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Com efeito, entraram em curso conflitos entre a Armênia e o Azerbaijão pela reivindicação de
territórios, bem como se tornaram frequentes as práticas de limpeza étnica em nome da
consolidação de “nações” propriamente ditas, isto é, com uma população étnica e
religiosamente homogênea, ainda que isto negligenciasse o mosaico demográfico complexo
que se delineava na região
"Estamos dispostos a um compromisso com os países que presidem o grupo de Minsk na OSCE
para restabelecer um cessar-fogo baseado nos acordos de 1994-1995", afirmou o ministério
armênio das Relações Exteriores em um comunicado.
1
CORNELL, Svante. 2022. “The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict.” Report no. 46, Department of East
European Studies,.
https://is.muni.cz/el/1423/podzim2012/MVZ208/um/35586974/Cornell_The_Nagorno-
Karabakh_Conflict.pdf.
Já o Azerbaijão justificou o ataque com os "atos subversivos em larga escala" da Arménia junto
à fronteira, denunciando também ataques às suas posições militares.
One should not look away or pretend they can’t understand the conflict or don’t care; it’s
worth caring and having respect for Armenia and also Azerbaijan; and caring about the
people and history
With Russia and Ukraine you all know who's the aggressor and who to sanction But with
Armenia and Azerbaijan everybody is just deeply concerned and urging both sides to
deescalate despite Azerbaijan being the aggressor
A liderança nacionalista radical, que controlava a política interna turca desde o golpe de Estado
de 1913, procurara garantir, antes da guerra, uma maior homogeneidade étnica e religiosa
para a Turquia. A grande minoria étnica constituía um obstáculo óbvio a este desígnio. A
guerra entre os Impérios Otomano e Russo intensificou muitíssimo as fricções nas regiões
fronteiriças da Anatólia e do Cáucaso e a tensão entre os turcos e os arménios, em particular,
atingiu o clímax.
Plusieurs observateurs avaient alerté sur l'imminence d'une attaque militaire d'envergure de
Bakou en ayant constaté des signes avant-coureurs depuis une semaine. Des avions-cargos
turcs transportant des armes ont atterri en Azerbaïdjan il y a 48 heures. Des tirs sporadiques
ont été entendus aux alentours de certains villages arméniens depuis le début du mois de
septembre. Le ministre de la Défense azerbaïdjanais, Zakir Hasanov, a publié le 10 septembre
un communiqué menaçant, accusant son voisin de provocations armées contre lesquelles il
appelait ses troupes à se tenir prêtes à riposter. La même rhétorique avait été utilisée pour
justifier l'agression contre le Haut-Karabakh arménien il y a deux ans, déclenchant «la Guerre
des 44 jours» qui a coûté la vie à plus de 3000 jeunes Arméniens.
Malgré les discussions autour d'un traité de paix entamée sous l'égide de l'Union européenne
et les apparents efforts de Bakou vers une stabilisation de la situation (cinq prisonniers de
guerre arméniens emprisonnés depuis près de deux ans ont été libérés il y a quelques jours), le
président autocratique Ilham Aliev, au pouvoir depuis bientôt vingt ans, a manifesté
récemment son impatience à instaurer un corridor entre le Nakhitchevan, exclave azérie à
2
l'ouest de l'Arménie, et le reste de son territoire. Cet été, il a forcé les autorités d'Artsakh à
abandonner le corridor de Latchin reliant leur capitale Stepanakert à l'Arménie, à la suite d'une
opération militaire soudaine. Était-il animé de la même intention quand il a déclenché les
bombardements cette nuit ? Cette attaque n'a-t-elle pour but que de faire pression sur le
premier ministre arménien afin qu'il accélère l'accord espéré ou s'agit-il, comme certains le
craignent, d'un plan d'attaque plus large visant à conquérir «l'Ermenistan» et le Zanguezour
occidental (le nom azéri donné au Syunik arménien) ? L'affaiblissement de l'armée russe en
Ukraine a-t-il été vu comme une opportunité pour le maître de Bakou, grisé après sa victoire
en novembre 2020 ? Autant de questions qui s'ajoutent à celle, principale, que se posent les
Arméniens ce 13 septembre : les bombardements, qui ont touché des cibles civiles, vont-ils
cesser ?
L’Arménie, pays à large majorité chrétienne, tente de se reconstruire après la guerre éclair
essuyée dans la République d’Artsakh.
«Je sais bien que tout chrétien est appelé à suivre un chemin de croix mais reconnaissez que le
nôtre est spécialement douloureux.» Vosdanik fait partie de ces centaines d’Arméniens qui ont
dû quitter de toute urgence leurs maisons et la terre de leurs ancêtres il y a un mois et demi,
au terme de la guerre du Haut-Karabakh. Comme l’avaient fait avant lui, pendant le conflit,
plus de 70.000 de citoyens de la république d’Artsakh. Quarante mille sont revenus depuis,
principalement dans la capitale, Stepanakert, qui se trouve au pied de la citadelle médiévale
arménienne de Chouchi, le long des murs de laquelle pendent désormais d’immenses et
menaçantes bannières aux couleurs de l’Azerbaïdjan.
Olivier Faure: «Ce que j’ai vu dans la République d’Artsakh, dévastée par la guerre, et en
Arménie»
Ce commerçant, dont une partie de la famille maternelle vit en Russie, pense qu’il n’aurait pas
survécu à la vengeance des Azéris (des musulmans chiites turcophones), chassés en 1994 de la
région qu’ils administraient depuis que Staline leur avait accordé en 1921 ce territoire
pourtant habité et occupé…
Définition du génie turc: faire place nette autour de soi. Une partie du Haut-Karabakh
arménien - Artsakh, de son nom originel - est tombée aux mains des Azéris turcophones le
9 novembre 2020. L’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan, anciennes Républiques socialistes soviétiques,
indépendantes depuis 1991, ont signé un accord de cessez-le-feu, sous le patronage de la
Russie, à 10 heures du soir.
O Azerbaijan vient de lancer son offensive contre L’Arménie. L’impunité don’t elle a bénéficié
lors de l’occupation militaire des territoires de la République d’Artsakh, le rêle renforcé de la
Turquie au sein the l’OTAN, l’effondrement militaures de la Russie en Ukraine et les achats
européens de gaz lui permettent de réaliser son objectif pour étabilir une continuité territorial
avec le Nakhitchevan. C’est une étape essentielle dans la reconstitution d’un ensemble
panturque ininterrompu allant d’Instambu au Turkestan.
Ne soyon pas dupes, avec l’aide de la turquie et la passivité intéressée de la russie, qui chercge
des monnaies d’echanges pour sortir du conflit ukrainien, le but militaire de l’Azerbaijão est
evidente: annexer la province arménienne du Syunik. L’eradication de l’Arménie est en cours
d’achèvement.
The west is worried about the death of the queen, meanwhile Eurasia is struggling to survive
under
One cant say to Armenia that we shouldn’t focus on a conflict there because it mibght take
away from covberage of Ukraine; russia’s invasion of Ukraine was fueled by the impunity given
to turkey and also the fact no one stopped the war in nagorna- Karabakh
In the pro-Russian camp are Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Belarus, and Armenia.
Their economies are tied to Russia in the way that much of eastern Ukraine’s economy.
The largest of these, Kazakhstan, leans towards Russia diplomatically and its large Russian-
minority population is well integrated. Of the five, all but Tajikistan have joined Russia in
the new Eurasian Economic Union (a sort of poor man’s EU), which celebrated its first
anniversary in January 2016. And all five are in a military alliance with Russia called the
Collective Security Treaty Organization. The CSTO suffers from not having a name you can
boil down to one word, and from being a watered-down Warsaw Bloc. Russia maintains a
military presence in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Armenia.
One bloody adventure by an authoritarian ruler begets another. While the world watches
President Vladimir Putin’s assault on Ukraine, another post-Soviet strongman, President
Ilham Aliyev of Azerbaijan, may be testing the waters to resume his own war of conquest.
His target is the Nagorno-Karabakh de facto statelet and its population of ethnic
Armenians who, since the twilight of the Soviet era, have sought to secede from the
Republic of Azerbaijan to which Soviet map makers assigned them. For the last three
decades, through periods of outright violence and “frozen” strife, each side has recited
proclamations of “self-determination” or “territorial integrity.” Now, in a moment of
Eurasian agony and global alarm, Armenia is being unjustly blamed for its ties with Russia.
French peacekeepers instead of Russian ones (in Armenia) is a great idea, because the less
influence the Russian military has in the Caucasus, the betterfield.
Yerevan in the post-Soviet era has had no viable alternative to a reliance on Moscow.
Turkey shut its border with Armenia in the 1990s in solidarity with its ethnic cousin,
Azerbaijan, during the First Karabakh War, which left ethnic Armenians in control of large
chunks of territory internationally recognized as Azerbaijani. The fact that Turkish officials
continue to deny the Armenian Genocide only adds to the skepticism of average
Armenians about the possibility of reconciliation. Recent signals toward a
“normalization” of relations between Yerevan and Ankara are welcome, but they come
after decades of suspicion. Time will tell whether such a geopolitical shift can offset
Armenia’s economic and political reliance on Russia, but at the moment that seems
unlikely. More than 500,000 Armenian citizens work in Russia and more than a million
ethnic Armenians are citizens of the Russian Federation (compared to fewer than 3 million
living in Armenia), diming the prospects of a social divorce between the two entangled
nations. Economically, too, the relationship renders Armenia locked to Russian imports. If
the West is scrambling to figure out how Germany can endure without the 50 percent of
its gas supplies from Russia, can we expect Armenia to find an alternative to the 99
percent of its wheat that it receives from Russia?
O dia 24 de abril de 1915 é a data tradicionalmente consagrada como o dia em que foi dado o
primeiro passo para o processo de extermínio sistemático dos arménios levado a cabo pelo
Império Otomano e, posteriormente, pela República da Turquia. Nesse dia, o ministro do
interior otomano emitiu a ordem de prisão de mais de duas centenas de intelectuais arménios
de Constantinopla, hoje Istambul, que foram deportados para dois campos de detenção perto
de Ankara. A maior parte veio posteriormente a ser executada.
A esta primeira medida repressiva seguiram-se outras, ao longo dos meses seguintes, num
processo de deportação e eliminação dos líderes das comunidades arménias por todo o
Império Otomano. O dia 24 de abril de 1915 ficou conhecido com “o Domingo Vermelho” e
é feriado nacional na Arménia, como Dia da Memória do Genocídio.
Os arménios eram uma das várias minorias religiosas que haviam sido integradas no
Império Otomano ao longo de vários séculos, mas o seu forte sentimento nacional foi
motivo de revoltas e de repressão recorrentes.
A croire qu'1 nouvelle guerre dans le Caucase n'inquiète personne. A croire que les
#Armeniens n'intéressent personne.
On July 18, Ursula von der Leyen, the Machtmensch who serves as President of the
European Commission, visited Azerbaijan, for one of the most unedifying spectacles of her
tenure:
She received harsh and well-deserved criticism from major human rights organizations and
from livid MEPs (who’d only in March passed a resolution condemning Azerbaijan for the
destruction of Armenian cultural heritage in Karabakh). Rightly so. It was made even cringier
by von der Leyen’s tweeting one glowing photo of herself and Aliyev after another. It turned
out that all this debasing in front of a dynastic autocrat was for (next to) nothing: no binding
agreements were signed, Azerbaijan can’t even produce much additional gas and in any case, it
would only go online in five years.
So far, so predictable.
Before I say anything else, I should point out that I belong to the Leave It In The Ground
camp. Instead of desperately looking for more fossil fuels in unsavory places, we should
leave gas and oil in the ground. Because of the looming climate catastrophe. Instead, we
should cut emissions drastically, through all means available - investment in wind, solar,
hydroelectric, heat pumps and promising new technologies, expansion of public transport,
pricing the real cost of global warming into driving, flying and other energy consumption,
subsidies for making buildings energy-efficient etc.
Personally, I don’t hold it against the EU that it does business with problematic
governments. It is the way of the world. Millennia-old rules of diplomacy allow us to
engage with iffy counterparts for mutual benefit while respecting sovereignty and not
making things worse for everybody. The EU is such a big player in the world that it cannot
help bumping into countries with less than stellar human rights records.
Also, having spent my entire working life on the democracy and human rights promotion
circuit (its fringes, anyway), I have never seen any evidence that hectoring, punitive
diplomacy makes countries on the receiving end more democratic, free and just.