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C.J. ARCHER
His one serious weakness was an inordinate fondness for women which was
to involve him in the one serious scandal of his career. It was McHenry who
wrote to Pickering, another friend: ‘Far be it from me to attempt to palliate
his pleasures, the indulgence in which Mr. Hamilton himself publicly
lamented.’[176] It was Otis who wrote of his ‘liquorish flirtation’ with a
married woman at a fashionable dinner party.[177] It was Lodge who, in
touching on his overpowering passions, refers to his ‘relations, which had
an unenviable notoriety.’[178] It is Oliver who says that ‘his private
shortcomings cannot be denied,’[179] and that ‘in private life Hamilton was
not always vigilant.’[180] It is the historian of ‘The Republican Court’ who
records that ‘it is true that Hamilton was something of a roué.’[181] And it
was reserved for a descendant to remind us of the story of the alleged
relations with the celebrated Madame Jumel, who, in old age, made an
unsuccessful attempt to live with Aaron Burr,[182] and of the gossip, which
he discredits, that his relations with his sprightly sister-in-law, Mrs. Church,
were more tender than they should have been.[183] This same descendant,
writing with professional authority, explains these moral delinquencies on
the theory that, like other men of genius and great intelligence, he was
prone to ‘impulsively plunge into the underworld in obedience to some
strange promptings of their lower nature.’[184]
And yet, such are the strange inconsistencies of the temperamental—
nothing could have been more beautiful than his home life. His endearing
traits are evident in the passionate devotion of all who knew the Hamilton
of the hearth. If the ties that bound Angelica Church to him were not more
tender than they should have been, her letters indicate something akin to
love.[185] His wife, who must have suffered tortures over the confessions of
the Reynolds pamphlet, clung to him with a faith born perhaps of an
understanding of how much he must have resisted. If he sometimes broke
his vows, there can be no doubt that the shrine of his heart was at his hearth.
‘Colonel Beckwith tells me that our dear Hamilton writes too much and
takes no exercise, and grows fat,’ wrote Angelica Church to Mrs. Hamilton
from London. ‘I hate both the word and the thing, and I desire you to take
care of his health, and his good looks.’[186] Here we have the suggestion of
another frailty which makes all the more notable the intensity of his
sustained efforts and the magnitude of his achievements—the delicacy of
his health. The first, and possibly the last, medical service rendered by
McHenry on becoming a member of Washington’s military family was to
prescribe for Hamilton and make suggestions as to his diet. Early in the war
he who was never robust contracted a malarial infection from which he
suffered every summer throughout his life.[187] His correspondence is
sprinkled throughout with references to his health.[188] While in no sense an
invalid, the magnitude and multiplicity of his labors despite a chronic
physical disability measure the power of mind over matter and indicate
something of his unyielding will.
XI
His plans, given in confidence to some, were soon whispered among the
politicians and the merchants of New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, and
the market price of public securities in the cities rose fifty per cent two
months before Congress convened.
It was not until in early January that the ‘Report’ was read in House and
Senate. His wish to present it personally was denied, not by his political
enemies as his partial biographers contend, but by the supporters of his
plan.[200] In the galleries of the House eager speculators were closely
packed. They overflowed and filled the lobbies. Some were drawn by mere
curiosity, some were the original creditors who had waited long for their
reward, but the greater number were speculators, who, in anticipation of
such a recommendation, had bought freely of the skeptical holders at
ridiculously low prices. Not a few of these poured forth into Wall Street at
the conclusion with the exhilarating knowledge that a fortune was within
their grasp.
In the Senate the ‘Report’ was heard in secret and in ‘awful silence,’ for
the elder statesmen met behind doors closed and locked. Most of these
listened with approval, but the rheumatic Maclay, who had been puzzled for
some time with ‘the extraordinary rise in public securities,’ wrote that night
in his journal that Hamilton ‘recommends indiscriminate funding, and, in
the style of the British Minister, has sent down his bill.’ There were some
complaints that ‘a committee of speculators in certificates could not have
formed it more to their advantage.’ In truth, ‘it occasioned many serious
faces,’ and Maclay himself was ‘struck of a heap.’[201] But the prevalent
note was one of jubilation. In New York, enthusiasm in the coffee-houses;
in Boston, ‘great applause’;[202] in other commercial cities, Philadelphia,
Charleston, Baltimore, approbation, with reprobation for objections.[203]
All men of honor sympathized with the purpose of discharging the debt.
The repudiationists were among the ignorant and the vicious. Few at the
moment found fault with the funding system, though some would have
preferred a speedy liquidation through the sale of the public lands. Then—
suddenly—a low murmur of protest, followed by acrimonious attacks.
Thousands of the original creditors had been ‘swindled’ out of their
certificates for a song—were these, who rendered Revolutionary services,
to be taxed to ensure exorbitant profits to the speculators? Why should the
Federal Government assume the debts contracted by the separate States—
debts unevenly distributed? And what was the purpose of the proposal that
the Government should be prohibited from paying more than two per cent
of the principal a year? The indignation of the insurgents, at first a glimmer,
became a flame. The greater part of the certificates were in the hands of the
prosperous who had taken advantage of the necessities of the original
holders—Revolutionary soldiers, small farmers, hard-pressed country
merchants. The funding system would tax all the people to pay to the rich a
hundred cents on the dollar for evidence of debts that had cost them fifteen
and twenty. With the people taxed to pay the interest—it was proposed to
perpetuate the debt. Thus, for generations, perhaps, as many reasoned, the
Government would operate for the enrichment of the few already rich, and
the masses would pay the piper.
Had Hamilton been disposed to frankness, he would have smiled his
acknowledgment of the charge. One of his biographers has conceded that
through this system he hoped to ‘array property on the side of the
Government,’ by giving it a financial interest in the Government, and ‘to
assure to the property of the country a powerful influence upon the
Government.’[204] Having ‘been unable to introduce a class influence into
the Constitution by limiting the suffrage ... with a property qualification,’ he
hoped through his financial system to accomplish his purpose in another
way.[205]
There was nothing diabolical in the plan—coming from one who looked
upon the masses as lawless and unfit for self-government. His obsession
was a strong, stable government—and to sustain it he required the
interested devotion of the propertied class. The astonishing thing is that the
comparatively crude Maclay from the wilds of Pennsylvania and the
leather-lunged James Jackson from sparsely settled Georgia should have
caught the full significance of it all before it dawned on Jefferson and
Madison. The latter thought the ‘Report’ ‘well digested and illustrated,’ and
‘supported by very able reasoning,’ but after a while he, too, was depressed
with the injustice to the original creditors who ‘were most instrumental in
saving their country,’ and concluded there was something ‘radically wrong
in suffering those who rendered a bona fide consideration to lose seven
eighths of their dues, and those who had no particular merit toward their
country to gain seven or eight times as much as they advanced.’[206]
II
III
With the first discussion in the House, it was apparent that speculation
was to play a conspicuous part in the debates. The speculators packed the
galleries, overflowed into the lobby, causing the complacent Theodore
Sedgwick of Massachusetts, himself a speculator, to insist that the ‘ardent
expectations of the people on this subject want no other demonstration than
the numerous body of citizens assembled within these walls.’ The effect
was different on the pugnacious Jackson of Georgia. ‘Since this Report has
been read,’ he shouted, with a contemptuous glance at the eager gallery,
‘the spirit of speculation ... has arisen and been cherished by people who
had access to information the Report contained, that would have made a
Hastings blush to have been connected with, though long inured to preying
on the vitals of his fellow man. Three vessels, sir, have sailed within a
fortnight from this port freighted for speculation.’[215]
The unctuous Sedgwick was melting suavity. Speculation within
reasonable bounds was not bad, but action should be taken with all possible
speed to stop it; and the troublesome Jackson returned to the attack—this
time on New York City. He wished to God Congress had met in the woods
and out of the neighborhood of a populous town. The gallant veterans,
driven by economic necessity to the wilderness, were being robbed by these
speculators of the pittance a grateful country had bestowed. Since the
assumption of State debts was proposed, why not postpone action until the
various legislatures could express the sentiment of the States? ‘Then these
men may send out other vessels to countermand their former orders; and
perhaps we may yet save the distant inhabitants from being plundered by
these harpies.’[216]
This line of attack had not been anticipated, and Hamilton was not the
man to take anything for granted. His well-groomed figure was seen
moving nervously about the lobbies of Federal Hall, within a few days after
the commencement of the debate. One of his enemies observed that he
‘spent most of his time running from place to place among the
members.’[217] In the evenings he gathered his more influential supporters
about him at his home. At his table he brought his most seductive charms to
bear upon the doubting. Time was all-important and indefinite delay might
be fatal.
With the thunder of Jackson’s ugly charges reverberating through the
streets, taverns, coffee-houses, Hamilton was ‘moving heaven and earth for
his funding system.’ The commercial interests and the members of the
Cincinnati hastened to join the lobby, which began to seek out the wavering
or the doubtful in their lodging-houses. A fashionable minister found his
way to the quarters of Speaker Muhlenberg and Senator Maclay to extol the
policies of the dynamic young Secretary, and ‘argued as if he had been in
the pulpit.’ Time, too, for a redoubling of effort, for there were rumors that
Madison, the strongest man in the House, had been unpleasantly impressed
with the fast-sailing vessels and the expresses jolting over the roads
southward. A bitter attack had appeared in one of the papers which gossip
ascribed to the popular George Clinton.[218]
In the House—still harping were the foes on speculation, when with a
benevolent expression Sedgwick rose with saccharine urbanity to regret the
vice of speculation, and declare himself ‘totally disinterested,’ albeit he was
financially concerned. It was only his distress over speculation that
admonished him to speedy action to minimize the evil. It was really
unfortunate that so much heat had been engendered. After all, were not ‘a
great and respectable body of our citizens creditors of the United States?’ It
would be tragic were these animosities to create ‘factions among the
people.’
‘A danger there?’ bellowed Jackson, the incorrigible infant terrible. ‘Do
not gentlemen think there is some danger on the other side? Will there not
be grounds for uneasiness when the soldier and the meritorious citizen are
called upon to pay the speculator more than ten times the amount they ever
received from him for their securities?’[219]
Meanwhile the fight was spreading from Federal Hall to the newspapers
where congressional courtesy imposed no restrictions on the temper.
Sinister stories were finding their way into print. ‘Several officials in
conjunction with Robert Morris and wealthy contractors “were” at the
bottom of this new arrangement.’ If it succeeded, Robert Morris would
benefit $18,000,000, Jeremiah Wadsworth would profit $9,000,000 and
Governor George Clinton would make $5,000,000.[220]
It was under these conditions, with the speculators packing the galleries,
with the lobbyists, legitimate and illegitimate, buzzing through the
corridors, with the most amazing rumors floating about the streets, that
James Madison, who had remained silent heretofore, rose in a crowded
House to fire the first fun in the Jeffersonian war on the financial policies of
Alexander Hamilton.
IV
Here was a man at whom the Federalist leaders dare not sneer. A
stranger, looking down from the gallery, would have been at a loss to
understand the deference with which members hung upon his words. His
personal appearance was disappointing. The short little man dressed in
sober black, with a bald head, and a little protuberant in front, whose lower
limbs were slight and weak,[221] was surely not meant to ride on the
whirlwind and direct the storm. The impression of physical weakness he
conveyed did belie the fact. In the mild blue eyes there was much to suggest
the meditative philosopher, nothing to hint of the fighter. His voice was so
weak that even in the cozy little chamber he could scarcely be heard.[222]
He spoke in low tones, without gesture or excitement, almost like a man
communing with himself in the seclusion of his closet. And yet he
commanded a hearing vouchsafed to few. It was the triumph of character.
Here, too, was a man with a background second to none in the infant
Republic. An ailing body had obsessed him in youth with the premonition
of an early death, and, feeling the futility of entering on any pursuit, he had
sought consolation in his books. He not only consumed, he assimilated. He
not only read, he thought. Thus he became something more than a learned
man—he developed into a political philosopher ‘worthy to rank with
Montesquieu and Locke.’[223] At the time he rose to propose an amendment
to Hamilton’s plan there was not a man in America who was his peer in the
knowledge of constitutional law or history. Nor was there a man, either,
whose support Hamilton more eagerly coveted. Even the jealous Ames
conceded him to be ‘our first man,’ consoling himself for the concession
with the comment that ‘I think him too much of a book politician and too
timid in his politics,’ and that ‘he speaks decently as to manner and no
more.’[224]
But the ill-natured jealousy of the more ornamental Ames failed to take
account, as most of his colleagues did, of the important practical use to
which he had put his knowledge of the battles he had fought and the
victories he had won. No one in either branch of Congress or at the head of
any of the departments had approached his services in the framing of the
Constitution. It was his genius that conceived the Virginia plan which
became the basis of the agreement. At many critical junctures his speeches
had dissipated the gathering darkness with their light. His pen, unknown to
many at the time, had recorded the story of the Convention. His
contributions to ‘The Federalist’ had been quite as important, if not so
numerous, as those of Hamilton; and the fight he waged in the Virginia
Convention for ratification was quite as Titanic and conclusive as that of
Hamilton in New York, but with this difference—Hamilton was confronted
by Melancthon Smith, while Madison had to cross swords with Patrick
Henry, with the powerful George Mason and the accomplished Pendleton.
He was not an orator of frills and fancies, magnetic and dramatic,
appealing to the passions and emotions, but he was formidable in debate. In
the speeches of none of his contemporaries is found such erudition, more
driving logic, such tact and moderation of statement, or greater nobility of
sentiment, fairness, justice. If they are a bit heavy in their sobriety, the
occasion called for something remote from theatrical frivolity. His grace
was in his reasoning, not his rhetoric—and yet his style would have given
him a foremost place at Saint Stephen’s.
It is not surprising that such a man should not have been a favorite with
the crowd. There was a diffidence in his manner, a formality and precision
in his method, a quiet dignity in his bearing that discouraged familiarity. He
was too absorbed in his work to fit in with the social festivity of his time.
Only at his own table and among his intimates did he appear in the rôle of
‘an incessant humorist’ and ‘keep the table in roars of laughter over his
stories and his whimsical way of telling them.’[225] Even his letters read
like state papers. But there were a few, greater than Ames, who appreciated
him. These were the three most important personages of his time—
Washington, Hamilton, and Jefferson.
Washington consulted him and made use of his pen. Hamilton cultivated
him. Jefferson loved him as a son. His relations with the latter were no less
than beautiful. Through many years they constantly interchanged visits,
corresponded regularly, and traveled together whenever possible. A
strikingly incongruous pair they must have seemed as they plodded along
country roads together, or rode to and from Philadelphia together in
Jefferson’s carriage—the tall, thin, loose-jointed, and powerful master of
Monticello, and the short, frail, bald-headed Madison. But the incongruity
was in their physical appearance only, for they had much in common—a
common sweetness of disposition, a common code of political principles
and morals, a common liberality of views, and a common passion for
knowledge. The older man paid tribute to his protégé’s qualities long after
both had passed from active public life: his ‘habits of self-possession which
placed at ready command the rich resources of his luminous and
discriminating mind’; his language ‘soothing always the feelings of his
adversaries by civilities and softness of expression’; his ‘pure and spotless
virtue which no calumny has ever attempted to sully’—all qualities that
made him a congenial companion for the philosopher who shared them in a
large degree.[226] Observing Jefferson’s happiness at the inauguration of his
successor, a lady who knew them both intimately wrote what all who knew
them felt: ‘I do believe father never loved a son more than he loves Mr.
Madison.’[227] But when Madison rose that cold February day to make his
first attack on Hamilton’s programme, he acted on his own volition and
without consultation with the man who was to be his chief.
VI
VII