tod os. Ass im, foi red igid a, pelas Na es
Unidas , a Declarao Universal dos Direito s do Homem
(194 8). A realidade social no Brasil, porm, div ersa
daquela comp actuada na Carta de 194 8 e na prpria
Constituio Nacional de 198 8. Nesse sentido, Jess Souza
criou o conceito de sub cidad an ia, ou seja, a falta de
cidadania, uma condio sine qua non quais quer
parmetros de direitos humanos.
2. RESULTADOS
Foi obs ervado que, mesmo previsto por lei, a dig nidade
humana perspassa por vielas sociais mais profundas daquelas
que pod emos facilmente comp reender. O fato de se almejar
direitos comu ns e bsicos a tod os no se demo nstra o
suficiente para que os mesmos sejam, de fato, executad os.
Nesse parmetro, tornam-se essenciais as implementaes de
polticas pb licas conizentes ao formento social para os
meno s fav orecido s, como forma a tenta amenizar a falcia
desig ual existen te no pas.
3. CONCLUSO
Ass im, bus ca-se de maior comp reenso das vielas sociais
que comp actuam com o salto da sub cidad an ia para a
dig nidade humana e a plenitude dos direitos fundamentais.
Desta forma, alcan a-se a comp reenso de que, como o
sug erid o na teoria da ao social de Jess Souza, os
sub cidad o s devam ser recon hecid os como uma nov a classe
social brasileira que contrib ua para a descontruo da noo
american a de que a riqueza vem a partir da cap acidade de
trabalho e suas devid as recompensaes; a quebra de tal
hierarq uia valorativ a nos ajuda, portanto, a comp reender
prticas coletivas e ins titucionais e desnaturalizar
desig ualdades.
4- OBJETI VOS
Tend o em vis ta a realidade brasileira, seria pos svel ao pas
desvincu lar-se das desig ualdades? Como a sub cidad an ia
caracterizada? Quais polticas pb licas j foram implantadas
para comb ate-la?
Para res ponder e comp reender o questionado, delineiam-se
algun s eixos de inv es tigao: i) definir a sub cidad an ia e sua
incidn cia no Estad o brasileiro; ii) analisar as div ergncias
entre a Carta de Direito s Human os, a Constituio Nacional
e a realidade; iii) verificar a efetividade das polticas
pb licas no comb ate sub cidad an ia.
5METODOLOGI A
A pesquisa apoio u-se nos trabalhos de Jess Souza, com
estud os de cas o no Brasil; os pareceres de Eleanor
Roosevelt, que presidiu a execuo do documen to
considerado como Magna Carta Internacional; e dados do
Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatstica que analisam o
arcabouo
ins titucional
das
polticas
pb licas
implementad as.
SOUZ A, Jess (org). A Invisibilid ade da Desigu aldade
Brasileira. 1 edio, Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG, 2006
SCALON, Celi (org). Imagens da desigualdade. 1 edio, Belo
Horizonte: Editora UFMG, 2004.
UNIT ED NAT IONS. Th e Universal Declaration of Hum an
Righ ts.
Disponvel
em:
<
http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/>. Acesso em 20/08/2015
CASA CIVIL DA PRESIDNCIA DA REPBLICA, SUBCHEF IA
PARA ASSUNT OS JURDICOS. Con stitu io da Rep blica
Fed erativa
do
Brasil.
Disponvel
em
<
http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/Constituicao/Constituicao.ht
m>. Acesso em 20/08/2015
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FUNO SOCIAL DA EMPRESA: importncia para o desenvolvimento social

Diego Vieira Campos diegovieiracampos@outlook.com.br
Letcia Lauxen Gonalves leticialauxen_g@hotmail.com
Rogrio Mayer rogeriomayer@ymail.com
DIREITO - UFMS
Palavras-chave: Funo Social da Empresa; Direitos Humanos; Dignidade da Pessoa Humana.
NOTAS INTRODUTRIAS
Na atual realidade scioeconmica brasileira impossvel
dissociar a funo social da empresa, da dignidade da
pessoa humana e dos principos dos direitos humanos.
Hoje, qualquer que seja a atividade empresarial dentre
varias categorias existentes em nosso ordenamento
jurdico, para que ela se perpetue perante uma sociedade
globalizada, de extrema importncia que exista entre as
suas atividades projetos sociais que visem o crescimento
da sociedade, por fim, surgindo empresas que
desenvolvam aes afirmativas, atendendo aos princpios
dos Direitos Humanos e a Dignidade da Pessoa Humana.
Assim, esse texto, extrado de pesquisa em andamento,
objetiva analisar quais atividades sociais esto sendo
desenvolvidas pelas micro e pequenas empresas de
Campo Grande (MS), no perodo de 2008 a 2014.
Fonte: http://www.talkpalestras.com.br/blog/david-portes-responde/
NOTAS FINAIS
O grande desafio da pesquisa em andamento identificar
se as micro e pequenas empresas de Campo Grande
(MS), j esto em conformidade ou se esto recebendo
condies necessrias para se adequarem a essa nova
realidade. Como resultados parciais podemos comparar
de forma hipottico-dedutiva uma via de mo dupla: de um
lado encontramos uma sociedade consumidora que no
foi devidamente preparada, to pouco conhecedora dos
seus princpios fundamentais; e do outro lado empresas
carecedoras
de
mecanismos
para
um
efetivo
desenvolvimento social, com dificuldade de se
desmembrar dos interesses individuais introduzidos pelo
capitalismo e insegurana no sistema econmico
brasileiro.
A temtica abordada nessa pesquisa est vinculada aos
projetos sociais realizados pela VERUS Consultoria
Jurdica Empresa Junior do curso de Direito da
Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul.
Fonte: Copesul.com.br
METODOLOGIA
Utilizou-se de pesquisa bibliogrfica e documental,
mapeando artigos da rea e afins e documentos
disponibilizados no banco de dados virtual Vlex.
Corra, A. K., & Morete, V. S. (2011). FUNO SOCIAL E RESPONSABILIDADE

SOCIAL DA EMPRESA E DESENVOLVIMENTO SUSTENTAVL. UNOPAR
Cinetifica Jurdicas e Empresariais, 29-34.
Junior, I. R. (2008). Funo e Responsabilidade Social da Empresa. Direitos
Fundamentais e Democracia.
Leite, H. (outubro e novembro de 2005). Control Lab. Fonte: Control Lab:
http://www.controllab.com.br/qualifique/pop_ed11_resp_social.htm
Novaes, N. (2002). A FUNO SOCIAL DA EMPRESA: SENTIDO E ALCANCE.
Novos Estudos Juridicos, 115-135.
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Trabalho, Incluso, Constituio, Dignidade.

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O cenrio atual vem sofrendo profundas modificaes
quando o assunto a vulnerabilidade da populao com
deficincia e de pessoas idosas, o ordenamento jurdico
atual apresenta mecanismos que buscam a minimizao
das desigualdades no plano social proporcionando assim
uma melhor qualidade de vida para essas minorias
vulnerveis por meio da educao, lazer e trabalho. O
trabalho um direito social de segunda gerao
respaldado pela Constituio Federal vigente que segundo
a doutrina majoritria a base para garantia da Dignidade
da Pessoa Humana assim como todos os outros direitos
fundamentais. No mundo capitalista atual a produtividade
tida como essencial para valorizao do ser humano,
pessoas improdutivas se tornam um peso para a
sociedade, pensando na filosofia da produtividade
deficientes e idosos encontram-se em desvantagem
biolgica, social e cultural, mas a realidade vem mudando
idosos e deficientes antes negligenciados e fadados ao
assistencialismo hoje esto se tornando atuantes na
sociedade devido a modificaes ocorridas, inserindo-se no
mercado de trabalho por vrios motivos e frente a esse
antagonismo que o presente trabalho posiciona-se
buscando investigar na sociedade a dicotomia: minorias
vulnerveis e trabalho.
2%-(7,926
Analisando a incluso tanto do deficiente quanto do idoso no
mercado de trabalho, verificando se as normas estabelecidas
esto sendo respeitadas assim como a eficincia das polticas
pblicas em vigor .
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O presente trabalho inicia-se com pesquisas bibliogrficas em
doutrinas, legislao,
artigos cientficos, monografias entre
outros, utilizando-se do mtodo dedutivo, para anlise dos
resultados, para posterior pesquisa de campo e
aprofundamento na realidade local da cidade de Trs LagoasMS.
&21&/862
Portanto inegvel a revoluo social que acontece na
atualidade, as quebras de paradigmas que ocorrem tornam
evidente a necessidade de diagnosticar as polticas pblicas
amparadas pelo ordenamento jurdico que buscam a incluso
dos idosos e deficientes no mercado de trabalho.
https://www.google.com.br/search?q=imagem+idosos+e+deficiente+no+trabalho&sa=X&rlz=1C2CHWA_ptBRBR621BR648&biw=1366&bih=643&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ&ved=0CCAQsARqFQoTCLik1aml0sgCFQkUkAodgxQGkQ#tbm=isch&q=inclus%C3%A3o+deficientes+no+tr
abalho&imgrc=fzx4v9fh0VIAMM%3A
https://www.google.com.br/search?q=imagem+idosos+e+deficiente+no+trabalho&sa=X&rlz=1C2CHWA_ptBRBR621BR648&biw=1366&bih=643&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ&ved=0CCAQsARqFQoTCLik1aml0sgCFQkUkAodgxQGkQ#tbm=isch&q=inclus%C3%
A3o+deficientes+no+trabalho&imgrc=HVrK83ABVEfy7M%3A
5(68/7$'26
O que pode ser observado na atual realidade brasileira
que existem aparatos jurdico-polticos que vem na defesa
desse pblico antes negligenciado, so acordos
internacionais, leis e estatutos que de alguma forma tentam
igualar frente ao mercado de trabalho as chances tanto de
deficientes quanto de idoso mantendo e garantindo assim
sua dignidade
g
5()(51&,$6%,%/,2*5),&$6
BRASIL. &RQVWLWXLomR )HGHUDO . Braslia: Cmara dos Deputados, Coordenao de
Publicaes, 2014.
BRASIL. /HL Q GH GH MXOKR GH . Acesso em 20.09.2015. Disponvel em:
<http://www.cnti.org.br/educacao/homol/lei8213.pdf>.
BRASIL. (VWDWXWR GD 3HVVRD FRP 'HILFLrQFLD /HL Q GH MXOKR GH Acesso
em
20.09.2015.
Disponvel
em
<http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato20152018/2015/Lei/L13146.htm>
SARLET, I.W. 'LJQLGDGH GD 3HVVRD +XPDQD H 'LUHLWRV )XQGDPHQWDLV QD
&RQVWLWXLomR )HGHUDO GH Ed. ver. e ampl. Porto Alegre: Livraria do advogado
Editora, 2010.
VILAS BOAS, M.A (VWDWXWR GR ,GRVR &RPHQWDGR 3 Ed. Rio de Janeiro: Forense,
2011.
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SITUAO ATUAL DOS ADOLESCENTES QUE CUMPRIRAM MEDIDA SOCIOEDUCATIVA INTERNAO NO

INTERIOR DE MATO GROSSO DO SUL NO PERODO DE 2012 e 2013
Silvia Mara Pagliuzo Muraki (SEJUSP/UNIGRAN) silviamuraki@uol.com.br

Bernadeth Bucher (Docente AEMS)
Palavras-chave: medidas socioeducativas, adolescentes infratores, delitos

1 INTRODUO
De acordo com o art. 112 do Estatuto da Criana e

Adolescente (ECA), a medida socioeducativa de
internao a medida mais grave, aplicada apenas
quando no houver nenhuma outra medida mais
adequada. O perodo de internao nunca deve exceder
a trs anos e deve ser cumprida em entidade exclusiva
para adolescente.
4 OBJETIVO
Verificar a situao atual dos adolescentes

infratores que passaram pela UNEI Laranja
Doce- Dourados MS, no perodo de 2012/2013
5METODOLOGIA
Trata-se de uma pesquisa documental, aps

aprovao do comit de tica, os dados foram
coletados nos registros da UNEI Laranja doce do
Municpio de Dourados MS e do SIGO
http://www.clmais.com.br/publ
ic/noticias/061270.jpg
http://www.clmais.com.br/public/noticias/061270.jpg
2. RESULTADOS
Na faixa etria dos 16 aos 18 anos, os dados

demonstram que 58% destes jovens
egressos
praticaram crimes enquanto maiores; 35% no
praticaram crimes e 7% foram mortos.Na faixa etria
de 16 anos: 48% praticaram crimes; 40% no
praticaram crimes e 12% foram mortos. Na faixa etria
de 17 anos, 63.5% praticaram crimes; 32% no
praticaram crimes e 4,5% foram mortos .Na faixa etria
de 18 anos: 68.75% praticaram crimes, 31.25% no
praticaram crimes,no foi constatado dados sobre
mortos .
3. CONCLUSO
A mortalidade foi maior entre os adolescentes da faixa etria
de 16 anos, atingindo 12% deles. O estudo ressaltou a
porcentagem significativa de jovens, que cometem crimes
aps atingir a maioridade.O adolescente infrator o
resultado de muitas situaes e de difceis realidades por eles
vividas. A criminalidade surge quando fatores econmicos,
sociais, polticos e conflitos familiares se misturam a uma
personalidade especfica.
http://news.portalbraganca.com.br/nacional/politica-deputado-defende-aumento-detempo-de-internacao-para-adolescente-infrator.html
Gallo e Williams (2008 ) apud DAVOGLIO, Trcia Rita;
GAUER, Gabriel Jos Chitt.2011 Adolescentes em
conflito com a lei: aspectos sociodemogrficos de uma
amostra em medida socioeducativa com privao de
liberdade Disponvel em
<http://busca.ibict.br/SearchBDTD/search.do?command=s
earch&q=+assunto:%22conflito%20com%20a%20lei%22>
Acesso em 07.08.15
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1. Educao na perspectiva da Psicologia Scio - Histrica
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BRASIL. Constituio da Repblica Federativa do Brasil. 1988.
Acesso em 16 jun. 2014. Disponvel em:
<http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao.htm>.
BRASIL. Estatuto do Idoso. 2003. Acesso em 16 jun. 2014. Disponvel
em: < http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/2003/L10.741.htm >.
BUTLER, Judith. Problemas de Gnero: Feminismo e subverso da
identidade. Editora: Civilizao Brasileira. 2014.
CASTAEDA, Marina. O Machismo Invisvel. Editora: A Girafa. 2006.
CCERO, M. T. Saber envelhecer- Seguido de A amizade. Traduo de
Paulo Neves. Porto Alegre. Editora: L & PM, 1998.
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DEBERT. G.G. NERI, A. L. Velhice e Sociedade. Coleo Vivaidade.

Papirus Editora. 1999.
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Diego Vieira Campos diegovieiracampos@outlook.com.br
Letcia Lauxen Gonalves leticialauxen_g@hotmail.com
Rogrio Mayer rogeriomayer@ymail.com
DIREITO - UFMS
Palavras-chave: Meio Ambiente de Trabalho, Aes Afirmativas, Dignidade da Pessoa Humana.
NOTAS INTRODUTRIAS
Hoje, ouvir falar em Direitos Humanos tornou-se algo
comum, haja vista os meios de comunicaes terem se
tornado instantneos e universais. Isso refora a
essencialidade da elaborao de aes afirmativas de
formas interlocutrias para todas as reas, tanto para a
educao quanto para o labor. Diante do Pacto
Internacional sobre Direitos Econmicos, Sociais e
Culturais, identificamos que grandes princpios esto
voltados para o meio ambiente do trabalho, com o
intuito de oferecer ao trabalhador as condies
mnimas para o exerccio das suas atividades de forma
Digna.
Assim, esse texto, extrado de pesquisa em
andamento, objetiva analisar quais so os princpios
da dignidade da pessoa humana que esto sendo
violados no meio ambiente de trabalho em Campo
Grande (MS), no perodo de 2010 a 2014.
A essncia dos
Direitos Humanos o
direito a ter direitos
Hannah Arendt
5METODOLOGIA
Utilizou-se de pesquisa bibliogrfica e documental,
mapeando artigos da rea e afins e documentos
disponibilizados no banco de dados virtual Vlex no
perodo de 2010 a 2014.
NOTAS FINAIS
Os resultados preliminares apontam que h violaes
repetitivas aos direitos supracitados e para sanar
esses conflitos o empregado procura o poder judicirio
como nico caminho. Ainda que a lide seja
solucionada, utilizando de dados parciais hipotticodedutivos, aes afirmativas de forma preventiva
podem evitar que essas violaes voltem a ocorrer no
meio ambiente de trabalho, proporcionando ao
empregado uma garantia de trabalho digno e
duradouro e ao empregador maiores rendimentos e
produtividade.
A temtica abordada nessa pesquisa est vinculada
aos projetos sociais realizados pela VERUS
Consultoria Jurdica Empresa Junior do curso de
Direito da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do
Sul.
Martis, S. P. (2013). Convenes da OIT. So Paulo: Editora
Atlas S.A.
Piovesan, F. (2013). Direitos Humanos e o Direito
Constitucional Internacional. So Paulo: Editora Saraiva.
Portela, P. H. (2013). Direito Internacional Pblico e Privado.
Salvador: Editora jusPODIVM.
Pretti, G. (2009). Direito Internacional do Trabalho e
Convenes da OIT Ratificadas Pelo Brasil. So Paulo:
Icone Editora.
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1 . INTRODUO

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3. CONCLUSO

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1. A filosofia Grega e o Pensamento Cristo.

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2. O cristianismo e a humanidade de Jesus.

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3. O Conclio de Niceia.
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4. As contribuies de Bocio sobre o Conceito de Pessoa.

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Referncias Bibliogrficas

%RJOLROR/XLJLEl problema de la Filosofa Cristiana(GLWRULDO/LW~UJLFD(VSDxROD6$
%RHKQHU 3KLORWKHXV *LOVRQ eWLHQQH Histria da Filosofia Crist HG (GLWRUD
9R]HV3HWUySROLV
&RPSDUDWR )iELR .RQGHU A afirmao histrica dos direitos humanos HGLomR

(GLWRUD6DUDLYD
*LOVRQ eWLHQQHA filosofia na Idade Mdia HG :PI 0DUWLQV )RQWHV 6mR 3DXOR
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Logo da Instituio
financiadora da
Pesquisa
(se houver)
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,1752'8d2
O presente resumo pretende compreender a teoria da ao e
da revoluo, os conceito de poder e violncia e fazer uma
anlise crtica da glorificao da violncia a partir do
pensamento de Hannah Arendt, tomando como base suas
obras Sobre a Violncia e a Condio Humana.
2%-(7,926
Trata-se de realizar um estudo dos conceitos e da
relao que Hannah Arendt empreende entre os
seus conceitos de poder e violncia, entender a
causas e natureza da violncia, e a critica a
glorificao da violncia.
0(72'2/2*,$
Para o trabalho foi utilizada a pesquisa bibliogrfica que
engloba a leitura dos textos de Hannah Arendt, estudo e
interpretao de livros, peridicos, textos legais,
manuscritos, dentre outros.
5(68/7$'26
Que o problema da violncia e do poder conduz, ao estudo
da teoria da ao e da revoluo proposta por Hannah
Arendt. Nesse sentido, a violncia uma atividade
antipoltica, que limita o homem prpria vida ou prpria
manuteno da existncia e que a impotncia para ao um
convite para a violncia
&21&/862
Em virtude do que foi pesquisado, entendemos que a
violncia e o poder no pensamento de Arendt, embora
perpasse em 1969, continua atual pois muito da presente
glorificao da violncia causada pela frustrao da
faculdade de ao no mundo moderno, e visvel no mundo
que a violncia est sendo, ainda mais glorificada, justificada
pelas fendas nas estruturas do poder, do declnio dos
servios e das instituies pblicas, porm a prtica da
violncia, como toda a ao, muda o mundo, mas a mudana
mais provvel e para um mundo mais violento.
5()(51&,$6%,%/,2*5),&$6
ARENDT, Hannah. 6REUH D 9LROrQFLD Rio de Janeiro:
Civilizao Brasileira, 2011.
ARENDT, Hannah. $ &RQGLomR +XPDQD. Rio de Janeiro:
Forense Universitria, 2014.
Banners
Grupo de Trabalho 6
Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e

Desenvolvimento Sustentvel
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Sustentabilidade.
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Cdigo de Pesca - Lei 11959/09 | Lei n 11.959, de 29 de
junho de 2009
KWWSSUHVUHSXEOLFDMXVEUDVLOFRPEUOHJLVODFDRFRGLJR
GHSHVFDOHL
CONSUMO: MECANISMO DE INCLUSO OU EXCLUSO SOCIAL? UMA ANLISE TERICA DAS IMBRICAES DO
CONSUMO NOS DIREITOS HUMANOS A PARTIR DA PERSPECTIVA BAUMANIANA
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Palavras-Chave: Consumo. Direitos Humanos. Excluso. Incluso Social.

,1752'8d2
2%-(7,926
A atual interao entre o capital e sociedade visualizada como

consumidora resulta segundo Bauman (2013) em uma produo cultural
do consumo. Esse processo deve ser discutido, pois alm de versar
sobre as condies de vida que o sistema capitalista impe, promove
fenmenos sociais de incluso e excluso de acordo com a capacidade
consumidora das pessoas.
A pesquisa se justifica uma vez que com a Resoluo n.39/248 da
Assembleia Geral Das Naes Unidas (ONU) foi positivada um novo
adensamento da dignidade humana no processo de proteo ao
consumidor, com a promulgao deste documento, ao direito do
consumidor foi designado status de direitos humanos. Esta anlise ter
como marco terico o pensamento sociolgico de Zygmunt Bauman e
seus interlocutores.
O presente trabalho sobre as imbricaes do consumo no exerccio dos

Direitos humanos busca: 1) Identificar as repercusses do consumo e
do poder de consumir nos Direitos Humanos, problematizando a
capacidade consumidora que ora utilizada como mecanismo de
incluso social , ora como mecanismo de excluso e 2) destacar a
importncia que os avanos de sua normatizao em mbito global ,
tanto para a segurana jurdica contratual, quanto para resguardar os
direitos bsico do consumidor .
0(72'2/2*,$
Esta anlise ter como marco terico o pensamento sociolgico de
Zygmunt Bauman e seus interlocutores. O estudo tem enfoque
hipottico-dedutivo com base em pesquisa bibliogrfica e documental.
Eventuais coletas de dados sero feitas a partir do marco terico
proposto.
Figura1: google.com/imagensConsumo
5(68/7$'26
O presente artigo encontra-se ainda em fase de pesquisa e
desenvolvimento portanto ainda no possui resultados definitivos.
&21&/862
possvel concluir, preliminarmente, que, na medida em que as
pessoas tm acesso determinados produtos includa socialmente por
ser capaz de consumi-los, sendo esta capacidade justamente o poder
econmico que possibilita a aquisio deste produto. Por outro lado, a
medida em que uma pessoa no detm este poder econmico, ela no
includa, mas sim excluda. Logo, percebe-se que o mesmo
mecanismo serve simultaneamente como fator de incluso e excluso,
conceitos intrnsecos aos Direitos Humanos e, portanto, inerentes a vida
social.
Figura2: google.com/imagensConsumoExclusosocial
5()(51&,$6%,%/,2*5),&$6
BAUMAN, Zygmunt. Globalizao e as consequncias humanas.
Traduo Marcus Pencel.Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1999.
_______. A cultura no mundo liquido moderno. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar,
2013.
________. Vida para o consumo. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 2008
ONU. Relatrio do desenvolvimento humano 2000. Disponvel em:
http://www.dominiopublico.gov.br/download/texto/pn000011.pdf. Acesso em
29 maio de 2015.
_______.
Declarao
do
Milnio.
Disponvel
em:
http://www.pnud.org.br/Docs/declaracao_do_milenio.pdf. Acesso em 29
maio 2015.
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Palavras-chave: Deep Weeb. Violao. Direitos humanos. Ferramentas.

,1752'8d2
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Palavras-chave: Discurso do dio. Garantia de direitos fundamentais na sociedade da

informao. Dignidade da pessoa humana nas redes sociais
,1752'8d2
Com o advento da internet e, posteriormente, das
redes sociais; tem sido cada vez mais comum
observar a prtica de ofensas e injrias presentes em
discursos carregados de intolerncia, decorrentes da
facilidade em externalizar e difundir pensamentos e
opinies. O presente projeto trata sobre a relao
entre o discurso de dio na sociedade da informao
e os limites entre a liberdade de expresso e a
garantia de direitos nas redes sociais
5(68/7$'26
O presente artigo encontra-se ainda em fase de
pesquisa e desenvolvimento; portanto ainda no possui
resultados concretos.
&21&/862
Conclui-se que a prtica do discurso de dio vem sendo
ampliada quase na mesma proporo em que o uso dos
mecanismos tecnolgicos; tornando frequente a violao
de direitos humanos fundamentais, o que, por si s,
autoriza a abertura para discusso sobre o processo de
funcionalizao do direito (liberdade de expresso na
rede), para a abertura do catlogo de proteo aos
direitos fundamentais, em virtude do novo adensamento
da dignidade humana na sociedade da informao.
Fonte; blog Tecnologia em Foco
2%-(7,926
O presente estudo sobre o discurso do dio na
sociedade da informao tem por objetivo analisar
os limites entre a liberdade de expresso e a
garantia dos demais direitos nas redes sociais;
problematizando o estabelecimento de parmetros
que visem fomentar a percepo sobre a relevncia
do tema de modo a permitir consideraes efetivas
a respeito da proteo aos direitos fundamentais em
concorrncia.
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Para fundamentar esta pesquisa, utilizar-se- o
mtodo de abordagem hipottico-dedutivo, atravs
de procedimentos bibliogrficos e documentais.
Fonte: Ministrio da Justia
5()(51&,$6%,%/,2*5),&$6
ALEXY, Robert. Teoria dos Direitos Fundamentais. 5.
ed. Traduzido por Virglio Afonso da Silva. So Paulo:
Malheiros Editores, 2008
BOBBIO, Norberto. A era dos direitos. Traduzido por:
Carlos Nelson Coutinho. 7. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Elsevier,
2004
DWORKIN, Ronald. Uma Questo de Princpio.
Traduzido por Lus Carlos Borges. 2. ed. So Paulo:
Martins Fontes, 2005
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4 . OBJETIVOS
2. RESULTADOS
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5. METODOLOGIA
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JUBILUT, Liliana Lyra. O Direito Internacional dos Refugiados e sua Aplicao no Ordenamento Jurdico Brasileiro. So Paulo: Mtodo.
2007.
BRASIL. Constituio da Repblica Federativa do Brasil. Braslia, DF. Senado Federal, 1988.
BRASIL. Lei n. 9.474 de 22 de julho de
<http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/Leis/L9474.htm>.
1997.
Acesso
em
09.04.2015.
Disponvel
em:
ONU. Conveno Sobre a Eliminao de Todas as Formas de Discriminao Contra as Mulheres de 1979. Acesso em 03/06/2015.
Disponvel em <http://www.unicef.org/brazil/pt/resources_10233.htm>.
BUTLER, Judith. Problemas de Gnero: Feminismo e subverso da identidade. Rio de Janeiro: Civilizao
Brasileira. 2014.
SARMENTO, Daniel. Interpretao constitucional cosmopolita. Acesso em 07/06/2015. Disponvel em < http://jota.info/interpretacaoconstitucional-cosmopolita>. 2015.
CASTAEDA, Marina. O Machismo Invisvel. So Paulo: A Girafa. 2006.
SOUSA, Mnica Teresa Costa. Direito Internacional Humanitrio. Curitiba: Juru. 2007
A INTERNALIZAO DE NORMAS DO TRIBUNAL PENAL INTERNACIONAL NA LEGISLAO

BRASILEIRA: CONFLITOS APARENTES
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1. INTRODUO
3. CONCLUSO
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$ PHWRGRORJLD XWLOL]DGD IRL D SHVTXLVD ELEOLRJUiILFD FRP
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MAZZUOLI, V. O. A influncia dos tratados internacionais de proteo dos direitos humanos no direito interno brasileiro.
Matria publicada na Revista de Informao Legislativa do Senado Federal (Braslia, n. 147).
BRASIL, Constituio Federal 1988. BRASIL. In: Vade Mecum Saraiva. 12. ed. atual. e ampl. So Paulo: Saraiva, 2014.
BIBLIOTECA VIRTUAL USP. O QUE TPI. Adaptado do site do TPI: http://www.icc-cpi.int/. Disponvel
http://www.direitoshumanos.usp.br/index.php/Tribunal-Penal-Internacional/o-que-e.html. Aceso em:18 de junho de 2015.
em:
BORGES, G.O.A; Tribunal Penal Internacional: histrico, aspectos estruturais e conflitos com a Constituio Federal, disponvel em
http://www.ambito-juridico.com.br/site/index.php/?n_link=revista_artigos_leitura&artigo_id=13178&revista_caderno=3,
acesso
em
05/06/2015, as 14:20 horas.
.
.
PIRES. L. P. A constitucionalidade da entrega de nacionais ao Tribunal Penal Internacional. mbito Jurdico. Disponvel
em: http://www.ambito-juridico.com.br/site/index.php?n_link=revista_artigos_leitura&artigo_id=10673. Acesso em: 18 de
junho de 2015.
RODRIGUES, L.P; O Tribunal Penal Internacional e a Constituio Federal: divergncias sobre a existncia de conflito
entre normas, disponvel em: http://ojs.c3sl.ufpr.br/ojs/index.php/dint/article/view/4588, acesso em 03/06/2015, s 13:00
horas.
REZEK, Francisco. Direito internacional pblico: curso elementar. So Paulo: Saraiva, 2013.
FREITAS, A.S.A; O Tribunal Penal Internacional e o Direito brasileiro. Perda da soberania? Disponvel em:
http://jus.com.br/artigos/17724/o-tribunal-penal-internacional-e-o-direito-brasileiro#ixzz3c6cFDHRK,
acesso
em
05/06/2015, as 15:00 horas
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relativizao da soberania face efetivao da proteo internacional dos direitos humanos
humanos
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CDIGO DE TICA/CONDUTA DE EMPRESAS TRANSNACIONAIS:

IMPACTOS NOS DIREITOS HUMANOS E DESESTATIZAO
Raquel Leite da Silva Santana - raquelsics@gmail.com
Paulo Burnier da Silveira - paulobsilveira@gmail.com
Direito - Universidade de Braslia
ProIC/DPP/UnB
Fomento: CNPq
Palavras-chave
Direitos Humanos; Empresas transnacionais; Ordem jurdica estatal.
INTRODUO
A globalizao se apresenta tambm como uma fragmentao da
sociedade, possibilitando a criao de setores, sobretudo, independentes e autnomos da ordem poltica e jurdica estatal,
chamados por Teubner (2003) de sistemas parciais individuais,
tais como as empresas transnacionais. Estas apresentam Cdigos de tica que so documentos institucionalizados nos quais se
procura disciplinar as condutas dos colaboradores de uma empresa.
OBJETIVOS
Anlise dos Cdigos de tica/Conduta

de empresas transnacionais
Promoo ativa dos

direitos humanos
Respeito aos direitos
humanos fundamentais
e universais
A partir deste cenrio de globalizao, analisamos os Cdigos de

tica de 10 empresas transnacionais, tendo por objetivo investigar os seus impactos sobre a proteo aos direitos humanos e
sobre o monoplio estatal na elaborao de normas.
Proibio de discriminao/preconceito
METODOLOGIA
As normas da companhia podem ir alm

do que exigido por
lei (em relao aos
direitos humanos)
A metodologia de pesquisa utilizada foi produzida exclusivamente

com base nos Cdigos de tica/Conduta de 10 empresas transQDFLRQDLV$PEHY%5)RRGV&RFDFROD*RRJOH+RQGD/2UpDO
Paris, Nestl, Pemex, Nike, Siemens. Do cdigo destas, retiramos
todas as menes ao termo direitos humanos.
Recusa ao emprego
de mo-de-obra infantil
ou forada
Extrato demonstrativo da tabela original do artigo Cdigos de tica/Conduta de empresas transnacionais: impactos nos direitos humanos e
desestatizao, por Raquel Santana (2015)
RESULTADOS
CONCLUSO
As normas acolhidas nesses Cdigos possuem carter coativo e
de represso s condutas que violam direitos humanos, gerando
expectativa jurdica de seu cumprimento, de modo a criar uma
normatizao interna, cuja observncia por parte dos colaboradores da empresa de carter obrigatrio. Estes Cdigos apontaram sua obedincia s leis vigentes no pas, com exceo do
cdigo da empresa Nestl, em que evidenciamos um sinal de autonomia no plano formal e pretenso universalista em relao s
normas estatais, demostrando um avano diante da proteo aos
direitos humanos: (...) os Colaboradores devem cumprir as
normas e regulamentos internos, (...) essas normas internas so
especficas da Companhia e podem ir alm do que exigido por
lei. (em relo aos direitos humanos).
Parece-nos precipitado afirmar que essa caracterstica da empresa Nestl suficiente para acreditar no fim do monoplio estatal
na elaborao de suas normas. No obstante, consideramos ser
importante verificar esta pretenso de ultrapassagem das normas
estatais, visando efetiva proteo dos direitos humanos acima
de qualquer outro valor.
5()(51&,$6%,%/,2*5),&$6
NEVES, Marcelo. A fora simblica dos direitos humanos. In: Revista Eletrnica de Direito do
Estado, n 4. Salvador: Instituto de Direito Pblico da Bahia, out./dez/ 2005. Disponvel em: <
http://staticsp.atualidadesdodireito.com.br/marcelonovelino/files/2012/04/A-for%C3%A7a-simb%C3%B3lica-dos-DH-M-Neves1.pdf>. Acesso em: 20 set.
2014.
6/$8*+7(5$QQH0DULH$1HZ:RUOG2UGHU3ULQFHWRQ3ULQFHWRQ8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV
TEUBNER, Gunther. A Bukowina Global sobre a Emergncia de um Pluralismo Jurdico Transnacional. In: Revista Impulso, v. 4, n. 33, pp. 9-31. Piracicaba: Editora UNIMEP, 2003. Disponvel em: <http://www.unimep.br/phpg/editora/revistaspdf/imp33art01.pdf>. Acesso em: 18
out. 2014.
COOPERAO REGIONAL EM SADE NO MERCOSUL: CONQUISTA EM PROL

DA VIDA E DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS
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1) Direitos Humanos 2) MERCOSUL 3) Sade

1. INTRODUO
Nas regies fronteirias localizam-se diversos

sistemas scio organizacionais, com intensos
transpasses de indivduos, servios e produtos,
imersos em disparidades histrico-culturais e
evidentes demandas de Direitos Sociais. No
MERCOSUL, uma das fontes de tenso entre seus
pases-membros encontra-se na heterogeneidade
poltico-ideolgico dos Sistemas de Sade, uma
vez que, a agenda das aes pragmticas em
sade para cooperao regional permanece em
construo, desafiando suas naes formadoras a
luta constante em prol da vida e efetivao dos
Direitos Humanos nessas regies de maneira
digna e satisfatria pelos Poderes Pblicos
constitudos.
2. RESULTADOS
Os resultados indicam a necessidade de legislao
e formulao de diretrizes especficas para os
municpios de fronteira com acordos que visem
cooperao, compensao e delimitao de marco
conceitual para o debate das trocas de
informaes
e
registros,
incorporaes
tecnolgicas, formao e atuao profissionais,
procedimentos em sade e legitimao dos rgos
locais para a construo social in locu.
3. CONCLUSO
As concluses direcionam-se para adoo das
atuais concepes de nacionalidade, territorialidade
e cidadania regional ou global no combate a
excluso social, onde os Direitos Sociais no se
restringem aos Estados-naes, mas aos Blocos
Regionais; e motivao scio-poltica para
construo de sujeitos ativos para a correo de
assimetrias sociais em consonncia com os
princpios da Sade Coletiva e Direitos Humanos.
4. OBJETIVO
O objetivo verificar a conjuntura das relaes
internacionais no MERCOSUL referentes
efetivao do Direito Humano e concretizao da
oferta de Servio de Sade e demais aportes
necessrios para garantir uma cooperao
regional em sade de modo conquista em prol
da vida e dos preceitos dos Direitos Humanos.
5. METODOLOGIA
A metodologia de execuo pesquisa
bibliogrfica e documental com utilizao de
critrios relacionados ao Qualis e ano de
publicao dos artigos.
GOMES R
R. Fotografia documental
documental. MERCOSUL
MERCOSUL- porr onde passa a Sade.
Sade 2008.
2008 1 lbum (38
(38 fot.).
fot )
Disponvel em: <http://www.radilsongomes.com.br/exposicoes.php.> Acessado em: 12 mai. 2015.
GIOVANELLA L. et al. Sade nas fronteiras: acesso e demandas de estrangeiros e
brasileiros no residentes ao SUS nas cidades de fronteira com pases do
MERCOSUL na perspectiva dos secretrios municipais de sade. Revista Cad. Sade
Pblica, Rio de Janeiro, v. 23, n. 2. P. 251-66. 2007. Disponvel: <
http://www.scielo.br/pdf/csp/v23s2/13.pdf>. Acessado em: 12 mai. 2015.
NOGUEIRA M.R.N.; PR K.R. D.; FERMIANO S. A diversidade tica e poltica na
garantia e fruio do direito sade nos municpios brasileiros da linha da fronteira do
MERCOSUL. Revista Cad. Sade Pblica, Rio de Janeiro, v. 23, n. 2. 2007.
Disponvel: <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0102311X2007001400012>. Acessado em: 12 mai. 2015.
QUEIROZ L.G.; GIOVANELLA L. Agenda regional da sade no Mercosul: arquitetura e
temas. Rev. Panam Salud Publica, v. 30, n, 2. 2011. Disponvel:
<http://www.scielosp.org/scielo.php?pid=S102049892011000800011&script=sci_arttext>. Acessado em: 12 mai. 2015.
PR K.R.D.; MENDES J. M. R.; MIOTO R. C. T. O desafio da integrao social no
MERCOSUL: uma discusso sobre a cidadania e o direito sade. Rev Panam Salud
Publica, v. 23, n, 2. 2007. Disponvel: <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?pid=S0102311X2007001400006&script=sci_arttext >. Acessado em: 12 mai. 2015.
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Heitor Romero Marquesheiroma@ucdb.br
DIREITO-UCDB
Palavras-chave: Direitos Humanos, Trabalho Anlogo a Escravo, Publicizao,
Polticas Pblicas.
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Na histria humana, a relao entre os indivduos na esfera
social cercada por nuances, que demarcam os melindres de
uma sociedade de direitos e os indivduos que a compem,
quanto ao estado de proteo so colocados em risco, por
situaes de usurpao dos direitos dos indivduos, que em
estado de vulnerabilidade tornam-se vtimas da violncia. Tal
estado de violncia ganha forma, agindo de maneira no
visvel aos olhos da grande massa social, como por exemplo,
as situaes de trabalho escravo dentro do territrio nacional.
Por meio de denncias essas ocorrncias so
investigadas, comprovando que ainda existe trabalho
anlogo a de escravo na sociedade brasileira. Atualmente
tem ganhado grande destaque na mdia de Mato Grosso do
Sul, uma vez que possui como caracterstica econmica
agricultura e pecuria a partir de latifndios e minifndios, o
que favorece a existncia de trabalho anlogo ao de escravo.
As longas distncias dos grandes centros outro fator para a
explorao silenciosa da mo de obra, de maneira agressiva.
A publicizao, por seu turno, o deslocamento da
direo de operaes que no so principais do Estado, ou
seja, a forma pelo qual estabelece tornar pblico entidade
de direito privado. A garantia dos direitos requer o auxlio da
fora pblica e somente mediante sua presena h fruio
para os direitos humanos.
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A explorao e submisso dos trabalhadores frente as
expectativas de trabalho e dignidade mostram-se ainda mais
evidentes contemporaneamente dentro do corpo social, seja
internacional ou nacional, de modo que, embora existam
polticas pblicas que trabalham na contramo do trfico
ainda tmida a quantidade de denncias e preveno.
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Por tudo quanto especificado e demonstrado no presente
trabalho, observa-se que existe grande necessidade da
publicializao do trfico de pessoas, vez que, o
conhecimento o divisor de guas para a preveno do
crime narrado. Esta perspectiva se encontra enraizada em
nossas polticas pblicas governamentais, como o primeiro e
o segundo plano nacional de enfrentamento ao trfico de
pessoas.
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4.1 GERAL
Demonstrar as dinmicas que envolvem o trfico
de pessoas, com nfase na modalidade trabalho
anlogo a escravo.
4.2 ESPECFICOS
4.2.1 Caracterizar as abordagens utilizadas para
publicizao do crime de trabalho anlogo a escravo.
4.2.2 Identificar os principais grupos vitimados no
Estado de Mato Grosso do Sul na regio de fronteira.
4.2.3 Identificar o impacto das polticas pblicas
aplicadas pelo Governo Federal e Estadual no
Enfrentamento ao trfico de pessoas.
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A metodologia de pesquisa se desenvolver por meio de
reviso bibliogrfica, doutrinria, legislativa e de anlise de
documentos e operaes do Ministrio Pblico do Trabalho
do Estado
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CIDADANIA, Direitos Humanos e Trfico de Pessoas:
0DQXDO SDUD 3URPRWRUDV /HJDLV 3RSXODUHV
2UJDQL]DomR ,QWHUQDFLRQDO GR 7UDEDOKR 3URJUDPD
6HJXUDQoDFRP&LGDGDQLD(MDG-F). 2. ed. rev. e ampl. Braslia: OIT, 2012.
FAUZINA, Ana Luiza; VASCONCELOS, Mrcia; FARIA,
Thas Dumt. 0DQXDO GH FDSDFLWDomR VREUH WUiILFR GH
SHVVRDV. Braslia: Organizao Internacional do Trabalho,
2009, pp. 10/11.
IHERING, Rudolf Von. $OXWDSHORGLUHLWR. So Paulo: Ed.
Martin Claret, 2005. 40 p.PEREIRA, Ccero Rufino;
(IHWLYLGDGH GRV GLUHLWRV KXPDQRV WUDEDOKLVWDV o
Ministrio Pblico do Trabalho e o Trafico de Pessoas: o
Protocolo de Palermo, a Conveno n, 169 da OIT, o
Trabalho escravo, a jornada exaustiva/ Ccero Rufino
PereiraSo Paulo: Ltr, 2007.
Banners
Grupo de Trabalho 8
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INTRODUO
A mobilidade indgena nas regies de fronteira de
Mato Grosso do Sul ocorre, principalmente, devido
s relaes de parentela entre os indgenas
migrantes e os indgenas nativos da regio de
destino. Infelizmente, ao praticar mobilidade, os
indgenas migrantes deparam-se com uma
situao de marginalizao e excluso social, j
que a falta de documentao civil impede-os o
acesso s polticas pblicas, que garantem
alimentao, educao indgena e sade. Tais
violaes de direitos evidenciam que o
reconhecimento jurdico, a partir da Constituio
Federal de 1988 e da Conveno 169 da OIT, no
garantem
a
concretizao
dos
direitos
fundamentais indgenas na prtica.
CONCLUSO
A concluso que se afere que, em meio s
fronteiras tnico-culturais, a mobilidade, a
territorialidade e o direito de ir e vir dos povos
so direitos reconhecidos aos indgenas pelo
ordenamento jurdico brasileiro. Portanto,
fundamental o comprometimento do Poder
Pblico na luta contra a violao dos direitos
fundamentais indgenas na fronteira de Mato
Grosso do Sul.
OBJETIVO
O objetivo geral desta pesquisa realizar um
estudo
interdisciplinar,
especificamente,
investigar a concretizao dos direitos
fundamentais indgenas na fronteira, de modo a
avalia-los, no que tange mobilidade indgena;
debate-los, na situao de territorialidade;
interpret-los, em sua atuao nas fronteiras
tnico-culturais; e diagnosticar suas violaes.
METODOLOGIA
(Foto: Ruy Sposati/Cimi)
RESULTADO
Os resultados revelam, alm da evidente
relevncia social da pesquisa, a necessidade em
priorizar aos grupos populacionais indgenas de
grande vulnerabilidade, uma vez que se tornam
vtimas de violao de direitos, inacessibilidade s
polticas pblicas, discriminao e segregao
territorial por praticar mobilidade. Inclusive, tais
dificuldades so encontradas pelos moradores
estrangeiros da aldeia Tey'ikue, localizada no
municpio de Caarap.
A metodologia de execuo consiste na

pesquisa bibliogrfica, a partir da anlise dos
bancos de dados oficiais; na pesquisa
documental jurdica, pautada na anlise
legislativa; e na pesquisa de campo, composta
por entrevistas e visitas s aldeias de fronteira,
com nfase em depoimentos e relatos,
entrevistas com
informantes de potencial,
utilizando tcnicas de gravao, fotografias e de
entrevistas.
DUPRAT, Deborah. A conveno 169 da OIT e o
direito consulta prvia, livre e informada.
SANTOS JUNIOR, Avelar Araujo. Territorializao
indgena no Brasil: uma anlise da legislao
indigenista e suas nuances civilizatrias. In. Revista
Ateli Geogrfico. Goinia-GO v. 6, n. 1 abr/2012
p.18-34.
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Trabalhos Completos
Comunicaes Orais
Comunicaes Orais
Grupo de Trabalho 1
Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e
Direitos Humanos

A CENTRALIDADE DA CULTURA E SUA ARTICULAO COM AS PRTICAS
PEDAGGICAS NA CONSTRUO DE IDENTIDADES E DIFERENAS

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modelo abstrato da langue (sistema de signos), tambm uma estrutura que sofre influncias
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dos demais. As pessoas se comunicam mais entre si mais que com outros grupos,
compartilham normas e atitudes nos usos lingusticos. Nas comunidades de fala,
frequentemente, haver estruturas lingusticas passando por dois processos: a) coocorrncia --duas formas so usadas concomitantemente; b) concorrncia --- duas formas concorrem nos
usos lingusticos, por exemplo, a expresso a gente concorrendo com o pronome ns a funo
de sujeito. A Teoria da Variao analisa a lngua no contexto sociocultural onde est inserida.
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interao. Nessa interao, encontram-se fatores externos ao sistema lingustico e fatores

internos lngua. Duas formas podem apresentar variao nos usos lingusticos, uma pode
desparecer, dando lugar outra, ocorrendo, dessa forma, a mudana.
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autor mostrou que a lngua apresenta variaes, considerando nas categorias sociais, fatores
como gnero, faixa etria, escolaridade e outros. Labov tambm comprovou que a variao
lingustica estava associada alternncia do estilo. Desse modo, as escolhas estilsticas do
falante e as estratgias utilizadas no contexto lingustico esto diretamente associadas ao lugar
que o sujeito ocupa.
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Comunicaes Orais
Grupo de Trabalho 3
Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos

Humanos
OS PARADOXOS DA EFETIVAO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS

Marinina Gruska Benevides1
Marinina.gruska@uece.br
Daniele Gruska Benevides Prata2
danielegruska@hotmail.com
Gerson Augusto de Oliveira Jnior3
gerson.augusto@uece.br
Resumo do trabalho:
O artigo analisa o fortalecimento da noo jurdica de direitos humanos luz do dilogo com autores contemporneos sobre as
dificuldades impostas pelo processo de globalizao para sua efetivao. Partindo do debate socioantropolgico sobre os
paradoxos suscitados pela defesa do universalismo e do relativismo cultural desses direitos na poca em que vivemos, as
perspectivas de realiz-los so avaliadas, considerando as foras sociais que atuam no sentido de denunciar violaes e dar
visibilidade s diferenas entre direitos reconhecidos juridicamente e direitos efetivados. A concluso a que se chega a de
que tanto as tentativas de definir quanto as de promover direitos humanos esbarram em questes que dizem respeito a inmeros
problemas: polticos, econmicos, culturais, sociais, religiosos, tnicos etc. Um dilogo intercultural intenso do qual possa
emergir um pacto de solidariedade entre naes para promover a justia social global, para articular demandas de redistribuio
e de reconhecimento identitrio, aparece como alternativa para corrigir injustias sociais, prevenir e punir os atentados contra
a dignidade da pessoa humana.
Palavras-chave: Direitos Humanos. Universalismo. Relativismo. Dilogo intercultural
INTRODUO
Na sociedade contempornea, cada vez mais comum que se testemunhe o aumento da
mobilizao jurdica transnacional em prol da promoo dos direitos humanos.
Apesar do fortalecimento jurdico dos direitos humanos, do reconhecimento da dignidade
humana como um direito universal, de sua positivao nas legislaes nacionais e
internacionais, persistentes so os crimes contra a humanidade e mais visveis as distncias
entre os direitos postos e os no realizados.
As alternativas de efetivao dos direitos humanos so pensadas considerando a
magnitude dos problemas suscitados pela globalizao e mediante a defesa da diversidade de
civilizaes e culturas, bem como da necessidade de dilogos interculturais.
1
Professora Adjunta da Universidade Estadual do Cear (UECE), Ps-doutora em Democracia e Direitos
Humanos (Universidade de Coimbra Portugal/Faculdade de Direito/IGC), Doutora em Sociologia (UFC), Mestre
em Sociologia (UFC), Advogada, Psicloga.
2
Professora da Faculdade Loureno Filho e da Universidade Estadual do Cear (UECE), Mestre em Administrao
de Empresas, Psicloga, Enfermeira.
3
Professor Adjunto da Universidade Estadual do Cear (UECE), Ps-doutor em Democracia e Direitos Humanos
(Universidade de Coimbra-Portugal/Faculdade de Direito/IGC), Doutor em Sociologia e Atropologia (PUC-SP),
Mestre em Sociologia (UFC), historiador.
Uma abordagem ampla dos direitos humanos requer, dentre outras coisas, a anlise do
pensamento contemporneo sobre o universalismo e o relativismo cultural desses direitos, no
contexto de um mundo globalizado, e das tendncias que, geralmente, operam na direo de
uma ou de outra polarizao.
1 O UNIVERSALISMO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS
Expresses que nos remetem ao universalismo e a defesa da globalizao dos direitos
humanos, como cidadania planetria, cidadania terrestre, antro-potica (MORIN &
KERN, 2000 e MORIN, 2000, 2001, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c) etc. so invocadas para afirmar a
dignidade da pessoa humana, como qualidade inerente a todos os membros da famlia humana,
em que pesem as diferentes identidades nacionais, tnicas, religiosas, de classe etc.
A cidadania no se define apenas por seu enraizamento a um Estado-nao e a uma
identidade nacional ou pela solidariedade e responsabilidade que ligam um sujeito a sua ptria
(MORIN, 2004b). A cidadania que emerge nos debates sobre a universalidade dos direitos
humanos a que nos obriga a pensar a complexidade humana; a nos encontrar como
humanidade, com a natureza humana, com o homem genrico, visto como unidade e ao mesmo
tempo em sua diversidade; a revolucionar os modos polticos de organizar e operar a
democracia, no jogo dialgico pluralista das oposies e solidariedades (MORIN, 1998, p.
53).
Se a cidadania tem por referncia a democracia e, desde seu aparecimento, as instituies
democrticas, alm de organizarem e normalizarem as regras da dialgica sociopoltica,
sacralizam a crtica, a livre expresso de antagonismos e de dvidas, a possiblidade de
florescerem conflitos so inmeras, do mesmo modo que os rumos que estes podem tomar.
A ampliao da conscincia de ameaa de autodestruio da humanidade, em meio
fragilidade das democracias e necessidade de regener-las, vista como forma de aumentar a
probabilidade de durao destas. Isto tem se apresentado desde o sculo XX. Em que pesem as
novas formas de totalitarismo, as dificuldades de gerar democracia em muitas partes do mundo,
as ditaduras e guerras deste sculo XXI, tanto foi ampliada a noo de humanidade quanto a
esperana de estabelecer a ligao tica do indivduo espcie humana, de hominizar na
humanizao, de construir uma comunidade de destino planetria.
Por ser necessria a regenerao da democracia, para assegurar condies de vida

saudvel, promover a participao ativa e corresponsvel dos indivduos nos destinos da
sociedade humana e evitar quaisquer atos desumanos ou de carter degradante, humanidade
uma noo que no pode ser dissociada do pressuposto de uma antropotica. Esta subjaz
invocao da interdependncia dos seres humanos e da dignidade da pessoa humana, bem como
do dever do Estado e de toda a sociedade de proteger a humanidade e a comunidade de destino
comum, a Terra-Ptria, no obstante as diferenas inerentes s diversas sociedades humanas,
suas particularidades, seus antecedentes histricos, religiosos e culturais ou seus sistemas
econmicos, polticos etc.
A aspirao democrtica generalizada e o apelo fraternidade, que ultrapassa os
limites das questes de raa, classe, elite e nao, para consubstanciar uma cidadania terrena"
e afirmar a igualdade entre os homens, so, tambm, a conscincia da crise universal do futuro
(MORIN & KERN, 2000). Esta se caracteriza pela crise do progresso ou a tragdia do
desenvolvimento paradoxal da cincia, da tcnica e da indstria, quer se tome por referncia a
ideologia democrtico-capitalista ocidental prometendo bens e bem-estar, quer se tome a
ideologia comunista tentando construir o paraso terreno da sociedade socialista.
Um rpido balano dos horrores vividos no sculo XX faz emergir uma compreenso
histrico-crtica da crise, a qual tanto capaz de contradizer o universalismo abstrato dos
direitos humanos quanto as esperanas da universalizao destes.
No bastassem as ameaas de aniquilamento da humanidade pela prpria humanidade
que marcou o sculo XX, os horrores das grandes guerras; fascismos; nazismo; democracias
abortadas; guerra fria; corrida armamentista; totalitarismos; naufrgios de revolues
socialistas na URSS, Camboja, China, Vietn e Cuba; sistemas concentracionrios como o
Gulag; eventos brutais como o Holodomor e o Holocausto etc., os acontecimentos deste
alvorecer do sculo XXI colocam em dvidas as esperanas de uma humanidade capaz de se
realizar enquanto humanidade, de efetivar os novos contedos que so emprestados dignidade
humana sob a gide da noo de direitos humanos. Basta que se pense em guerras civis, tribais
e religiosas contemporneas; permanncia das graves violaes de direitos humanos; choque
entre as civilizaes do Ocidente e do Oriente, incluindo as formas de resistncia
ocidentalizao; fome no continente africano; devastao de recursos naturais; destruio do
patrimnio material e imaterial; aniquilamento das culturas nativas; genocdio de grupos

indgenas; lgica capitalista do lucro tomado como medida de todas as coisas; banalizao da
violncia, da injustia, da morte e do mal etc.
Apesar de tudo o que pode ser definido como mal-estar da civilizao, por referncia
s ameaas supracitadas ou violncia que, h muito, tem caracterizado o processo
civilizatrio, a defesa do universalismo dos direitos humanos tem se fortalecido com a utopia
de federar a Terra, de construir a civilizao da civilizao, de superar o Estado-nao, no
por sua destruio e sim pela integrao deste em associaes mais amplas, centradas em
princpios democrticos, associativos e cooperativos, bem como na cidadania planetria
garantidora dos direitos terrestres (MORIN & KERN, 2000)4.
Contudo, at que se chegue ao topos da fraternidade multicultural e tnica ou da sociedade
universal fundada na diversidade, a ideia de um mnimo tico5, convertida em mnimo
moral (um conjunto de regras morais declarado obrigatrio para a sobrevivncia da sociedade),
e a ideia de mnimo existencial (regra constitucional obrigatria, unvoca, diretamente
aplicvel, judicialmente sindicvel) acompanham a pretenso pragmtica mais atual dos
direitos humanos, qual seja a de consolidao do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos.
A limitao do poder do Estado-nao tem reconfigurado a geopoltica mundial. A defesa
de um constitucionalismo global se faz acompanhar da existncia de cortes a intervir em
Estados, relativizando a soberania destes, com fins de proteger direitos humanos, e de
Para os autores, o que hoje uma utopia foi realizado h muito tempo atrs. No ano de 212 d.C., pelo dito de
Caracala, foi concedida a cidadania romana a todos os habitantes do imprio, que, na poca, era o prprio mundo,
aos olhos deles. Segundo Medeiros (2009), a Constitutio Antoniniana de Civitate, dito de Caracala, ao conceder
cidadania a todos os homens livres do imprio, independentemente de seu lugar de nascimento, criou um tipo de
fraternidade multicultural e tnica sob o domnio romano.
5 A teoria do mnimo tico do filsofo Jeremy Bentham foi utilizada pelo jurista alemo George Jillinek, para
dizer o direito como um conjunto de regras morais obrigatrias ou o mnimo de moral declarado obrigatrio para
a sobrevivncia da sociedade. Tal teoria criticada por aqueles que como Miguel Reale (1994) consideram que
vrios fatos presentes nas normas de direito no pertencem ao campo moral. Para alguns, como Alexy (2002), a
reduo das possibilidades de escolha e de extenso faz do mnimo existencial uma regra constitucional que resulta
da ponderao do princpio da dignidade humana e da igualdade real.
organismos supranacionais, capazes de criar plataformas comuns de ao, de estabelecer a

democracia ou restabelec-la onde quer que esteja ameaada.
Obviamente, muitos seres humanos, em diversas regies do planeta, no contam com o
mnimo, tico, moral ou existencial. Certamente, o sistema de direitos e deveres fundamentais
que emergiu das pretenses pragmticas atuais dos direitos humanos, para assegurar
universalmente condies de vida saudvel, promover a participao ativa e corresponsvel dos
indivduos nos destinos da sociedade humana, no tem conseguido evitar atos desumanos ou
de carter degradante.
Entretanto, uma antro-potica est na base da invocao de interdependncia,
indivisibilidade e inalienabilidade dos direitos humanos, bem como do dever do Estado e de
toda a sociedade de proteg-los e promov-los, independentemente de seus antecedentes
histricos, religiosos e culturais ou de seus sistemas econmico, poltico, religiosos etc. Est
evidenciada no apelo capacidade da humanidade de realizar a fraternidade, pela razo e pela
conscincia. Ou, como dispe o artigo primeiro da Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos
de 1948: Todos os homens nascem livres e iguais em dignidade e direitos. So dotados de razo
e de conscincia e devem agir uns para com os outros em esprito de fraternidade.
A constitucionalizao desse apelo em diversos pases, mais que dizer da circunscrio
dos direitos humanos na positividade da lei como direitos fundamentais ou da necessidade de
proteo normativa, expressa a compreenso dos perigos em escala global da sua violao.
2 O RELATIVISMO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS
Nem num plano terico e discursivo, nem nas agendas de eventos mundiais ou no corpo
dos documentos de direito internacional est superada a polarizao entre o universalismo e o
relativismo. J virou lugar comum dizer que em sua aplicao os direitos humanos no so
universais. Se os documentos oficiais internacionais tm reforado o respeito diversidade
cultural, preconceitos e dificuldades de convivncia com os que se apresentam como diferentes
aparecem como pano de fundo da barbrie persistente.
O debate acadmico est repleto de crticas s generalizaes essencialistas que no
resistem realidade emprica. No raras vezes, a abordagem tica dos direitos humanos, ou
seja, a discusso de ideias separadas da realidade ftica, mais filosfica e abstrata, colocada
em cheque pela abordagem mica, a abordagem antropolgica dos valores inerentes a

determinadas sociedade e grupos em estudo, segundo a lgica e a coerncia culturais que lhe
so peculiares.
Para Lvi-Strauss (1989), a humanidade tem oscilado entre dois processos contraditrios
que se originam de uma viso incompleta das culturas, a perspectiva de instaurar a unificao
e a de manter ou restabelecer a diversificao. Apesar das diversidades mortas e daquelas que
representam perigo sobrevivncia de outras culturas e ao progresso da coligao destas em
escala mundial, mediante o que se poderia pensar numa civilizao mundial, evidente que no
se pode confundir a humanidade com um gnero de vida nico, porque no h humanidade
petrificada. Ademais, o progresso no se faz na monotonia e na uniformidade. Ele se realiza
pela colaborao, pelas inmeras formas sociais de expresso das quais emergem o inusitado e
o imprevisto. Isto justifica o fato das instituies internacionais estarem atentas necessidade
de preservar a diversidade cultural, o que no ofertado pela contemplao e sim por uma
atitude ativa.
Decerto, a reflexo sobre os direitos humanos luz do relativismo, qualquer que seja o
adjetivo que se possa acrescentar (relativismo cultural, relativismo tico, relativismo esttico,
relativismo cognitivo etc.), induz constatao do etnocentrismo, ou seja, da tendncia a
considerar o prprio grupo, sociedade ou cultura como central para fundamentar aes e juzos
de valores. Isto, no raras vezes, implica situar num plano hierrquico inferior os que se
apresentam como diferentes e, em casos extremos, conduz total insensibilidade a outros
valores, ao preconceito, xenofobia e s atitudes que visam a eliminao de inmeros seres
humanos (LVI-STRAUSS, 1989), real ou simblica.
O etnocentrismo como um fenmeno to natural como a diversidade de culturas e que
resulta das relaes diretas e indiretas entre as sociedades induz atitudes ingnuas que raramente
alcanam a diversidade humana naquilo que ela realmente . Um paradoxo importante, ento,
se revela, sempre que uma sociedade discrimina a cultura de outra como algo inferior, porque
esta sorte de recusa tipicamente mtua. A rejeio levada ao extremo retira a humanidade da
humanidade, inclusive onde a ideia de humanidade, reunindo todas as formas de existncia
humana, sem distinguir raa ou civilizao, atingiu seu mais alto grau de desenvolvimento e foi
declarada em documentos internacionais de direitos humanos.
Ao analisar o prembulo da segunda declarao da UNESCO acerca do problema das

raas, Lvi-Strauss (1989, p. 334) entende que somos judiciosamente convencidos que tanto as
diferenas raciais quanto as semelhanas que unem todos os seres humanos so evidenciadas
imediatamente pelos sentidos. Em outras palavras, nada mais que o bvio.
Embora, tambm, seja indiscutvel que os grandes sistemas filosficos e religiosos da
humanidade (...) se colocaram constantemente contra esta aberrao de recusar a humanidade
aos que so identificados como diferentes, no suficiente que se proclame a igualdade natural
entre todos os homens ou a fraternidade que deve uni-los sem distino de raa ou cultura,
porque isto negligencia a diversidade de fato que se impe observao e faz com que
sejamos terica e praticamente autorizados a nos comportar como se ela no existisse (LVISTRAUSS, 1989, p. 334).
Com base no paradoxo do relativismo cultural, ou seja, o de pretendermos estabelecer a
discriminao entre as culturas e os costumes e acabarmos nos identificando completamente
com o que queremos negar, Lvi-Stauss (1989) aponta o que simultaneamente a fora e a
fraqueza das declaraes de direitos do homem. Elas enunciam o ideal da natureza humana,
mas o humano no se realiza numa humanidade abstrata e sim nas culturas. Estas, embora sejam
dinmicas e constantemente transformados os seus significados, deixam intactos diversos
aspectos que no podem ser compreendidos de forma descontextualizada, fora de um tempo e
de um espao que lhes so peculiares. Logo, revelam-se inteis os acordos entre o que se
apresenta como polos contraditrios, porque no se pode explicar a diversidade das culturas,
negando diferenas e condenando o que no se compreende ou suprimindo o que indecoroso
e vergonhoso.
A inclinao relativista induzida particularmente pela antropologia cultural, conforme
explica Geertz (2001), chama a ateno para o perigo do embotamento do intelecto tendo em
vista os padres culturais internalizados e valorizados. Entretanto, por mais que queiram os
crticos do relativismo, isto no significa uma identificao do relativismo com o niilismo, a
ponto de que se possa dizer que tudo aceitvel e que vale tudo. Pelo contrrio, o relativismo
significa uma aproximao maior com as formas de pensar das quais estamos sendo afastados
do que com aquelas para as quais temos sido conduzidos constantemente pelos anti-relativistas.
Numa perspectiva relativista, no se pode compreender muito sobre a violao dos

direitos humanos sem se considerar o modelo de racionalidade imposto pelas sociedades
ocidentais s sociedades no-ocidentais e tudo o que dele se deriva, como, por exemplo, o
colonialismo cultural travestido de universalidade que tem sido frequentemente denunciado.
H os que consideram a universalidade dos direitos humanos como uma formulao
tipicamente ocidental, que refora uma espcie de posio missionria das economias centrais
do Ocidente de realizar a democracia ou de nomear e garantir a punio de crimes contra a
humanidade, enquanto seus poderes fomentam a ordem global injusta, as desigualdades de
todas as espcies, os regimes no democrticos e os golpes de estado, as ditaduras e as guerras.
Quer se fale da relao dos pases centrais com as economias perifricas, quer se fale das
relaes do Ocidente com as culturas no-ocidentais, a tendncia consider-las como
violadoras de direitos humanos e merecedoras de punio. So incontveis os autores que
apontam como notrio o fato de que as inmeras organizaes internacionais de direitos
humanos existentes so ocidentais e refletem uma viso predominantemente ocidental na
abordagem das violaes de direitos humanos perpetradas por no-ocidentais.
Ainda que seja possvel constatar que alguns dos representantes da posio missionria
ocidental apresentem uma tendncia a romantizar culturas e tradies com vistas a defesa dos
direitos humanos, a avaliao da relao moral do Ocidente para com o Oriente fica
comprometida, da mesma forma, porque o dilogo intercultural necessrio no se estabelece de
fato. As realidades vivenciadas por muitos seres humanos em contextos locais, em grupamentos
humanos especficos permanecem pouco compreendidas.
A responsabilidade moral que deve ser atribuda ao Ocidente rico pela opo de
desenvolvimento econmico imposta s sociedades do Ocidente pobre e no-ocidentais ou as
respostas culturais elaboradas por essas sociedades perifricas para lidar com os processos de
pilhagem e degradao do patrimnio material e imaterial fomentados pelas economias centrais
so frequentemente invocadas, quando a noo de direitos humanos se articula com os debates
sobre o multiculturalismo como condio de justia global ou de construo de uma civilizao
mundial.
Para Huntington (1996, p.84), um choque de civilizaes caracteriza o contato entre o
Ocidente e o Oriente. Como o aspecto primordial do ser civilizado foi herdado dos romanos,
isto a tradio do imprio da lei, foi ela que assentou as bases para o constitucionalismo e
a proteo dos direitos humanos. Na maioria das civilizaes, isto adquiriu menor importncia
para a formao do pensamento e do comportamento.
Ento, , analisando as diferenas entre as civilizaes, tais como a religio, a
multiplicidade de idiomas, a separao da autoridade espiritual e temporal, o pluralismo social
e corpos representativos, o individualismo etc., que o autor explica os problemas que envolvem
os direitos humanos na sociedade contempornea e as relaes entre do mundo ps-Guerra Fria.
Trata-se de um mundo composto de sete ou oito civilizaes principais, cujas afinidades
culturais implicam cooperao econmica e poltica, determinam relaes entre Estados,
interesses e antagonismos. Como os pases centrais pertencem a civilizaes diferentes, os
conflitos locais com maior potencial blico so aqueles que existem entre grupos e Estados de
civilizaes diferentes. Embora o poder ainda seja centralizado pela civilizao ocidental, este
est se deslocando para as civilizaes no ocidentais, de modo que a poltica mundial vai se
tornando multipolar e multicivilizacional.
Para Huntington (1996), no parece tarefa simples pensar a universalizao dos direitos
humanos como defendida pelo Ocidente, porque as sociedades, ainda que unidas pela ideologia
e pelas circunstncias histricas, esto separadas pela civilizao e, quando no se apartam
(como ocorreu na URSS), ficam submetidas a graves tenses. Logo, mais provvel que
organizaes internacionais compostas por Estados que se aproximam em termos culturais,
como o caso da Unio Europeia, tenham xito na efetivao dos direitos humanos, porque
no precisam vencer grandes barreiras culturais.
A universalizao dos direitos humanos est intimamente relacionada a ideias de um
mundo sem fronteiras, aldeia global; de reordenao estrutural da ao humana, das relaes
inter-regionais e das aes distncia; de trajetria histrica que pressupe a emergncia de
uma civilizao global, de criao de blocos regionais, integrando poltica, econmica e
socialmente os povos.
No entanto, os conflitos que culminam em graves violaes de direitos humanos no
cessam de desacreditar o paradigma de um s mundo, mundo harmnico, como reflexo da
evoluo da humanidade e da consolidao da democracia liberal.
Sendo o sistema de direitos humanos um produto da cultura ocidental que se proclama

como uma alternativa humanizao da humanidade, pode-se pensar nele como uma
justificativa do sistema de justia do Ocidente, sua pretensa superioridade em relao a outros
sistemas, que corrobora a tentativa de fazer com que as sociedades no-ocidentais imitem
prticas e instituies ocidentais.
Todavia, nem a cultura ocidental homognea nem os sistemas de justia que dela fazem
parte adotam as mesmas prticas e possuem as mesmas instituies. No raras vezes a
ratificao dos tratados, pactos e convenes internacionais implica reservas, a excluso ou
modificao do efeito jurdico de uma ou mais disposies do documento, porque consideradas
de maneira especfica no momento da reserva; porque os Estados discordam de partes dos textos
ou porque estes suscitam consequncias com as quais no pretendem arcar.
Se desde a antiguidade a tendncia dos Estados aumentar seu poder, seus territrios e
suas riquezas, aps a Guerra Fria, eles passaram a definir seus interesses em termos
civilizacionais, ora cooperando e se aliando com Estados cujas culturas so semelhantes, ora
entrando em conflito estas e com culturas diferentes. Ainda que permaneam como atores
principais em termos mundiais, os Estados tm flexibilizado fronteiras e abdicado da soberania,
do poder e de funes, que anteriormente monopolizavam, em favor das instituies
internacionais que atuam diretamente sobre os cidados individualmente e em mbitos
regionais, provinciais e locais (HUNTINGTON, 1976).
As instituies internacionais de direitos humanos so, por assim dizer, desdobramentos
da democratizao do poder do Estado, dos movimentos regionais que tm promovido a
secesso e afirmado o direito dessas instituies de julgar e impor limites ao que feito pelo
Estado, dentro dos seus territrios e fora destes.
O aparecimento dos Estados fracassados, a ruptura da autoridade governamental, os
conflitos de diversas ordens (tribais, tnicos e religiosos), o surgimento de organizaes
criminosas, a proliferao de armas nucleares e de destruio em massa, terrorismos, genocdios
etc. (HUNTIGTON, 1976) parecem contradizer a perspectiva de efetivar direitos humano.
Contudo, nem os Estados mais despticos nem os mais totalitrios conseguiram subjugar
totalmente uma sociedade e os indivduos que dela fazem parte, at porque, segundo Morin
(2007, p. 197), a sociedade sempre a unio da comunidade e da rivalidade, da coalizo e da
competio, dos interesses sociocntricos e dos interesses egocntricos, do fitting (ajuste

mtuo) e do matching (rivalidade, concorrncia).
Como a alma e a sensibilidade da sociedade esto no indivduo (MORIN, 2007, p.
2001), a conscincia tpica da contemporaneidade, que enfatiza a dignidade da pessoa humana,
a fraternidade entre os homens e a solidariedade, parece ser a mesma que alimenta a utopia de
uma civilizao mundial, que permite a coexistncia de culturas oferecendo entre si mesmas
o mximo de diversidade (LVI-STRAUSS, 1989, p. 363).
3 ENTRE O GLOBAL E O LOCAL
A globalizao econmica invocada, constantemente, para explicar a acelerao dos
problemas que ocorrem em diversas partes do mundo. A certeza de que interdependncia
decididamente no o mesmo que integrao e a constatao da proliferao de entidades
polticas autnomas, to dessemelhantes em sua ndole quanto em sua escala, servem ao
propsito de explicar as identidades pblicas circunscritas, intensamente especficas e
sentidas, que transformam radicalmente as formas de ordem poltica e provocam a
substituio de um mundo construdo com uns poucos tijolos anlogos, enormes e mal
encaixados, por um mundo no mais uniformemente nem menos completamente construdo
com muitos tijolos menores, mais diversificados e mais irregulares (GEERTZ, 2001, p. 157 a
158).
O processo de globalizao, entendido como tendncia expanso do sistema
capitalista, de seu modo de produo e de consumo, bem como do estilo de vida imposto pela
cultura ocidental s culturas no ocidentais, tem levantado controvrsias que geram
discordncias entre os tericos (GIDDENS, 2001).
Para alguns, difcil efetivar direitos humanos, quando se tem pases da Unio Europeia,
por exemplo, comercializando predominantemente entre si ou quando o poder dos governos
nacionais das economias centrais aumentado, para dirigir a globalizao de acordo com o
mercado, enquanto cresce a marginalizao do Sul, as civilizaes entram em choque e as
polticas de liberalizao econmica fomentam crises e guerras.
Para outros, a globalizao um fenmeno econmico por excelncia que faz com que
as fora de mercado se tornem mais poderosas que os governos nacionais e seus polticos
incapazes de controlar os mercados financeiros volteis e as ameaas ambientais. Os cidados

perdem a confiana nos sistemas de governana existentes. A articulao da sociedade civil
global e a emergncia de instituies regionais e internacionais, como Unio Europeia, Mercado
Comum do Sul, Organizao Mundial do Comrcio, Organizao das Naes Unidas etc.
podem ser vistas como tentativas de desafiar os governos nacionais.
Decerto, impossvel garantir que os direitos humanos se globalizem inexoravelmente
em funo do fenmeno econmico, mas est claro que os movimentos sociais e as
organizaes da sociedade civil de defesa dos direitos humanos, que surgem nas economias
centrais e a partir delas se irradiam, passaram a atuar localmente e globalmente como fazem as
corporaes multinacionais, indiferentes s fronteiras nacionais.
Contudo, convm lembrar que os sistemas regionais de direitos humanos so organizados
em funo de interesses e valores compartilhados pelos Estados que deles participam e que isto
diz respeito tanto a barreiras culturais como necessidade de regulao e de coordenao
especficas. Por outro lado, h nveis de interconectividade global historicamente sem
precedentes a transformar a vida poltica, cultural e pessoal, de modo que os limites entre o
interno e o externo ou entre o internacional e o domstico se rompem e se confundem. O poder
em resposta dos movimentos sociais e os organismos internacionais infinitamente maior.
Considerando que a globalizao no um processo de mo nica, fica evidente que a
fragmentao de demandas e tambm a integrao da luta em prol dos direitos humanos traduz
o nvel de interconectividade global entre organizaes e foras sociais que atuam na defesa
desses direitos; um fato sem precedentes na histria. Como elas se retroalimentam e a toda hora
esto se reconstruindo e reestruturando, objetivando transformar a comunidade poltica e
efetivar direitos humanos, as relaes inter-regionais e as aes distncia impulsionam
profundas mudanas nas instituies nacionais, internacionais e supracionacionais existentes.
Neste contexto, proliferam as campanhas por justia global e pelo fortalecimento da
estrutura democrtica global da Organizao das Naes Unidas, articulando em rede sistemas
regionais de direitos humanos (o europeu, o africano e o interamericano). Estes tem diante de
si grandes desafios: o fortalecimento da interdependncia entre eles, o compartilhamento de
responsabilidades e a gerao de novos modos de assistir a humanidade, de solucionar conflitos
e de consolidar um sistema de justia internacional justo. A avaliao de violaes de maneira
justa se apresenta como condio indispensvel para a efetivao dos direitos humanos,
evitando que a defesa desses direitos se constitua como fonte de tenso, a fomentar a
desigualdade entre civilizaes nitidamente desiguais em diversos aspectos, a comear pelo
econmico.
Para Huntington (1996), aps o colapso da Unio Sovitica, a crena ocidental,
alimentada em especial pelos Estados Unidos, da prevalncia da democracia poltica e das
concepes ocidentais de direitos humanos, foi sendo enfraquecida, considerada abstrao,
falsa, perigosa, imoral e imperialista. Proliferaram questionamentos e hostilidades em relao
a distribuio desigual de poder no mundo do ps-Guerra Fria, em meio aos desenvolvimento
econmico e aumento da capacidade de resistncia dos governos asiticos s presses
ocidentais para que abraassem valores, instituies e cultura que pouco tinham a ver com a
civilizao oriental. Mais frequentes se tornaram as denncias das violaes de direitos
humanos perpetradas pelo Ocidente, das omisses em relao a violaes perpetradas por
Estados parceiros do Ocidente e ao tratamento desigual dessas violaes. As presses de grupos
econmicos para a cooperao com tiranos que favorecem interesses econmicos ocidentais se
intensificaram em meio guerra de mercado. A China angariou o consenso entre lderes e
intelectuais em prol da resistncia s tentativas de ocidentalizar, dividir e enfraquecer
economicamente o pas. Autores asiticos passaram a acusar o Ocidente de fomentar a
dependncia e a subordinao da sia, lembrando o imperialismo daqueles que dominavam as
Naes Unidas e que escreveram a Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos sem a
participao da maior parte dos povos do mundo.
No jogo contraditrio das foras que agem, ora no sentido de defender interesses
econmicos, ora no de denunciar as violaes de direitos humanos, naes que so
representadas no mundo como mensageiras dos ideais de liberdade, igualdade e fraternidade
renunciam responsabilidades nacionais bem mais amplas, como a de garantir a paz mundial. A
balana das decises polticas pendem para as prioridades monetrias, para os afluxos de capital
financeiro, para a defesa de interesses internos, para a garantia dos interesses dos nacionais. Foi
o que ocorreu, por exemplo, durante a guerra do Golfo, quando a Frana continuou suas
exportaes de armas, no obstante s presses internacionais (CHESNEAUX, 1996).
Segundo Jrgen Habermans (1989), no h alternativa para o capitalismo, porque este j

provou sua capacidade de distribuir riquezas, mas necessrio controlar o controle econmico,
mediante o restabelecimento da esfera pblica, ou seja, da estrutura da democracia. Porque
os procedimentos democrticos ortodoxos no favorecem o envolvimento amplo dos
organismos comunitrios e dos grupos locais, a reforma social e poltica est na dependncia
de novas formas de ativismo.
Ulrich Beck (1992) situa os movimentos e grupos de direitos humanos entre as formas de
ativismo que emergiram fora dos mecanismos formais da poltica democrtica, ao analisar o
que chamou de sociedade em risco por referncia s consequncias da globalizao e s
mudanas que trazem novas formas de risco que o mundo contemporneo deve enfrentar: risco
de sade e ambientais; insegurana no emprego; declnio das tradies e costumes; dificuldade
de construir uma identidade pessoal; rupturas do modelo familiar e dos padres relacionais etc.
A magnitude das mudanas fomenta uma insegurana generalizada, de modo que os grupos e
movimentos que atuam numa arena subpoltica passam a exercer grande influncia sobre os
mecanismos polticos ortodoxos e acabam sendo incorporados como partes da estrutura da
poltica convencional, ao tempo em que tomam para si tambm as responsabilidades pelo
controle dos riscos sociais.
Giddens (1991 e 2001) identifica, ao lado dos riscos, a confiana que se manifesta em
relao aos indivduos e s instituies. Devido ao processo de globalizao, a confiana que
antes se baseava na comunidade local, hoje se baseia em sistemas abstratos como, por exemplo,
pessoas que no conhecemos, agncias reguladoras, organizaes e autoridades internacionais.
Logo, o risco e a confiana so faces da mesma moeda. Embora se possa falar que a era global
abre possibilidades de descontrole em relao ao futuro, possvel controlar o descontrole.
Assim, o autor entende que a perda de parte do poder pelas naes, a menor influncia
exercida pelos pases sobre a poltica econmica e o exerccio de maior influncia dos grupos
e movimentos da subpoltica descrita por Ulrich Beck no suplantaro a poltica democrtica
ortodoxa. Isto porque a democracia fundamental para os grupos que fazem parte da subpoltica
apresentarem suas demandas divergentes, negociarem interesses contrrios, estabelecerem
consensos entre convices opostas. O governo democrtico permanece crucial para lidar com
a diversidade de reivindicaes e reestabelecer dilogos interrompidos.
Se h razes para o pessimismo, quando direitos humanos so rotineiramente ludibriados

em estados do mundo todo (GIDDENS, 2003, p. 90), h motivos para o otimismo, quando se
v a expanso da democracia. Se a poltica democrtica tem como pressuposto a soberania do
Estado-nao, capaz de autogovernar-se, a democratizao da democracia deve ser pensada
para alm dos estados nacionais, acima destes. As organizaes transnacionais e as
internacionais so sistemas que podem contribuir para que a democracia avance tanto no
interior dos Estados quanto na relao entre eles.
No limitando a democracia esfera pblica como fez Jrgen Habermas, Giddens (1991,
2001 e 2003) vislumbra, ainda, a democracia que emerge no cotidiano, a democracia das
emoes, avanando para uma crescente igualdade nos relacionamentos, para o respeito mtuo
e a tolerncia. Ento, ao invs de pensar a democracia como uma flor frgil, que se pode
facilmente pisar, melhor seria v-la como uma planta robusta, capaz de medrar at no terreno
mais estril, como uma luta que vale a pena empreender e ela pode ser vitoriosa (GIDDENS,
2003, p. 90 a 91).
Para Fraser (2002 e 2008), atualmente, h dois tipos de reivindicao que so aspectos do
mesmo paradigma de justia social, embora contenham demandas que podem ser vistas como
distintas: a) as redistributivas referidas ao acesso aos recursos materiais e distribuio justa
das riquezas; e b) as de reconhecimento referidas valorizao de identidades (tnica, sexual,
de gnero etc.) e resistncia assimilao das identidades de uma cultura dominante. No
momento em que o capitalismo acelera os contatos transculturais, destri sistemas de
interpretao e politiza identidades, erguem-se bandeiras contra a dominao cultural e
econmica, as quais se reforam dialeticamente. A emergncia de duas concepes globais de
injustia (econmica e cultural) traz tenso sobre prioridades entre as demandas de poltica de
redistribuio e as polticas de reconhecimento, sendo a restituio da igualdade como paridade
de participao nas relaes sociais o remdio para corrigir a injustia.
Santos (2003) corrobora a viso de Fraser, entendendo que o carter bidimensional da
justia (redistribuio e reconhecimento) no pode prescindir de um dilogo intercultural e de
um processo de construo coletiva, no qual as incompletudes mtuas possam ser reconhecidas
e a questo do direito igualdade e diferena sejam postas simultaneamente e no como
direitos antagnicos.
CONCLUSO
Abordar os temas dos direitos humanos luz do dilogo socioantropolgico oferece a
possiblidade de compreender as dificuldades de efetivao desses direitos segundo vises
tericas que tendem a se polarizar em posicionamentos mais otimistas e mais pessimistas acerca
do futuro da democracia e da prpria humanidade.
As vises mais otimistas alimentam a utopia da cidadania terrena, da fraternidade
humana, da unidade na diversidade e da democracia global. As vises mais pessimistas centram
suas anlises na denncia das persistentes violaes de direitos humanos e algumas acabam por
reduzi-los mera retrica a servio de interesses das economias centrais, na luta incessante pela
ampliao de seus domnios. Vises mais moderadas apresentam os inmeros riscos trazidos
pela globalizao coexistindo com o potencial revolucionrio implcito no fortalecimento
jurdico dos direitos humanos.
No momento atual, grandes so as demandas de justia social, de redistribuio, de
reconhecimento e de participao. Nisto est implcito o desafio de articular a diversidade
cultural de forma a promover uma colaborao mais fraterna entre os povos, para o que o
dilogo intercultural imprescindvel.
Se o notrio fortalecimento da noo jurdica de direitos humanos, a proteo legal que
se estabeleceu em diversos nveis, no mbito domstico e internacional, no tem sido capaz de
reduzir violaes graves e conflitos que ameaam a humanidade, numa coisa parece que os
tericos so unnimes: a alternativa devolver humanidade sua humanidade. O dilogo
intercultural um grande comeo para a colaborao entre as culturas no sentido da efetivao
da justia social.
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A EFETIVIDADE DAS POLTICAS PBLICAS CONTRA A VIOLNCIA

DE GNERO NO BRASIL E A INFLUNCIA LATINO-AMERICANA
Anne Caroline Primo vila1
anneavila_90@yahoo.com.br
Thiago Giovani Romero2
thiago.romero@live.com
RESUMO
O presente artigo tem por objetivo debater as polticas pblicas utilizadas na tratativa da
violncia de gnero no Brasil, partindo de uma anlise sobre a efetividade da legislao
brasileira e a influncia do Sistema Interamericano de Proteo aos Direitos Humanos.
A escolha da temtica justifica-se pelos altos ndices de vtimas desse tipo de violncia,
situao que ficou conhecida como epidemia de violncia de gnero. No Brasil, a
questo passou a ser pauta das lutas feministas no final da dcada de 1970, as quais
impulsionaram diversas mudanas no contexto social e jurdico do pas. Exemplo
significativo dessas mudanas foi a publicao da Lei n. 11.340 de 2006, intitulada Lei
Maria da Penha, na qual a violncia contra a mulher no mbito familiar passou a ser
conduta tpica especfica, tratada em rito especial. A lei trouxe em seu bojo a projeo
de polticas pblicas a fim de dar apoio nos casos j consumados, bem como prevenir e
erradicar esse tipo de violncia. Sobre as projees, merecem destaque: a assistncia
integrada e o atendimento especializado pela autoridade policial mulher em situao
de violncia domstica e familiar. Em 2003, houve a criao da Secretaria de Polticas
para as Mulheres que em conjunto com a Poltica Nacional de Enfrentamento
Violncia contra as Mulheres, iniciou a campanha de combate violncia de gnero,
objetivando efetivar as medidas elencadas legislao. No mbito internacional,
encontramos a Conveno Interamericana de Direitos Humanos que busca prevenir,
punir e erradicar a violncia contra a mulher (Conveno de Belm do Par de 1994),
que recomenda aos Estados-parte a promoo de polticas pblicas a fim de prevenir,
punir e erradica tal violncia. Optou-se pela utilizao do mtodo dedutivo atravs de
reviso bibliogrfica.
Palavras-chave: violncia de gnero; polticas pblicas; direitos humanos.
1 Introduo
Mestranda no Programa de Ps-Graduao em Direito pela FCHS Unesp/Franca. Oficial

Administrativo no Departamento Estadual de Trnsito do Estado de So Paulo. E-mail:
anneavila_90@yahoo.com.br.
2
Mestrando no Programa de Ps-Graduao em Direito pela FCHS Unesp/Franca. Especialista em
Direito Internacional pela PUC/SP. Advogado. E-mail: thiago.romero@live.com
O debate acerca dos direitos humanos tem encontrado cada dia mais seu
espao na sociedade, em virtude da conscientizao dos seres humanos da
necessidade do respeito recproco e da preservao aos bens universais, como o
caso da vida e da integridade fsica.
No entanto, esse entendimento foi sendo construdo com base na
deturpao desses direitos, e com o passar dos anos e o contato com a explorao
dos grupos vulnerveis, houve a necessidade de regular esses direitos humanos
universais.
Esse o caso da violncia de gnero, que aquela cometida contra
mulheres em razo de serem mulheres, e que cada dia faz mais vtimas em todo o
mundo. A presena em ampla escala da violncia de gnero ficou conhecida como
epidemia3 de violncia de gnero, o que existe do Estado polticas pblicas em carter
de urgncia.
Em razo dessa vulnerabilidade a mulher foi por anos explorada e colocada
em uma condio de inferioridade na sociedade.
Foram determinados elas a funo de me e dona de casa, e por muitos
anos no tiveram direito voto, educao, voz, e deveriam ser submissas aos
seus parceiros, muitas vezes sofrendo inclusive violncia fsica.
Com o passar dos anos, a mulher passou a lutar por direitos iguais aos dos
homens e os movimentos sociais de mulheres, com muita fora foram determinando
o seu novo papel na sociedade.
No entanto, at os dias de hoje, considerando a existncia de uma
sociedade machista e patriarcal, as mulheres sofrem inmeras violaes de seus
direitos e a existncia de Leis e Tratados Internacionais que estabeleam essa
igualdade no so a garantia de que eles sero respeitados.
Termo utilizado pela ONU para definir as propores da violncia domstica. Pode ser observado no
texto ONU Mulheres.
Em conjunto com as Leis e Tratados, o Brasil estabeleceu Polticas

Pblicas a fim de diminuir essa disparidade no tocante violncia domstica contra
a mulher, que ainda muito presente nas sociedades contemporneas.
nesse contexto que ser feita a anlise da efetividade das Polticas
Pblicas contra a violncia de gnero no Brasil e a influncia Latino-Americana.
Dessa forma, se faz necessrio compreender no s as leis locais, mas os
Tratados realizados no mbito do Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos,
haja vista a influncia que os pases latino-americanos exercem entre si.
Para concretude e obteno dos resultados, a pesquisa passar pelos
movimentos de mulheres e a violncia de gnero, pela Conveno de Belm do
Par, pela Lei Maria da Penha e por fim pela Poltica Nacional de Enfrentamento
Violncia contra as Mulheres.
2 Movimentos de mulheres e a violncia de gnero

Desde o incio das lutas pela emancipao das mulheres, vrias pautas foram
sendo levantadas e novas bandeiras assumidas. Com a finalidade de ter seu lugar na
sociedade reconhecido e evitar que seus direitos fossem violados que mulheres dos
mais variados grupos sociais iniciaram suas reivindicaes.
Aproximadamente na metade do sculo XIX que iniciaram as lutas das
mulheres latino-americanas por seus direitos.
A esse respeito Timoteo ressalta que:
no Brasil, bem como em vrios pases latino-americanos, a exemplo do Chile,
Argentina, Mxico, Peru e Costa Rica, as primeiras manifestaes aparecem
j na primeira metade do sculo XIX, em especial atravs da imprensa
feminina, principal veculo de divulgao das ideias feministas naquele
momento (2013, p. 93).
Os movimentos de mulheres nasceram com um vis emancipatrio, na busca

pela igualdade de direitos entre homens e mulheres, visto que estas sofriam opresso, e
por vrios anos foram tratadas como cidads inferiores aos homens, seja politicamente,
civilmente ou at mesmo no mbito familiar, como j mencionado.
As mudanas sofridas ao longo das dcadas fizeram com essas mulheres
ganhassem seu espao, mas ainda havia pelo que lutar, foi a que levantaram novas
bandeiras nos movimentos.
Uma das bandeiras de maior destaque foi a questo da violncia de gnero, a
qual at hoje vitimiza milhares de mulheres em todo o mundo, e isso no diferente na
Amrica Latina. No Brasil, por exemplo, a temtica passou a ser pauta das lutas
feministas desde o final da dcada de 1970 (TELES, 1993, p. 14).
Ainda muito difcil obter dados sobre a violncia domstica contra a mulher,
pois muitas das vtimas no procuram os servios e mesmo as que procuram, muitos dos
dados no so coletados para fins estatsticos.
Entretanto, o PNUD (Programa das Naes Unidas para o Desenvolvimento)
atravs dos ltimos relatrios demonstrou que a violncia contra a mulher apresenta,
ainda, nmeros alarmantes.
Dessa forma, o 5 Relatrio Nacional de Acompanhamento dos ODM
(Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milnio) apresenta:
Entre 2010 e 2012, os relatos de violncia fsica representaram mais de 55%
dos atendimentos realizados pelo Ligue 180, a Central de Atendimento
Mulher, criado em 2006 pelo governo brasileiro. Os relatos de violncia
psicolgica (27,6%) e violncia moral (11,7%) vm na sequncia, tambm
entre os casos mais comuns reportados (IPEA, 2014, p. 62).
Esses dados representam uma realidade preocupante e nos deixa cada vez mais
seguros de que a existncia de direitos que vedam tais atitudes no so suficientes para
garantir que a dignidade da pessoa humana seja respeitada.
E complementando ainda essa afirmao, que segue outro trecho de texto
divulgado no Site do PNUD no Brasil:
Apesar de no revelarem o panorama completo da situao da violncia
contra a mulher no pas, esses nmeros reforam a importncia de
desenvolvermos campanhas de esclarecimento e de mobilizao para
combater estes e outros tipos de violncia.
O PNUD coordena esforos mundiais e nacionais para incluir a igualdade de
gnero e o empoderamento feminino nas aes para reduo da pobreza,
construo da governabilidade democrtica, preveno de crises e promoo
do desenvolvimento sustentvel, ressalta Jorge Chediek, representante
residente do PNUD no Brasil e coordenador residente do Sistema ONU no

pas (PNUD, 2014).
Muitas das vezes os Estados no do conta, por questes estruturais, de lidar

com o combate e a preveno violncia de gnero, incluindo o Judicirio, brao dos
Estados Democrticos. H uma ineficincia e cegueira normativa na tratativa de casos
dessa ordem. Sendo assim, os movimentos de mulheres e de direitos humanos muitas
das vezes demanda a resoluo de casos fora da esfera nacional, como modo de
pressionar as instncias internas para a criao de polticas de enfrentamento da
violncia (BLAY, 2003).
Nesse sentido, fica evidente conforme os dados apontados a gravidade da
situao e a importncia de se discutir o tema, a fim de se investigar as prticas
existentes que possuem resultados positivos, bem como a necessidade de se ampliar a
aplicao das polticas existentes.
Em seguida sero analisadas a Conveno de Belm do Par, que no mbito
dos pases latino-americanos visa prevenir, punir e erradicar a violncia contra a mulher,
posteriormente a Lei Maria da Penha, que no mbito nacional trata dos casos de
violncia domstica e familiar contra a mulher.
3 Conveno de Belm do Par

A Conveno Interamericana para Prevenir, Punir e Erradicar a Violncia contra
a Mulher, conhecida como Conveno de Belm do Par, editada pela OEA
(Organizao dos Estados Americanos) em 1994, ratificada pelo Brasil em 1995, foi um
dos grandes avanos na proteo dos direitos da mulher em mbito internacional
(PIOVESAN, 2010, p. 270).
A Conveno de Belm do Par foi a primeira a reconhecer a violncia contra a
mulher como um fenmeno generalizado (PIOVESAN, 2010, p. 271), que atinge as
mesmas nas mais distintas condies sociais, culturais, de raa, etnia, etc.
O artigo primeiro do referido documento elenca o conceito de violncia contra a
mulher:
Artigo 1: Para os efeitos desta Conveno, entender-se- por violncia contra a

mulher qualquer ato ou conduta baseada no gnero, que cause morte, dano ou
sofrimento fsico, sexual ou psicolgico mulher, tanto na esfera pblica como
na esfera privada (OEA, 1994).
A Conveno traz tambm as espcies de violncia, sejam elas fsica, sexual e

psicolgica (OEA, 1994).
Nela abordada, em seguida, a exigncia de prticas Estatais direcionadas no
s a punio, como a preveno, educao, proteo entre outras aes nos casos de
violncia contra a mulher.
Conforme afirma Piovesan (2010, p. 272), no artigo 12 da Conveno
qualquer pessoa, ou grupo de pessoas, ou entidade no governamental, pode apresentar
Comisso Interamericana de Direitos Humanos peties que contenham denncias de
violncia perpetrada contra mulher.
Para que se recorra Comisso necessrio que antes tenha se esgotado todas
as instncias internas para a resoluo da questo, sendo esta de carter subsidirio. E
nesse sentido, fica evidente que se a tutela jurisdicional nacional no resolver o caso de
violncia, o mesmo poder ser levado para anlise da Comisso Interamericana.
Enfim, fica claro que a Conveno ao se preocupar com a questo da violncia
contra a mulher props no s meios de punir o agressor, como evitar que novos casos
pudessem ocorrer, atravs da educao em gnero e da proposio de medidas em
mbito nacional.
E em resposta a tais proposies e aos clamores sociais, foi que em 2006, foi
promulgada a Lei Maria da Penha no Brasil, a fim de tambm combater a violncia
domstica contra a mulher e punir o agressor.
4 Lei Maria da Penha

A Lei 11.340 de 2006, intitulada Lei Maria da Penha, foi fruto das lutas dos
movimentos sociais e veio na tentativa de diminuir a quantidade de casos de violncia
contra a mulher no ambiente domstico, para prevenir novos casos e acompanhar as
mulheres j vtimas e reconduzi-las a uma nova vida atravs de empoderamento e

servios da rede protetiva.
A lei recebeu esse nome em razo das lutas de Maria da Penha Fernandes pela
condenao de seu ex-marido agressor, que por duas vezes atentou contra sua vida.
Tomando por base a impunidade que rondava o caso no mbito interno, o mesmo foi
levado Comisso Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, que condenou o Brasil por
negligncia e omisso com relao violncia domstica (PIOVESAN apud
PIOVESAN; PIMENTEL, 2010, p. 283).
As dimenses dessa violncia so muito amplas e merece a observncia de que
na maioria dos casos o agressor da mulher algum de seu convvio familiar.
Conforme estudos realizados pela Human Rights Watch, de cada 100
mulheres assassinadas no Brasil, 70 o so no mbito de suas relaes domsticas
(PIOVESAN apud AMERICAS WATCH, 2010, p. 284).
A violncia quando fsica causa no s marcas externas, mas tambm
psicolgicas, emocionais, que tambm so formas de violncia.
Ampliando o conceito, abordado pela Conveno de Belm do Par, a Lei
Maria da Penha traz em seu artigo 7, como formas de violncia domstica contra a
mulher: fsica, psicolgica, sexual, patrimonial e moral. Abarcando um pouco mais esse
rol a Secretaria de Polticas para Mulheres (2011, p. 21) inclui o trfico de mulheres,
assdio moral, assdio sexual no trabalho e a violncia institucional.
Os pilares da Lei Maria da Penha so a preveno, a mudana no pensamento
cultural e o acolhimento (proteo integral da mulher) (MANSUR, 2015).
Nesse sentido fica claro que a Lei se preocupou com a proteo das mulheres j
vitimizadas, a preveno para que mais mulheres no sejam vitimas e no menos
importante a educao em gnero para propiciar uma mudana no pensamento social
machista e patriarcal j consolidado.
No mbito da lei foram lanadas projees no enfrentamento da violncia, tais
como as medidas de assistncia integrada e atendimento especializado.
As medidas integradas so um conjunto articulado de polticas pblicas que
envolvem Unio, Estados, Distrito Federal e municpios, tendo como diretrizes: a) a
integrao dos poderes juntamente com outras reas de estudo como sade, assistncia
social, educao, trabalho e habitao; b) promoo de estudos e estatsticas com a
perspectiva de gnero, raa e etnia; c) o respeito nos meios de comunicao aos valores
ticos e sociais a fim de coibir papeis estereotipados que promovam a violncia contra a
mulher; d) a implementao de atendimento especializado para mulheres nas Delegacias
da Mulher; e) promoo de campanhas contra a violncia e difuso da lei; f) celebrao
de convnios em parcerias com outros rgos a fim de implementar programas de
erradicao dessa violncia; g) capacitao das Polcias Civil e Militar, Guarda
Municipal e Corpo de Bombeiros; h) promoo de programas educacionais que
disseminem valores ticos de respeito dignidade da pessoa humana com a perspectiva
de gnero e de raa ou etnia; i) destaque nos currculos escolares para o estudo de
direitos humanos, equidade de gnero e raa ou etnia e ao problema da violncia
domstica e familiar contra a mulher.
Em seguida a lei trata da assistncia mulher em situao de violncia
domstica e familiar, que dever obedecer as diretrizes previstas na Lei Orgnica da
Assistncia Social, no Sistema nico de Sade, no Sistema nico de Segurana Pblica
e outras polticas.
Prev que o juiz dever determinar a incluso da mulher em situao de
violncia domstica e familiar nos cadastros assistenciais do Governo Federal, bem
como assegurar o acesso prioritrio remoo para outra unidade quando funcionria
pblica e a manuteno do vnculo quando necessrio seu afastamento por at 6 meses.
A assistncia mulher inclui ainda servios de contracepo de emergncia, a profilaxia
de doenas sexualmente transmissveis e da sndrome de imunodeficincia adquirida
(Aids) e outros procedimentos necessrios no caso de violncia sexual.
No que tange o atendimento policial, esse deve ser imediato tanto quando da
ocorrncia da violncia, quanto do cumprimento das medidas protetivas de urgncia.
Dentre as providncias a serem adotadas pela autoridade policial, esto: a)
garantia da proteo policial, quando necessria e a imediata comunicao ao Ministrio
Pblico e ao Judicirio; b) encaminhamento da ofendida ao hospital e Instituto Mdico
Legal; c) fornecimento de transporte ofendida e seus dependentes a abrigo, quando
houver risco de vida; d) se necessrio, acompanhar a ofendida para retirar seus

pertences do domiclio familiar; e) informar os direitos da ofendida, conferidos pela
Maria da Penha.
A lei muito positiva na tratativa dos casos de violncia domstica contra a
mulher, no entanto, a mesma exige a implementao das diretrizes e a criao de novas
polticas pblicas.
H uma grande disparidade entre a legislao e a aplicao prtica. Existe um
grande abismo entre os fatos sociais e a implementao das polticas pblicas, mas
tambm foram e esto sendo obtidas gradualmente novas conquistas, como poder ser
observado no prximo item.
5 Poltica Nacional de enfrentamento violncia contra as mulheres

Em 2003, foi criada no Brasil a Secretaria de Polticas para Mulheres e com ela
as polticas pblicas para o enfrentamento da violncia contra as mulheres foram
fortalecidas (SECRETARIA DE POLTICAS PARA MULHERES, 2011, p. 07).
Antes as aes consistiam somente na capacitao de profissionais da rede de
atendimento e a criao de servios especializados, como Casas-Abrigo e Delegacias
Especializadas de Atendimento Mulher.
Posteriormente, as polticas so ampliadas, abrangendo a criao de normas e
padres de atendimento, aperfeioamento da legislao, incentivo constituio de
redes de servios, o apoio a projetos educativos e culturais de preveno violncia e
ampliao do acesso das mulheres justia e aos servios de segurana pblica
(SECRETARIA DE POLTICAS PARA MULHERES, 2011, 07).
A lei Maria da Penha, como j explicitado, previu os servios especializados, e
dentro deles os julgados de casos de violncia domstica dentro dos Juizados
Especializados de Violncia Domstica e Familiar, enquanto os mesmo no fossem
criados, os casos iriam para as Varas Criminais.
Esse um dos pontos importantes de enfrentamento da questo. Desde a

criao da Lei foram sim criados servios especializados, mas no em nmero suficiente
para atenderem as demandas sociais.
Em carter exemplificativo, observa-se que atualmente o Estado de So Paulo
conta com 7 varas especializadas na Capital e no interior.com 3 varas e 2 anexos, de
acordo com o COMESP - Coordenadoria da Mulher em situao de Violncia
Domstica e Familiar do Poder Judicirio (TJ-SP). O mesmo ocorre com GEVID Grupo de Atuao Especial de Enfrentamento Violncia Domstica (Ministrio
Pblico) e o NUDEM - Ncleo Especializado de promoo dos Direitos da Mulher
(Defensoria Pblica).
Esse dficit faz com que o atendimento necessrio para dirimir a dor daquela
mulher vtima de violncia, viole ainda mais direitos atravs da estigmatizao, pela no
compreenso por parte dos agentes pblicos do que realmente estar na situao de
violncia.
Nesse sentido, ao invs de haver o cumprimento da lei e a maior promoo dos
direitos e garantias individuais se tem a violncia institucional.
Existem alm dos servios especializados citados, as Casas-Abrigo, as
Delegacias especializadas, entre outras.
Na Poltica Nacional de enfrentamento violncia contra as Mulheres (2011, p.
26), h a previso dos seguintes eixos estruturantes: a) Preveno aes educativas e
culturais que interfiram nos padres sexistas; b) Assistncia fortalecimento da Rede
de Atendimento e capacitao de agentes pblicos; c) Enfrentamento e combate aes
punitivas e cumprimento da Lei Maria da Penha; d) Acesso e garantia de direitos
cumprimento da legislao nacional/internacional e iniciativas para o empoderamento
de mulheres. O que refora as previses da Lei Maria da Penha.
Por mais que os direitos mencionados no sejam efetivados como deveriam, h
de se reconhecer a importncia das polticas de enfrentamento e de se reforar que
gradualmente tem-se conquistado novos avanos.
Atualmente, boa parte da populao brasileira tem conhecimento da existncia
da Lei e sabe a importncia de se lutar contra a violncia de gnero.
O conhecimento da lei faz com que mais mulheres saibam dos seus direitos e
passem a utiliz-los, se for o caso.
A educao em gnero e direitos humanos se faz de extrema importncia nesse
combate e possvel notar tambm os avanos graduais atravs do trabalho e esforos
dos movimentos sociais.
Dois timos exemplos disso, no Estado de So Paulo, so os Projetos
Promotoras Legais Populares e o Maria, Marias.
Os projetos so desenvolvidos atravs de capacitao de mulheres acerca de
seus direitos.
O Promotoras Legais Populares tem uma proposta de capacitao de mulheres
acerca do que o Estado, noes de Justia, direitos em geral, polticas pblicas e
sociais e o que ser promotora legal na prtica.
J o Maria, Marias uma especializao em Lei Maria da Penha, onde so
trabalhadas durante 6 meses em oficinas a lei e temas pertinentes violncia de gnero
(ANGOTTI, 2015).
Nesse sentido, possvel observar que h uma parcial efetividade das polticas
pblicas de combate violncia de gnero no mbito familiar e domstico, e ainda de
grande importncia a participao dos movimentos sociais na educao em gnero e
direitos humanos.
Ainda h muito o que avanar, atravs de investimentos pblicos para que
essas polticas realmente se projetem do papel nas prticas cotidianas.
6 Concluses
Nessa pesquisa, com a temtica da efetividade das Polticas Pblicas contra
a violncia de gnero no Brasil e a influncia Latino-Americana foi possvel
observar atravs da anlise dos movimentos sociais pela efetivao dos direitos
humanos, que com base nas lutas, as mulheres conseguiram conquistar direitos e
assumir um novo papel na sociedade.
Dentro dessas lutas, a discusso da violncia de gnero possibilitou a

elaborao da Conveno de Belm do Par em mbito internacional, influenciando
diretamente o Brasil como Estado parte.
Em mbito nacional, houve a elaborao da Lei Maria da Penha, que foi
fruto de movimentos sociais e contribuiu para mais avanos no combate violncia
de gnero nas relaes familiares e domsticas.
A partir da Lei e da Conveno Internacional, as diretrizes nelas previstas
foram transmitidas Poltica Nacional de enfrentamento Violncia contra as
Mulheres.
Tal poltica Nacional traou um plano de metas baseado em quatro pilares,
sejam eles a preveno, a assistncia, o enfrentamento e combate e o acesso e garantia
de direitos.
Dentro das prticas existentes tm-se a especializao dos servios de
atendimento, como delegacias, juizados, promotorias e defensorias. Na rede existem
servios de apoio como Casas-Abrigo, entre outras.
No entanto, foi possvel notar que o nmero insuficiente desses servios
especializados faz com que a efetivao dos direitos seja prejudicada.
A violncia contra a mulher provoca inmeros prejuzos para a sade
emocional da vtima e o tratamento inadequado atravs da estigmatizao podem
provocar mais danos.
importante salientar que muitos avanos foram obtidos a partir da Lei Maria
da Penha, como j salientado, mas ainda h muito o que conquistar.
Apesar da dificuldade em se obter estatsticas, as existentes demonstram que a
violncia contra a mulher ainda em grande escala.
A educao em gnero e direitos humanos um importante instrumento na luta
pela erradicao da violncia de gnero.
Importante ressaltar novamente o papel dos movimentos sociais, que at hoje
executam um belo trabalho na promoo de direitos sociais, como j citado e
exemplificado atravs do Promotoras Legais Populares e do Maria, Marias.
O pano de fundo dessa luta a conscientizao atravs da educao. Como

afirmou Teles e Melo trata-se de uma questo poltica: sensibilizar cada mulher e cada
homem para que atuem na construo das to propaladas igualdade, justia social,
cidadania, democracia e autonomia (2002, p. 09). Essa luta de todos.
A violncia est intrnseca no comportamento social, mas um dever de todos
lutar contra ela, e tentar combat-la diariamente, nas pequenas atitudes e na promoo
de polticas educacionais em todos as esferas da sociedade.
E por fim, sintetiza bravamente essa ideia o trecho do livro Histrias de Marias
do Projeto Maria, Marias: Quando a violncia nos atinge, so as Marias que nos fazem
lutar. Antes Maria era s um nome. Hoje um smbolo de lutas e conquistas. Viver sem
violncia um direito das Mulheres (PERRONE org., 2015, p. 07).
Viver sem violncia um direito de todas e dever do Estado promover a no
violncia atravs de suas polticas e dever de todos os cidados em tambm enfrentar
essa luta.
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USP Ribeiro Preto. Transmisso ao vivo.
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PERRONI, Tatiana Santos (org.). Histrias de Marias. So Paulo: IBCCRIM, 2015.
PIOVESAN, Flvia. Temas de Direitos Humanos e o Direito Constitucional
Internacional. 4. ed. So Paulo: Saraiva, 2010.
TELES, Maria Amlia de Almeida; MELO, Mnica de. Breve Histria do feminismo
no Brasil. So Paulo: Brasiliense, 1993.
______. Maria Amlia de Almeida. O que a violncia contra a Mulher. So Paulo:
Brasiliense, 2002.
TIMOTEO, Carolina Quieroti. As transformaes do movimento feminista no Brasil e

sua relao com a Amrica Latina. Anais do V Simpsio Internacional Lutas Sociais
na Amrica Latina, Londrina, vol. V, p. 93-103, set. 2013. Disponvel em: <
http://www.uel.br/grupo-pesquisa/gepal/v7_carolina_GVII.pdf >. Acesso em: 26 ago.
2014.
TJ-SP. COMESP - Coordenadoria da Mulher em situao de Violncia Domstica
e
Familiar
do
Poder
Judicirio.
Disponvel
em:
<http://www.tjsp.jus.br/Institucional/Comesp/EnderecosDasVaras.aspx>. Acesso em:
23 out. 2015.

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A PROTEO DO TRABALHADOR ESTABELECIDOS EM

CONVENES COLETIVAS DO SINDICATO DA CATEGORIA DOS
METALRGICOS NO ESTADO DE MATO GROSSO DO SUL
Maurinice Evaristo Wenceslau1
e-mail: maurinice@uol.com.br
Michele Sorgatto2
e-mail: misorgatto@hotmail.com
Consideraes Iniciais
Os Direitos Fundamentais so conceituados como aqueles que investem no ser
humano, como um conjunto de prerrogativas, faculdades e instituies imprescindveis
a assegurar uma existncia digna, livre, igual e fraterna de todas as pessoas. Sendo estes
direitos intransferveis, inegociveis e indisponveis. E albergados no texto
constitucional tambm esto os Direitos Fundamentais Trabalhistas que passam a servir
como primordial instrumento de fortalecimento da cidadania, da produtividade e da
insero social do ser humano.
Em seu aparato material, o Direito do Trabalho busca compatibilizar os
interesses dos empregadores e dos trabalhadores, de modo a possibilitar a adequao
dos direitos trabalhistas nos casos em que representem mais benefcios do que prejuzos
ao trabalhador, desde que sejam respeitados seus Direitos Fundamentais.
Neste nterim, a negociao coletiva mostra-se como importante ferramenta
regulamentadora das relaes trabalhistas e por meio da tutela sindical amplia as buscas
por melhores condies de trabalho e garantia da manuteno dos empregos. Os
sindicatos, como um dos objetos de estudo do Direito Coletivo do Trabalho, tm escopo
diverso, podendo ser destacadas como seus fins fundamentais a determinao das
condies de trabalho, por meio da negociao coletiva, visando melhores condies de
vida para os trabalhadores; a assistncia aos integrantes da categoria, mormente em
Professora e Pesquisadora da Universidade Federal do Mato Grosso do Sul FADIR/UFMS

Iniciao Cientfica e Acadmica do Curso de Direito da Universidade Federal do Mato Grosso do Sul
FADIR/UFMS
poca de desemprego ou crise econmica, no caso de sindicato patronal; e a defesa dos

interesses da categoria. Estando os sindicatos presentes no rol de legtimos postulantes
de direitos e interesses laborais.
Um dos temas abordados pelos sindicatos e presentes nas convenes coletivas
so acerca do meio ambiente de trabalho, que tem amparo na Constituio Federal
vigente e na legislao ptria que trazem dispositivos que o protegem, garantindo aos
trabalhadores a diminuio dos riscos inerentes ao trabalho, por meio de normas de
sade, higiene e segurana. Contudo, para efetivar essas determinaes necessrio o
acesso dos trabalhadores s informaes referentes ao tema, pois s conhecendo os seus
direitos, os problemas que ocorrem, suas causas e consequncias, os meios de soluo,
que tero instrumentos para lutar por melhores condies de trabalho.
Neste contexto, o referido artigo tem por objetivo mapear e identificar as
clusulas referentes proteo dos trabalhadores, presentes nas convenes coletivas
estaduais e municipais da categoria dos metalrgicos do Estado de Mato Grosso do Sul,
no perodo de 2009-2014, baseando-se na anlise sobre a efetividade das clusulas
normativas acordadas nestas convenes coletivas e se as mesmas satisfazem a
necessidade real da categoria trabalhista quanto proteo do trabalhador, com ateno
voltada aos Direitos Fundamentais.
Para tanto, o estudo que ora se apresenta foi levado a efeito a partir do mtodo
da pesquisa bibliogrfica-documental, por meio do mapeamento, seleo e anlise das
convenes coletivas disponveis no
endereo
Trabalhadores nas Indstrias Metalrgicas,
eletrnico
do
Sindicato
dos
Mecnicas e Materiais Eltricos
(STIMMMEMS) de Campo Grande-MS e Regio.

Este Sindicato foi selecionado pelo fato de apresentar disponvel para download
os arquivos que apresentam as clusulas acordadas nas convenes coletivas no perodo
supracitado, e pelo mesmo apresentar clusulas destinadas a proteo do trabalhador. Os
demais sindicatos foram excludos da pesquisa por no apresentarem dados disponveis
para elaborao da pesquisa.
E pode-se propor como problema, se as clusulas normativas acordadas nas

convenes coletivas remetem proteo do trabalhador da categoria dos metalrgicos,
com ateno voltada aos Direitos Fundamentais?.
Diante da possibilidade de eficcia da conveno coletiva, percebe-se o
relevante papel dos Sindicatos e o direito informao se afirma como uma das bases
da tutela ambiental trabalhista e a informao ambiental trabalhista apresenta grande
importncia na preservao do meio ambiente do trabalho.
1 Antecedentes Histricos
Os Direitos Fundamentais, enquanto valores sem os quais o homem no poderia
viver em sociedade so direitos inatos preexistentes, ficando a cargo do Direito o seu
reconhecimento nos ordenamentos jurdicos. Nesse sentido, cumpre destacar que os
antecedentes histricos da positivao dos Direitos Fundamentais, ou seja, sua previso
expressa nos ordenamentos jurdicos encontra-se nas Declaraes de Direitos.
Entre estes Direitos Fundamentais esto os Direitos Sociais, que nasceram da
constatao de que a liberdade e os direitos civis e polticos no estariam garantidos em
sua plenitude sem uma igualdade real, substancial, o que somente seria alcanado com a
garantia de outra espcie de diretos, capaz de dar condies reais ao indivduo de se
firmar enquanto tal, como o direito sade, ao trabalho e moradia.
No Brasil, se verificava a presena dos direitos sociais desde a Constituio
Imperial at a atual. Destaca-se que a Constituio de 1934, no art. 121 veio tratar dos
direitos trabalhistas com maior destaque, sendo eles: descanso semanal, frias
remuneradas, salrio mnimo, indenizao ao trabalhador dispensado por justa causa e
outros. A Carta outorgada em 1937, com forte influncia fascista, manteve os mesmos
direitos, mas proibiu a greve e o locaute. Porm, foi sob sua vigncia, que se criou a
Consolidao das Leis Trabalhistas (CLT).
A Constituio Federal de 1988 (CF/88), vigente, acaba por disciplinar uma
srie de dispositivos e princpios que estabelecem direitos e deveres aos trabalhadores e
empregadores, no apenas na esfera individual, como tambm no Direito Coletivo do
Trabalho. Embora presentes na Carta Magna importantes Direitos Fundamentais

destinados a assegurar condio digna de trabalho e de vida para o trabalhador, tambm
possvel reconhecer, por outro lado, a necessidade de pactuao direta entre os atores
sociais recorrendo diretamente ao reconhecimento das negociaes coletivas ao status
de Direito Constitucional Fundamental.
A desigualdade de fruio de direitos pelas classes trabalhadoras e a crescente
pauperizao das massas proletrias, desde os primrdios do sculo XIX, acabaram por
fomentar sentimento de indignao entre os trabalhadores, contribuindo para a formao
de uma conscincia de classe e consequente organizao dos movimentos operrios,
cuja reivindicao bsica era por salrios que lhes permitissem vida digna, alm da luta
pela implantao de sistema de previdncia social e efetiva fruio de direitos polticos
que eram at ento limitados.
Neste contexto que, salienta-se que os direitos trabalhistas sempre estiveram
ligados a movimentos coletivos, mas a sua doutrina jurdica esteve limitada aos direitos
individuais. Os movimentos operrios foram historicamente importantes na luta pela
incluso de direitos sociais tanto nas declaraes de Direitos do Homem, quanto nos
textos constitucionais, enquanto luta pela liberdade e contrria opresso social.
Aps a Revoluo Industrial, o Direito Coletivo do Trabalho ganhou foras com
a autorizao do direito de associao dos trabalhadores. A desvantagem dos operrios
era evidente. O trabalho industrial provocou xodo de rurcolas que, desempregados, se
colocavam s margens das fbricas esperando oportunidade para assumir postos de
servio. Inmeras dificuldades so vivenciadas pela massa operria, que inicia o
movimento de irrupo mediante coalizes, que juntam foras por meio de um
procedimento de organizao que inclua a eleio de representantes capazes de adotar
aes tticas de presso e de assistir aos indivduos representados, surgia ento o
sindicato.
A origem da classe operria brasileira esta vinculada ao processo de
transformao da economia, que deixa o cenrio agrrio e parte para o industrial,
substituindo o trabalho escravo pelo assalariado. Os baixos salrios, as interminveis
jornadas de trabalho, a explorao de homens, mulheres e crianas fomentaram forte

indignao e acarretaram violentas lutas sociais, materializadas desde a destruio de
mquinas at a formao do principal instrumento da busca de melhorias sociais: o
sindicato.
Ao longo da histria constitucional brasileira, praticamente todas as
Constituies continham alguma referncia aos direitos do trabalhador. Mediante as
lutas firmadas pelos sindicatos, mais uma vez tentou-se controlar o movimento operrio
e sindical, a partir da criao do Ministrio do Trabalho com o objetivo de elaborar
poltica sindical que visasse conter a classe operria dentro dos limites do Estado. Criase a Lei de Sindicalizao, os pilares do sindicalismo no Brasil, em que o movimento
operrio sindical de resistncia legitimado. Mesmo diante de uma das fases mais
evolutivas do Direito do Trabalho e de grandes alteraes, predominou o
corporativismo e o intervencionismo estatal.
Prevendo avanos populares, novos atos legislativos sobre a organizao
sindical sobrevieram e, a partir da Constituio de 1934, restabeleceu-se a pluralidade
sindical, limitado ao mximo de trs sindicatos representativos da mesma categoria, na
mesma base territorial, o que acabava por reduzir o nmero de sindicatos.
A Carta Ditatorial de 1937, inspirada no sistema corporativista italiano por meio
da Carta Del Lavoro, propiciou o retorno do princpio da unicidade e aumentou o
intervencionismo estatal nos sindicatos. No obstante, surgiram muitas medidas
legislativas em matria sindical, que em 1940 criou o imposto sindical e, em 1943, a
CLT, mantendo o sistema sindical com os componentes corporativistas e
intervencionistas.
Com a redemocratizao do Pas, a Constituio de 1946 restabeleceu o direito
de greve sem haver alterao quanto organizao sindical. E, durante o regime militar,
o Estado fez com que os sindicatos se apresentassem de forma mais assistencialista.
Introduzindo o conceito de segurana nacional como justificativa para punir qualquer
espcie de perturbao sindical. A legislao corporativista e a rigidez da unidade
sindical, no davam margem jurdica para a constituio de centrais sindicais.
O Direito Sindical Brasileiro sofre de forma extrema com a propagao do

pensamento neoliberal, pois no possuiu uma trajetria histrica evolutiva tal como nos
Pases industrializados, foi implantado pelo Estado Novo, sendo que j se encontra
fragilizado na sua raiz devido s heranas do corporativismo.
Observa-se que a legislao trabalhista nacional foi formada no contexto social e
produtivo do incio do sculo passado, sendo marcada por seu carter protetivo e por
sua rigidez. Entretanto, a sociedade, a economia e os modos de produo modificaramse no decorrer dos anos. As leis existentes no conseguiram acompanhar essas
modificaes, at porque as premissas segundo as quais as leis foram elaboradas j no
tm aplicabilidade no atual contexto produtivo e das relaes trabalhistas e sindicais.
necessrio salientar que surgiu no incio da dcada de 1980 novo modelo de
sindicalismo, oriundo de municpios industriais prximos da cidade de So Paulo.
Trata-se do sindicalismo do ABC cujo os lderes desafiaram o governo militar,
fundaram a Central nica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) e apresentaram como bandeira,
dentre outras, a liberdade sindical nos termos delimitados pela Conveno n. 87 da
Organizao Internacional do Trabalho (OIT). Como marco desse momento histrico,
cita-se a
greve iniciada em 12 de maio de 1978 por aproximadamente trs mil
metalrgicos que trabalhavam em uma filial da empresa Scania localizada em So

Bernardo (SP). O movimento teve efeito cascata, alastrando-se para todas as empresas
da regio, representando o renascimento do movimento sindical no Brasil.
Deste breve contexto, percebe-se a importncia que o Sindicato dos
Metalrgicos teve e tem no contexto histrico do sindicalismo brasileiro. Assim, este
estudo traz como enfoque o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores nas Indstrias Metalrgicas,
Mecnicas e Materiais Eltricos (STIMMMEMS) de Campo Grande (MS) e Regio
que foi fundado no dia 11 de outubro de 1983, pelo trabalhador profissional soldador na
empresa Betumarco S.A, Antnio Ruiz Diaz. Diante da necessidade da categoria
empregadores se reuniram a priori fundou-se o Sindicato abrangendo apenas a classe
dos metalrgico. O sindicato vinculado a Central nica dos Trabalhadores, sendo o
mandato da diretoria vlido por cinco anos.
2 Negociao Coletiva: Conveno Coletiva e Proteo do Trbalhador

A negociao uma ao, um procedimento por meio do qual dois ou mais
sujeitos de interesses em conflito ou seus representantes, mediante uma srie de
contemporizaes, cedem naquilo que lhes seja possvel ou conveniente para o alcance
dos resultados pretendidos (ou para a consecuo de parte desses resultados),
substituindo a ao arbitral de terceiro ou a jurisdio estatal. Quando essa atividade
desenvolvida no plano das relaes coletivas de trabalho, a negociao adjetivada,
recebendo a qualificao de negociao coletiva (MARTINEZ, 2011, p.263).
O instituto da negociao coletiva no Brasil no foi formado pela experincia,
mas foi fruto de criao legislativa no intuito de efetivar a atuao sindical. E a
negociao coletiva est prevista nas convenes n. 98 e 154 da OIT, e foram ratificadas
pelo Brasil. E por meio da autotutela que trabalhadores e empregadores, entabulam
negociaes, as quais podem se resolver diretamente. Em no havendo soluo, buscase a intermediao arbitrada ou do Poder Judicirio, quando ocorre o ajuizamento do
dissdio coletivo. Entende-se que a atuao sindical no exerccio da negociao possui
inmeras finalidades, como: servir para consertao poltica, quando tem por objetivo o
alcance de alianas de poderes; tem finalidade pacificadora, na existncia de
divergncias de interpretao de determinada lei ou norma coletiva (autocomposio);
tem funo social, ao proporcionar o sentimento de pacificao com a obteno de
acordos de grupos organizados.
As convenes coletivas de trabalho e os acordos coletivos de trabalho so os
instrumentos normativos clssicos que so oriundos da negociao coletiva. A
conveno coletiva um instrumento de carter normativo, resultante das negociaes
entre entidades sindicais de trabalhadores e empresas, no mbito das categorias, e
dispe sobre questes gerais pertinentes s duas partes interessadas, gerando efeitos
erga omnes.
Enquanto o acordo coletivo um pacto resultante do processo negocial entre
sindicatos de trabalhadores com um ou mais empresas da correspondente categoria
econmica, visando estipular condies de trabalho aplicveis no mbito mais limitado

do que a conveno coletiva e com efeitos somente aplicveis aos envolvidos,
ressalvando seus efeitos inter partes.
A CF/88 demonstra a inteno do constituinte de minimizar os efeitos do
princpio da proteo para privilegiar a autocomposio entre os particulares, mediante
a negociao coletiva, reconhecendo que a autonomia coletiva das partes o melhor
instrumento para se criar um ambiente laboral justo e solidrio. A CF/88 concede
autonomia aos sindicatos e concebe aos trabalhadores status de portadores de Direitos
Fundamentais.
Na realidade, no se poderia esperar nada diferente de um pas onde os
sindicatos no nasceram da luta de classes, tampouco da reunio de trabalhadores em
busca de objetivo comum, mas por imposio legal. Todavia, no se pode esquecer que
os sindicatos so criados e subsistem por conta de movimentos de trabalhadores, os que
buscam melhorias de suas vidas e no apenas de condies de trabalho.
Outro detalhe relevante aquele relacionado prevalncia do instrumento
coletivo negociado que seja mais favorvel ao trabalhador. Por no haver hierarquia
entre acordo e conveno coletiva de trabalho, opta-se simplesmente pela aplicao
daquela que seja mais favorvel ao operrio, salvo, evidentemente, quando algum
desses instrumentos contiver disposio in pejus nas hipteses previstas no art. 7, VI,
XIII e XIV/CF. Essas ponderaes tornam incuas e sem sentido as disposies insertas
no art. 620/CLT.
Porm, a conveno coletiva mais flexvel do que a legislao trabalhista, que
por conter comandos abstratos e gerais, no poder se ocupar com as especificidades da
organizao empresarial. Destaque para as clusulas destinadas a proteo do
trabalhador, em que o meio ambiente do trabalho tem potencializada sua condio de
Direito Fundamental, porque, em sua prpria existncia, relaciona-se com a duplicidade
vital dos seres, de um lado o trabalhador e de outro, o meio ambiente, ambos de forma
integrada.
A princpio era discutida a sade do trabalhador referindo-se ao combate e

preveno de doenas, estando as medidas de proteo sade do trabalhador em
detaque quanto a ateno ao seu carter coletivo, necessitando de instrumentos os quais
prevejam as condies de risco no local de trabalho. Neste sentido a exigncia de
levantamento ambiental e elaborao de Programa de Controle Mdico de Sade
Ocupacional (PCMSO) e Programa de Preveno de Risco Ambiental (PPRA). Para
acompanhamento e inspeo indispensvel a atuao do Ministrio Pblico do
Trabalho, Sindicatos e Ministrio do Trabalho e Emprego.
Sabe-se que a preveno dos acidentes e os danos sade do trabalhador
auxiliam a minimizar os riscos inerentes ao meio ambiente de trabalho, proporcionando
ao Estado e sociedade reduo de gastos com a previdncia social e melhorando a
condio de vida do trabalhador.
3 Principais clusulas acordadas nas convenes coletivas
No presente estudo foram examinadas vinte convenes coletivas, sendo cinco
estaduais e quinze municipais (restritas aos municpios de Campo Grande, Corumb e
Trs Lagoas) do sindicato da categoria dos metalrgicos e afins, para o perodo
supracitado. Nas convenes coletivas analisadas as clusulas pertinentes a Sade e
Segurana do Trabalhador esto discriminadas no tpico Condies de Ambiente de
Trabalho, como demonstrado na Tabela 1.
Tabela 1: Demonstrativo das clusulas acordadas nas convenes coletivas
sobre sade e segurana do trabalhador.
Clusulas especficas acordadas
Condies Sanitrias e de Conforto: instalaes sanitrias, higienizao por gnero,
locais adequados para alimentao.
Uniforme e Equipamentos de Proteo Individuais (EPIs): fornecimento gratuito,
obedecidas a quantidade e condies segundo NR; resciso contratual devoluo dos
mesmos.
Necessidades Higinicas: proporcionar produtos de higiene pessoal; para mulheres
absorventes.
As clusulas normativas verificadas nas convenes coletivas analisadas sobre

higiene e segurana do trabalho so clusulas obrigacionais, dispondo sobre direitos e
deveres recprocos entre os convenentes, visando oferecer condies de proteo
sade do trabalhador no local de trabalho.
Verifica-se tambm a incluso de clusulas referentes a Comisso Interna de
Preveno de Acidente (CIPA) As empresas devero cumprir rigorosamente o que
estabelece a Norma Regulamentadora n. 5 (NR-5) aprovada pela Portaria n. 3.214/78,
do Ministrio do Trabalho e Emprego. E as pertinentes ao exame mdico admissional e
demissional que so de responsabilidade do empregador.
Uma questo relevante pertinente ao entendimento das clusulas normativas
citadas refere-se ateno voltada ao direito informao como um dos instrumentos
necessrios a serem aplicados no meio ambiente do trabalho, uma vez que os
trabalhadores devem saber a que condies esto expostas durante seu labor. O direito
informao aparece no art. 5, inciso XIV da CF, que assegura a todos o acesso
informao contraposto ao interesse pessoal e individual da manifestao de opinio ou
conhecimentos difundidos pelos meios de comunicao.
E est previsto na Poltica Nacional do Meio Ambiente (Lei n 6.938/81), no art.
9, XI, bem como nas Convenes da OIT. Na prpria CLT, nos artigos 182, III e 197,
h disposio sobre a obrigatoriedade de prestao de informaes aos trabalhadores
quanto a materiais perigosos ou nocivos sade. Consta tambm do artigo 3, V, da Lei
n.9795/99, lei da Poltica Nacional de Educao Ambiental que prev:
Art. 3: Como parte do processo educativo mais amplo, todos tm direito
educao ambiental, incumbindo:
[...] V - s empresas, entidades de classe, instituies pblicas e privadas,
promover programas destinados capacitao dos trabalhadores, visando
melhoria e ao controle efetivo sobre o ambiente de trabalho, bem como sobre
as repercusses do processo produtivo no meio ambiente; [...]
Desta maneira, ao se informar sobre riscos e cuidados que se dever tomar no

processo produtivo de seu trabalho, acaba-se comprometendo o trabalhador com a
melhoria do meio ambiente do trabalho, dando-lhe orientaes e fomentando o
aprofundamento do conhecimento necessrio para o adequado e efetivo exerccio da

informao.
Segundo exposto por MENEGAZZI (2009, p.106):
Da mesma maneira que a informao ambiental em geral, a informao
ambiental trabalhista apresenta grande importncia na preservao do meio
ambiente, no caso o do trabalho. Somente com o conhecimento das
condies do seu habitat laboral que os atores do mundo do trabalho, em
especial os trabalhadores, podero compreender melhor os riscos a que esto
expostos e os meios de combat-los; bem como podero dar-se conta das
potencialidades produtivas do ambiente em que desempenham suas
atividades. O direito informao se afirma como uma das bases mais
importantes da tutela ambiental trabalhista.
E deste modo, uma das formas de zelar pela higidez do local de trabalho e
garantir a efetividade das normas de proteo sade a participao dos trabalhadores,
os beneficirios diretos da tutela normativa. Salientando que fundamental a atuao
dos trabalhadores conjuntamente com os sindicatos para saberem os riscos reais a que
esto expostos, s formas de preveno e ao treinamento adequado para o desempenho
de suas tarefas. Deste modo, possam buscar iniciativas para que as clusulas normativas
referentes proteo do trabalhador no sejam apenas discutidas e inseridas nas
convenes coletivas, mas que estas sejam expostas de maneira clara e objetiva aos
interessados, podendo facilitar a sua interpretao e a garantir a sua aplicabilidade no
ambiente de trabalho.
As clusulas normativas analisadas das convenes coletivas pesquisadas
tambm fazem menes as Normas Regulamentadoras (NRs) do Ministrio do Trabalho
e Emprego em seu texto, somente citando a existncia das mesmas. As NRs,
hierarquicamente vm logo abaixo da CLT, e foram introduzidas pela Portaria n 3.214
de 08/06/1978. Estas NRs so consideradas fontes de informao ao trabalhador,
destacando especialmente o que esta expresso na NR-1, no item 1.7, onde consta que:
[...] cabe ao empregador informar aos trabalhadores os riscos ambientais que
possam originar-se nos locais de trabalho, os meios para prevenir e limitar
tais riscos, os resultados dos exames mdicos e complementares bem como
os resultados das avaliaes ambientais realizadas no local de trabalho.
Alm disso, existem tambm a NR-4 que trata dos Servios Especializados em
Engenharia de Segurana e em Medicina do Trabalho (SESMT), a NR -5 que versa
sobre a CIPA, a NR-6 que trata dos Equipamentos de Proteo individual (EPIs) e a
NR-7 que trata do Programa de Controle Mdico de Sade Ocupacional (PCMSO)
tambm apresentam itens que fazem meno ao princpio informador, especialmente
quanto s obrigaes do empregador em informar ao trabalhador os riscos do seu
trabalho e como evit-los. Ainda, a NR-9 (Programa de Preveno de Riscos
Ambientais) consagra definitivamente o princpio da informao no campo do meio
ambiente do trabalho.
Contudo, a melhor maneira de se proteger o meio ambiente do trabalho
orientar o empregador plena informao de seus empregados, a fim de que estes se
conscientizem dos riscos que a utilizao inconsequente ou inadequada de certa tcnica
ou o uso excessivo de determinada substncia txica possa acarretar para o ambiente de
trabalho, bem como para a natureza.
Visivelmente conclui-se que a negociao coletiva essencial nas atuais
relaes de trabalho, o instrumento para a manuteno da estabilidade nas relaes
entre empregadores e trabalhadores, desempenhando uma funo econmica de
distribuio de riquezas, em que os sindicatos dos trabalhadores participam das decises
empresariais, permitindo a harmonizao do ambiente de trabalho.
Portanto, as normas coletivas no so s um instrumento rgido capaz de regular
condies de trabalho, tambm so, e cada vez mais, um meio de gesto coletiva de
pessoal e um instrumento a servio da competitividade das empresas, utilizando-se da
debilidade da classe trabalhadora.
Consideraes Finais
Na negociao coletiva percebe-se a importncia do papel dos sindicatos, uma
vez que o agir coletivo mais forte que o individual e permite o restabelecimento do
equilbrio das relaes entre os trabalhadores e os empregadores.
As clusulas discutidas nas convenes coletivas analisadas demonstram-se bem
genricas, levando o empregado a recorrer ao conhecimento das NRs, ressaltando a
necessidade de acompanhamento por parte do sindicato em esclarecer eventuais dvidas

ou at mesmo o oferecimento de mecanismos de consulta para esclarecimento das
clusulas acordadas. Tambm pertinente destacar que a prpria legislao prev em
seu texto clusulas destinadas a sade e segurana do trabalhador, o que remete que as
mesmas muitas vezes so cpias do texto legal em virtude das penalidades que o
empregador sofreria caso as infringissem.
O contedo essencial do Direito Fundamental ao meio ambiente do trabalho
hgido exige acesso informao aos trabalhadores, evidenciando aspecto importante
no cuidado com a sade e segurana do trabalhador e um novo pressuposto que integra
o meio ambiente do trabalho. Os Direitos Fundamentais so respeitados nas clusulas
das convenes coletivas pesquisadas, pois os mesmos so de suma importncia para a
elaborao das negociaes.
Contudo, percebeu-se que a simples presena das clusulas dispostas nas
convenes coletivas estudadas no implica que as mesmas cumpram as exigncias de
proteo ao trabalhador pertinentes a categoria dos metalrgicos, sendo importante o
acesso informao ambiental trabalhista para que os empregados possam compreender
melhor os riscos a que esto expostos e os meios de combat-los.
4 Referncias Bibliogrficas
BARROS, Alice Monteiro de. Curso de Direito do Trabalho. So Paulo: LTr, 2011, 7
edio.
BARROSO, Fbio Tlio; SILVA, Ana Flvia Dantas Figueirdo. Acordo coletivo
especial: reflexes sobre a negociao coletiva sobrepondo o legislado no mundo do
trabalho. Anais do XXIII Congresso Nacional do CONPEDI/UFPB, Joo Pessoa/PB,
ISBN 978-85-68147-97-9, 2014. Disponvel em: http://www.publicadireito.com.br,
acessado em 10/08/2015.
BRASIL, Presidncia da Repblica. Consolidao das Leis Trabalhistas. Disponvel
em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/, acessado em: 14/08/2015.
CASALI, Emerson (Coord.). 101 Propostas para Modernizao Trabalhista.
Confederao Nacional da Indstria Braslia:CNI, 2012, 136 p.
DE PIETRO, Josilene Hernandes Ortolan. A Proteo do equilbrio do meio ambiente
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FREITAS, Gabriela Oliveira. O processo constitucional como garantia dos Direitos
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Sindicais, Coletivos e Salubridade do Trabalho. Anais do XXII Encontro Nacional do
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responsabilidade por dano sade do trabalhador. Anais do XXIII Congresso Nacional
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MENEGAZZI, Piero Rosa. A Efetivao do Direito Informao no Meio Ambiente do
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NASCIMENTO, Amaury Mascaro. Curso de Direito do Trabalho histria e teoria geral
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NETO, Alberto Emiliano de Oliveira. Contribuies Sindicais O Direito Fundamental
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GINI (2010)
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0.681
0.43
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4 Referncias
%5$6,/ 6HFUHWDULD (VSHFLDO GRV 'LUHLWRV +XPDQRV 3ROtFLD 5RGRYLiULD )HGHUDO
2UJDQL]DomR ,QWHUQDFLRQDO GR 7UDEDOKR 2,7 &+,/'+22' Mapeamento dos
Pontos Vulnerveis Explorao Sexual de Crianas e Adolescentes nas Rodovias
Federais Brasileiras/2011-2012.
_______. Lei n. 8.069, de 13 de julho de 1990. Dispe sobre o Estatuto da Criana e do
Adolescente e d outras providncias. Dirio Oficial [da] Repblica Federativa do
Brasil,
Braslia,
DF,
13
jul.
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Disponvel
em:
<http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/leis/l8069.htm>. Acesso em: 26 jul. 2013.
&HFtOLR&DPLODCriada no regime militar, BR-163 corredor do desenvolvimento
de MT. (2014) 'LVSRQtYHO HP KWWSZZZUGQHZVFRPEUPDWHULDVHVSHFLDLVURWDVH
SHUFDOFRVFULDGDQRUHJLPHPLOLWDUEUHFRUUHGRUGRGHVHQYROYLPHQWRGH
PW$FHVVDGRHPGHRXWGH
&+,/'+22' World Childhood Foundation (Childhood). Vtimas da Explorao
Sexual de Crianas e Adolescentes Indicadores de Risco, Vulnerabilidade e
Proteo

'LVSRQtYHO
HP
KWWSZZZFKLOGKRRGRUJEUZS
FRQWHQWXSORDGVYLWLPDVGHH[SORUD&$&$RVH[XDOGH
FULDQ&$DVHDGROHVFHQWHVSGI$FHVVDGRHPGHRXWGH
COMCEX-MS/IBISS-CO. Comit Estadual de Enfrentamento Violncia Sexual de
Criana e Adolescente de Mato Grosso do Sul / Instituto Brasileiro de inovaes
pr-sociedade saudvel/Centro Oeste.. Impactos do setor sucroalcooleiro na
explorao sexual de crianas e adolescentes em Mato Grosso do Sul. Campo
Grande,
2010.
Relatrio
disponvel
em:
http://www.ibissco.org.br/site/up/documento/2013_01_08/2013_01_08_11_01_57_0.pdf
_______. Comit Estadual de Enfrentamento Violncia Sexual de Criana e
Adolescente de Mato Grosso do Sul / Instituto Brasileiro de inovaes prsociedade saudvel/Centro Oeste. Explorao sexual de meninos e meninas
brasileiros da fronteira Brasil/Paraguai e Brasil/Bolvia. Campo Grande, 2011.
Relatrio
disponvel
em:
_______. Comit Estadual de Enfrentamento Violncia Sexual de Criana e
Adolescente de Mato Grosso do Sul / Instituto Brasileiro de inovaes prsociedade saudvel/Centro Oeste. Explorao sexual de crianas e
adolescentes, a relao com a BR 163 e as possibilidades de enfrentamento representao da rede de garantia de direitos. Campo Grande, 2013. Relatrio
disponvel
em:

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SDJDUDVGHVSHVDVGHFXVWHLRFRPVHXWUDQVODGRGD%ROtYLDDWpR%UDVLO
)UHTXHQWHPHQWHVmRGHVFRQWDGRVGRVVHXVVDOiULRVWRGDVDVGHVSHVDVFRPDOLPHQWDomRH
KRVSHGDJHP 0HVPR DVVLP DFHQWXRX D 3ROtFLD )HGHUDO RV EROLYLDQRV SUHIHUHP VH
VXEPHWHU D HVVH VLVWHPD GH H[SORUDomR GHYLGR j H[WUHPD SREUH]D H IDOWD GH
RSRUWXQLGDGHV KDYLGDV GR ODGR GH Oi GD IURQWHLUD GDQGR PDUJHP D TXDGULOKDV
HVSHFLDOL]DGDV HP H[SORUDomR GH SHVVRDV WUiILFR GH GURJDV FRQWUDEDQGR H GHPDLV
GHOLWRV2GHOHJDGRWDPEpPLQIRUPRXTXHKiTXDGULOKDVHVSHFLDOL]DGDVQDIDOVLILFDomR
GHGRFXPHQWRVSDUDIDFLOLWDURLQJUHVVRGRVEROLYLDQRVHDVXDSHUPDQrQFLDQR%UDVLO
$ 6HFUHWDULD GH $VVLVWrQFLD 6RFLDO GD 3UHIHLWXUD GH &RUXPEi HQIDWL]RX R DWHQGLPHQWR
LJXDOLWiULRGDGRDWRGRVRVFLGDGmRVPDVFRPFHUWDUHVVDOYDTXDQGRVHWUDWRXGHDERUGDU
RV EROLYLDQRV ,VWR SRUTXH Ki XP IHQ{PHQR LQWHUHVVDQWH TXH RFRUUH FRP DV PXOKHUHV
TXH FUX]DP D IURQWHLUD HP EXVFD GH DWHQGLPHQWR PpGLFR H SDUD WHUHP VHXV ILOKRV QR
%UDVLO D ILP GH JDUDQWLU D DVVLVWrQFLD EUDVLOHLUD TXH p JUDWXLWD &RQVWDWRXVH TXH RV
GLUHLWRV H[LVWHP H VmR QD PHGLGD GR SRVVtYHO DWHQGLGRV H UHVSHLWDGRV +i SURJUDPDV
VRFLDLV GD 3UHIHLWXUD YROWDGRV j HGXFDomR FRQWLQXDGD HP TXH RV SURIHVVRUHV VmR
LQFHQWLYDGRVDDSUHQGHURLGLRPDHVSDQKRODILPGHSRGHUDWHQGHUjGHPDQGDGHDOXQRV
EROLYLDQRVTXHFUX]DPDIURQWHLUDHPEXVFDGHPHOKRUHVFRQGLo}HVGHHQVLQR
2 6U $QGUp 0HQDFKR EROLYLDQR LQGtJHQD GH HWQLD &DPED HQFRQWUDVH QR %UDVLO Ki
PDLV GH WULQWD DQRV H DSyV XPD HQWUHYLVWD LQIRUPDO TXDQWR j FKHJDGD GHOH H GH VHXV
IDPLOLDUHVQR%UDVLOEHPFRPRR6U$QLVLR*XDWySUHVWDUDPGLYHUVDVLQIRUPDo}HVTXH
VHUYLUDPGHVXSRUWHjSHVTXLVDQDiUHDOHJDO
2EVHUYDVH D IUDJLOLGDGH GDV QRUPDV TXDQWR j VXD HIHWLYD DSOLFDomR jV SHVVRDV TXH
SDVVDPSHODIURQWHLUDVHMDPHODVEROLYLDQRVRXDWpPHVPRGHRXWUDQDFLRQDOLGDGH7DO
IDWR OHYD D LPSOLFDo}HV TXDQWR DR GLUHLWR GH DWHQGLPHQWR QD UHGH GH VD~GH EUDVLOHLUD
EHPFRPRQDREWHQomRGHRXWURVGLUHLWRVTXHSRVVDPDVVHJXUDUDGLJQLGDGHKXPDQD
&RPR UHIOH[R GD IUDJLOLGDGH PHQFLRQDGD SRGH VHU FLWDGR R LQFLGHQWH RFRUULGR QR
&HQWUR%ROLYLDQRGH&RUXPEiTXHHUDXPORFDOGHDPELHQWDomRVRFLDOQmRVRPHQWHGH
EROLYLDQRVPDVGHDFROKLPHQWRGHSHVVRDVGDVPDLVYDULDGDVORFDOLGDGHVUHXQLQGRVH
HPWRUQRGHDWLYLGDGHVFRPHUFLDLVHGDV WURFDVGHLQIRUPDo}HVHVHUHYHVWLQGRHPXP
ORFDOULFRSHODGLYHUVLGDGHPDVTXHIRUDIHFKDGRUHSHQWLQDPHQWHSRUGHFUHWRPXQLFLSDO
2TXHVHREVHUYDGHQWUHRVSRYRVTXHSDVVDPSHODIURQWHLUDHRVTXHSHUPDQHFHPQR
%UDVLOpXPSRQWRFRPXPDEXVFDGHWUDEDOKR
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DWLQJLUHVVDPHWD,QIHOL]PHQWHDPDLRULDGRVEROLYLDQRVTXHSDVVDPSHODIURQWHLUDLUmR
VHGHGLFDUjLQIRUPDOLGDGHSULQFLSDOPHQWHDVPXOKHUHV
$WUDGLFLRQDOIHLUDGHGRPLQJRUHDOL]DGDHP&RUXPEi06SHUPLWHYLVXDOL]DUDJUDQGH
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YLUWXGH GR IHFKDPHQWR GR &HQWUR %ROLYLDQR SHUFHEHVH TXH PDLV GH PHWDGH GDV
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$ DXVrQFLD GH XP FHQWUR FRPHUFLDO RX HVSDoR FXOWXUDO RQGH R PLJUDQWH SRVVD VH
H[SUHVVDUHYLYHUDVXDUHDOLGDGHSHUPLWHFRQFOXLUTXHDHVIHUDGHGLUHLWRVQDTXHODUHJLmR
DLQGD HVWi ORQJH GH VH FRQFUHWL]DU SRLV R IHFKDPHQWR GR ORFDO HPEDUDoRX D YLGD GH
PXLWRV PLJUDQWHV TXH HUDP OHJDOL]DGRV VHQGR XPD DWLWXGH GUiVWLFD H HP WRWDO
GHVFRPSDVVRFRPDSUHYLVmRFRQWLGDQD&DUWDGH
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+i PXLWDV H[LJrQFLDV GRFXPHQWDLV SDUD TXH R PLJUDQWH VHMD DWHQGLGR HP SRVWRV GH
VD~GH EHP FRPR WHQKD DFHVVR DRV VHUYLoRV EiVLFRV GR FLGDGmRD ILP GH TXH OKH VHMD
JDUDQWLGRWUDEDOKRHDFROKLGDQDFLGDGHGH&RUXPEi
2WUkQVLWRGHSHVVRDVSHODIURQWHLUDEHPFRPRDSHUPDQrQFLDGRVPLJUDQWHVGRODGRGH
FiVmRIDFLOLWDGDVGHVGHTXHQmRVHMDPUHFODPDGRVGLUHLWRVVHMDPHOHVRVPDLVEiVLFRV
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SHUPDQHoDQRWHUULWyULREUDVLOHLUR
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ORFDOLGDGH GH /HWtFLD SUy[LPR D 3RUWR 9HOKR52 SHOR (VWDGR GR $FUH H SRU
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WRUQR GH 8 TXLQKHQWRV GyODUHV SHOR $FUH HP WRUQR GH 8 RLWRFHQWRV
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HPVLWXDomRGHH[WUHPDSREUH]DPDVSUHIHUHPVHUDMXGDGDVSHORVPLQJXDGRVUHFXUVRV
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SHUPDQrQFLD EHP FRPR R ULVFR GH VHUHP H[SXOVDV GR SDtV GHYLGR j VXD VLWXDomR GH
LOHJDOLGDGH
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1DFLRQDO H QmR FRPR XP DVVXQWR FRQFHUQHQWH j iUHD GH 'LUHLWRV +XPDQRV RX GH
$VVLVWrQFLD6RFLDOKDMDYLVWDDVGLILFXOGDGHVHQFRQWUDGDVSHORPLJUDQWHVHUHPLQ~PHUDV
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PDLVEiVLFDVVHMDQRWRFDQWHjVD~GHRXREWHQomRGHGRFXPHQWRVTXHSRVVLELOLWHPXPD
PHOKRUFRQYLYrQFLDFRPRFLGDGmR
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5HVROXomR Q GH GH VHWHPEUR GH GR &RPLWr *HVWRU GR 6LPSOHV 1DFLRQDO
&*61 YrP DSUHVHQWDU GH IRUPD FODUD DV FRQGLo}HV H UHTXLVLWRV SDUD TXH R FLGDGmR
EUDVLOHLUR RX QDWXUDOL]DGR YHQKD D VH WRUQDU XP PLFURHPSUHHQGHGRU LQGLYLGXDO
XVXIUXLQGRGHWRGRVRVGLUHLWRVLQHUHQWHVDHVVDFDWHJRULDKDMDYLVWDDIHLUDGHGRPLQJR
SRVVXLUDPDLRULDGDVEDUUDFDVRSHUDGDVSRUEROLYLDQRV
1HVVH SDQRUDPD SHUFHEHVH GH XP PRGR JHUDO D IDOWD GH SROtWLFDV WDQWR SDUD RV
PLJUDQWHV FRPR SDUD RV UHIXJLDGRV HLV TXH HVVHV JUXSRV VmR IUHTXHQWHPHQWH
FRQIXQGLGRVFRPFULPLQRVRVIXJLWLYRVRXWUDILFDQWHV
1mRKiQR%UDVLOXPVHUYLoRHVSHFLDOL]DGRHPPLJUDomRRXFRPRVHSRGHULDGL]HUXPD
6HFUHWDULD GH 0LJUDomR R TXH SHQDOL]D R PLJUDQWH Mi TXH DR DGHQWUDU R WHUULWyULR
QDFLRQDOpFRPSXOVDGRDVHGLULJLUj3ROtFLD)HGHUDOTXHSUHVWDUiLQIRUPDo}HVEiVLFDV
VREUH D VXD SHUPDQrQFLD GR ODGR GH Fi GD IURQWHLUD UHIHUHQWH D PXOWDV H LQIUDo}HV H
GHPDLVLQIRUPDo}HVGHFXQKRJHUDO
3HUFHEHVHFODUDPHQWHTXHDVOHLVEUDVLOHLUDVQmRJDUDQWHPSURWHomRDRPLJUDQWHFRPR
GHYHULDP PDV DR LQYpV GLVVR RV OHYD D XPD VLWXDomR GH PDLRU YXOQHUDELOLGDGH KDMD
YLVWD DV H[LJrQFLDV GRFXPHQWDLV SDUD QDWXUDOL]DomR H SHUPDQrQFLD GR PLJUDQWH D
EXURFUDFLDRVYDORUHVFREUDGRVEHPFRPRDGHPRUDSDUDREWHURVYLVWRVHDXWRUL]Do}HV
OHJDLVSDUDWUDEDOKRHSHUPDQrQFLDQR%UDVLOOHYDQGRRPLJUDQWHDSUHIHULUVHRFXOWDUH
YLYHUQDFODQGHVWLQLGDGH
9DOH GL]HU TXH DWp PHVPR SDUD RV EUDVLOHLURV WHU TXH VH GLULJLU j 3ROtFLD Mi VLJQLILFD
GHVGH HQWmR XP FRQVWUDQJLPHQWR LPDJLQHPRV DR PLJUDQWH TXH FKHJD DR SDtV HP
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3. CONCLUSES
1R WRFDQWH j HVIHUD GH GLUHLWRV SRGHVH FRQVWDWDU TXH D PXLWDV LQIRUPDo}HV
FRQWUDGLWyULDVTXDQWRjREWHQomRGHGRFXPHQWRVSHORVEROLYLDQRVHVXDSHUPDQrQFLDQR
%UDVLO
&RQVWDWDVH XP Q~PHUR FRQVLGHUiYHO GH IDPtOLDV FRPSRVWDV DSHQDV SHOD PXOKHU
EUDVLOHLUD H VHJXQGR LQIRUPDo}HV GR &5$6 QD PDLRULD GHVVDV IDPtOLDV R KRPHP p
EROLYLDQR H SUHIHUH VH RPLWLU SDUD QmR VRIUHU GLVFULPLQDomR H QmR VH VXEPHWHU DR
SURFHVVRDGPLQLVWUDWLYRGHQDWXUDOL]DomRDYDOLDGRHPWRUQRGH5VHJXQGRR
&5$6$OpPGLVVRREROLYLDQRDRVHVXEPHWHUDRGHPRUDGRSURFHVVRGHQDWXUDOL]DomR
QHP VHPSUH FRQVHJXH HPSUHJR H VRIUH UHVWULo}HV GHYLGR D HVSHUD GR UHVXOWDGR GR
SURFHVVRSUHIHULQGRYLYHUQDFODQGHVWLQLGDGH
1mR IRL SRVVtYHO GHWHFWDU VH RV EROLYLDQRV TXH WUDEDOKDP GR ODGR GH Fi H TXH HVWHMDP
UHJXODUPHQWHHPSUHJDGRVQDFRQVWUXomRFLYLOTXHpRGHVWLQRGHPXLWRVGHOHVSRVVXHP
GLUHLWR D )*76 RX DFHVVR j MXVWLoD WUDEDOKLVWD HVWDGXDO RX IHGHUDO SDUD SOHLWHDU VHXV
GLUHLWRV
1HVVDHWDSDIRLGDGDSULRULGDGHDRYLpVVRFLDOGDSHVTXLVDHSDUWLXVHGDYLVXDOL]DomRin
locoGDUHDOLGDGHGRVEROLYLDQRVHGHVXDVIDPtOLDVTXDQGRFKHJDPDR%UDVLOHPEXVFD
GHPHOKRUHVFRQGLo}HVGHYLGDHDFRQIURQWDomRGHVVDPHVPDUHDOLGDGHFRPRGLUHLWR
SUHYLVWR H QmR DSOLFDGR RX DSOLFDGR SDUFLDOPHQWH (VSHUDVH TXH VHMDP HQFRQWUDGDV
VROXo}HV RX DSUHVHQWDGDV SURSRVWDV H QRYRV PRGHORV TXH FRQVLJDP DWHQGHU jV
H[SHFWDWLYDVGHVVHVFLGDGmRVFRPYLVWDVDVHUHVROYHUSRVVtYHLVODFXQDVH[LVWHQWHVHQWUH
RGLUHLWRHDUHDOLGDGHYLYLGDSRUHVVDVSHVVRDV
(QWUHWDQWR R TXH VH REVHUYD GHQWUH RV SRYRV TXH SDVVDP SHOD IURQWHLUD H RV TXH
SHUPDQHFHPQR%UDVLOpXPSRQWRFRPXPDEXVFDGHWUDEDOKR
,QIHOL]PHQWH D PDLRULD GRV EROLYLDQRV TXH SDVVDP SHOD IURQWHLUD LUmR VH GHGLFDU j
LQIRUPDOLGDGHSULQFLSDOPHQWHDVPXOKHUHV
$DXVrQFLDGHXPGLiORJRHQWUHDVOLGHUDQoDVGRVEROLYLDQRVUHIOHWHDLQFRHUrQFLDQRVHX
PRGRGHVHUHGHYLYHUSRLVVHEXVFDPDX[tOLRHVWDWDOSRGHULDPVHXQLUHPWRUQRGHXP
REMHWLYR FRPXP H R GLiORJR HQWUH D HTXLSH GH SHVTXLVD H RV EROLYLDQRV SRGHULD VHU
YLDELOL]DGRSRUPHLRGRVHXFRQVXODGRSRUpPHVWHQmRUHWRUQRXVHTXHUXPWHOHIRQHPD
SDUDTXHDHTXLSHSXGHVVHFRQYHUVDUXPSRXFRPDLVDILPGHXPPHOKRUHQWHQGLPHQWR
H FRPSUHHQVmR GR FRPSOH[R MRJR GD PLJUDomR H VXDV YHUWHQWHV VRFLDLV SROtWLFDV H
OHJDLVDILPGHIRUQHFHUPDLVVXEVtGLRVSDUDDSHVTXLVD
e GH VXPD LPSRUWkQFLD GHVWDFDU RV SURFHGLPHQWRV SDUD FROHWD GH LQIRUPDo}HV H
HQWUHYLVWDVQRVWUDEDOKRVGHFDPSRSULQFLSDOPHQWHQRTXHWDQJHDRXVRGHGRFXPHQWRV
GHDXWRUL]DomRHLQIRUPDo}HVGDSHVTXLVDUHDOL]DGD
0XLWRHPERUDKDMDDFRUGRVGLSORPiWLFRVHGHFRRSHUDomRKiQtWLGDGLIHUHQFLDomRHQWUH
RV EUDVLOHLURV H RV EROLYLDQRV QR TXH FRQFHUQH j HVIHUD GH GLUHLWRV 2 DYDQoR QHVVD
GLVFXVVmRWrPWUD]LGRLQ~PHURVEHQHItFLRVjVSRSXODo}HVTXHUHFRUUHPDR%UDVLOFRPR
PRUDGDRXDSHQDVFRPRILPGHDVVLVWrQFLDVRFLDORXGHVD~GH
0XLWRHPERUDDIDFHREVFXUDGRWUDEDOKRHVFUDYRHDDXVrQFLDGHOHLVTXHHIHWLYDPHQWH
WUDWHP R FDVR GDPLJUDomR FRPR XPFDVR VRFLDO H QmR DSHQDV HQWDEXOHP R SUREOHPD
PLJUDWyULR FRPR FDVR GH SROtFLD R IOX[R PLJUDWyULR GRV EROLYLDQRV VHJXH XP SDGUmR
GHWHUPLQDGRRQGHDPDLRULDSRVVXLLGDGHHQWUHHDQRV
$ FLGDGH GH &RUXPEi SRU UD]}HV KLVWyULFDV p XP ORFDO GH SDVVDJHP GH SHVVRDV QR
VHQWLGRGDVJUDQGHVFDSLWDLVEUDVLOHLUDVHTXHVHUHVVHQWHSRULVVRKDMDYLVWDDSHVVRD
TXHDWUDYHVVDDFLGDGHQmRGHL[DDEVROXWDPHQWHQDGDHPFRQWUDSDUWLGDDSHQDVXVDQGR
DORFDOLGDGHFRPRGHVFDQVR
(P RXWUD yWLFD QmR Ki UHVWULo}HV OHJDLV SDUD TXH RV PLJUDQWHV TXH H[HUFHP VXDV
DWLYLGDGHV
HP WHUULWyULR
EUDVLOHLUR
SRVVDP
VH
IRUPDOL]DU
DGHULQGR
DR
PLFURHPSUHHQGHGRULVPR SRU PHLR GR FDGDVWUDPHQWR QD 5HFHLWD )HGHUDO KDMD YLVWD
UHFHEHUHP &3) H GRFXPHQWDomR TXH SHUPLWH R UHFROKLPHQWR GH WULEXWRV H GHPDLV
LPSRVWRV DR (VWDGR EUDVLOHLUR DGTXLULQGR DPSDUR OHJDO TXH SHUPLWD R XVXIUXWR GRV
GLUHLWRV FRQIHULGRV DRV EUDVLOHLURV FRPR DX[tOLRGRHQoD DSRVHQWDGRULD H GHPDLV
GLUHLWRVLQHUHQWHVDRFLGDGmRIRUPDOL]DGR
$FULDomRGHXPD6HFUHWDULDSDUD0LJUDomREHPFRPRDH[LVWrQFLDGHOHLVTXHVHMDP
HIHWLYDV QR DPSDUR GRPLJUDQWHDWHQGHQGR DRV UHTXLVLWRVLQVFXOSLGRV QD &RQVWLWXLomR
)HGHUDO GH TXDQWR j VXD HILFiFLD H HILFLrQFLD LULDP VHP VREUD GH G~YLGDV
DPHQL]DU R FRQVWUDQJLPHQWR GH PXLWRV PLJUDQWHV TXH FKHJDP DR %UDVLO HP EXVFD GH
HPSUHJRPDVQmRSRGHPOHJDOL]DUDVXDVLWXDomRGHYLGRjEXURFUDFLDTXHHPSHUUDWRGR
HVVHSURFHVVR
3RU GHUUDGHLUR LQGDJDVH D TXHP DSURYHLWD D LOHJDOLGDGH H R HPSUHJR LQIRUPDO GR
PLJUDQWHHPQRVVDHFRQRPLD"
e GH FODUH]D PHULGLDQD R DWDTXH GR FDSLWDO j OHJLVODomR EUDVLOHLUD TXH DPSDUD RV
WUDEDOKDGRUHVEHPFRPRDWHQWDWLYDGHVHQIUHDGD GRVFkQRQHVGHWall StreetHGDCity
HP GHVDUWLFXODU RV GLUHLWRV GR WUDEDOKDGRU FRP D SURJUHVVLYD H VXWLO IOH[LELOL]DomR GDV
UHODo}HVGHWUDEDOKRHPSDtVHVGD$PpULFD/DWLQDPDLVQRWDGDPHQWHR%UDVLO
3DUDDPHQL]DUDVPD]HODVGDOHJLVODomREUDVLOHLUDHRVHXHIHWLYRDPSDURDRVPLJUDQWHV
TXHPVDEHRFDPLQKRQmRVHULDDFRQVFLHQWL]DomRGDVRFLHGDGHTXDQWRDRSUREOHPDGR
PLJUDQWHSDVVDQGRDYrORQmRFRPRXPFULPLQRVRRXLQYDVRUPDVFRPRXPDIRUoDGH
WUDEDOKRHDOJXpPTXHSRGHUiFRQWULEXLUQRGHVHQYROYLPHQWRGRSDtV
/HJDOL]DU D VLWXDomR GR PLJUDQWH H FRQFHGHU D HOH FRQGLo}HV GLJQDV GH DFROKLGD H
WUDEDOKRYDLDOpPGHTXDOTXHUOHLDWHQGHQGRDRVSUHFHLWRVGDpWLFDHGREHPHVWDUVRFLDO
HPSUROGDGLJQLGDGHKXPDQDHGRUHVSHLWRDRSUy[LPR

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O Desemprego, contribui muito, o desemprego, mas eles poderiam ta estudando. E a
conseqncia que cresceram, esto adultos e no querem estudar. No querem trabalhar
pesado, at para pedreiro querem o segundo grau. A no tem dinheiro acabam se
envolvendo nesse mundo.

Depoimento de X.
Trabalhando honestamente, um assalariado jamais chega l. Chega, chega, mas tem que
ter pacincia.
Depoimento de Z.
No tendo nada para fazer, entro no mercado do crime mesmo.
Depoimento de K.

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Meus amigos da faculdade, falam que eu moro em abatedouro, ficam rindo de mim. Meus colegas riem
de mim e falam: Voc que este luto porque o traficante morreu? Foi l no seu bairro?.
Depoimento de Z.
As pessoas de fora tem discriminao com quem mora aqui, eles criam uma desconfiana, por ser um
bairro violento e uns serem desviados da vida, os outros jovens ficam com problemas para arrumar
emprego. Eu no falo que moro x, pois eles olham pra gente atravessado. Igual mulher do Terminal de
Campo Grande, que eu tava com camisa do uniforme, e perguntou se eu morava em x. Eu disse que
passei para visitar um parente. A ela j ficou olhando com desconfiana para mim, isso no normal.
Depoimento de K
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Jovens querem vida fcil, dinheiro fcil, influenciados, pois dinheiro sem muito esforo.
E onde entrar no consegue sair quando v no tem volta. O que mata eles a curiosidade,
conhecer coisas diferentes. uma tentao que leva a pessoas a conhecer sem ver a
conseqncia. M companhia, a pessoa nem sabe para onde o amigo ta levando e acaba
entrando sem
Entrevista de B
Tem uma pessoa que ta usando droga, o pai tirou do local e levou para casa, mas teve
recada. Ento ele passou dar sedativo para o filho, e quando ele o descobriu no comia
mais. Tem um que pediu para trancar ele dentro de casa e queria quebrar tudo, mas ele
rebentou a porta e saiu e mataram ele. Um dia antes ele pediu para trancar ele, pois disse
que tinha mulher e filha e as tratava com carinho, mas ele j tava ameaado.
Entrevista de Y
Meu colega disse que o cara perguntou onde vendia maconha. Ele disse que no sabia,
pois, ele acabaria se envolvendo, mas ele disse que sabe onde fica um monte, mas se
falasse estaria envolvido. O bairro to mal falado que eles perguntam a coisa aqui no ta
escondida. como se estivesse fazendo po do dia-a-dia. As pessoas no se preocupam
em esconder parece que ta tudo liberado. Os de {x} so pior que os daqui, todos os dias os
meninos vo l, minha colega falou assim que tem um monte de B.F. (boca de fumo). Em
{x} no tem tanta boca de fumo, mas eles usam na escola, pela noite atrs da escola.
Os traficantes da rua acolhem os jovens, os pais trabalham o dia todo, eles tem horrio
de estudar e depois ficam na rua. Trabalha, tem profisso e fica na droga at largar a
profisso para vender droga, pois ganham mais. J foi preso e voltou, mas continua mesma
coisa.
Entrevista de Z
Eu preciso de ajuda! Ela me disse, ela no rouba, mas trabalha para usar crack.
Entrevista de R
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About social inclusion for people with special needs: Accessible

Library

$EVWUDFW This research paper deals with the accessibility of a library as human right of
persons with disabilities and asked for Why is that accessibility is an increasingly relevant and
present in our society and within a library which would be the solution to a social issue disabled
person can have separate access? So the search is justified from the fact that the services of public or
private libraries, which are environments for collective use and public use of Brazilian cities do not
allow people with disabilities to access them, use them, and move with freedom, autonomy,
independence and security. The methodology used to survey and literature review and relevant
legislation, and onsite observation in order to demonstrate that their rights guaranteed in the
Constitution of 1988, are not en effected. The consequence of extensive stands for the importance of
the inclusion of people with disabilities, which depends on dilated completion of projects in respect
to the principle of human dignity. It was concluded that one of the inclusions of the disabled in a
library, then it would be the creation of a low shelf, where the wheelchair, would be able to do
something as simple as picking up a book, independently.

Keywords: wheelchair, accessibility, library, inclusion

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REFERNCIAS
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concerned at the lack of a coherent and comprehensive disability strategy to implement the human rights model
of disability established in the Convention and harmonize the State partys legislation, policies and programmes
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The Committee is concerned that the Statute of Persons with Disabilities (Lei Brasileira de Incluso da Pessoa
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anlisis que hemos realizado de la jurisprudencia constitucional de algunos pases latinoamericanos en cuanto a
la aplicacin directa de los fallos de la CORTEIDH, nos permite extraer algunas conclusiones importantes: a)
No existe uniformidad en cuanto a la aceptacin plena de la obligatoriedad de los fallos de la CORTEIDH por
parte de los tribunales nacionales latinoamericanos. b) El grado de acatamiento vara de un pas a otro, en lo que
incide, de manera radical, la cultura y el desarrollo jurdico de cada ordenamiento en particular. Verbigracia, en
los pases con honda tradicin democrtica y con gobiernos respetuosos de los derechos humanos como es el
caso de la Costa Rica se admite sin reservas la obligatoriedad de las sentencias de la CORTEIDH.9$//(
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recurrente contra la supuesta ingobernabilidad de las democracias, supone la estabilidad del absolutismo de las
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P1: Certamente, pois a falta de compreenso de conceitos como
justia, leis e direitos, dificulta a analise social e econmica, alm da
compreenso e discusso de temas que geram preconceito e discriminao.
P2: Sim, para formao cidad para o indivduo ser melhor.
P3: Sim, para despertar a dignidade e o respeito.
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P4: Sim. A abordagem dos direitos humanos em sala de aula de extrema
importncia na busca pelo respeito entre alunos, professores e funcionrios,
visando o bom convvio em sociedade.
P5: Sim. Ainda que o direito humano seja abordado na disciplina de
Sociologia pouco para desenvolver uma conscincia sobre isso.
P6: Com Certeza. Acredito que a maioria da populao, principalmente os
de menor escolaridade e renda, acaba sendo em diferentes circunstancias
lesados em seus direitos pelo fato de desconhecerem.
P7: Acredito que sim. Primeiramente pelo fato de da necessidade de
esclarecimento sobre o assunto. Posteriormente para que o conceito passe a
fazer parte do cotidiano da sociedade.
P8: Acredito que deve ser disciplina obrigatria no currculo escolar.
P9: Sim. Pois acredito num mundo sem nenhum tipo de preconceito, onde
todos possam ser o melhor para si e para o prximo.
P10: Sim. Pois muito se fala, mas pouco se sabe sobre os direitos humanos e
o que eles pregam, pois creio que poderia melhorar o interpessoal dos
jovens discentes.
P11: Creio que esse tema possa ser trabalhado transversalmente por todas
as disciplinas, e mais o fundo em Filosofia, Sociologia e Histria.
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P1: Creio que sim, pois sempre podemos ampliar o debate com novos temas.
Ex: Direitos humanos e os Governos Islmicos.
P2: E.C. A (Estatuto da criana e do adolescente)
P3: Todo ser humanos tem direito a vida
P4: Como trabalho com a geografia j trabalho alguns princpios da
declarao.
P5: A violncia: suas causas e consequncia.
P6: Direito a sade e ao lazer etc. (mais ligados ao ensino fundamental)
P7: Cidadania e diversidade.
P8: Meio Ambiente.
P9: Tolerncia, aceitar o outro enquanto ser humano.
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P1: Histria- Construo dos processos histricos, sobretudo das leis.
Filosofia e Sociologia.
P2: Tudo.
P3: Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos
P4: Uma boa leitura do documento-Declarao Universal dos Direitos
Humanos, a fim de selecionar os artigos mais relevantes para desenvolver
um bom trabalho em sala de aula.
P5: Aprofundar os meus conhecimentos em direitos humanos para no
cometer injustias ou falar inverdades e fazer tambm interpretaes
histricas.
P6: importante conhecer as leis que garantem tais direitos e como
pratic-las, onde buscar apoio.
P7: Julgo ser importante esclarecer a Declarao Universal dos Direitos
Humanos e para que sirva a Comisso de Direitos Humanos no Brasil.
P8: Natureza e cidadania.
P9: Leis (para usar como referncia) e projetos multidisciplinares.
P10: Como a disciplina de Fsica engloba o conhecimento tcnicocientfico, a questo de tica, cincia, tecnologia e sociedade.
P11: relevante ter mais conhecimento, a fim de fugir do lugar comum.
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A Pedagogia Libertria uma aposta no futuro
que se constri no presente, a partir das escolhas
humanas e dos gestos mais simples em todas as
esferas da sociedade. tambm uma pedagogia de
possibilidades, de esperanas, pois encerra em si a
utopia de um mundo diferente e melhor.(SILVA,
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Comunicaes Orais
Grupo de Trabalho 5
Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos

Direitos Humanos
OS PARADOXOS DA EFETIVAO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS

Marinina Gruska Benevides1
Marinina.gruska@uece.br
Daniele Gruska Benevides Prata2
danielegruska@hotmail.com
Gerson Augusto de Oliveira Jnior3
gerson.augusto@uece.br
Resumo do trabalho:
O artigo analisa o fortalecimento da noo jurdica de direitos humanos luz do dilogo com autores contemporneos sobre as
dificuldades impostas pelo processo de globalizao para sua efetivao. Partindo do debate socioantropolgico sobre os
paradoxos suscitados pela defesa do universalismo e do relativismo cultural desses direitos na poca em que vivemos, as
perspectivas de realiz-los so avaliadas, considerando as foras sociais que atuam no sentido de denunciar violaes e dar
visibilidade s diferenas entre direitos reconhecidos juridicamente e direitos efetivados. A concluso a que se chega a de
que tanto as tentativas de definir quanto as de promover direitos humanos esbarram em questes que dizem respeito a inmeros
problemas: polticos, econmicos, culturais, sociais, religiosos, tnicos etc. Um dilogo intercultural intenso do qual possa
emergir um pacto de solidariedade entre naes para promover a justia social global, para articular demandas de redistribuio
e de reconhecimento identitrio, aparece como alternativa para corrigir injustias sociais, prevenir e punir os atentados contra
a dignidade da pessoa humana.
Palavras-chave: Direitos Humanos. Universalismo. Relativismo. Dilogo intercultural
INTRODUO
Na sociedade contempornea, cada vez mais comum que se testemunhe o aumento da
mobilizao jurdica transnacional em prol da promoo dos direitos humanos.
Apesar do fortalecimento jurdico dos direitos humanos, do reconhecimento da dignidade
humana como um direito universal, de sua positivao nas legislaes nacionais e
internacionais, persistentes so os crimes contra a humanidade e mais visveis as distncias
entre os direitos postos e os no realizados.
As alternativas de efetivao dos direitos humanos so pensadas considerando a
magnitude dos problemas suscitados pela globalizao e mediante a defesa da diversidade de
civilizaes e culturas, bem como da necessidade de dilogos interculturais.
1
Professora Adjunta da Universidade Estadual do Cear (UECE), Ps-doutora em Democracia e Direitos
Humanos (Universidade de Coimbra Portugal/Faculdade de Direito/IGC), Doutora em Sociologia (UFC), Mestre
em Sociologia (UFC), Advogada, Psicloga.
2
Professora da Faculdade Loureno Filho e da Universidade Estadual do Cear (UECE), Mestre em Administrao
de Empresas, Psicloga, Enfermeira.
3
Professor Adjunto da Universidade Estadual do Cear (UECE), Ps-doutor em Democracia e Direitos Humanos
(Universidade de Coimbra-Portugal/Faculdade de Direito/IGC), Doutor em Sociologia e Atropologia (PUC-SP),
Mestre em Sociologia (UFC), historiador.
Uma abordagem ampla dos direitos humanos requer, dentre outras coisas, a anlise do
pensamento contemporneo sobre o universalismo e o relativismo cultural desses direitos, no
contexto de um mundo globalizado, e das tendncias que, geralmente, operam na direo de
uma ou de outra polarizao.
1 O UNIVERSALISMO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS
Expresses que nos remetem ao universalismo e a defesa da globalizao dos direitos
humanos, como cidadania planetria, cidadania terrestre, antro-potica (MORIN &
KERN, 2000 e MORIN, 2000, 2001, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c) etc. so invocadas para afirmar a
dignidade da pessoa humana, como qualidade inerente a todos os membros da famlia humana,
em que pesem as diferentes identidades nacionais, tnicas, religiosas, de classe etc.
A cidadania no se define apenas por seu enraizamento a um Estado-nao e a uma
identidade nacional ou pela solidariedade e responsabilidade que ligam um sujeito a sua ptria
(MORIN, 2004b). A cidadania que emerge nos debates sobre a universalidade dos direitos
humanos a que nos obriga a pensar a complexidade humana; a nos encontrar como
humanidade, com a natureza humana, com o homem genrico, visto como unidade e ao mesmo
tempo em sua diversidade; a revolucionar os modos polticos de organizar e operar a
democracia, no jogo dialgico pluralista das oposies e solidariedades (MORIN, 1998, p.
53).
Se a cidadania tem por referncia a democracia e, desde seu aparecimento, as instituies
democrticas, alm de organizarem e normalizarem as regras da dialgica sociopoltica,
sacralizam a crtica, a livre expresso de antagonismos e de dvidas, a possiblidade de
florescerem conflitos so inmeras, do mesmo modo que os rumos que estes podem tomar.
A ampliao da conscincia de ameaa de autodestruio da humanidade, em meio
fragilidade das democracias e necessidade de regener-las, vista como forma de aumentar a
probabilidade de durao destas. Isto tem se apresentado desde o sculo XX. Em que pesem as
novas formas de totalitarismo, as dificuldades de gerar democracia em muitas partes do mundo,
as ditaduras e guerras deste sculo XXI, tanto foi ampliada a noo de humanidade quanto a
esperana de estabelecer a ligao tica do indivduo espcie humana, de hominizar na
humanizao, de construir uma comunidade de destino planetria.
Por ser necessria a regenerao da democracia, para assegurar condies de vida

saudvel, promover a participao ativa e corresponsvel dos indivduos nos destinos da
sociedade humana e evitar quaisquer atos desumanos ou de carter degradante, humanidade
uma noo que no pode ser dissociada do pressuposto de uma antropotica. Esta subjaz
invocao da interdependncia dos seres humanos e da dignidade da pessoa humana, bem como
do dever do Estado e de toda a sociedade de proteger a humanidade e a comunidade de destino
comum, a Terra-Ptria, no obstante as diferenas inerentes s diversas sociedades humanas,
suas particularidades, seus antecedentes histricos, religiosos e culturais ou seus sistemas
econmicos, polticos etc.
A aspirao democrtica generalizada e o apelo fraternidade, que ultrapassa os
limites das questes de raa, classe, elite e nao, para consubstanciar uma cidadania terrena"
e afirmar a igualdade entre os homens, so, tambm, a conscincia da crise universal do futuro
(MORIN & KERN, 2000). Esta se caracteriza pela crise do progresso ou a tragdia do
desenvolvimento paradoxal da cincia, da tcnica e da indstria, quer se tome por referncia a
ideologia democrtico-capitalista ocidental prometendo bens e bem-estar, quer se tome a
ideologia comunista tentando construir o paraso terreno da sociedade socialista.
Um rpido balano dos horrores vividos no sculo XX faz emergir uma compreenso
histrico-crtica da crise, a qual tanto capaz de contradizer o universalismo abstrato dos
direitos humanos quanto as esperanas da universalizao destes.
No bastassem as ameaas de aniquilamento da humanidade pela prpria humanidade
que marcou o sculo XX, os horrores das grandes guerras; fascismos; nazismo; democracias
abortadas; guerra fria; corrida armamentista; totalitarismos; naufrgios de revolues
socialistas na URSS, Camboja, China, Vietn e Cuba; sistemas concentracionrios como o
Gulag; eventos brutais como o Holodomor e o Holocausto etc., os acontecimentos deste
alvorecer do sculo XXI colocam em dvidas as esperanas de uma humanidade capaz de se
realizar enquanto humanidade, de efetivar os novos contedos que so emprestados dignidade
humana sob a gide da noo de direitos humanos. Basta que se pense em guerras civis, tribais
e religiosas contemporneas; permanncia das graves violaes de direitos humanos; choque
entre as civilizaes do Ocidente e do Oriente, incluindo as formas de resistncia
ocidentalizao; fome no continente africano; devastao de recursos naturais; destruio do
patrimnio material e imaterial; aniquilamento das culturas nativas; genocdio de grupos

indgenas; lgica capitalista do lucro tomado como medida de todas as coisas; banalizao da
violncia, da injustia, da morte e do mal etc.
Apesar de tudo o que pode ser definido como mal-estar da civilizao, por referncia
s ameaas supracitadas ou violncia que, h muito, tem caracterizado o processo
civilizatrio, a defesa do universalismo dos direitos humanos tem se fortalecido com a utopia
de federar a Terra, de construir a civilizao da civilizao, de superar o Estado-nao, no
por sua destruio e sim pela integrao deste em associaes mais amplas, centradas em
princpios democrticos, associativos e cooperativos, bem como na cidadania planetria
garantidora dos direitos terrestres (MORIN & KERN, 2000)4.
Contudo, at que se chegue ao topos da fraternidade multicultural e tnica ou da sociedade
universal fundada na diversidade, a ideia de um mnimo tico5, convertida em mnimo
moral (um conjunto de regras morais declarado obrigatrio para a sobrevivncia da sociedade),
e a ideia de mnimo existencial (regra constitucional obrigatria, unvoca, diretamente
aplicvel, judicialmente sindicvel) acompanham a pretenso pragmtica mais atual dos
direitos humanos, qual seja a de consolidao do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos.
A limitao do poder do Estado-nao tem reconfigurado a geopoltica mundial. A defesa
de um constitucionalismo global se faz acompanhar da existncia de cortes a intervir em
Estados, relativizando a soberania destes, com fins de proteger direitos humanos, e de
Para os autores, o que hoje uma utopia foi realizado h muito tempo atrs. No ano de 212 d.C., pelo dito de
Caracala, foi concedida a cidadania romana a todos os habitantes do imprio, que, na poca, era o prprio mundo,
aos olhos deles. Segundo Medeiros (2009), a Constitutio Antoniniana de Civitate, dito de Caracala, ao conceder
cidadania a todos os homens livres do imprio, independentemente de seu lugar de nascimento, criou um tipo de
fraternidade multicultural e tnica sob o domnio romano.
5 A teoria do mnimo tico do filsofo Jeremy Bentham foi utilizada pelo jurista alemo George Jillinek, para
dizer o direito como um conjunto de regras morais obrigatrias ou o mnimo de moral declarado obrigatrio para
a sobrevivncia da sociedade. Tal teoria criticada por aqueles que como Miguel Reale (1994) consideram que
vrios fatos presentes nas normas de direito no pertencem ao campo moral. Para alguns, como Alexy (2002), a
reduo das possibilidades de escolha e de extenso faz do mnimo existencial uma regra constitucional que resulta
da ponderao do princpio da dignidade humana e da igualdade real.
organismos supranacionais, capazes de criar plataformas comuns de ao, de estabelecer a

democracia ou restabelec-la onde quer que esteja ameaada.
Obviamente, muitos seres humanos, em diversas regies do planeta, no contam com o
mnimo, tico, moral ou existencial. Certamente, o sistema de direitos e deveres fundamentais
que emergiu das pretenses pragmticas atuais dos direitos humanos, para assegurar
universalmente condies de vida saudvel, promover a participao ativa e corresponsvel dos
indivduos nos destinos da sociedade humana, no tem conseguido evitar atos desumanos ou
de carter degradante.
Entretanto, uma antro-potica est na base da invocao de interdependncia,
indivisibilidade e inalienabilidade dos direitos humanos, bem como do dever do Estado e de
toda a sociedade de proteg-los e promov-los, independentemente de seus antecedentes
histricos, religiosos e culturais ou de seus sistemas econmico, poltico, religiosos etc. Est
evidenciada no apelo capacidade da humanidade de realizar a fraternidade, pela razo e pela
conscincia. Ou, como dispe o artigo primeiro da Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos
de 1948: Todos os homens nascem livres e iguais em dignidade e direitos. So dotados de razo
A constitucionalizao desse apelo em diversos pases, mais que dizer da circunscrio
dos direitos humanos na positividade da lei como direitos fundamentais ou da necessidade de
proteo normativa, expressa a compreenso dos perigos em escala global da sua violao.
2 O RELATIVISMO DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS
Nem num plano terico e discursivo, nem nas agendas de eventos mundiais ou no corpo
dos documentos de direito internacional est superada a polarizao entre o universalismo e o
relativismo. J virou lugar comum dizer que em sua aplicao os direitos humanos no so
universais. Se os documentos oficiais internacionais tm reforado o respeito diversidade
cultural, preconceitos e dificuldades de convivncia com os que se apresentam como diferentes
aparecem como pano de fundo da barbrie persistente.
O debate acadmico est repleto de crticas s generalizaes essencialistas que no
resistem realidade emprica. No raras vezes, a abordagem tica dos direitos humanos, ou
seja, a discusso de ideias separadas da realidade ftica, mais filosfica e abstrata, colocada
em cheque pela abordagem mica, a abordagem antropolgica dos valores inerentes a

determinadas sociedade e grupos em estudo, segundo a lgica e a coerncia culturais que lhe
so peculiares.
Para Lvi-Strauss (1989), a humanidade tem oscilado entre dois processos contraditrios
que se originam de uma viso incompleta das culturas, a perspectiva de instaurar a unificao
e a de manter ou restabelecer a diversificao. Apesar das diversidades mortas e daquelas que
representam perigo sobrevivncia de outras culturas e ao progresso da coligao destas em
escala mundial, mediante o que se poderia pensar numa civilizao mundial, evidente que no
se pode confundir a humanidade com um gnero de vida nico, porque no h humanidade
petrificada. Ademais, o progresso no se faz na monotonia e na uniformidade. Ele se realiza
pela colaborao, pelas inmeras formas sociais de expresso das quais emergem o inusitado e
o imprevisto. Isto justifica o fato das instituies internacionais estarem atentas necessidade
de preservar a diversidade cultural, o que no ofertado pela contemplao e sim por uma
atitude ativa.
Decerto, a reflexo sobre os direitos humanos luz do relativismo, qualquer que seja o
adjetivo que se possa acrescentar (relativismo cultural, relativismo tico, relativismo esttico,
relativismo cognitivo etc.), induz constatao do etnocentrismo, ou seja, da tendncia a
considerar o prprio grupo, sociedade ou cultura como central para fundamentar aes e juzos
de valores. Isto, no raras vezes, implica situar num plano hierrquico inferior os que se
apresentam como diferentes e, em casos extremos, conduz total insensibilidade a outros
valores, ao preconceito, xenofobia e s atitudes que visam a eliminao de inmeros seres
humanos (LVI-STRAUSS, 1989), real ou simblica.
O etnocentrismo como um fenmeno to natural como a diversidade de culturas e que
resulta das relaes diretas e indiretas entre as sociedades induz atitudes ingnuas que raramente
alcanam a diversidade humana naquilo que ela realmente . Um paradoxo importante, ento,
se revela, sempre que uma sociedade discrimina a cultura de outra como algo inferior, porque
esta sorte de recusa tipicamente mtua. A rejeio levada ao extremo retira a humanidade da
humanidade, inclusive onde a ideia de humanidade, reunindo todas as formas de existncia
humana, sem distinguir raa ou civilizao, atingiu seu mais alto grau de desenvolvimento e foi
declarada em documentos internacionais de direitos humanos.
Ao analisar o prembulo da segunda declarao da UNESCO acerca do problema das

raas, Lvi-Strauss (1989, p. 334) entende que somos judiciosamente convencidos que tanto as
diferenas raciais quanto as semelhanas que unem todos os seres humanos so evidenciadas
imediatamente pelos sentidos. Em outras palavras, nada mais que o bvio.
Embora, tambm, seja indiscutvel que os grandes sistemas filosficos e religiosos da
humanidade (...) se colocaram constantemente contra esta aberrao de recusar a humanidade
aos que so identificados como diferentes, no suficiente que se proclame a igualdade natural
entre todos os homens ou a fraternidade que deve uni-los sem distino de raa ou cultura,
porque isto negligencia a diversidade de fato que se impe observao e faz com que
sejamos terica e praticamente autorizados a nos comportar como se ela no existisse (LVISTRAUSS, 1989, p. 334).
Com base no paradoxo do relativismo cultural, ou seja, o de pretendermos estabelecer a
discriminao entre as culturas e os costumes e acabarmos nos identificando completamente
com o que queremos negar, Lvi-Stauss (1989) aponta o que simultaneamente a fora e a
fraqueza das declaraes de direitos do homem. Elas enunciam o ideal da natureza humana,
mas o humano no se realiza numa humanidade abstrata e sim nas culturas. Estas, embora sejam
dinmicas e constantemente transformados os seus significados, deixam intactos diversos
aspectos que no podem ser compreendidos de forma descontextualizada, fora de um tempo e
de um espao que lhes so peculiares. Logo, revelam-se inteis os acordos entre o que se
apresenta como polos contraditrios, porque no se pode explicar a diversidade das culturas,
negando diferenas e condenando o que no se compreende ou suprimindo o que indecoroso
e vergonhoso.
A inclinao relativista induzida particularmente pela antropologia cultural, conforme
explica Geertz (2001), chama a ateno para o perigo do embotamento do intelecto tendo em
vista os padres culturais internalizados e valorizados. Entretanto, por mais que queiram os
crticos do relativismo, isto no significa uma identificao do relativismo com o niilismo, a
ponto de que se possa dizer que tudo aceitvel e que vale tudo. Pelo contrrio, o relativismo
significa uma aproximao maior com as formas de pensar das quais estamos sendo afastados
do que com aquelas para as quais temos sido conduzidos constantemente pelos anti-relativistas.
Numa perspectiva relativista, no se pode compreender muito sobre a violao dos

direitos humanos sem se considerar o modelo de racionalidade imposto pelas sociedades
ocidentais s sociedades no-ocidentais e tudo o que dele se deriva, como, por exemplo, o
colonialismo cultural travestido de universalidade que tem sido frequentemente denunciado.
H os que consideram a universalidade dos direitos humanos como uma formulao
tipicamente ocidental, que refora uma espcie de posio missionria das economias centrais
do Ocidente de realizar a democracia ou de nomear e garantir a punio de crimes contra a
humanidade, enquanto seus poderes fomentam a ordem global injusta, as desigualdades de
todas as espcies, os regimes no democrticos e os golpes de estado, as ditaduras e as guerras.
Quer se fale da relao dos pases centrais com as economias perifricas, quer se fale das
relaes do Ocidente com as culturas no-ocidentais, a tendncia consider-las como
violadoras de direitos humanos e merecedoras de punio. So incontveis os autores que
apontam como notrio o fato de que as inmeras organizaes internacionais de direitos
humanos existentes so ocidentais e refletem uma viso predominantemente ocidental na
abordagem das violaes de direitos humanos perpetradas por no-ocidentais.
Ainda que seja possvel constatar que alguns dos representantes da posio missionria
ocidental apresentem uma tendncia a romantizar culturas e tradies com vistas a defesa dos
direitos humanos, a avaliao da relao moral do Ocidente para com o Oriente fica
comprometida, da mesma forma, porque o dilogo intercultural necessrio no se estabelece de
fato. As realidades vivenciadas por muitos seres humanos em contextos locais, em grupamentos
humanos especficos permanecem pouco compreendidas.
A responsabilidade moral que deve ser atribuda ao Ocidente rico pela opo de
desenvolvimento econmico imposta s sociedades do Ocidente pobre e no-ocidentais ou as
respostas culturais elaboradas por essas sociedades perifricas para lidar com os processos de
pilhagem e degradao do patrimnio material e imaterial fomentados pelas economias centrais
so frequentemente invocadas, quando a noo de direitos humanos se articula com os debates
sobre o multiculturalismo como condio de justia global ou de construo de uma civilizao
mundial.
Para Huntington (1996, p.84), um choque de civilizaes caracteriza o contato entre o
Ocidente e o Oriente. Como o aspecto primordial do ser civilizado foi herdado dos romanos,
isto a tradio do imprio da lei, foi ela que assentou as bases para o constitucionalismo e
a proteo dos direitos humanos. Na maioria das civilizaes, isto adquiriu menor importncia
para a formao do pensamento e do comportamento.
Ento, , analisando as diferenas entre as civilizaes, tais como a religio, a
multiplicidade de idiomas, a separao da autoridade espiritual e temporal, o pluralismo social
e corpos representativos, o individualismo etc., que o autor explica os problemas que envolvem
os direitos humanos na sociedade contempornea e as relaes entre do mundo ps-Guerra Fria.
Trata-se de um mundo composto de sete ou oito civilizaes principais, cujas afinidades
culturais implicam cooperao econmica e poltica, determinam relaes entre Estados,
interesses e antagonismos. Como os pases centrais pertencem a civilizaes diferentes, os
conflitos locais com maior potencial blico so aqueles que existem entre grupos e Estados de
civilizaes diferentes. Embora o poder ainda seja centralizado pela civilizao ocidental, este
est se deslocando para as civilizaes no ocidentais, de modo que a poltica mundial vai se
tornando multipolar e multicivilizacional.
Para Huntington (1996), no parece tarefa simples pensar a universalizao dos direitos
humanos como defendida pelo Ocidente, porque as sociedades, ainda que unidas pela ideologia
e pelas circunstncias histricas, esto separadas pela civilizao e, quando no se apartam
(como ocorreu na URSS), ficam submetidas a graves tenses. Logo, mais provvel que
organizaes internacionais compostas por Estados que se aproximam em termos culturais,
como o caso da Unio Europeia, tenham xito na efetivao dos direitos humanos, porque
no precisam vencer grandes barreiras culturais.
A universalizao dos direitos humanos est intimamente relacionada a ideias de um
mundo sem fronteiras, aldeia global; de reordenao estrutural da ao humana, das relaes
inter-regionais e das aes distncia; de trajetria histrica que pressupe a emergncia de
uma civilizao global, de criao de blocos regionais, integrando poltica, econmica e
socialmente os povos.
No entanto, os conflitos que culminam em graves violaes de direitos humanos no
cessam de desacreditar o paradigma de um s mundo, mundo harmnico, como reflexo da
evoluo da humanidade e da consolidao da democracia liberal.
Sendo o sistema de direitos humanos um produto da cultura ocidental que se proclama

como uma alternativa humanizao da humanidade, pode-se pensar nele como uma
justificativa do sistema de justia do Ocidente, sua pretensa superioridade em relao a outros
sistemas, que corrobora a tentativa de fazer com que as sociedades no-ocidentais imitem
prticas e instituies ocidentais.
Todavia, nem a cultura ocidental homognea nem os sistemas de justia que dela fazem
parte adotam as mesmas prticas e possuem as mesmas instituies. No raras vezes a
ratificao dos tratados, pactos e convenes internacionais implica reservas, a excluso ou
modificao do efeito jurdico de uma ou mais disposies do documento, porque consideradas
de maneira especfica no momento da reserva; porque os Estados discordam de partes dos textos
ou porque estes suscitam consequncias com as quais no pretendem arcar.
Se desde a antiguidade a tendncia dos Estados aumentar seu poder, seus territrios e
suas riquezas, aps a Guerra Fria, eles passaram a definir seus interesses em termos
civilizacionais, ora cooperando e se aliando com Estados cujas culturas so semelhantes, ora
entrando em conflito estas e com culturas diferentes. Ainda que permaneam como atores
principais em termos mundiais, os Estados tm flexibilizado fronteiras e abdicado da soberania,
do poder e de funes, que anteriormente monopolizavam, em favor das instituies
internacionais que atuam diretamente sobre os cidados individualmente e em mbitos
regionais, provinciais e locais (HUNTINGTON, 1976).
As instituies internacionais de direitos humanos so, por assim dizer, desdobramentos
da democratizao do poder do Estado, dos movimentos regionais que tm promovido a
secesso e afirmado o direito dessas instituies de julgar e impor limites ao que feito pelo
Estado, dentro dos seus territrios e fora destes.
O aparecimento dos Estados fracassados, a ruptura da autoridade governamental, os
conflitos de diversas ordens (tribais, tnicos e religiosos), o surgimento de organizaes
criminosas, a proliferao de armas nucleares e de destruio em massa, terrorismos, genocdios
etc. (HUNTIGTON, 1976) parecem contradizer a perspectiva de efetivar direitos humano.
Contudo, nem os Estados mais despticos nem os mais totalitrios conseguiram subjugar
totalmente uma sociedade e os indivduos que dela fazem parte, at porque, segundo Morin
(2007, p. 197), a sociedade sempre a unio da comunidade e da rivalidade, da coalizo e da
competio, dos interesses sociocntricos e dos interesses egocntricos, do fitting (ajuste

mtuo) e do matching (rivalidade, concorrncia).
Como a alma e a sensibilidade da sociedade esto no indivduo (MORIN, 2007, p.
2001), a conscincia tpica da contemporaneidade, que enfatiza a dignidade da pessoa humana,
a fraternidade entre os homens e a solidariedade, parece ser a mesma que alimenta a utopia de
uma civilizao mundial, que permite a coexistncia de culturas oferecendo entre si mesmas
o mximo de diversidade (LVI-STRAUSS, 1989, p. 363).
3 ENTRE O GLOBAL E O LOCAL
A globalizao econmica invocada, constantemente, para explicar a acelerao dos
problemas que ocorrem em diversas partes do mundo. A certeza de que interdependncia
decididamente no o mesmo que integrao e a constatao da proliferao de entidades
polticas autnomas, to dessemelhantes em sua ndole quanto em sua escala, servem ao
propsito de explicar as identidades pblicas circunscritas, intensamente especficas e
sentidas, que transformam radicalmente as formas de ordem poltica e provocam a
substituio de um mundo construdo com uns poucos tijolos anlogos, enormes e mal
encaixados, por um mundo no mais uniformemente nem menos completamente construdo
com muitos tijolos menores, mais diversificados e mais irregulares (GEERTZ, 2001, p. 157 a
158).
O processo de globalizao, entendido como tendncia expanso do sistema
capitalista, de seu modo de produo e de consumo, bem como do estilo de vida imposto pela
cultura ocidental s culturas no ocidentais, tem levantado controvrsias que geram
discordncias entre os tericos (GIDDENS, 2001).
Para alguns, difcil efetivar direitos humanos, quando se tem pases da Unio Europeia,
por exemplo, comercializando predominantemente entre si ou quando o poder dos governos
nacionais das economias centrais aumentado, para dirigir a globalizao de acordo com o
mercado, enquanto cresce a marginalizao do Sul, as civilizaes entram em choque e as
polticas de liberalizao econmica fomentam crises e guerras.
Para outros, a globalizao um fenmeno econmico por excelncia que faz com que
as fora de mercado se tornem mais poderosas que os governos nacionais e seus polticos
incapazes de controlar os mercados financeiros volteis e as ameaas ambientais. Os cidados

perdem a confiana nos sistemas de governana existentes. A articulao da sociedade civil
global e a emergncia de instituies regionais e internacionais, como Unio Europeia, Mercado
Comum do Sul, Organizao Mundial do Comrcio, Organizao das Naes Unidas etc.
podem ser vistas como tentativas de desafiar os governos nacionais.
Decerto, impossvel garantir que os direitos humanos se globalizem inexoravelmente
em funo do fenmeno econmico, mas est claro que os movimentos sociais e as
organizaes da sociedade civil de defesa dos direitos humanos, que surgem nas economias
centrais e a partir delas se irradiam, passaram a atuar localmente e globalmente como fazem as
corporaes multinacionais, indiferentes s fronteiras nacionais.
Contudo, convm lembrar que os sistemas regionais de direitos humanos so organizados
em funo de interesses e valores compartilhados pelos Estados que deles participam e que isto
diz respeito tanto a barreiras culturais como necessidade de regulao e de coordenao
especficas. Por outro lado, h nveis de interconectividade global historicamente sem
precedentes a transformar a vida poltica, cultural e pessoal, de modo que os limites entre o
interno e o externo ou entre o internacional e o domstico se rompem e se confundem. O poder
em resposta dos movimentos sociais e os organismos internacionais infinitamente maior.
Considerando que a globalizao no um processo de mo nica, fica evidente que a
fragmentao de demandas e tambm a integrao da luta em prol dos direitos humanos traduz
o nvel de interconectividade global entre organizaes e foras sociais que atuam na defesa
desses direitos; um fato sem precedentes na histria. Como elas se retroalimentam e a toda hora
esto se reconstruindo e reestruturando, objetivando transformar a comunidade poltica e
efetivar direitos humanos, as relaes inter-regionais e as aes distncia impulsionam
profundas mudanas nas instituies nacionais, internacionais e supracionacionais existentes.
Neste contexto, proliferam as campanhas por justia global e pelo fortalecimento da
estrutura democrtica global da Organizao das Naes Unidas, articulando em rede sistemas
regionais de direitos humanos (o europeu, o africano e o interamericano). Estes tem diante de
si grandes desafios: o fortalecimento da interdependncia entre eles, o compartilhamento de
responsabilidades e a gerao de novos modos de assistir a humanidade, de solucionar conflitos
e de consolidar um sistema de justia internacional justo. A avaliao de violaes de maneira
justa se apresenta como condio indispensvel para a efetivao dos direitos humanos,
evitando que a defesa desses direitos se constitua como fonte de tenso, a fomentar a
desigualdade entre civilizaes nitidamente desiguais em diversos aspectos, a comear pelo
econmico.
Para Huntington (1996), aps o colapso da Unio Sovitica, a crena ocidental,
alimentada em especial pelos Estados Unidos, da prevalncia da democracia poltica e das
concepes ocidentais de direitos humanos, foi sendo enfraquecida, considerada abstrao,
falsa, perigosa, imoral e imperialista. Proliferaram questionamentos e hostilidades em relao
a distribuio desigual de poder no mundo do ps-Guerra Fria, em meio aos desenvolvimento
econmico e aumento da capacidade de resistncia dos governos asiticos s presses
ocidentais para que abraassem valores, instituies e cultura que pouco tinham a ver com a
civilizao oriental. Mais frequentes se tornaram as denncias das violaes de direitos
humanos perpetradas pelo Ocidente, das omisses em relao a violaes perpetradas por
Estados parceiros do Ocidente e ao tratamento desigual dessas violaes. As presses de grupos
econmicos para a cooperao com tiranos que favorecem interesses econmicos ocidentais se
intensificaram em meio guerra de mercado. A China angariou o consenso entre lderes e
intelectuais em prol da resistncia s tentativas de ocidentalizar, dividir e enfraquecer
economicamente o pas. Autores asiticos passaram a acusar o Ocidente de fomentar a
dependncia e a subordinao da sia, lembrando o imperialismo daqueles que dominavam as
Naes Unidas e que escreveram a Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos sem a
participao da maior parte dos povos do mundo.
No jogo contraditrio das foras que agem, ora no sentido de defender interesses
econmicos, ora no de denunciar as violaes de direitos humanos, naes que so
representadas no mundo como mensageiras dos ideais de liberdade, igualdade e fraternidade
renunciam responsabilidades nacionais bem mais amplas, como a de garantir a paz mundial. A
balana das decises polticas pendem para as prioridades monetrias, para os afluxos de capital
financeiro, para a defesa de interesses internos, para a garantia dos interesses dos nacionais. Foi
o que ocorreu, por exemplo, durante a guerra do Golfo, quando a Frana continuou suas
exportaes de armas, no obstante s presses internacionais (CHESNEAUX, 1996).
Segundo Jrgen Habermans (1989), no h alternativa para o capitalismo, porque este j

provou sua capacidade de distribuir riquezas, mas necessrio controlar o controle econmico,
mediante o restabelecimento da esfera pblica, ou seja, da estrutura da democracia. Porque
os procedimentos democrticos ortodoxos no favorecem o envolvimento amplo dos
organismos comunitrios e dos grupos locais, a reforma social e poltica est na dependncia
de novas formas de ativismo.
Ulrich Beck (1992) situa os movimentos e grupos de direitos humanos entre as formas de
ativismo que emergiram fora dos mecanismos formais da poltica democrtica, ao analisar o
que chamou de sociedade em risco por referncia s consequncias da globalizao e s
mudanas que trazem novas formas de risco que o mundo contemporneo deve enfrentar: risco
de sade e ambientais; insegurana no emprego; declnio das tradies e costumes; dificuldade
de construir uma identidade pessoal; rupturas do modelo familiar e dos padres relacionais etc.
A magnitude das mudanas fomenta uma insegurana generalizada, de modo que os grupos e
movimentos que atuam numa arena subpoltica passam a exercer grande influncia sobre os
mecanismos polticos ortodoxos e acabam sendo incorporados como partes da estrutura da
poltica convencional, ao tempo em que tomam para si tambm as responsabilidades pelo
controle dos riscos sociais.
Giddens (1991 e 2001) identifica, ao lado dos riscos, a confiana que se manifesta em
relao aos indivduos e s instituies. Devido ao processo de globalizao, a confiana que
antes se baseava na comunidade local, hoje se baseia em sistemas abstratos como, por exemplo,
pessoas que no conhecemos, agncias reguladoras, organizaes e autoridades internacionais.
Logo, o risco e a confiana so faces da mesma moeda. Embora se possa falar que a era global
abre possibilidades de descontrole em relao ao futuro, possvel controlar o descontrole.
Assim, o autor entende que a perda de parte do poder pelas naes, a menor influncia
exercida pelos pases sobre a poltica econmica e o exerccio de maior influncia dos grupos
e movimentos da subpoltica descrita por Ulrich Beck no suplantaro a poltica democrtica
ortodoxa. Isto porque a democracia fundamental para os grupos que fazem parte da subpoltica
apresentarem suas demandas divergentes, negociarem interesses contrrios, estabelecerem
consensos entre convices opostas. O governo democrtico permanece crucial para lidar com
a diversidade de reivindicaes e reestabelecer dilogos interrompidos.
Se h razes para o pessimismo, quando direitos humanos so rotineiramente ludibriados

em estados do mundo todo (GIDDENS, 2003, p. 90), h motivos para o otimismo, quando se
v a expanso da democracia. Se a poltica democrtica tem como pressuposto a soberania do
Estado-nao, capaz de autogovernar-se, a democratizao da democracia deve ser pensada
para alm dos estados nacionais, acima destes. As organizaes transnacionais e as
internacionais so sistemas que podem contribuir para que a democracia avance tanto no
interior dos Estados quanto na relao entre eles.
No limitando a democracia esfera pblica como fez Jrgen Habermas, Giddens (1991,
2001 e 2003) vislumbra, ainda, a democracia que emerge no cotidiano, a democracia das
emoes, avanando para uma crescente igualdade nos relacionamentos, para o respeito mtuo
e a tolerncia. Ento, ao invs de pensar a democracia como uma flor frgil, que se pode
facilmente pisar, melhor seria v-la como uma planta robusta, capaz de medrar at no terreno
mais estril, como uma luta que vale a pena empreender e ela pode ser vitoriosa (GIDDENS,
2003, p. 90 a 91).
Para Fraser (2002 e 2008), atualmente, h dois tipos de reivindicao que so aspectos do
mesmo paradigma de justia social, embora contenham demandas que podem ser vistas como
distintas: a) as redistributivas referidas ao acesso aos recursos materiais e distribuio justa
das riquezas; e b) as de reconhecimento referidas valorizao de identidades (tnica, sexual,
de gnero etc.) e resistncia assimilao das identidades de uma cultura dominante. No
momento em que o capitalismo acelera os contatos transculturais, destri sistemas de
interpretao e politiza identidades, erguem-se bandeiras contra a dominao cultural e
econmica, as quais se reforam dialeticamente. A emergncia de duas concepes globais de
injustia (econmica e cultural) traz tenso sobre prioridades entre as demandas de poltica de
redistribuio e as polticas de reconhecimento, sendo a restituio da igualdade como paridade
de participao nas relaes sociais o remdio para corrigir a injustia.
Santos (2003) corrobora a viso de Fraser, entendendo que o carter bidimensional da
justia (redistribuio e reconhecimento) no pode prescindir de um dilogo intercultural e de
um processo de construo coletiva, no qual as incompletudes mtuas possam ser reconhecidas
e a questo do direito igualdade e diferena sejam postas simultaneamente e no como
direitos antagnicos.
CONCLUSO
Abordar os temas dos direitos humanos luz do dilogo socioantropolgico oferece a
possiblidade de compreender as dificuldades de efetivao desses direitos segundo vises
tericas que tendem a se polarizar em posicionamentos mais otimistas e mais pessimistas acerca
do futuro da democracia e da prpria humanidade.
As vises mais otimistas alimentam a utopia da cidadania terrena, da fraternidade
humana, da unidade na diversidade e da democracia global. As vises mais pessimistas centram
suas anlises na denncia das persistentes violaes de direitos humanos e algumas acabam por
reduzi-los mera retrica a servio de interesses das economias centrais, na luta incessante pela
ampliao de seus domnios. Vises mais moderadas apresentam os inmeros riscos trazidos
pela globalizao coexistindo com o potencial revolucionrio implcito no fortalecimento
jurdico dos direitos humanos.
No momento atual, grandes so as demandas de justia social, de redistribuio, de
reconhecimento e de participao. Nisto est implcito o desafio de articular a diversidade
cultural de forma a promover uma colaborao mais fraterna entre os povos, para o que o
dilogo intercultural imprescindvel.
Se o notrio fortalecimento da noo jurdica de direitos humanos, a proteo legal que
se estabeleceu em diversos nveis, no mbito domstico e internacional, no tem sido capaz de
reduzir violaes graves e conflitos que ameaam a humanidade, numa coisa parece que os
tericos so unnimes: a alternativa devolver humanidade sua humanidade. O dilogo
intercultural um grande comeo para a colaborao entre as culturas no sentido da efetivao
da justia social.
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Comunicaes Orais
Grupo de Trabalho 6
Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e

Desenvolvimento Sustentvel
A ATUAO DAS ORGANIZAES INTERNACIONAIS PARA O

FORTALECIMENTO DA DEMOCRACIA: A ORGANIZAO DOS ESTADOS
AMERICANOS E O COMBATE CORRUPO NO BRASIL
Manoel Ambrosio Ribeiro Neto1
Isabelle Dias Carneiro Santos2
RESUMO
A atuao enrgica das organizaes internacionais atravs do trabalho de mecanismos
de verificao de conferncia especializadas uma realidade no atual cenrio
internacional, com atuao em distintas reas. Dessa forma, este trabalho tem por
finalidade, por meio da anlise bibliogrfica atinente ao tema e o uso do mtodo lgicodedutivo, descrever o trabalho desenvolvido pela Organizao dos Estados Americanos
no combate corrupo, baseado nos trabalhos do Mecanismo de Acompanhamento da
Implementao da Conveno Interamericana Contra a Corrupo e, por meio dele, notar
uma das consequncias jurdicas dessa atuao slida: a exigncia de que a legislao
interna de um Estado que ratificou tratado internacional em determinada matria seja
necessariamente compatvel ao contedo do que foi ali convencionado.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Organizao dos Estados Americanos; Fortalecimento da

Democracia; Combate Corrupo.
1. INTRODUO
Atualmente, a atuao mais efetiva e enrgica das organizaes internacionais
uma realidade. Desde o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, com criao das Organizaes
das Naes Unidades (ONU), o direito internacional pblico passou a um nvel maior de
complexidade de suas relaes diante da forma com que vem trabalhando e nas
consequncias dessa atuao mais intensa.
Graduando em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul, Campus de Trs Lagoas. Email: manoelribeiro523@gmail.com.
2
Docente no curso de Direito da Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul, Campus de Trs Lagoas.
Doutoranda
em
Direito
pela
Universidade
Presbiteriana
Mackenzie/SP.
E-mail:
professoraisabellesantos@gmail.com.
As organizaes internacionais, ocupando este novo nvel de complexidade,

comearam a atuar em reas no necessariamente ligadas paz internacional e a resoluo
pacfica de conflitos entre os Estados soberanos, mas passou tambm a convencionar
sobre temas como economia, educao, direitos humanos, democracia e etc. Acoplando
essas novas reas de atuao houve duas importantes consequncias: a proliferao de
conferncias especializadas e do estabelecimento de mecanismos de verificao de
implementao destes tratados internacionais e uma necessidade, cada vez maior, que os
dispositivos legais do ordenamento jurdico interno sejam compatveis com os textos dos
tratados internacionais a que determinado Estado juridicamente se vinculou.
Em um contexto interamericano estes fenmenos podem ser facilmente
visualizados com a formao e atuao da Organizao dos Estados Americanos (OEA),
j que ela prev expressamente no artigo 53 de seu documento constitutivo a criao de
conferncias e organismos especializados, mais especificamente, no trabalho realizado
por esta organizao internacional no combate corrupo atravs da Conveno
Interamericana Contra a Corrupo (CICC) e do Mecanismo de Acompanhamento da
Implementao da Conveno Interamericana Contra a Corrupo (MESICIC).
Dessa forma, este trabalho tem por finalidade identificar, por meio da anlise de
relatrios da Comisso de Peritos do MESICIC, algumas experincias na criao de
mecanismos de combate corrupo no Brasil que servem como instrumentos idneos
para a efetivao da supracitada Conveno Interamericana e, assim, caracterizando a
ideia de que a atuao de rgos que no esto restritos jurisdio interna de um s pas
possam influenciar e fiscalizar de forma intensa o ordenamento jurdico interno brasileiro.
Para explicar esta situao ser explanado, inicialmente, sobre a forma como
surgiram e as diversas finalidades das principais organizaes internacionais de cunho
poltico, especialmente a OEA. Em um segundo momento, descrever-se- sobre o
obstculo que representa a corrupo para o desenvolvimento das naes interamericanas
e quais foram as medidas adotadas na Conveno Interamericana Contra Corrupo
para enfrentar este desafio para, somente por ltimo, ocorrer a enumerao de exemplos
brasileiros na atuao da Comisso de Peritos do MESICIC e sua respectiva relao com

os dispositivos da Conveno Interamericana.
2. A FORMAO DAS ORGANIZAES INTERNACIONAIS E SUAS

DIVERSAS FINALIDADES: O CASO DA OEA
As organizaes internacionais so um facilitador diplomtico, pois sua funo
primordial unir diversos Estados soberanos em torno de um objetivo comum, propsito
este que tem por base estabelecer um harmnico relacionamento entre estas
personalidades jurdicas internacionais para um amplo desenvolvimento da sociedade
internacional (ACCIOLY, 2009, pp. 27-28).
Considerando que o globo est organizado e subdivido em vrios Estados
soberanos, os relacionamentos estatais, em um plano internacional, sempre se
estabeleceram com base em trs conceitos chaves: o consentimento, a boa-f e o pact sunt
servanda (Rezek, 2010, pp. 03-11). Nestes termos, cada Estado soberano, na medida de
seu interesse, trava acordos com outro Estado igualmente independente sobre questes
que so comuns a estes dois entes internacionais, de forma que o relacionamento ali
estabelecido ser vantajoso para ambas as naes.
Estabelecida essa premissa bsica sobre a forma como os Estados se organizam e
se impem no ambiente internacional, deve-se mencionar que o fenmeno das
organizaes internacionais surge no momento em que os Estados estreitam suas relaes
e, visando um maior desenvolvimento de suas relaes, comeam a se reunir em grupos
de trs ou mais Estados para a realizao de conferncias internacionais, visando o
estabelecimento de tratados internacionais sobre diversos temas para atingir os fins
comuns, e, alm disso, se preocupam com a periodicidade dessas reunies (GUERRA,
2014, p. 231).
O contexto internacional, portanto, comeou a exigir uma maior cooperao entre
os Estados e este fato levou ao surgimento de instituies internacionais que estavam
destinadas a diferentes finalidades. A mais importante dessas novas personalidades
internacionais a Organizao das Naes Unidas (ONU), criada aps a Segunda Guerra
Mundial com uma estrutura voltada primordialmente a manuteno da paz e segurana

internacional e a resoluo de conflitos entre os povos de forma pacfica (ACCIOLY,
2009, p. 60).
A formao de uma instituio com atuao em nvel global como a ONU,
entretanto, no obstou que organizaes internacionais com objetivos e estruturas bem
semelhantes se formassem em um mbito mais regional. No caso do continente americano
o desenvolvimento de organizaes multilaterais ocorreu de forma lenta e contnua e
chegou ao seu pice com a criao da Organizao dos Estados Americanos (OEA)
(ACCIOLY, 2009, p. 87).
Como j foi mencionado, estas organizaes internacionais, seja de nvel global
ou regional, formam-se com o objetivo precpuo de manuteno da paz entre as naes.
Essa finalidade notria na estrutura da ONU, especialmente quando da atuao do
Conselho de Segurana, rgo da ONU encarregado desta funo, e tambm, no domnio
da Organizao dos Estados Americanos.3
Entretanto, com a percepo por parte dos Estados da existncia de problemas que
no podem ser resolvidos sem uma assistncia mtua, especialmente nas reas social,
econmica, cultural e tcnica, e a ampliao do mbito de atuao das organizaes
internacionais, principalmente aps a Segunda Guerra Mundial, houve um
aprimoramento na capitulao das finalidades destes organismos, de forma que uma vez
que foram superados as principais ameaas paz internacional as organizaes
internacionais comearam a se dedicar mais profundamente em outros campos de atuao
(GUERRA. 2014, p. 232-235).
Trazendo esta anlise para o plano da legislao interamericana possvel notar
na Carta da Organizao dos Estados Americanos, documento constitutivo da OEA, por
exemplo, a enumerao de diversas outras finalidades, distintas daquelas relacionadas
paz, como, por exemplo, a promoo do desenvolvimento econmico, social e cultural
por meio de ao cooperativa (artigo 2), e especificamente, tambm, nos campos
Alis, neste sentido, possvel notar que dos 52 artigos da primeira parte da Carta da OEA, cerca de 14
versam diretamente sobre a manuteno da paz e outras questes de agresso e soluo pacfica de conflitos.
Sos eles, os artigos 1, 2, 3, 15, 19, 21, 22 e 23 e todos os artigos dos Captulos V e VI da Carta.
educacional, cientfico e tecnolgico (artigo 31), unio de esforos para desenvolvimento

integral e prevalncia da justia social internacional (artigo 30), eliminao da pobreza
crtica, distribuio da riqueza e da renda (artigo 34) e consolidao da democracia
representativa (artigo 2).
Para perseguir as diversas finalidades para que foi criada, inclusive aqueles de
natureza social, econmica e cultural, as organizaes internacionais promovem a
realizao de Conferncias Internacionais Especializadas, cujo o objetivo criar normas
internacionais sobre temas distintos e, dessa forma, facilitar a cooperao entre as gentes
relativa quela temtica. A Carta da OEA prev expressamente em seu artigo 53, a
realizao destas Conferncias Especializadas.
Considerando que praticamente todos os Estados soberanos do mundo so Estados
de Direito, ou seja, tem sua forma de estruturao e atuao baseada na lei que foi
desenvolvida de acordo com a sua trama poltica interna, e toda essa movimentao
internacional sobre a regulamentao de temas no necessariamente atinentes a
manuteno da paz e segurana entre os Estados possvel configurar a seguinte situao:
a organizao internacional realiza uma conferncia especializada cuja a efetiva
concretizao s ocorrer se o Estado conformar suas normas internas ao estabelecido
pela Conveno internacional elaborada e, por isso, os rgos internacionais comeam a
exigir do Estado-parte a aplicao obrigatria do disposto no tratado internacional.4
Dessa forma, as organizaes internacionais, firmes nos propsitos estabelecidos
em seu documento constitutivo, ganharam uma influncia muito grande no mbito interno
dos pases e essa ingerncia se torna claramente perceptvel quando h, e a Carta da OEA
prev expressamente essa possibilidade em seu artigo 53, a formao de um mecanismo
de verificao do tratado internacional oriundo da conferncia especializada. por meio
desta entidade que as consequncias tericas de que a vinculao a um tratado
internacional tem efeitos sobre o ordenamento jurdico interno de um Estado e que as
Essa ideia tem se tornado to forte que, por exemplo, no mbito do sistema interamericano foi criada a
Comisso Jurdica Interamericana, que tem a finalidade de atuar como rgo consultivo em assuntos
jurdicos dos Estados-parte, estudando, entre outros temas, problemas referentes integrao dos pases do
Continente e a uniformizao das legislaes no que for conveniente (artigo 99 da Carta da OEA).
normas internas relativas s matrias internacionalmente convencionadas sejam sempre

compatveis so exibidas no plano prtico.
3. O PROBLEMA DA CORRUPO
O estimulo a uma atuao pautada na democracia est na essncia da formao
das organizaes internacionais. A Organizao dos Estados Americanos j traz em seu
prembulo que a democracia representativa condio essencial para a estabilidade, a
paz e o desenvolvimento da regio e que a consolidao de um regime de liberdade
individual e justia social s ser formado dentro do quadro das instituies democrticas.
A Organizao dos Estados Americanos traz, inclusive, uma Carta Democrtica
Interamericana, tratando da democracia no continente, dispondo em seu artigo 4 que:
So componentes fundamentais do exerccio da democracia a transparncia das
atividades governamentais, a probidade, a responsabilidade dos governos na gesto
pblica, o respeito pelos direitos sociais [...] (OEA, 2001)
Alis, neste sentido, importante mencionar que a Carta da OEA tambm traz
que a solidificao da democracia representativa um propsito seu (artigo 2, b) e que
os Estados americanos devem pautar sua organizao poltica neste princpio (artigo 3,
d), alm de estabelecer sanes caso um governo democraticamente institudo seja
deposto pela fora (artigo 9). Diante deste quadro no difcil concluir que a corrupo
constitui uma anomalia perigosa para a manuteno de um sistema interamericano
democrtico e, principalmente, para fazer com que as ordens jurdicas internas dos
Estados do continente americano sejam pautados por uma poltica democrtica.
A corrupo uma forma de interferncia nas decises pblicas, ou seja, h uma
promessa de recompensa para que o corruptor seja favorecido em seus interesses. Ela
um mtodo especfico de exercer influncia para amoldar o contedo das decises
pblicas a convenincia do agente causador da corrupo (BOBBIO, 1998, p. 291-293).
As consequncias da prtica da corrupo so evidentes quando mostradas em
estatsticas: cerca de 10% do PIB global a quantidade de dinheiro movimentada pela
corrupo em todo o mundo, j em 2005 a Transparncia Internacional estimou entre 25
e 60 bilhes de dlares o montante desviado por corruptores durante o sculo XX, alm
de elaborar uma lista de chefes de Estado que enriqueceram com a formao de esquemas
de corrupo enquanto eram lderes de seus respectivos pases (NUNES, 2008, p. 72).
Alm dessas sequelas financeiras h o prejuzo para o fortalecimento das
instituies democrticas, j que aquilo que era para ser administrado de acordo com a
funo pblica est sendo desviado para fins particulares.
Bobbio, Matteucci e Pasquino, neste sentido, ensinam que o agente corruptor pode
atuar em trs nveis:
Usar da Corrupo, antes de tudo, na fase da elaborao das decises.
Algumas atividades dos grupos de presso, aquelas que tentam influir
nos deputados, nos membros das comisses parlamentares, nos peritos,
podem ser englobadas na categoria da Corrupo. Recorrem, em geral,
a este tipo de Corrupo aqueles grupos que, no gozando de uma
adequada representatividade, no possuem bastante acesso aos
decision-makers. A Corrupo pode tambm ser tida como tentativa
para a obteno de um acesso privilegiado. O segundo nvel da
Corrupo o da aplicao das normas por parte da administrao
pblica e de suas instituies. O objetivo, neste caso, o de obter uma
iseno ou uma aplicao de qualquer modo favorvel. Sero tanto
maiores as probabilidades de xito, quanto mais elstica e vaga for a
formulao das normas. A Corrupo pode ainda ser usada, quando se
faz valer a lei contra os transgressores. Neste caso, a Corrupo visa a
fugir s sanes legalmente previstas. So objeto da Corrupo, aos trs
nveis, os parlamentares, o Governo e a burocracia, e a magistratura.
(1998, p. 292).
Dessa forma, com base na delineao do conceito de corrupo e na definio de

suas principais formas de atuao, percebe-se que a corrupo um grande risco para a
consolidao da democracia no continente, uma vez que a tendncia da democracia
concretizar Estados de Direito, ou seja, que aquilo que se diz pblico seja criado e
administrado de acordo com o estabelecido na legislao, no conforme os interesses
particulares de quem goza da possibilidade, seja por poder poltico, militar ou econmico,
de amoldar as decises dos rgos pblicos aos seus interesses pessoais ou corporativos.
4. CONVENO INTERAMERICANA CONTRA A CORRUPO (CICC)
A atuao de uma organizao internacional em reas distintas daquelas

relacionadas a manuteno da paz internacional e da resoluo pacfica de conflitos entre
os Estados ocorreu, como se exps, em virtude da percepo da necessidade de
cooperao internacional entre os Estados para a resoluo de problemas especficos,
principalmente aqueles relativos a sociedade, economia, cultura e democracia. Alm
disso, conforme se mostrou no tpico anterior, a corrupo se mostra como um obstculo
firme a concretizao dos objetivos geralmente estabelecidos nos documentos
constitutivos das organizaes internacionais e, em um contexto interamericano, para a
consolidao da democracia representativa.
Como se salientou, dentro do mbito da Organizao dos Estados Americanos
(OEA) possvel, de acordo com o artigo 53 da Carta da OEA, a realizao de uma
Conferncia Especializada para a discusso de temas especficos. Dessa forma, os
Estados membros da OEA, reunidos para discutir especificamente questes atinentes ao
combate corrupo, concluram a Conveno Interamericana Contra a Corrupo.
Nos moldes como aqui foram colocados os desafios que a existncia da corrupo
impe ao desenvolvimento dos Estados americanos, percebe-se que esta dita conferncia
tentou, de forma clara e direta, criar conceitos e medidas preventivas e repressivas de
combate corrupo.
J no prembulo os Estados que participaram da elaborao da Conveno
estabelecem que a corrupo um problema de transcendncia internacional, que ela
abala a estrutura e legitimidade das instituies pblicas e que combater a sua existncia
da natureza da democracia representativa, condio essencial para estabilidade, paz e
desenvolvimento da regio.
Alm disso, o prembulo expressamente dispe que o combate a corrupo evita
distores na econmica, vcios na gesto pblica e deteriorao moral e social, que um
dos instrumentos usados pelas organizaes criminosas para realizao de seus fins, que
importante reforar a conscincia dos cidados do continente para a necessidade e a
gravidade que representa sua existncia, que necessrio a criao de mecanismos
internacionais para combater a corrupo e que para uma impugnao bem sucedida os
Estados devem acabar com a impunidade para as prticas de condutas ligadas corrupo.
Estabelecidas as premissas bsicas do problema a ser enfrentado, a Conveno

traz uma srie de definies e medidas, muitas vezes ligadas a especficos
comportamentos corruptos, como lavagem de dinheiro e enriquecimento ilcito, que os
Estados que ratificarem o referido tratado internacional devem adotar e efetivar. No incio
o texto j fica claro a definio dos trs principais conceitos que vo guiar a aplicao da
Conveno, quais sejam, funo pblica, funcionrio pblico e bens (artigo I), e
estabelece os seus propsitos, que o fortalecimento do desenvolvimento de mecanismos
para prevenir, detectar, punir e erradicar a corrupo e promover uma maior integrao
entre os Estados para extirpar a corrupo (artigo II).
Logo em seguida, no seu artigo III, o tratado comea a enumerar uma srie de
medidas que devero ser tomadas pelo Estado parte para fortalecer o sistema pblico de
possveis prticas corruptas, elas so, portanto, medidas preventivas. As disposies ali
detalhadas so de vrias naturezas, desde a criao de sistemas mais seguros de seleo
de pessoal, declarao de receitas e arrecadao de renda at medidas mais educativas,
como a instruo de funcionrios pblicos para que sigam suas responsabilidades e
normas ticas e o estabelecimento de mecanismos de participao da sociedade civil e de
organizaes no governamentais nos esforos para o combate a corrupo.
No curto artigo VI fica estabelecido o mbito de aplicao da Conveno
Interamericana e, logo aps, o tratado dispe sobre a abordagem jurisdicional que deve
ser dado por cada pas a pessoas que praticam delitos ligados a corrupo, sejam aquelas
cidads do Estado onde foi praticado o delito ou residam ali habitualmente ou que esteja
no territrio de determinado Estado e no seja extraditada devido a sua nacionalidade
(artigo V).
Depois a Conveno trabalha um dos principais temas relacionados ao combate a
corrupo: a definio do que seja ato de corrupo e, por consequncia, a conceituao
do prprio fenmeno da corrupo.5 Para enfrentar este desafio partiu-se do pressuposto
A definio do conceito de corrupo um tema delicado e difcil de ser trabalhado porque a sua prtica
j envolve, em si mesma, um quantidade enorme de condutas. exatamente por isso que as definies at
hoje criadas em um plano internacional sempre esbarraram em questes legais, doutrinrios ou polticas
quando havia uma tentativa de adequao de determinado conceito a realidade de determinado Estado. No
por outro motivo que atualmente o conceito mais adotado tambm o mais genrico, que aquele usado
pelo Banco Mundial: o abuso do poder pblico para benefcios privados (NUNES, 2008, p. 61).
que a corrupo no facilmente conceituada, mas pode ser incontestavelmente detectada

a partir de certos comportamentos. Ento, neste artigo VI a Conveno traz a descrio
de uma srie de atos que so considerados, necessariamente, comportamentos corruptos,
quais sejam, por exemplo, solicitar de funcionrio pblico qualquer valor pecunirio ou
outro benefcio em troca de qualquer ao ou omisso daquele funcionrio no exerccios
de suas funes pblicas ou a participao, como autor, coautor, instigador, cmplice ou
acobertador, de associao para perpetrar qualquer dos autos de corrupo definido no
artigo VI da Conveno.
Ainda com relao ao tratado no pargrafo anterior, o artigo VII postula
rapidamente que os Estados-parte devem tomar medidas legislativas para tipificar as
condutas descritas no artigo VI. Da mesma forma, o texto do tratado traz outra srie de
tipificaes delituosas no disposto em seu artigo XI.
Nos artigos VIII e IX a Conveno trata especificamente sobre as medidas que
devem ser tomadas com relao a dois tipos especficos de corrupo: o suborno
transnacional e o enriquecimento ilcito. A partir dos artigos seguintes a Conveno
paralisa a tipificao de condutas delituosas relacionadas corrupo e passa a descrever
alguns dos efeitos que devem surtir nos Estados quando estes ratificarem e iniciarem o
processo de efetivao dos dispositivos da Conveno Interamericana Contra a
Corrupo, como, por exemplo, determinando a notificao de Estados-parte quando h
a adoo, por algum deles, de determinadas legislaes (artigo X), sobre a no produo
de prejuzo no patrimnio do Estado dos atos de corrupo descritos na Conveno (artigo
XII), sobre extradio (artigo XIII) e assistncia e cooperao (artigo XIV), entre outros
efeitos (artigos XV a XX).
Por ltimo, a Conveno traz os dispositivos relativos sua prpria vigncia,
como qualquer tratado internacional, como assinatura (artigo XXI), ratificao (artigo
XII), adeso (artigo XXIII), reserva (artigo XIV), entrada em vigor (artigo XXV),
denncia (artigo XXVI), protocolos adicionais (artigo XXVII) e depsito do tratado
(artigo XXVIII).
5. A
COMISSO
DE
PERITOS
DO
MECANISMO
DE
ACOMPANHAMENTO DA IMPLEMENTAO DA CONVENO

INTERAMERICANA CONTRA A CORRUPO (MESICIC)
Para trabalhar com temas especficos e cumprir com as finalidades que foi criada,
a Organizao dos Estados Americanos tambm pode trabalhar com organismos
especializados, ou seja, a fiscalizao e regulamentao da forma como o Estado deve se
adequar ao tratado internacional que ratificou pode ser realizada por um rgo geralmente
criado pela prpria conveno internacional, cujo o nome genrico mecanismo de
verificao. Na forma geral, a atuao desses organismos ocorre por meio da submisso
de relatrios e pareceres a esses rgos pelos Estados-parte de uma Conveno e os
respectivos relatrios avaliativos emitidos por este organismo.
No caso da Conveno Interamericana Contra a Corrupo no houve uma criao
imediata de qualquer organismo especializado para trabalhar na efetivao dos
dispositivos ali convencionados, no entanto, ficou previsto, no artigo XVII, a
possibilidade de criao de protocolos adicionais que tenham a finalidade de colaborar
com a consecuo dos objetivos ali estabelecidos. Portanto, foi assim que, em 04 de junho
de 2001, numa Assembleia Geral da OEA, estabeleceu-se o Documento de Buenos Aires
sobre o Mecanismo de Acompanhamento da Implementao da Conveno
Interamericana Contra a Corrupo, mecanismo especializado para acompanhar os
Estados-parte na implementao das normas internacionais de combate a Corrupo.
O mecanismo de verificao da CICC estruturado em dois rgos: a Conferncia
dos Estados Partes, que composta por representantes dos Estados-parte da Conveno
e dever se reunir no mnimo uma vez por ano, e pela Comisso de Peritos, responsvel
pela anlise tcnica da implementao dos dispositivos da Conveno Interamericana
(item 5).
A Comisso de Peritos trabalha por meio de rodadas de anlises, da seguinte
forma: a Comisso seleciona alguns dos temas includos na Conveno e que sua
aplicao por um Estado-parte ser objeto de anlise da Comisso, depois ele formula um
questionrio que ser remetido aos pases e dever ser respondido em determinado
perodo de tempo tambm determinado pela Comisso e, por ltimo, trabalhando em

subgrupos e depois de forma conjunta elabora um relatrio final com as observaes
atinentes a cada Estado (item 7, b).
No caso do Brasil, desde quando comeou a realizar suas anlises, a Comisso de
Peritos j avaliou o pas em quatro rodadas e pelo trabalho desse organismo
internacional que possvel verificar a forma como o Estado brasileiro vem tratando o
tema combate corrupo e quais foram as medidas tomadas no mbito interno deste pas
que servem como meios adequados a efetivar as disposies da Conveno
Interamericana Contra a Corrupo.
Neste sentido, como se percebe dos documentos analticos emitidos pela
Comisso, o Brasil respondeu devidamente todos os questionrios emitidos pelo
organismo e j implementou vrias medidas que tornaram mais efetiva a implementao
dos dispositivos da Conveno Interamericana. Dentre os vrios temas que foram objeto
de anlise com relao ao Brasil pela Comisso de Peritos, quatro deles exemplificam
bem como as medidas de combate corrupo neste pas tem se conformado as regras da
Conveno Interamericana.
O primeiro tema est vinculado ao estabelecimento de normas de conduta e
mecanismos para assegurar a preservao e o uso adequado dos recursos designados aos
funcionrios pblicos. Neste sentido, destacam-se vrias aes, principalmente no mbito
legislativo, que criam um controle mais firme sobre os recursos especificados, como, por
exemplo, a Lei Complementar 101/00, chamada de Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal, mas,
tambm, na atuao de rgos responsveis pela fiscalizao e uso adequado dos ditos
recursos, como o Conselho de Justia Federal, criado pela Lei Federal 8472/92 e
responsvel pela fiscalizao administrativa sobre a Justia Federal, e o Conselho
Nacional de Justia, criado pela Emenda Constitucional 45/04, que realiza toda a
superviso administrativa e financeira do Poder Judicirio (Comisso de Peritos, 2006,
pp. 16-22).
Com a aplicao dessas medidas mostra-se satisfeito, por exemplo, o artigo III,
itens 1 e 2, da CICC, que diz, em suma, que os Estados devem criar em seus sistemas
institucionais normas de conduta para o correto uso dos recursos confiados aos
funcionrios pblicos e mecanismos para tornar efetivo as normas de conduta legisladas.
Com relao a estes mecanismos, a Comisso de Peritos claramente confirma:
El Estado analizado cuenta con normas que regulan detalladamente
esta cuestin, establecen responsabilidades de naturaleza poltica,
administrativa, penal y civil para sus infractores, asignan las
facultades y disponen procedimientos tendientes a hacer efectivas esas
responsabilidades, estableciendo as mecanismos idneos para exigir
el cumplimiento de tales normas. (2006, p. 20).
Em um segundo momento, pode-se destacar a instalao de sistemas para a

contratao de funcionrios pblicos e para aquisio de bens e servios por parte do
Estado. Dessa forma, ressalta-se a Resoluo 07/2005 do Conselho Nacional de Justia,
esclarecendo e proibindo qualquer forma de nepotismo nos quadros do Poder Judicirio,
e a Lei Orgnica do Tribunal de Contas da Unio (TCU), Lei Federal 8443/92, que dispe
que o tribunal de contas o responsvel por fiscalizar a realizao de licitaes, contratos,
convnios e acordos feitos pelo governo.
A Comisso de Peritos, ento, reafirma que a proibio do nepotismo e a atuao
de rgos como o TCU so medidas pertinentes para a promoo dos propsitos da
Conveno Interamericana (2008, pp. 02-30), atendendo ao descrito no artigo III, item 5,
que exige a criao de sistemas de recrutamento de funcionrios pblicos e de aquisio
de bens e servios por parte do Estado de forma transparente, equitativa e eficiente.
Outro tpico importante so os mecanismos para a preveno de suborno de
funcionrios pblicos nacionais e estrangeiros e, nesta rea, destacam-se as medidas
legislativas que impem aos empresrios e demais sociedades comerciais regras de
contabilidade obrigatrios. Nisto, o Cdigo Civil Brasileiro (Lei Federal 10 406/02), entre
outros dispositivos relacionados corrupo, traz a obrigatoriedade dos donos ou
dirigentes de empresas e sociedades comerciais trabalharem com um sistema de
contabilidade e, mais especificamente, o Decreto 3000/99, que regulamenta o Imposto de
Renda, dispe que as pessoas jurdicas contribuintes devem manter livros fiscais. Alm
disso, o relatrio da terceira rodada de anlises destaca a atuao dos Conselhos Regionais
de Contabilidade, que promove casos de investigao e sanes praticas corruptas neste

mbito profissional (Comisso de Peritos, 2011, pp. 09-26).
Assim, os dispositivos atinentes ao suborno transnacional (artigo VIII), sobre a
adoo de medidas que impeam o aliciamento de funcionrios pblicos e sobre a
manuteno de controles contbeis internos que permitam que outros funcionrios
detectem a existncia da desnaturao de oficiais da estrutura do Estado (artigo III, item
10), encontram aplicao no ordenamento jurdico brasileiro.
Por ltimo, o estabelecimento de rgos de controle superior com o fim de
organizar mecanismos modernos para prevenir, detectar, sancionar e erradicar prticas
corruptas foi muito bem destacado pela Comisso de Peritos na atuao dos seguintes
rgos: Controladoria Geral da Unio, vinculada Secretaria da Presidncia da
Repblica, o Tribunal de Constas da Unio, o Conselho Nacional de Justia, o
Departamento de Polcia Federal e o Supremo Tribunal Federal, j que so rgos
responsveis pelo estabelecimento de regras, recomendaes e diretrizes das operaes
administrativas e financeiras de determinados rgos de atuao brasileiro, como a CGU,
o TCU e o CNJ, e, tambm, responsveis por apurar e julgar prticas ligadas corrupo
que so penalmente tipificadas ou que h consequncias civilmente detectadas em
legislao, como a Polcia Federal e o STF (Comisso de Peritos, 2012, pp. 02-05).
Com estes mecanismos o Estado brasileiro acaba por avanar no cumprimento de
um dos propsitos maiores da Conveno Interamericana, que o de detectar e punir a
corrupo (artigo II) e criar rgos de controle que evitem prticas corruptas (artigo III,
item 9).
6. CONCLUSO
As organizaes internacionais foram criadas com vrias finalidades, no somente
aquelas ligadas manuteno da paz internacional, como a priori se havia aventado logo
aps o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, mas tambm com objetivos relacionados a
questes sociais, econmicas, culturais e democrticas. Neste sentido, depois que os
principais problemas relacionados paz mundial ou regional se estabilizaram as

organizaes internacionais se voltaram a uma atuao mais intensa nestas ltimas reas.
Em um contexto interamericano, especialmente falando da consolidao da
democracia, por vezes em xeque na regio, e no desafio imposto pela corrupo,
possvel perceber claramente, tambm por meio dos relatrios da Comisso de Peritos do
MESICIC as duas maiores consequncias desta atuao mais forte da OEA na
consolidao da democracia representativa: a proliferao de conferncias especializadas
e do estabelecimento de mecanismos de verificao de implementao destes tratados
internacionais e uma necessidade, cada vez maior, que os dispositivos legais do
ordenamento jurdico interno sejam compatveis com os textos dos tratados internacionais
a que determinado Estado juridicamente se vinculou.
No caso do Brasil, a atuao da Organizao dos Estados Americanos revelada
no s pelo contedo dos relatrios expedidos em quatro rodadas de anlises pela
Comisso de Peritos do Mecanismo de Acompanhamento da Implementao da
Conveno Interamericana Contra a Corrupo, que mostram que cada vez mais a
legislao brasileira se torna compatvel ao contedo da referida Conveno
Interamericana, mas tambm pelo simples fato do Brasil ser um Estado-membro da OEA
e um Estado-parte da Conveno Interamericana Contra a Corrupo, mostrando que no
tmida a atuao brasileira no mbito internacional nesta rea e a influncia deste ltimo
neste pas.
REFERNCIAS BIBLIOGRAFICAS
ACCIOLY, Hildebrando. Tratado de Direito Internacional Pblico. Volume I. 3
Edio. So Paulo: Quartier Latin, 2009.
ACCIOLY, Hildebrando. Tratado de Direito Internacional Pblico. Volume II. 3
Edio. So Paulo: Quartier Latin, 2009.
BOBBIO, Norberto. MATTEUCCI, Nicola. PASQUINO, Giangranco. Dicionrio de
poltica. Traduo de Carmen C, Varriale. Coordeno e Traduo de Joo Ferreira.
Reviso geral de Joo Ferreira e Luis Guerreiro Pinto Cacais. Braslia: Editora
Universidade de Braslia, 1998.
BRASIL.
Decreto
4410
de
07
de
Outubro
de
2002.
http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/2002/D4410.htm.
Disponvel
ltimo
acesso
em:
em
05/05/2015.
COMIT DE EXPERTOS DEL MECANISMO DE SEGUIMIENTO DE LA
IMPLEMENTACIN DE LA CONVENCIN INTERAMERICANA CONTRA LA
CORRUPCIN. Informe final sobre la implementacin en la repblica federativa de
brasil de las disposiciones de la convencin seleccionadas para ser analizadas en el
marco
de
la
primera
ronda.
Disponvel
em:
http://www.oas.org/juridico/spanish/bra.htm. ltimo acesso em 07/05/2015.

CORRUPCIN. Informe relativo a la implementacin en la repblica federativa de
brasil de las disposiciones de la convencin seleccionadas para ser analizadas en la
segunda ronda, y sobre el seguimiento de las recomendaciones formuladas a dicho
pas en la primera ronda. Disponvel em: http://www.oas.org/juridico/spanish/bra.htm.
ltimo acesso em 07/05/2015.
brasil de las disposiciones de la convencin seleccionadas para ser analizadas en la
tercera ronda, y sobre el seguimiento de las recomendaciones formuladas a dicho
pas
en
las
rondas
anteriores.
Disponvel
em:
http://www.oas.org/juridico/spanish/bra.htm. ltimo acesso em 07/05/2015.


brasil de la disposicin de la convencin seleccionada para ser analizada en la cuarta
ronda, y sobre el seguimiento de las recomendaciones formuladas en la primera
ronda. Disponvel em: http://www.oas.org/juridico/spanish/bra.htm. ltimo acesso em
07/05/2015.
GUERRA, Sidney. Curso de Direito Internacional Pblico. 8 Edio. So Paulo:
Saraiva, 2014.
NUNES, Antonio Carlos Ozorio. A cooperao internacional como instrumento
jurdico de preveno e combate corrupo. Pontifcia Universidade Catlica de So
Paulo: So Paulo, 2008.
OEA.
Carta
da
Organizao
dos
Estados
Americanos.
Disponvel
em:
http://www.oas.org/dil/port/tratados_A41_Carta_da_Organiza%C3%A7%C3%A3o_dos
_Estados_Americanos.htm. ltimo acesso em 05/05/2015.
_____. Documento de Buenos Aires sobre o Mecanismo de Implementao da
Conveno
Interamericana
Contra
Corrupo.
Disponvel
em:
http://www.oas.org/juridico/portuguese/doc_buenos_aires_pt.pdf. ltimo acesso em

05/05 de 2015).
_____. Regulamento e Normas de Procedimento da Comisso de Peritos do
Mecanismo da Implementao da Conveno Interamericana Contra a Corrupo.
Disponvel em: http://www.oas.org/juridico/PDFs/mesicic4_rules_po.pdf. ltimo acesso
em 05/05/2015.
_____. Carta Democrtica Interamericana. Washington, DC: Organizao dos Estados
Americanos (OEA), 2001.
REZEK, Jos Francisco. Direito Internacional Pblico: curso elementar. 12 Edio.

So Paulo: Saraiva, 2010.

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2. Delineando o trmite de uma Proposta de Emenda Constituio
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livremente seu desenvolvimento econmico, social e cultural.
2. Para a consecuo de seus objetivos, todos os povos podem dispor
livremente de suas riquezas e de seus recursos naturais, sem prejuzo das
obrigaes decorrentes da cooperao econmica internacional, baseada
no princpio do proveito mtuo, e do Direito Internacional. Em caso
algum, poder um povo ser privado de seus prprios meios de
subsistncia.
3. Os Estados Partes do Presente Pacto, inclusive aqueles que tenham a
responsabilidade de administrar territrios no-autnomos e territrios
sob tutela, devero promover o exerccio do direito autodeterminao e
respeitar esse direito, em conformidade com as disposies da Carta das

Naes Unidas. (Grifos do Autor)

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Artigo 7
1. Os povos interessados devero ter o direito de escolher suas, prprias
prioridades no que diz respeito ao processo de desenvolvimento, na
medida em que ele afete as suas vidas, crenas, instituies e bem-estar
espiritual, bem como as terras que ocupam ou utilizam de alguma forma,
e de controlar, na medida do possvel, o seu prprio desenvolvimento

econmico, social e cultural. Alm disso, esses povos devero participar
da formulao, aplicao e avaliao dos planos e programas de
desenvolvimento nacional e regional suscetveis de afet-los diretamente.
2. A melhoria das condies de vida e de trabalho e do nvel de sade e
educao dos povos interessados, com a sua participao e cooperao,
dever ser prioritria nos planos de desenvolvimento econmico global
das regies onde eles moram. Os projetos especiais de desenvolvimento
para essas regies tambm devero ser elaborados de forma a
promoverem essa melhoria.
3. Os governos devero zelar para que, sempre que for possve1, sejam
efetuados estudos junto aos povos interessados com o objetivo de se
avaliar a incidncia social, espiritual e cultural e sobre o meio ambiente
que as atividades de desenvolvimento, previstas, possam ter sobre esses
povos. Os resultados desses estudos devero ser considerados como
critrios fundamentais para a execuo das atividades mencionadas.
4. Os governos devero adotar medidas em cooperao com os povos
interessados para proteger e preservar o meio ambiente dos territrios
que eles habitam.
Artigo 23
1. O artesanato, as indstrias rurais e comunitrias e as atividades
tradicionais e relacionadas com a economia de subsistncia dos povos
interessados, tais como a caa, a pesca com armadilhas e a colheita,
devero ser reconhecidas como fatores importantes da manuteno de
sua cultura e da sua autosuficincia e desenvolvimento econmico. Com
a participao desses povos, e sempre que for adequado, os governos
devero zelar para que sejam fortalecidas e fomentadas essas atividades.
2. A pedido dos povos interessados, dever facilitar-se aos mesmos,
quando for possvel, assistncia tcnica e financeira apropriada que leve
em conta as tcnicas tradicionais e as caractersticas culturais desses
povos e a importncia do desenvolvimento sustentado e equitativo.

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O pescado era obtido no canal, no baixio, nos parrachos, na
restinga, na risca ou na parede, seja nos bancos de corais
(atualmente valorizados turisticamente) e/ou nos limites da plataforma
continental, onde os peixes maiores eram encontrados. Quando apareciam
lagostas era o fim da pescaria, tendo os pescadores que procurarem outro
local. Em 1955, quando adoecia uma pessoa, era preciso transport-la em
lombo de burro at Touros, distante 10 km, e esperar um carro que fosse
para Natal. Esse era o mesmo trajeto percorrido pela produo pesqueira
e agrcola. Os peixes eram salgados e secos, transportados em lombo de
animal e seguiam para Touros, Cear-Mirim e Natal. O sal vinha nos
paquetes (pequenas embarcaes vela) provenientes de Macau e
custava um tosto o paquete5, ou seja, quase nenhum valor tinha, o que
se revelaria diferente no incio da industrializao na regio. Hoje as
salinas tambm so objeto de disputa territorial com a pesca tradicional,
alm da carcinocultura, do turismo (litorneo, nutico, e de mergulho), da
energia (petrleo e gs, e elicas), e do lazer (veraneio e condomnios
horizontais). (...) A superexplorao dos recursos pesqueiros, estimulada
pela valorizao crescente do preo do pescado, em especial da lagosta,
vem causando uma forte presso ambiental que reduz a quantidade
pescada e pode at mesmo levar extino das espcies comerciais. Isso
levaria a uma total desestabilizao socioeconmica do lugar, com srias
conseqncias vida social no municpio. A pesca predatria de espcies
como a lagosta, alm de promover a monocultura, estabelece uma
ditadura do maior ganho, j que na perspectiva de obteno de maior
retorno financeiro, alguns pescadores nem saem procura de peixes, e

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quando o fazem, fazem-no desordenadamente elevando bruscamente a
oferta do pescado, baixando assim os preos e diminuindo os ganhos. O
declnio rpido da atividade pesqueira seja da lagosta, peixe ou polvo,
pela superexplorao (atividade econmica histrica na regio), bastaria
para
justificar
formulao
de
uma
poltica
de
Gesto
Territorial/Ambiental para o municpio, tendo por pressupostos os

princpios da sustentabilidade no desenvolvimento. Relatos de populares
afirmam que no auge da pesca da lagosta, era possvel um nico pescador
obter at mais de 500 kg do crustceo por pescaria de paquete, enquanto
que em 1999, no se conseguia mais do que 50 kg, e em 2003, entre 1kg e
10kg no mximo por pescaria. Nosso convvio entre os anos de 1998 e
2004 na regio, constatou a reduo drstica do pescado que inicialmente
era comercializado em balaios feitos de cip pelos familiares dos
pescadores e que agora so comercializados em pequenas panelas.
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A desigualdade social ou o desequilbrio ambiental, no devem ser
encarados como externalidades, mas como algo intrnseco aos modelos
empregados. Na busca pela sustentabilidade do desenvolvimento, o

equacionamento e a soluo da problemtica scio-ambiental local,
precede a tomada de decises na tentativa de tornar dinmicas as
potencialidades de um lugar. A Gesto Territorial/Ambiental e o uso
racional dos recursos constituem importantes instrumentos tcnicos para
facilitar a percepo dos limites e das possibilidades no estabelecimento
de diretrizes para a sustentabilidade de um projeto de desenvolvimento.
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De acordo com Schlosberg, podem ser identificadas diversas questes
incorporadas pela referida carta de princpios, tais como: polticas
ambientais baseadas no respeito mtuo; maior participao das minorias
no cenrio poltico; e reconhecimento da autodeterminao dos povos. O
autor destaca ainda que os princpios, curiosamente, superaram o
caracterstico vis antropocntrico do movimento por justia ambiental,

vinculando temas como o da integridade cultural sustentabilidade
ambiental e o da sustentabilidade humana sustentabilidade dos demais
seres vivos. (...) Ao conceito de injustia ambiental contrape-se a atual
noo de justia ambiental, concebida a partir da perspectiva tericodiscursiva do movimento por justia ambiental, que compreende um [...]
conjunto de princpios que asseguram que nenhum grupo de pessoas,
sejam grupos tnicos, raciais ou de classe, suporte uma parcela
desproporcional de degradao do espao coletivo. Assim, atualmente o
movimento por justia ambiental exprime, nas palavras de Acselrad, [...]
um movimento de ressignificao da questo ambiental. Ela resulta de
uma apropriao singular da temtica do meio ambiente por dinmicas
sociopolticas tradicionalmente envolvidas com a construo da justia
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Comunicaes Orais
Grupo de Trabalho 7
Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira
A CONDIO DOS IMIGRANTES E A UNIVERSALIDADE DOS

DIREITOS HUMANOS: A CRISE DO ESTADO-NAO
rico Francisco Vieira Ibiapina1
erico.ibiapina@gmail.com
Adriana Garritano Dourado2
agdourado@bol.com.br
Anita Guazzelli Bernardes
anitabernardes1909@gmail.com
RESUMO
O presente trabalho pretende suscitar uma discusso sobre a relao do imigrante com o
Estado-Nao e a conformao de reaes defensivas pela populao nacional. O objetivo
identificar em que ponto a figura do imigrante expe a fragilidade do Estado-Nao e
em que medida as reaes defensivas da populao nacional e a instrumentalizao
poltica do fenmeno migratrio colocam em questo a defesa da universalidade dos
direitos humanos. A pesquisa baseou-se na coleta de materiais que circulam na internet
como reportagens jornalsticas, vdeos e entrevistas. Como fundamento terico trabalhouse com as obras Meios sem fim e Nudez de Giorgio Agamben (2015/2014) e com as
obras Segurana, Territrio e Populao (2008/1977-1978) e Em Defesa da
sociedade (2005/1975-1976) de Michel Foucault. Toma-se enquanto conceitos
operadores da problemtica o conceito de Estado de Exceo, Racismo de Estado, e
o conceito de Identidade sem Pessoa. Considera-se como central a figura do imigrante,
tentando primeiramente diferenciar sua posio entre o refugiado e o aptrida. O conceito
de Racismo de Estado foi eleito para operar com a conformao de reaes xenofbicas.
O conceito de Estado de Exceo foi suscitado na medida em que a vida do imigrante no
investida pelo Estado, configurando tambm a ideia de campo e vida nua. J o termo
Identidade sem Pessoa pretende refletir sobre a fragilidade poltica do imigrante, reduzido
vida nua, no que se refere ao seu processo de identificao fora de seu pas de origem.
Palavras-chave: Estado-nao, Imigrao, Direitos humanos; Vida nua; Campo
Psiclogo. Mestrando em Psicologia da Sade no programa de Ps-Graduao em Psicologia da

Universidade Catlica Dom Bosco.
2
Psicloga. Mestranda em Psicologia da Sade no programa de Ps-Graduao em Psicologia da
Universidade Catlica Dom Bosco.
Psicloga. Profa. Dra. do programa de ps-graduao em psicologia da sade da Universidade Catlica
Dom Bosco.
O IMIGRANTE, O REFUGIADO E O APTRIDA
Ao tentar distinguir a figura do imigrante em comparao com a do refugiado e

do aptrida no que se refere ao vnculo com o Estado-Nao. Este primeiro tpico
elucidativo para compreender em que medida o vnculo poltico-jurdico do imigrante
diferente do caso do refugiado e do aptrida. Em verdade, a figura do imigrante transita
ora entre a esfera de um refugiado por procurar asilo e condies de sobrevivncia em
outro pas, ora na condio de apatridia, por no ter um estado que lhe garanta condies
de vida. O conceito de Estado de Exceo (Agamben, 2015) foi suscitado na medida em
que a vida do imigrante no investida pelo Estado, configurando tambm a ideia de
campo e vida nua.
O presente trabalho pretende suscitar uma discusso sobre a relao do imigrante
com o Estado-Nao e a conformao de reaes defensivas pela populao nacional. O
objetivo identificar em que ponto a figura do imigrante expe a fragilidade do EstadoNao e em que medida as reaes defensivas da populao nacional e a
instrumentalizao poltica do fenmeno migratrio colocam em questo a defesa da
universalidade dos direitos humanos.
Os direitos do homem representam originalmente a inscrio da vida (zo) no
ordenamento jurdico de um Estado-Nao. Este ordenamento marca a passagem da vida
nua natura para uma vida que os gregos chamavam de bios, ou seja, a vida nestes termos
passa a estar inscrita em um territrio poltico e jurdico. Para Agamben (2015, p. 28),
Estado-nao significa: Estado que faz da natividade, do nascimento (isto , da vida nua
humana), o fundamento da prpria soberania. a partir da inscrio da vida nua humana
no interior do Estado que a vida inscrita dentro de um ordenamento. Agamben (2015),
expe a fragilidade dos direitos do homem justamente por meio da figura que escapa
inscrio da vida no ordenamento jurdico, o refugiado. Aqui, o refugiado o indivduo
que deixa seu pas de origem seja por motivos polticos, persecutrios, desastres naturais
ou blicos e que procura asilo e condies de vida em outro pas. Porm, diferentemente
do aptrida, o refugiado ainda mantm um vnculo de nacionalidade com seu estado nao
de origem. Neste sentido, o refugiado aproxima-se da condio de imigrante ilegal. Aqui,

o vnculo jurdico-poltico antecede o direito fundamental do homem, que por essncia j
deve ser possuidor destes direitos. O refugiado, assim como o imigrante, coloca esta
questo em aberto. Para Agamben (2015, p. 27) o paradoxo justamente a figura o
refugiado que deveria ter encarnado por excelncia os direitos do homem e assinala,
pelo contrrio, a crise radical desse conceito. A proteo dos direitos do homem est
condicionada inscrio da vida dentro de um ordenamento jurdico, ou seja, o vnculo
com o Estado antecede os direitos que do homem por excelncia. Nacionalidade o
vnculo jurdico-poltico estabelecido entre o indivduo e um Estado, no qual o indivduo
se assujeita aos deveres e direitos inscritos no ordenamento jurdico do Estado.
Para Masson em Direito Constitucional (2012, p. 135), o
indivduo que possua vnculo jurdico-poltico com o Estado diverso deste estrangeiro
e pode ser que se mantenha nesta condio jurdica por no preencher os requisitos
estatais necessrios para adquirir a condio de nacional. O refugiado rompe com a
identidade homem-cidado e mais essencialmente ainda rompe com a relao entre
natividade e nacionalidade. Assim, a figura do refugiado, a figura do que se mostra como
resistncia inscrio da vida no ordenamento, marca a fragilidade da trindade EstadoNao-Territrio.
No obstante, com relao condio de apatridia, pode-se dar em funo da
naturalizao do indivduo em um Estado-Nao secundrio e por isso pode-se privar de
sua nacionalidade de origem. Em alguns pases como a Frana, a dupla nacionalidade no
admitida pela constituio vigente, assim, caso um brasileiro queira se naturalizar
francs necessrio suspender sua nacionalidade brasileira para ser um nacional em
territrio francs. Caso este indivduo aps ter suspenso sua nacionalidade brasileira
(originria) para adquirir a nacionalidade francesa (secundria), perde logo aps a
nacionalidade secundria, este indivduo torna-se aptrida.
Os aptridas tambm identificados como heimatos, diz-se que so
aqueles desprovidos de ptria, no detm com nenhum Estado o vnculo
de jurdico-poltico que os converteria em nacionais, visando que no
se enquadram nos critrios de aquisio de nacionalidade. A apatridia
caracteriza-se como um conflito negativo de nacionalidade. (Masson,

2012, p. 136).
Desde 2010, quando o Haiti sofreu um dos maiores terremotos j registrado, o pas
tenta recuperar-se de sua fragilidade econmica e social acentuada pelas consequncias
do desastre que devastaram cidades, deixando a populao sem condies de subsistncia,
educao e acesso sade. A populao haitiana sem condies de subsistncia migra em
grande escala para o Brasil, o que constitui o fluxo migratrio Haiti-Brasil e a emergncia
de polticas pblicas destinadas massa de imigrantes. O imigrante, neste exemplo, ao
sair do pas originrio para portar direitos polticos em outro pas e procura do acesso
vida, aproxima-se da figura do refugiado.
Aquilo que os estados industrializados tm atualmente diante deles
uma massa estavelmente residente de no cidados, que no podem nem
querem ser naturalizados nem repatriados. Esses no cidados tm
frequentemente uma nacionalidade de origem, mas, enquanto preferem
no usufruir da proteo de seu estado, encontram-se, tal como os
refugiados, na condio de aptridas de fato. (Agamben, 2015, pp. 3031).
A figura do imigrante, portanto caracteriza uma zona de indistino potencial

(Agamben, 2015), apresentando-se como uma instncia em oposio s outras instncias
codificadas de participao poltica, nesse caso o cidado. Esta zona de indistino
formada pela massa de imigrantes coloca como central a fragilidade do Estado-Nao.
Neste sentido, quando a notria massa populacional de imigrante assimilada, crescem
as diferenas formais entre o cidado e o imigrante, e assim paralelamente, crescem
tambm reaes xenofbicas, manifestaes de dio, reaes defensivas e a
instrumentalizao do Estado no que se refere restrio para entrada e permanncia no
pas. Reaes defensivas que distinguem quem pode ou no exercer direitos polticos em
um determinado territrio caracterizam traos do Estado soberano onde impera a lgica
do fazer morrer. Para Foucault (2008, p. 27) O estado soberano capitaliza um territrio
onde tambm se utiliza de dispositivos de segurana como forma de controle e
regulamentao da circulao da populao sobre o territrio.
Assim
de
acordo com Agamben (2015, p. 31), antes que se reabram na Europa os campos de
extermnio (o que j est comeando a acontecer), necessrio que os Estados-Nao
encontrem coragem para colocar em questo o prprio princpio de inscrio da
natividade e a trindade estado-nao-territrio que nele se funda. O imigrante d um
novo contorno para a ideia de povo e ope-se nao na medida em que o espao nacional
deixa de ser homogneo no qual emerge uma condio extraterritorial especfica.
Segundo Foucault (2005/1975-1976, p. 96):
A custa de uma transferncia que foi a da lei para a norma, do jurdico

para o biolgico; [...] a custa de uma transformao que fez do projeto
de libertao a preocupao da pureza, a soberania do Estado tornou a
levar em considerao, reutilizou em sua estratgia prpria o discurso
da luta das raas. A soberania do Estado transformou-o assim no
imperativo da proteo da raa, como uma alternativa e uma barragem
para o apelo revolucionrio, que derivava, ele prprio, desse velho
discurso das lutas.
Reaes Xenofbicas e Racismo de Estado

Ao observar reaes xenofbicas quanto a insero de imigrantes promovidas por
discursos defensivos da populao nacional, pretende-se fomentar uma articulao com a
noo de Racismo de Estado apresentado por Foucault (2005/1975-1976). O Racismo de
Estado tm sua emergncia no sc. XIX (Foucault, 2005, p. 96), onde aparece de forma
centralizadora e biolgica. Foucault faz uma anlise crtica, em termos binrios, da
emergncia do Estado, binrios no sentido de que o corpo social composto por dois
conjuntos no somente distintos, mas opostos. Pode-se relacionar na base do corpo social
a distino entre os indivduos nacionais e dos indivduos no nacionais, configurando
um binarismo. Neste sentido, na medida em que o Estado segrega por meio do binarismo
nacional x no nacional, o Estado forja uma guerra silenciosa, ou mesmo explcita que
perpassa em discursos miditicos e prticas cotidianas. Nesta perspectiva, Foucault na
obra Em defesa da sociedade (2005/1975-1976, pp. 94-95), trata do assunto do Racismo
de Estado:
O tema da sociedade binria, dividida entre duas raas, dois grupos

estrangeiros, pela lngua, pelo direito, etc., vai ser substitudo pelo de
uma sociedade que ser, ao contrrio, biologicamente monstica. Ela
ser evidentemente ameaada por certo nmero de elementos
heterogneos, mas que no so essenciais, que no dividem o corpo
social, o corpo vivo da sociedade, em duas partes, mas que so de certo
modo acidentais. Ser a ideia de estrangeiros que se infiltraram, ser o
tema dos transviados que so os subprodutos dessa sociedade. [...]
Estado no o instrumento de uma raa contra uma outra, mas, deve
ser, o protetor da integridade, da superioridade e da pureza da raa.
Considerando as pocas de soberania, nas quais os direitos de um cidado eram

gerenciados por um poder maior, monrquico, no qual era marcado pelo deixar viver ou
fazer morrer, seria pertinente nos perguntar se na atualidade da sociedade moderna
ocidental, os humanos vistos como imigrantes, aptridas ou refugiados no so colocados
na mesma situao de outrora. Se ao mudar de pas por quaisquer circunstncias o sujeito
no ter seus direitos garantidos pelo simples fato de no ter nascido naquele pas, ento
seria o mesmo contexto de se ver em situaes dignas de morte, como visto nos padres
da soberania. Acabam por imprimir no sujeito regimes de verdade nos quais sua condio
humana pouco importa, em detrimento de sua condio de ser cidado de um determinado
pas. Situaes envolvendo xenofobia expressam condies matveis irracionais
considerando situaes de violncia a que este pblico est exposto em que agressores
em posturas ditas soberanas, julgam quais seriam suas vtimas dignas de sofrer.
Atualmente, v-se nos noticirios mundiais diversos, aes
contraditrias de vrios pases no mundo como o de alguns pases europeus, que tm feito
ao contrrio do que preconiza a Declarao Mundial dos Direitos Humanos (1948), como
declaraes de governantes sobre o fato de solicitar aos milhares de refugiados que
retornem aos seus pases de origem que, ou esto avassalados por guerras ou terrorismo,
ou em extrema calamidade por causa de desastres naturais. A Folha de So Paulo noticiou
em 13 de agosto deste ano que mais de 2000 refugiados vindos da Sria e Afeganisto
foram detidos e trancafiados em um estdio na ilha grega de Kos, como tcnica de
conteno da polcia que, ao tentar propor a identificao desta populao em uma
precria interveno, pois, segundo o noticirio, eram poucos policiais, inclusive usando
de tropas de choque do lado de fora do estdio, acabaram por mostrar a fragilidade com
que vrios pases demonstram ter para resolver esta problemtica e acabam por deportlos para seu estado original de fome, violncia, terrorismo ou catstrofes naturais. A partir
desta notcia, nos reportamos ao que Agamben (2015, p. 29) escreve: importante no
esquecermos que os primeiros campos foram construdos na Europa como espao de
controle para os refugiados, e que a sucesso campos de internamento campos de
concentrao campos de extermnio representa uma filiao perfeitamente real. Ainda
de acordo com Agamben (1998, p. 54), O campo o lugar no qual, enquanto espao de
exceo, no habitam sujeitos jurdicos, mas a existncia nua.
Tratando sobre o aumento exponencial do fluxo migratrio de imigrantes
albaneses para a Itlia no incio da dcada de 90, Garcia em artigo intitulado A exceo
a regra: os centros de deteno para imigrantes na Itlia (2014), objetiva analisar como
as medidas excepcionais (espaos de exceo) tornaram-se regra na Itlia, qual o impacto
destes espaos de exceo na convivncia civil e como o Estado se arma com leis mais
restritivas de acesso e permanncia no pas visto o fluxo migratrio.
Em um intervalo de tempo de poucos meses, no se falava mais em
refugiados, mas sim em imigrantes ilegais ou clandestinos para
definir e caracterizar os indivduos que entraram recentemente no pas,
em especial os albaneses, cujas demandas por refgio e asilo passaram
a ser arbitrariamente consideradas ilegtimas. Alm do discurso poltico
que passou a caracterizar a presena destes indivduos como um risco
segurana nacional, os meios de comunicao de massa ajudaram a
fomentar e a difundir o pnico com relao a uma possvel invaso
estrangeira, impulsionando o medo e transformando os estrangeiros,
sejam eles imigrantes, refugiados ou solicitantes de asilo, em potenciais
criminosos e colocando a segurana como paradigma fundamental
sobre o qual se edificaram as polticas governamentais. (Garcia, 2014,
p. 238).
Ao pesquisar sobre tcnicas de conteno para refugiados na Europa, cujos pases

como Espanha, Itlia e Grcia, por conta de seu acesso ao litoral e sua proximidade com
pases em constantes conflitos, v-se em Garcia (2014) os mesmos padres de
confinamento na Itlia nos anos 90, os quais esses pases que, adotando posicionamentos
mais rgidos de conteno do intenso fluxo de imigrao de pases avassalados por
reflexos do comunismo de pases do leste europeu, frica, sia e Amrica Latina,
passaram a promover estratgias de confinamento entre outras aes. Com pretextos de
conter riscos segurana nacional, o que anteriormente possibilitava uma boa
convivncia entre estes pases, o imigrante, refugiado ou aptrida passaram a ser visto
como perigosos e inconvenientes, sendo contidos em centros de nome Centro de
Permanncia Temporria, conforme regimento da Lei Turco-Napolitano em 1998, que
previa o confinamento de imigrantes ilegais at que os mesmos possam retornar aos seus
pases de origem.
No obstante, Carvalho (2015) em reportagem jornalstica no canal G1 Globo,
sobre demonstraes de dio oriundas de nacionais brasileiros contra imigrantes
haitianos, reporta que A Comisso de Direitos Humanos da Assembleia Legislativa de
So Paulo (Alesp) apura a existncia de xenofobia e racismo em mensagens contra
imigrantes haitianos em Nova Odessa (SP). No incio do ms, o muro do cemitrio da
cidade foi pichado pela segunda vez com a frase em ingls Back to Haiti. Observa-se
que as reaes defensivas dos nacionais no fica restrita ao silncio de uma ocorrncia,
mas comea a ganhar outros contornos mais visveis e que demarcam cada vez mais
campos.
interessante observar a postura que a Declarao Universal dos Direitos
Humanos (1948) declara sobre todo ser humano no que se refere ao direito de igualdade
perante a lei, independente de nacionalidade, cor ou raa, entre outros pressupostos. Ao
colocar a imigrao como delituosa, aprisionar seres humanos torna-se justificvel. Atos
parecidos com o observado em Auschwitz em tempos de nazismo em que prender a raa
impura era algo legalmente amparado dentro de um sistema totalitarista. Nos artigos 13
e 14 na Declarao Universal dos Direitos Humanos (1948) v-se a prerrogativa de que
todo ser humano tem direito de procurar e gozar asilo em outros pases diferentes do seu,
embora algumas leis locais passam a no permitir sua permanncia ou justificar seu
enclausuramento por ser refugiado, imigrante ou aptrida. Na concepo do estrangeiro
como problema social e risco a ser combatido, a semelhana com a proposta da segurana
nacional evidente, uma instrumentalizao poltica do fenmeno migratrio que se
afasta totalmente das exigncias da justia e da defesa da universalidade dos direitos
humanos. Neste caso, a partir de discursos racistas e declaraes de dio como relatados
em reportagens, o imigrante, por exemplo, sai da figura de imigrante ou refugiado e
colocado como o risco, o perigo identidade nacional. Configura-se um Estado de
Exceo, onde se criam campos nos quais a vida do imigrante posta na condio de vida
nua e as fronteira do Estado soberano ficam cada vez mais restritas.
Identidade sem Pessoa
Novamente citando Agamben em suas reflexes sobre o homem moderno, v-se

o quo transformado o humano se percebe diante de novas tecnologias que coloquem em
xeque sua identidade moral e tica, mediante as tcnicas biomtricas de identificao
atravs de digitais ou dispositivos de leitura da retina ou ris. O que anteriormente era
identificvel atravs de mscaras sociais, na qual a pessoa moral era reconhecida
socialmente atravs de sua persona que, em sua matriz significa mscara, hoje a
condio humana se v problematizada quanto sua tica pessoal:
Assim em Roma, cada indivduo era identificado por um nome que
exprimia a sua pertena a uma gens, a uma estirpe, mas esta era, por sua
vez, definida pela mscara de cera do antepassado que cada famlia
patrcia guardava no trio de sua casa. (Agamben, 2014, p. 61).
Dados biolgicos incluindo nacionalidades e cdigos genticos, dados em suas

digitais ou retinas, so impressos no sujeito que, ao ser colocado em situao de imigrante,
refugiado ou aptrida traz sua fragilidade na condio de no-cidado, visto que as
diretrizes de direitos humanos no que se refere a condio de Humano no so
condizentes com o que se tem visto com os milhares de imigrantes deportados para seus
pases de origem, por situaes anteriormente descritas. Suas questes ticas e polticas
so desta forma, esvaziadas, reduzindo-o a vida nua, como se a sua funo poltica no
existisse ou fosse pouco considerada socialmente. Desta forma o cidado, ao sair de seu
pas de origem, configura um estado de exceo em outro pas, dado simplesmente pelo
que carrega em sua marca biolgica de ser haitiano ou qualquer outra nacionalidade.
Eticamente se desfaz sua condio de persona, pregado em pocas antigas.
Consideraes Finais
Ao fomentar discusses sobre a condio de cidado a que o imigrante est
submetida, percebe-se o quo frgil o mesmo se encontra em relao ao proposto pelo
Estado-Nao que, em vrios momentos, age como soberano imperando a lgica fazer
morrer ou deixar viver. Percebe-se que suas condies de ser vulnervel, com pouca
relevncia quanto ao seu ser tico, poltico e humano, so postas em exceo de maneira
normativa. A universalidade do que seria proposto em territrios homogneos dos
Estados-Nao parece no ocorrer promovendo binarismo no corpo social entre cidados
e no-cidados.
situao dos imigrantes colocada no presente artigo demonstra a fragilidade do EstadoNao, na medida em que o Estado chamado para se armar contra essa massa
populacional que coloca em risco a homogeneidade do corpo social. Neste sentido,
binarismos so formados no corpo da populao, aumenta-se reaes defensivas por parte
dos nacionais e o Estado se arma, na medida em que pode, restringindo a entrada de
imigrantes em seu territrio.
partir
desta
elucidao pensa-se que a abertura e formao de campos por imigrantes caracteriza uma
vida nua pelo fato de que a vida dos imigrantes no investida pelo Estado-Nao mas
somente regulada, controlada e identificada como possvel ameaa unidade do Estado
e do corpo populacional de nacionais. Assim, quando a exceo vira a regra configuramse campos de existncia justificveis pelo Estado, da mesma maneira vidas se tornam
mais qualificadas que outras simplesmente porque algumas esto inscritas dentro de um
ordenamento jurdico. A cada dia novos campos se formam no interior da Europa e do
Brasil como demonstrado em reportagens durante o artigo. Agora, fica para refletirmos,
quando a exceo vira regra no caso dos imigrantes?
Referncias
Agamben, G., Meios sem fim: notas sobre a poltica. Davi Pessoa Carneiro (trad.). Belo
Horizonte: Autntica Editora, 2015.
_____________. Nudez. Davi Pessoa Carneiro (trad.) (trad.) Belo Horizonte: Autntica
Editora, 2014.
_____________. Nei campi dei senza nome. II Manifesto, 03\01\1998.
CARVALHO, M. Alesp apura xenofobia e racismo em frases para haitianos no interior
de SP. Portal G1 Globo, 2015. Disponvel em: http://g1.globo.com/sp/piracicabaregiao/noticia/2015/08/alesp-apura-xenofobia-e-racismo-em-frases-para-haitianos-nointerior-de-sp.html. Acessado em: 10 de setembro de 2015.
Folha de So Paulo. Crise migratria: polcia grega detm milhares de imigrantes em
estdio. Disponvel em http://app.folha.uol.com.br/#pagina/mundo. Acessado em: 13 de
agosto de 2015.
FOUCAULT, M. Segurana, territrio e populao. Traduzido por Eduardo Brando.
So Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2008.
______________. Em defesa da sociedade. Traduzido por Maria Ermantina Galvo. So
Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2005.
GARCIA, F. D. F. A exceo a regra: os centros de deteno para imigrantes na Itlia.
REMHU. Braslia Ano XXII, n. 43, pp. 235-250, jul/dez. 2014. Disponvel em
http://www.scielo.br/pdf/remhu/v22n43/v22n43a15.pdf
MASSON, N., Direito Constitucional. Niteri, RJ: Impetus, 2012, p. 440.
Organizao das Naes Unidas para Educao, Cincia e Cultura. Declarao Universal
dos Direitos Humanos. Adotada e proclamada pela resoluo 217 A (III) da Assembleia
Geral das Naes Unidas em 10 de dezembro de 1948. Braslia, 1998.
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histrica do CSSN no tratamento de questes segurana nacional, tema
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a Fora Area foram modernizados e equipados numa escala superior ao
perodo imediatamente anterior, com quadros de pessoal treinado em centros
mais avanados que os nacionais. (...) tambm oportuno observar que pela
forma como se deu a participao do Brasil na Segunda Guerra, houve
aproximao, resultante da convivncia, entre oficiais brasileiros, e oficiais
e autoridades norte-americanos, inaugurando assim uma etapa de
colaborao que se prolongou para alm do perodo imediatamente
posterior ao conflito"
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"Do ponto de vista norte-americano, esses acordos bilaterais eram da maior
importncia porque permitiriam: 1) a doutrinao das foras armadas
latino-americanas nas tticas e tcnicas militares dos EUA; 2) a
padronizao do equipamento (...); 3) o fato de que as misses militares
criariam boa vontade entre seus colegas (latino-americanos) e facilitariam a
entrada de foras americanas no pas em tempo de guerra; 4) a
oportunidade de 'canalizar as ambies militares dos vizinhos latinoamericanos em linhas de interesse mtuo', considerando que eles
comprariam armas em qualquer lugar e de qualquer fonte fornecedora"
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"A flexibilizao do conceito de comunismo, ou seja, a sua amplitude, a
base ideolgica para fundamentar um dos conceitos-chave da DSN: o do
'inimigo interno'. Partindo da premissa de que o comunismo no seria
estimulado via uma agresso externa, mas, sim, insuflado dentro das
fronteiras nacionais de cada pas, esse conceito fundamental para explicar
e legitimar as medidas tomadas pelos governos ditatoriais.(...)O inimigo
passa a ser visto como sinnimo desde grupos armados de esquerda,
partidos democrtico-burgueses de oposio, trabalhadores e estudantes,
setores progressistas da Igreja, militantes de Direitos Humanos at qualquer
cidado que simplesmente se opusesse ao regime"FERNANDES, 2009, p.
838)

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O pioneiro procura no s expandir o povoamento espacialmente, mas
tambm intensific-lo ecriar novos e mais elevados padres de vida. Sim,
empregamos o conceito de pioneiro tambm para indicar a introduo de
melhoramentos no campo da tcnica emesmo da vida espiritual! (...) apenas
oagricultor pode ser denominado como tal, estando apto a constituir urna
zona pioneira. Somente ele e capaz de transformar amata virgem numa
paisagem cultural e de alimentar um grande nmero de pessoasnuma rea
pequena" (WAIBEL. 1955. p.391).
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Os camponeses, posseiros e seringueiros tradicionais fazem parte da frente
de expanso e entram em choque com as comunidades indgenas que j esto
ocupando esses territrios. Com a chegada dos agentes da civilizao e da
modernizao (pioneiros, empresrios, empresas multinacionais etc.), os
conflitos se acentuam com os posseiros, os camponeses e os grupos
indgenas. Neste cenrio conflituoso, ocorrem extermnios, negao do outro
e descoberta da alteridade. Estas frentes no esto separadas da realidade
social. Grandes empresas capitalistas, empreendimentos estatais e posseiros
podem chegar no mesmo momento em determinadas regies e gerarem
vrias formas de conflitos e alianas tcitas
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(...) esta poltica foi profundamente prejudicial ao pas, de vez que
desmatou grandes reas, intensificou a eroso dos solos, poluiu os rios
caso do uso de mercrio na lavagem do ouro dos garimpos desorganizou
as sociedades indgenas, os agrupamentos de seringalistas e apanhadores de
castanhas que viviam na rea h vrias geraes, alm de estimular a
formao de imensos latifndios improdutivos, mas bastante poderosos,
politicamente, para impedir qualquer poltica de reforma agrria ou de
simples reestruturao fundiria (ANDRADE, 2004, p. 26-27)
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Colnia, no Imprio e na Repblica foram vistos e empregados na conquista
e na defesa do territrio brasileiro, so agora entendidos como um risco
segurana e nacionalidade. De defensores das fronteiras do Brasil, eles
passam a suspeitos, a virtuais inimigos internos, sob a alegao de serem
influenciados por interesses estrangeiros ou simplesmente por seu territrio
ter riquezas minerais, estar situado nas fronteiras ou se encontrar no
caminho de algum projeto de desenvolvimento (CNV, 2014, p. 211)
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sua famlia. (...) Para resolver casos do dia a dia em mbito local, quando a
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Art. 4 Ao estrangeiro que pretenda entrar no territrio nacional
poder ser concedido visto: I- de trnsito; II-de turista; III-temporrio;
IV-permanente; V-de cortesia; VI-oficial; e VII-diplomtico. Pargrafo
nico. O visto individual e sua concesso poder estender-se a
dependentes legais, observando o disposto no art. 7.
Art. 5 Sero fixados em regulamento os requisitos para a obteno dos
vistos de entrada previstos em lei.
Art. 6 A posse ou propriedade de bens no Brasil no confere ao
estrangeiro o direito de obter visto de qualquer natureza, ou
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Desconfie de novo!
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1 Introduo
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KLVWyULDGHRFXSDomRH[yJHQDOLJDGDj*XHUUDGDWUtSOLFHIURQWHLUDjH[SORUDomRGDHUYD
PDWHHjFULDomRGRSRUWRGHH[SRUWDomRSDUD(XURSDGHVGHRVpFXOR;,;FXMRVSURGXWRV
SULQFLSDLVIRUDPRWDQLQRFKDUTXHHDHUYDPDWHSDUDRVXOGRSDtV
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HGHPXOKHUHV,%*(
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R 'HSDUWDPHQWR $OWR 3DUDJXD\ GR 3DUDJXDL $V SULQFLSDLV FLGDGHV IURQWHLULoDV VmR
)XHUWH2OLPSR3XHUWR&DVDGR&RORQLD&DUPHOR3HUDOWD3XHUWR*XDUDQLH%DKLD1HJUD
2WHUULWyULRFLWDGRWHPDRWRGR.PHKDELWDQWHVVHQGRTXHVmR
LQGtJHQDVHDGHQVLGDGHGHPRJUiILFDGHNP3257$/*8$5$1,VG
(VVDV GXDV UHJL}HV IRUPDP XP ~QLFR WHUULWyULR HP PXLWRV DVSHFWRV H
SULQFLSDOPHQWHSHORHVSDoRFRQWtQXRGHFLUFXODomRGHSHVVRDV'RODGRSDUDJXDLRSRU
H[HPSOR Ki PXLWDV ID]HQGDV FXMRV GRQRV VmR EUDVLOHLURV H HPSUHJDP EUDVLOHLURV H
SDUDJXDLRV HP VLWXDo}HV WUDEDOKLVWDV EDVWDQWH GLYHUVDV e FRPXP R FRQWUDWR GR ODGR
EUDVLOHLURSDUDRWUDEDOKRGRODGRSDUDJXDLRHYLFHYHUVD2VFRQWUDWRVWUDEDOKLVWDVTXH
SRGHP VHU IRUPDLV RX YHUEDLV VHQGR TXH VmR UHDOL]DGRV D SDUWLU GH OHLV EUDVLOHLUDV RX
SDUDJXDLDV GH DFRUGR FRP DV UHODo}HV HVWDEHOHFLGDV HQWUH DV SDUWHV +i LQFOXVLYH

GHQ~QFLDV LQWHUQDFLRQDLV VREUH R GHVUHVSHLWR DPELHQWDO H WUDEDOKLVWD RSHUDGR SHORV
ID]HQGHLURVEUDVLOHLURV&DVDFFLD
25LR3DUDJXDLFLWDGRSRUJUDQGHSDUWHGRVGRFXPHQWRVFRPRDGLYLVDHQWUHR
%UDVLOHR3DUDJXDLQHVWDUHJLmRHPHVWXGRpFRQVLGHUDGRSHODSRSXODomRORFDOFRPRD
LQWHJUDomR QRV WHUULWyULRV IURQWHLULoRV $OpP GH VHU R HOR H D PRELOLGDGH HQWUH 3RUWR
0XUWLQKRHDVFLGDGHVSDUDJXDLDVpWDPEpPIRQWHGHWUDEDOKRUHQGDHDOLPHQWRVSDUD
FRPXQLGDGHVGRVHXHQWRUQR6REUHWXGRpRPDLRUFKDPDUL]WXUtVWLFRSDUDDUHJLmRWDQWR
SRUVXDEHOH]DTXDQWRSHORVHXSRWHQFLDOSHVTXHLURHRVDWUDWLYRVWXUtVWLFRVDFHVVDGRVD
SDUWLUGR5LR3DUDJXDL325720857,1+2
2PXQLFtSLRGH3RUWR0XUWLQKRWHPVLGRHQYROYLGRQRHQIUHQWDPHQWRGDYLRODomR
HGLUHLWRVGHFULDQoDVHDGROHVFHQWHVDSDUWLUGR&20&(;06GHVGHTXDQGRIRL
UHDOL]DGDDSHVTXLVD([SORUDomR6H[XDO,QIDQWR-XYHQLOH7XULVPRHP0DWR*URVVRGR
6XO,%,66&2&RQVWDWRXVHjpSRFDTXHRWXULVPRSHVTXHLURSUHGRPLQDQWH
GR ODGR EUDVLOHLUR WLQKD VHXV DWUDWLYRV GHVWLQDGRV PDMRULWDULDPHQWH jV H[FXUV}HV GH
JUXSRV PDVFXOLQRV (VWD PRGDOLGDGH GH WXULVPR DJUHJDYD HP PXLWDV VLWXDo}HV
SURJUDPDVQRPHUFDGRVH[XDOORFDOLQFOXVLYHFRPHQYROYLPHQWRQDH[SORUDomRVH[XDOGH
FULDQoDVHDGROHVFHQWHV
3RVWHULRUPHQWHFRPDHYLGrQFLDGDSULPHLUDSXEOLFDomRYiULRVSURMHWRVSDVVDUDP
DHQYROYHUDUHGHGHVHUYLoRVPXQLFLSDLV3HVTXLVDVREUH7UiILFRGH0XOKHUHV&ULDQoDV
H $GROHVFHQWHV SDUD ILQV GH H[SORUDomR VH[XDO 3(675$) &HQWUR 2HVWH ,%,66
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PHQLQDVHPHQLQRVEUDVLOHLURVQDVIURQWHLUDV%UDVLO3DUDJXDLH%UDVLO%ROtYLDHP0DWR
*URVVRGR6XOCOMCEX-MS/IBISS-CO
(PWRGRVRVSURMHWRVHSHVTXLVDVDFLPDFLWDGRVKRXYHHQYROYLPHQWRVLJQLILFDWLYR
GD FRPXQLGDGH ORFDO RX VHMD DOpP GDV SUREOHPiWLFDV YLYHQFLDGDV Ki PRELOL]Do}HV
LPSRUWDQWHV SDUD R VHX HQIUHQWDPHQWR HP GLIHUHQWHV JHVW}HV S~EOLFDV PXQLFLSDLV
5HVVDOWHVH TXH Ki GLVFXVV}HV LQWHQVDV H FRQWUDGLWyULDV VREUH D SUHVHQoD GR PHUFDGR
VH[XDO QRPXQLFtSLRGH3RUWR0XUWLQKR WHQGRRFRUULGR GLIHUHQWHVLQWHUYHQo}HV VHMDP
HODV SURLELFLRQLVWDV UHJXODPHQWDULVWDV H RXWUDV PDTXLDGRUDV GD UHDOLGDGH FRPR SRU
H[HPSORWUDQVIRUPDUWRGDVDVFDVDVGHSURVWLWXLomRHPSRXVDGDV

(PFRPDGLYXOJDomRGD3HVTXLVD(1$)521'LDJQyVWLFRVREUH7UiILFR
GH3HVVRDVQDVUHDVGH)URQWHLUDVSHOR0LQLVWpULRGD-XVWLoDGLIHUHQWHVLQIRUPDo}HV
HYLGHQFLDUDPDUHDOLGDGHGH3RUWR0XUWLQKR&DXVRXHVSHFLDOHVWUDQKDPHQWRDR&RPLWr
(VWDGXDO GH (QIUHQWDPHQWR DR 7UiILFR GH 3HVVRDV &(75$3 R UHODWR GH WUiILFR GH
FULDQoDVSDUDH[SORUDomRQDPHQGLFkQFLD%UDVLOSSRVWRTXHHVWDUHDOLGDGH
QXQFD KDYLD VLGR PHQFLRQDGD HP WRGRV RV SURFHVVRV GH PRELOL]DomR SHVTXLVD H
GRFXPHQWRVDQWHULRUPHQWHHODERUDGRV
3RULVVRHPFRPXPDFRUGRR&(75$3HR&RPLWr(VWDGXDOGH(QIUHQWDPHQWR
GD9LROrQFLDH'HIHVDGRV'LUHLWRV6H[XDLVGH&ULDQoDVH$GROHVFHQWHV&20&(;06
FRORFDUDPVHjGLVSRVLomRSDUDRXYLUDFRPXQLGDGHORFDOYLVDQGRXPDDSUR[LPDomRFRP
DUHDOLGDGHGHVFULWDWDQWRQD3HVTXLVD(1$)521FRPRWDPEpPSRVVLELOLWDUTXHRXWUDV
VLWXDo}HV SXGHVVHP VHU GHVYHODGDV 7DPEpP RSWRXVH SRU XP SURFHVVR GH RXYLU DV
UHIOH[}HVTXHSXGHVVHPDSRLDUDFRPSUHHQVmRGDUHDOLGDGHRXVHMDFRPRDSUySULDUHGH
GHDWHQomRDRVGLUHLWRVGHFULDQoDVHDGROHVFHQWHVDSUHHQGHDSUREOHPiWLFDHGHVHQKDVHX
HQIUHQWDPHQWR
3RULVVRRREMHWLYRGHVWHDUWLJRp(YLGHQFLDUDVVLWXDo}HVGRWUiILFRGHSHVVRDV
HP3RUWR0XUWLQKRHDVXDFRPSUHHQVmRDSDUWLUGD5HGHGH*DUDQWLDGH'LUHLWRV
2 Metodologia
1RSHUtRGRGHHGHPDUoRGHIRLUHDOL]DGDXPDYLVLWDQRPXQLFtSLR
YLVDQGRQmRVRPHQWHSDUWLFLSDUGHHYHQWRVUHODWLYRVDRPrVGDPXOKHUFRPRWDPEpPXP
VHPLQiULRVREUHHQIUHQWDPHQWRjYLROrQFLDFRQWUDFULDQoDVHDGROHVFHQWHV$OpPGRVGRLV
HYHQWRV IRUDP UHDOL]DGDV REVHUYDo}HV GH FDPSR FRP HQWUHYLVWDV H[SORUDWyULDV H XPD
HQWUHYLVWDFROHWLYDFRPD5HGHGH*DUDQWLDGH'LUHLWRV'HVWDUHXQLmRFRPSHVVRDV
EDVLFDPHQWH IRUPDGD SRU WUDEDOKDGRUHV GD SROtWLFD GH $VVLVWrQFLD 6RFLDO 3ROtWLFD GH
6D~GH H &RQVHOKHLURV GD &ULDQoD H GR $GROHVFHQWH IRL SRVVtYHO HODERUDU XP UHODWyULR
FRQVXEVWDQFLDGR FRP DV LQIRUPDo}HV QHFHVViULDV SDUD FRPSRU R GRFXPHQWR TXH
SRVWHULRUPHQWHIRLLQFRUSRUDGRQHVWHDUWLJR
2SURFHVVRGHHODERUDomRRFRUUHXSRUXPOHYDQWDPHQWRFRQWH[WXDOEUHYHVREUHR
WHUULWyULRHPGLVFXVVmRDVSHVTXLVDVHSURMHWRVMiH[HFXWDGRVQRPXQLFtSLRHRVGDGRV
H[LVWHQWHVQD3HVTXLVD(1$)521%5$6,/

$ SDUWLU GRV GDGRV IRUDP RUJDQL]DGDV DV VLWXDo}HV UHODWDGDV QD SHUVSHFWLYD GH
YDORUL]DU R UHODWR RUDO RX VHMD IRUDP FRQVLGHUDGRV RV GDGRV D SDUWLU GDV IRQWHV VHP
FKHFDJHPRXFRPSOHPHQWDomRSRURXWURVPHLRV
$DQiOLVHTXDOLWDWLYDGRVGDGRVIRLUHDOL]DGDDSDUWLUGDYLVmRGD7HRULD&UtWLFD
FRPHQIRTXHSULQFLSDOPHQWHQRFRQWH[WRHPTXHRFRUUHPDVVLWXDo}HVFRPRWDPEpP
IRUDPUHJLVWUDGRVDSUySULDDQiOLVHGRVHQWUHYLVWDGRVVREUHRFRQWH[WRPXUWLQKHQVH
2FRPSURPLVVRpWLFRGHVVHDUWLJRpUHVJXDUGDURVQRPHVGDVIRQWHVHGDVSHVVRDV
HP VLWXDomR GH WUiILFR DGRWDQGRVH QRPHV ILFWtFLRV QD SHUVSHFWLYD GH KXPDQL]DU DV
UHDOLGDGHVGHVFULWDV
3 As situaes relatadas
$V VLWXDo}HV UHODWDGDV QD UHXQLmR H QDV HQWUHYLVWDV LQGLYLGXDOL]DGDV IRUDP
RUJDQL]DGDV QD VHTXrQFLD GDV H[SRVLo}HV QmR VHQGR FRQVLGHUDGRV RV DQRV HP TXH
RFRUUHUDP RX VHMD QmR HVWmR HP RUGHP FURQROyJLFD 7DPEpP IRUDP DJUHJDGRV RV
GLIHUHQWHVGLVFXUVRV GHVXMHLWRV GLIHUHQWHVTXHWUDWDUDP GRPHVPR DVVXQWRSDUDTXHDV
LQIRUPDo}HVGHFDGDVLWXDomRSXGHVVHPVHUPDLVHQULTXHFLGDV
3RGHVHDILUPDUTXHKiPHVPRGHQWURGRJUXSRGDUHGHGHJDUDQWLDGHGLUHLWRV
DLQGDGLIHUHQWHVROKDUHVVREUHRTXHpHRTXHQmRpWUiILFRSRULVVRDRSomRGHUHODWDU
WRGDVDVVLWXDo}HVWUD]LGDVHPHYLGrQFLD)RLSRVVtYHOUHJLVWUDUGH]VLWXDo}HVHPTXH
GLIHUHQWHVYLRODo}HVGHGLUHLWRVRFRUUHUDPVHPTXHQHFHVVDULDPHQWHIRUDPGHWUiILFR
6LWXDomR0DUTXLWRH3HUDOWD:
'RLVDGROHVFHQWHVjpSRFDFRPHDQRVGHQDFLRQDOLGDGHSDUDJXDLDIRUDP
GHWLGRV SRU SROLFLDLV DSyV GHQ~QFLD GH IXUWR GH ELFLFOHWDV HP UHJLmR UXUDO SUy[LPD j
FLGDGH$RFKHJDUHPjGHOHJDFLDHVWDYDPPXLWRDEDWLGRVFRPIRPHHPXLWRDVVXVWDGRV
5HODWDUDPTXHWLQKDPYLQGRGHXPDUHJLmRGLVWDQWHWUD]LGRSRUXPID]HQGHLUREUDVLOHLUR
TXHWHPWHUUDVGRVGRLVODGRV%UDVLOH3DUDJXDL)RUDPOHYDGRVSDUDFXLGDUGHJDGRPDV
DRFKHJDUHPQDID]HQGDQmRKDYLDFRPLGDHROXJDULQGLFDGRSDUDDORMDPHQWRHUDXP
FDVHEUHVHPSRoRGHiJXDEDQKHLURRXPHVPRSULYDGD$QGDUDPXPGLDLQWHLURHHUD
TXDVHPHLDQRLWHTXDQGRFKHJDUDPQXPOXJDUTXHWLQKDXPDFDVD3HJDUDPDVELFLFOHWDV
SDUD FKHJDU HP 0XUWLQKR RQGHSHQVDYDP HP SHJDUXPDFDURQDSDUDUHWRUQDUD%HOOD
9LVWD3\2&RQVHOKR7XWHODUIRLDFLRQDGRVROLFLWRXXPFDUURGD$VVLVWrQFLD6RFLDOH
OHYRX RV PHQLQRV HQWUHJDQGR DR &RQVHMR GH 'HIHQVD GH 1LxRV GD FLGDGH GHOHV $

VLWXDomRQmRIRLLQYHVWLJDGDSHOD3ROtFLDORFDOHR&RQVHOKR7XWHODUGH3RUWR0XUWLQKR
GHXRFDVRFRPRUHFDPELDPHQWRHQmRKRXYHPDLVQHQKXPSURFHGLPHQWR
6LWXDomR(VPHUDOGD
(P XPD VH[WDIHLUD HP WRUQR GH KRUDV XPD UHSUHVHQWDQWH GR ,%,66&2
UHFHEHX XP WHOHIRQHPD GD UHSUHVHQWDQWH GD 0HVD ,QWHULQVWLWXFLRQDO GH 3UHYHQFLyQ \
&RPEDWHDOD7UDWDGH3HUVRQDVHQOD5HS~EOLFDGHO3DUDJXD\VROLFLWDQGRDSRLRSDUD
HQFRQWUDUXPDDGROHVFHQWHGHDQRVTXHKiWUrVPHVHVQmRIDODYDFRPDIDPtOLD+DYLD
VDtGRGH$VVXQFLyQSDUDWUDEDOKDUFRPRGRPpVWLFDQDUHJLmRGH)XHUWH2O\PSRHVHPSUH
HQYLDYDQRWtFLDVSDUDDIDPtOLD6yKDYLDRQRPHVREUHQRPHLGDGHHXPSRVVtYHOQRPH
GDSDWURDTXHDKDYLDFRQWUDWDGRVDEHQGRTXHGHSRLVDPHQLQDKDYLDVLGRWUD]LGRSDUD
3RUWR 0XUWLQKR H HVWDULD WUDEDOKDQGR HP XPD SRXVDGD 2V FRQWDWRV IRUDP UHDOL]DGRV
LPHGLDWDPHQWHFRPR0LQLVWpULR3~EOLFR(VWDGXDOHP3RUWR0XUWLQKR1DTXHOHyUJmRVy
KDYLDXPWpFQLFRDWHQGHQGRSRLVR3URPRWRUVyYLQKDSDUDFXPSULUDJHQGDHQmRPRUDYD
QDFLGDGH2&RQVHOKR7XWHODUVyHVWDYDFRPXPDSHVVRDQDFLGDGHRVGHPDLVHVWDYDP
YLDMDQGRHGLVVHTXHQmRWLQKDFRPRHQFDPLQKDUDVLWXDomRHPYpVSHUDGHIHULDGR)RL
DFLRQDGDXPDDJHQWHS~EOLFDGR)yUXPMiFRQKHFHGRUDGDWHPiWLFDGRWUiILFRGHSHVVRDV
TXHPRELOL]RXGLIHUHQWHVSHVVRDVSDUDHQFRQWUDUDDGROHVFHQWH$RILQDOXPSROLFLDOFLYLO
OHPEURXVHGHXPDVLWXDomRGHXPDMRYHPTXHHVWDYDWUDEDOKDQGRQXPPHUFDGLQKRGD
FLGDGHHDRLUFRQIHULURVGDGRVHQFRQWURXDDGROHVFHQWH$0HVD,QWHULQVWLWXFLRQDOGR
3DUDJXDL GHPDQGDWiULD GD EXVFD GD MRYHP SDVVRX D ID]HU R FRQWDWR GLUHWR FRP DV
DXWRULGDGHVGR-XGLFLiULRHGD3ROtFLDGH3RUWR0XUWLQKR+DYLDXPDGLILFXOGDGHDGLFLRQDO
TXHpDLPSRVVLELOLGDGHGRVyUJmRVS~EOLFRVORFDLVHPID]HUWHOHIRQHPDVLQWHUQDFLRQDLV
$ MRYHP IRL DERUGDGD SHOR SROLFLDO MXQWR FRP D DJHQWH GR MXGLFLiULR H PRVWURXVH
DPHGURQWDGDHPUHWRUQDUSRUGHQWURGR3DUDJXDLSRLVWLQKDFRQVHJXLGRIXJLUGDFDVD
TXH WUDEDOKRX HP )XHUWH 2O\PSR H FKHJDGR D 3RUWR 0XUWLQKR FRP D DMXGD GH RXWUD
HPSUHJDGDGRPpVWLFDTXHKDYLDVHVHQVLELOL]DGRFRPDVLWXDomR$SHVVRDTXHDDMXGRX
HUDSDUDJXDLDPRUDGRUDGH3RUWR0XUWLQKRHVDELDGHVVHHPSUHJRQRFRPpUFLR1mRWLQKD
FDUWHLUDDVVLQDGDHWDPSRXFRGRFXPHQWRVEUDVLOHLURV$RRIHUHFHUHPDVRSo}HVGHIDODU
FRP D IDPtOLD H ILFDU QR %UDVLO H LU SDUD $VVXQFLyQ RSWRX SHOD VHJXQGD 2 UHWRUQR D

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SDUD$VVXQFLyQ

$VVXQFLyQIRLUHDOL]DGRHPXPFDUURGD6HFUHWDULDGH6D~GHTXHIRLDWp&DPSR*UDQGHH
D GHL[RX QR &RQVXODGR 3DUDJXDLR 2V WHOHIRQHPDV UHDOL]DGRV SDUD D UHSUHVHQWDQWH GD
0HVDHP$VVXQFLyQDSyVRFRQWDWRFRPDMRYHPIRUDPUHDOL]DGRVFRPFKLSGHFHOXODU
GHRSHUDGRUDSDUDJXDLDFXMRVLQDOpIDFLOPHQWHDFHVVDGRHP3RUWR0XUWLQKR
6LWXDomR0DULDQDH*DEULHOD
8PD DWLYLVWD GH GLUHLWRV KXPDQRV IHPLQLVWD FKHJDQGR HP 3RUWR 0XUWLQKR GH
{QLEXV QD PDGUXJDGD GR ViEDGR GH FDUQDYDO GHSDURXVH FRP GXDV PXOKHUHV MRYHQV
VHQWDGDVQRPHLRILRGHXPDUXDDLQGDGHVHUWD(PXPSURFHVVRGHDERUGDJHPGLItFLO
FRPUHFHLRGHDPERVRVODGRVFRQVHJXLXHVWDEHOHFHUXPGLiORJR0DULDQDTXHULDYROWDU
SDUD&DPSR*UDQGHPDVQmRWLQKDGLQKHLUR9RFrVYLHUDPSDUDRFDUQDYDO"1mRD
JHQWHDTXLKiGLDVWUDEDOKDPRVQDSRXVDGD(SRUTXHQmRSHGHPSDUDRGRQRGD
ERDWH" 3RUTXH HVWDPRV GHYHQGR PXLWR &KDPRX DV GXDV OHYRX SDUD D FDVD GRV
DPLJRVXPFDVDOGHSURIHVVRUHVTXHWLQKDPSDUWLFLSDGRGHFDSDFLWDo}HVVREUHWUiILFRGH
SHVVRDVHDtFRPHoDUDPRVHQFDPLQKDPHQWRV(PSULPHLUROXJDUOLJRXSDUDRSHVVRDOGR
&(75$3WLSRDVKGDPDQKmGRViEDGRHSRUWDQWRSDUDRFHOXODUSDUWLFXODUGHXPD
SHVVRDGDFRRUGHQDomR$HTXLSHGHLQWHOLJrQFLDTXHKDYLDQDpSRFDIRLDFLRQDGDHjV
KWRGRVMiHVWDYDPHPFRPXQLFDomR/LJRXVHSDUDXPSROLFLDOGHFRQILDQoDHP3RUWR
0XUWLQKRTXHIRLWRPDUFDIpGDPDQKmQDPHVPDFDVDHSDVVRXDFRQYHUVDUGHSROtFLD
SDUDSROtFLD0DULDQDFRQWRXTXHDPmHHP&DPSR*UDQGHKDYLDWLGRXPSUREOHPDGR
FRUDomRHDILOKDGHDQRVGHODHVWDYDQDYL]LQKDHSUHFLVDYDUHWRUQDUFRPXUJrQFLD-i
KDYLDIDODGRFRPDYL]LQKDHHODGLVVHTXHDPmHMiLDVHUOLEHUDGDHYROWDULDSDUDFDVD
PDVTXHGHVGHDVGDPDGUXJDGDWLQKDXPFDUURHPIUHQWHjFDVDGHODFRPXQVKRPHQV
GHVFRQKHFLGRV3RULVVRHVWDYDSUHRFXSDGDFRPDVHJXUDQoDGDIDPtOLD'HSRVVHGR
HQGHUHoR D HTXLSH GH LQWHOLJrQFLD GR &20&(; SDVVRX D PRQLWRUDU D FDVD GD PmH H
YHULILFRXTXHVHWUDWDYDGHGRLVKRPHQVDUPDGRVHTXHGL]LDPTXHHVWDYDPDOLSDUDDSRLDU
DIDPtOLDSRLVHVWDYDPFRPXPDILOKDVXPLGD3RVWHULRUPHQWHDPmHDILUPRXTXHHOHV
KDYLDP GDGR GLQKHLUR SDUD PDQWHU DV GHVSHVDV DQWHV GH YLDMDUHP SDUD R WUDEDOKR HP
0XUWLQKR H TXH YLQKDP QD FDVD WRGD VHPDQD 1R FRQWDWR FRP D ERDWHSRXVDGD HP
0XUWLQKRDJHUHQWHGLVVHTXHHODVWLQKDPGpELWRVQDFDVDTXHQmRVHULDPOLEHUDGDVDWp
SDJDUHPTXHHUDIUHVFXUDHTXHKLVWyULDLQYHQWDGDSDUDQmRWUDEDOKDUHPTXHDSUySULD
JHUHQWHMiHVWDYDSURYLGHQFLDQGRRUHWRUQRGDPHQLQDj&DPSR*UDQGH(VVDVLQIRUPDo}HV
IRUDPFROKLGDVSRUXPDSHVVRDTXHVHGLVS{VDSDVVDUSRUXPFOLHQWHQDERDWHSRXVDGD

$SROtFLDPLOLWDUGHSRVVHGRVGDGRVGRFDUURHPIUHQWHjFDVDGDPmHFRQVHJXLXRQRPH
GRV KRPHQV H XP GHOHV UHVSRQGLD D XP SURFHVVR /HYDUDP SDUD D GHOHJDFLD SDUD
DYHULJXDomR$IDPtOLDPXUWLQKHQVHTXHHVWDYDDSRLDQGRDVMRYHQVHPSUHVWRXRFDUURH
R SROLFLDO j SDLVDQD WURX[H 0DULDQD SDUD -DUGLP *DEULHOD GLVVH TXH YROWDULD SDUD D
ERDWHSRXVDGDSDUDSDJDUDGtYLGDSRLVTXHULDYROWDUHPRXWUDVWHPSRUDGDV(P-DUGLP
D HTXLSH GH SROLFLDLV GR &20&(; DVVXPLX D UHVSRQVDELOLGDGH FRP R WUDQVSRUWH GH
0DULDQD DWp &DPSR *UDQGH $ UHSUHVHQWDQWH GR &(75$3 FRQYHUVRX FRP D IDPtOLD H
GHVFREULX TXH PRUDYDP QXPD FDVD HPSUHVWDGD RV PyYHLV QmR HUDP GHODV H HVWDYDP
PXLWRDPHGURQWDGDVVREUHRTXHRFRUUHULDGDtSUiIUHQWH&RPRVHJXUDQoDHPHUJHQFLDO
IRUDPIHLWDVDVPDODVHHQFDL[RWDGRVRVSHUWHQFHVHIRUDPPRUDUHPRXWURHVWDGRRQGH
XPDLUPmGH0DULDQDWUDEDOKDYDQXPDERDWH
6LWXDomR(OLVD
8P DJHQWH GH VD~GH HP XP WUDEDOKR QR LQWHULRU GH XPD GDV ERDWHVSRXVDGD
LQIRUPDQGRVREUHRVVHUYLoRVGHVD~GHGLVSRQtYHLVHRXVRGRSUHVHUYDWLYRHQFRQWURX
(OLVD3DUDJXDLDDQRVGRLVILOKRVPRUDGRUDGHXPDUHJLmRGHSRLVGH%HOOD9LVWD3\
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XII Congresso Internacional de Direitos Humanos

Campo Grande - Mato Grosso do Sul - Brasil

Textos das Conferncias

GT1- Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e Direitos Humanos 

GT 2 - Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos Humanos 

GT 3 - Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos Humanos 

GT 4 - Educao em Direitos Humanos e Incluso 

GT 5 - Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos Direitos Humanos 

GT 6 - Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Desenvolvimento Sustentvel 

GT 7 - Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira 

GT 8 - Migrao e trfico de pessoas em situaes de fronteiras 

GT1- Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e Direitos Humanos 

GT 2 - Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos Humanos 

GT 3 - Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos Humanos 

GT 4 - Educao em Direitos Humanos e Incluso 

GT 5 - Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos Direitos Humanos 

GT6 - Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Desenvolvimento Sustentvel 

GT 7 Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira 

GT 8 Migrao e trfico de pessoas em situaes de fronteiras 

A Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul (UFMS) e a Universidade Catlica Dom

relacionados aos Direitos Humanos e a cultura.

Comisso Organizadora (Execuo)

Comisso de infraestrutura e logstica

Dra. Ana Paula Martins Amaral (UFMS)

Alyson Matheus de Souza (UFMS)

Dia 04/11/2015 ANFITEATRO BLOCO A (UCDB)

Conferencista: Dra. Rosana Baeninger (UNICAMP)

MESA 05 - 19h - BLOCO B- UCDB

Textos das Conferncias

DA (IM)POSSIBILIDADE DE VIVER NA CIDADE: OS OUTROS COMO

em menor quantidade, profissionais especializados oriundos principalmente do Oeste de

chama de espoliao urbana, isto , o somatrio de extorses que se operam atravs da

etimologia popular que mescla terra e trreo, domnio da terra e terror,

Como os migrantes no so visveis de uma mesma maneira, o seu grau de

Percebemos, assim, que os haitianos so um verdadeiro um mal-estar social.

Eu no tinha que fazer fora para compartilhar do sentimento,

presidente do legislativo, Natlia Lcia Petry, que em junho de 2015 se manifestou

Para auxili-los, encaminhamos estes imigrantes haitianos para a

Haitianos em Jaragu do Sul. Disponvel em <http://www.albinoflores.com.br/2015/06/haitianos-emjaragua-do-sul.html> Acesso em 30 de outubro de 2015.

Trabalho) e regularizar a situao no pas. Eles ficam no local de 30 a 60 dias at que

Universidade Catlica de Santa Catarina (antiga UNERJE) e aconteceu no dia 19 de

A Prefeitura tambm encaminha eles para tratamento de sade, com o

Ocorre que, no apenas devido ao fato de que as anlises de muitos jornalistas

televiso ou rdio), h uma enorme carncia de anlises que, sem serem,

aqui, ento, onde a utilizao de uma imagem de um mundo de proliferao

Desemprego, aumento da populao, ocupao de reas de risco e de reas verdes, aumento da

Geralmente a sociedade que recebe migrantes tem a tendncia de englobar em

JODELET, Denise. A alteridade como produto e processo psicossocial. In: ARRUDA,

VRAS, Maura Pardini Bicudo. DiverCidade: territrios estrangeiros como topografia

FRONTEIRAS DOS DIREITOS HUMANOS: ABORDAGENS SOBRE CONCEITOS

Tendo como premissa o paradoxo relacionado concepo terica inicial de direitos

Professora do Departamento de Relaes Internacionais (DRI) e do Programa de Ps-Graduao em Direito

o vocbulo direito assume significado positivo e negativo. Neste sentido, reconhece-se o

seria a coletividade, havendo privilgio da ao estatal, pois o sistema socioeconmico de um

IMIGRAO E DIREITOS DILOGOS COM OS OPERADOS DO ESTADO

Este artigo objetiva analisar, mesmo que de forma preliminar, questes

perodo ditatorial brasileiro, mediante o qual o estado atribui os direitos e obrigaes

hierarquizadas, interconectadas e sofrerem outras denominaes nos contextos que so

Neste movimento tanto de si como do outro, tanto de dentro quanto de fora,

O estrangeiro, portanto, no est situado apenas como um ser advindo de outros

Para Singer, o lugar de destino sofre os fatores de atrao, orientando os fluxos e

Singer, Paul. Dinmica populacional e desenvolvimento. So Paulo: Hucitec, 1988.

A partir dessa perspectiva terica podemos sintetizar os argumentos de Paul

Idem, ibidem. 47.

GT1- Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e Direitos Humanos

GT 2 - Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos Humanos

GT 3 - Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos Humanos

GT 4 - Educao em Direitos Humanos e Incluso

GT 5 - Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos Direitos Humanos

GT 6 - Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Desenvolvimento Sustentvel

GT 7 - Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira

GT 8 - Migrao e trfico de pessoas em situaes de fronteiras

GT1- Multiculturalismo, interculturalidade e Direitos Humanos

GT 2 - Povos tradicionais, autonomia e Direitos Humanos

GT 3 - Polticas pblicas, minorias e Direitos Humanos

GT 4 - Educao em Direitos Humanos e Incluso

GT 5 - Filosofia e fundamentos tericos dos Direitos Humanos

GT6 - Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Desenvolvimento Sustentvel

GT 7 Direitos Humanos, Estado e Fronteira

GT 8 Migrao e trfico de pessoas em situaes de fronteiras

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