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Rua das Mercês, 8 9000-420 – Funchal Email: ceha@madeira-edu.pt alberto.vieira@madeira-edu.pt

Rua das Mercês, 8 9000-420 – Funchal

Email: ceha@madeira-edu.pt alberto.vieira@madeira-edu.pt http://www.madeira-edu.pt/ceha/

Telef (+351291)214970 Fax (+351291)223002

Telef (+351291)214970 Fax (+351291)223002 VIEIRA, Alberto (1990), Migration from the Portuguese

VIEIRA, Alberto (1990),

Migration from the Portuguese Atlantic Islands in the Second half of the Nineteenth century. The Case of Madeira, in Portuguese Migration in global Perspective, edited by David Higs, Toronto, The Multicultural History Society of Ontario, pp.42-60

COMO REFERENCIAR ESTE TEXTO:

VIEIRA, Alberto (1990), Migration from the Portuguese Atlantic Islands in the Second half of the Nineteenth century. The Case of Madeira, in Portuguese Migration in global Perspective, edited by David Higs, Toronto, The Multicultural History Society of Ontario, pp.42-60, Funchal, CEHA- Biblioteca Digital, disponível em: http://www.madeira-edu.pt/Portals/31/CEHA/bdigital/avieira/1990- emigrationportugueseislands.pdf, data da visita: / /

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escrupulosamente a legislação aplicável, nomeadamente, em matéria de criminalidade informática,
de direitos de propriedade intelectual e de direitos de propriedade industrial, sendo exclusivamente
responsável pela infracção aos comandos aplicáveis.

Emigration from the Portuguese Islands in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century: The Case of Madeira

ALBERTO V IEIRA

During lhe lalter half or lhe nineleenlh cenlury lhe economies and social SlruClures af many ALlanlic island socicties underwent a series of transformations. II was during lhis period that imp0Tl.ant demo- graphic changcs look place. Rising populalions and depresscd island

economies rcsulted in a slTong migralory movement. rhis was stim- ul;'tlcd by lhe economic SilU3tion in lhe dCSlinations or lhe emigranLS - lhe Americas. While lhe islands suffered from an economic reces- sioo, 00 lhe olher side or lhe Adantic lhere werc boom times. The abolition of sla\cry, which had previously provided lhe workforce, crealcd a dem;tnd for labour in mining, agricu\lUre and industry. The na tive ofthe Ponuguese islands, cul off from lhe land bv inheril'lOce laws or economie conslrailllS, unable LO find work and enliced b} lhe gliuering promises of lhe emigration agems, abandoned his own land and headed for oew destinations, 10 become a SUbslilule for sla\ es. The trealmem accorded lO lhe emlgr.mts caused many analvsts and politicians of lhe lime lO describe lhis recruitment of workers (IS white slavery. However, no measures \\lere ever laken on lhe islancls to stOp lhis now of pcople. The sporadie auempts on the parI of local author· ilies tO cncourage lhe peop le to stay proved ineffeclive . 50 lhe emigra. tion continued unabated umillhe dawn of the lwelllielh centur)'. Only lhe deslinations changed.

Island Emigration

Migration made an indelible mark on island populations, which had lhemselves been lhe resull of social and economie transmigration; now they ln tum provided emigrants lO form olher Aliantic socielies. Due

J\hgrallon fram th~ Portugun~ AtJ,wll( Islamls

43

(O iu \'er) earl) settlement. Madeira in tum became a noted resenoir of population from which »Copie slarted communilies on lhe oe\\'- found islands and shores of lhe ALlantic h·orld. Madeiram .tppe.tred in lhe Azores. lhe Canaries. São 1 omé and Principe, and Brazil. They fonned lhe main labour force in lhe new, dynamic sugar industry. The lhrce archipelagos of lhe weSlern ALlantic, Madeira. lhe Al.Ores a nd lhe Canaries. had been lhe firSl islands 10 found penllanem sellle- menu. It was logical. merefore. lhal lhey should l4lke lhe Icad in seltling olher poinu in lhe Porluguesc Atlamic empire. JUSl as lhe Canaries were lhe spearhead for peopling of lhe Spanish cmpire. Thus a high levei oí social mobilily is one of lhe pl'incipal charac- lerislics of island society. The islands were simuhalleously poles of attraction and of divergence in social movemenl <tround lhe Allanlic.

The allraction ofllle inilial migralion 10 lhe r

resulled fram novelty and lh e opportunilY la seule lhe land , \\'hil e disillusionmenl and lhe scm·ce and limitai cconomic possibilitic!s caused lhe second surge onward low:lrds lhe riches ollhe lndies. 1 During lhe slow process of lhe abolilion of sla\cr} and lhe disap- pearance or lhe sla\'e lrade in lhe )ears 1850 to 1870, lhe nceds of cconomic dc\'clopmem in lhe WCSl ~lIld EaSl Indies wcre tl":lIlsformed ,

hdei'ils and lhe A10res

and their demands for

For the abolilionisls. European emigration seemed to bc lhe onl) sollltion w hich would finalJy bring ;1Il end lO lhe sla\'e t.ade.~ E.migra- tion in lh e sccond half of lhe nineleemh cemury lhus assumcd in lhe island socielics a dirferent dimension fram lhe prc\ iOlls sitllalion. ln lhe lh rce archipelagoes lherc was a shared atrnosphcrc of crisis and lhe search for solutiolls which would o\·ercome lhe difficulties of

and in lhe

A70res lhe Cuh.i\'alion of orangcs depended on an eXrKlIl markel which lhe island could nOl control. I'he economies oflhe isl<lnds \\erc unable 10 support lhe burgeoning populalion. and cmigration appeared as

lhe solul ion to lhis difficuh

'I hese circumslances thwi made available a source thal s<lllsfied lhe needs of the New \Vorld for a cheap labour force la work on lhe sugar crop. lobacco and mining, o ncc lhe slave trade ended. BUI one form of sla\'ery was o nl y replaced by anolhel". The ships lhat Iri.lIIsl>oned the human cargo were lhe same e\'en lhough recruillllent was nOl lhe result of assauh ar purchase hUI of lhe action 01 emig ralion agems (ollClador~s). If before lhe sl<l'(' was boughl. now lhe emigram paid the price of ensla\-ement in lhe forOl of lhe expenses of lhe passpon.

lhe island people: in Madeira Ihere was lhe wine cri si

fresh sources of labour increased . 2

situation."

The organizers. os s~lIhorts. and abo\'e lhem lhe stale ilself. linancal his transponalioll lO lhe mOSl dislam 01 deslinalioll'i . -I he English and lhe DUICh. long-lime speôa lisls in s hippin g blacks. appeared as lhe

main ime rm ediaries

in lhis way cou ld lhe needs

of the cofTee. sugar and colton economies be mel.

in this opermion. Only

44 Alberto Vitira

As for lhe sugar induslry in lhe Wesl Indies and in Hawaii, para- doxically lhe I'onuguese islander who in lhe sixteenth cemur)' had

brougllllhis crop across lhe Atlalltic now became a viclim of lhe prog- ress of its produclion in new areas. I-Ie appeared in lhe surplus labour force which would be used for lhe needs of lhe haT"\'est.~ The Canary islands maintained a slead) now of migranLS for lhe Spanish colonies. This was heightened by lhe economic depression of lhe second half of lhe century which ravaged lhe archipelago. Cuba conlinued 10 be l he principal deslinalion, and fully 83 per ceUl oflhc

nine lcemh-century

Sevemy-one per cem of lhe emigranls were male, of whom oea1'l)' lhree-quaners were married. Cuban residems bom in Lhe Cana.-ies were estimated a I around SiXIY lhousand . As in Madeira , c1andestine emigraLion rcached alarming proportions. and brought aboU{ a sharp

debate in lhe press aboul t11e aClivity 01' lhe local emigration agents

pcrmits 10 embark ( comnldatícta) ,,'ere for Cuba.

and lh e inhllman condit ions dllring passage

10 Iheir deslinalions.

6

São Miguel island, Lhe mosl densely populaled anel poverly-slricken

of al i lhe Awrean islands,' emerged as lhe principal reçruilment centre of cheap labour for lhe American conlinellli in lhe period from 1852

to 1873 nine lhousand natives of São Miguel ( rmcatlellsts)

Between I January 1877 anel 30 JlIly 1881 aboul five lhollsand lefl, 74 per cem for Brazil, 23 per cem for Hawaii and 3 per cem for lhe United Slates. 9 ln lhe Azares, slate·org.mized emigralion to Brazil was all'eady marked by lhe eighleem h cemury and cominued imo lhe nineleenth cenlUry.1O I-Iowever, lhe leading destination ror Awrean migranls, which has conlinued up until the presenl, was North America. 11 The cities of Boston, New Bedford and New York had a strong demand for lexlile workers. The dissemination of news about lhose poss ibililies bcfore 1900 was affecled by lhe experience of lhe whaling industry in which Azorean seamen , especially from lhe pOI't of Horta, were significam. I:.!

lerl for Brazil. 8

became o ne of lhe mOSl importam poles of atlraclion for

Azorean emigrants. The Azores were an imponam supply centre for Pacific whalers. There was also direcl encouragement given by lhe local governmenl. I~ Azoreans made up some 40 per cenl of lhe Portll- guese community in Hawaii, while lhe Madeirans were 60 per cent.l<I

Somewhal laler, in 1930, according 10 the censlls made by lhe Madeiran

fam il ies I'esiding in Hawaii,

lia

aii

Joaquim Francisco de Freitas of island

there were 827 islanders, of wholll 4 I per cent WCI'C Madeirans. 58 per

cem Azoreans and only 1 per cem Cape Verdians: mOSl of lhe Azoreans came from São Miguel.'~ This is nOl slIrprising in view aI' lhe imponance of Pama Delgada as a pon of exil among Azoreans. Between 1881 ilnd 1890, of 35,869 Azorean emigr.mts 51 per cem (ame from lhe disldct af Poma Delgada.

28 per cem from Hona (Fayal island) and 21 per cem from Angra do Heroismo (Terceira island).'6 As in Madeira. clandesline emigra- lion was laking on alarming proporlions: bel\\'cen 1879 and 1890 ten lhousand individuais emigraled, and from 1891 lO 1896 ii funher lwelve lhousand left oul of a 10lal of fon)'-fi\'e thousand ellligranLS. 17 ln lhe o\eral! balance of Portuguese emigration in the ninelecnth century, lhe Madeiran and Azorean archipelagos hold an importam place: belween 1860 and 1889 lhe Azoreans made uI' 19 per cent anel lhe Madeirans 8 per cenl. I8

Madeiran Emigration

The emigrdtion from Madeira in lhe nineleenth cemllT')' had mcm} causes: a slump in lhe wine market of lhe 1840s (made worse in 1852 b)' lhe effecIs of lhe blight of powdery mildew), religiolls Slrife in 1844-46, .lIld increasing unemployment among agricuhu"a\ workers. A jOllrnalisl in A Reforma of 1858 described conditions:

The religious evelllS which look place in this district c<lused lhe aslonislung exodus of 1846. and lhe deanh of 1847 brought lhe frightening level of emigralion which followed - aflerwards lhe falr in prices of our wines. followed by a lack or them lO seI!, ali caused emigratioll tO continue umi! 1854 aI a much stronger rale . 1'/

The religiolls queslion cemred 011 Dr. Robert Reid Kallev, a Protestam pastor and a celcbraled physician who came lO li\'e in Madeira in 1838, Wilh lhe hope or clIring his wife's tuberculosis. 20 I-Ie "Iso began to

proselytite his ,·eligion. The hostililY of lhe tr.ulitional dergv or Funchal

thousand Madeirans

wen1 with him. The group firsl went to the lhe Wesl Indies (British Guiana. Antiglla and 5t . Kius) and from there went on lO Illinois in the American Mid_Wesl. 21 After 1857 a serious crisis developed among the wine growers, who were force<! la lea\e the vineyards in search of work when the wine

bllsiness dcclincd.

Therc was no wark available cven dllring lhe lime

forced him 10 leave in 1846, but more lhan 1

'0

or lhe grape han'esl. 22 Madeirans had no recourse but to emignlle. People fram lhe nonh of lhe island abandoned lheir land and lheir

wretched hovels anel went to lhe cily lO await <ln opportunity lO gel ii ship tO lhe West Indies. 2 -' This urge la leave was encouraged by lhe cmigr,lIion ilgcllIs working

for lhe English go\ernlllent who sought

of labour for lhe plamalions and mines of lhe West Indies. needed as a resllll of lhe end of the si ave tr;tde. ln lhe 1870s emigralion g'.1ined new slrenglh as a result of lhe persistem economic crisis anclthe emicing promise of the new desli- nation, lhe "ilhas Canecas" of Hawaii .: H

10 find in ~Iacleir" a SOUl' CC

46 A/btrtQ V'ára

Is il possible to eSlablish a

sim pie relalionship between lhe hunger

eaused by economie decline and emigralion? AI first sighl il would

seern so, blll a doseI' anal)'sis of Madeiran emigration goes beyond particular limes of economic stress and shows depanUl·es continlling

in pel"iods of econom ic stabililY. Emigration was a conSlam of Madeir,lIl

society in lhe seco nd half of lhe nineleenlh ce ntury, fed by lhe in ces-

sa nl demands of lhe inlcrnalionallabour markel after lhe end of lhc s lave trade . SlIch emigra tion is nOI merely, as Alvaro Rodrigues de

Azevedo contends, lhe only way "in ""hich lhe desolating problems of Madeira's situation finds naturally and unconscious\y ilS resolulion."2;.

II is also a reaetion to lhe exigencies derived from lhe social lran s-

fo nn alions

The initiatives laken on lhe island to O\;ercomc this co ntinuai emigralion were ineffective, not only because officials did nOI «Irr)' through wilh lhe measures 10 encourage lhe populalion lO slay, bUl also because lhe SOIUlioll diel nOI depend exclusive I)' on lhe island. II required a financial commilmCIll from oUlside which was never recciveel. l n lhis se nse lhe imcrvenlion of José Sih'eslre Ribeiro when he was lhe civil governor of Funchal only callsed a short-term moder-

alion in lhe rale of migralions. 16 Funher inilialives \Vere sporad ic and responded lO immediale neeels wilhoul succeeding in clluing off one

of lhe major problems of

Underlaking major public works like lhe Ribeiro Seco bridge provided

ol1ly lemporary relief from e ndemic unemploymclll and pressing social

of lhe European co lonies.

Madeiran socielY, lhe "contr.IlO de coI6nia ."27

problems.

28

Remedies co n tinued LO emerge from lhe offices ofburcaucraL~, and

lO be app lauded

ued lhroughom lhe lasl half of lhe ninelcenth celllury. Thus, in 185 3 an official movemelll of some families for lhe colonizarion of

Moçamedes began. 29 Laler in lhe same )ear some Madeirans were

oad COllSlruction. ~o Ilo\\'ever ,

in lh e columns of Joc;] 1periodicals

lha I the solmion had lO be found locall y. For A Discussão, lhe probJem cOll ld only be overcome wilh lhe "freedom ofthc soi l. spread of credil and of dirccl cu ltivalion."!U O Clamor Público announce<! lhallhe heavy penallies inOicled on emigranLS would nm resolve lhe problcm, bul ralher lhe giving of "work lO lhe labourers , freeing lhe Jand and making credil available for lhe agriculture enlerprises Wilh a good law 011 cullivation.,,!l1 The Jack of slleh measures h-as plain enough in lhe powerful omburSI in lhe columns of O FUllchalm:u:

some attentive commcnlatOl"S nOled

senl 10 continental POrlugallo work on

or criliciled by lhe local press, but emigration comin-

No, say we, lhey shollld nOl emigrale, lhe) should nOI sell human flesh lO swi ndlers, lhey are nOI going lO be sh.l\es in Brilish Guiana and in Brazil. lhe remed)' to lhe IllI sfonu nes lhe ) s uffer from is nm Ihere, iI is hel"c Ihalll mUSl be found. remaining llS free cili-

MlgrtdÚm Irom

Ih~ Porlllgll~St Atlallll( 151"/I{/s

4 7

zens .and using lhe riglll lhal lhe fllndamC::lllill la\\' of lhe Slatc provides."

The Migratory Current

The nllmbers involved in this movemem. allhough sca nered , make plain its dimensions in lhe second half 01' lhe nineteenth century. Figures fonhe period from 1834 lO 1872 show lhal24.3761\1adeirans lefl, lhough lhe actllallolal may have been mllch higher. ln lS52 O ProgrtsSisla nOleu Lhal since September 1834 :md July 1852, 18,246 had Icfl with passporls but lwice as many c1andesLinely, and in 185 3 lhe ne\\'spapel' A Ordem c1aimed thal forly Ihousand had left since 1840 for British Guiana.:il Over lhe whole period Lhne was an <tllllual departllre rale of 716 if we accepL officiid figures . The rC;:11 Ilumbers may represent as llIuch as one-quaner 01' lhe Island population . The percentage of the departures as officially recorded. howe\er. \-aricd according lO decadc: thus from 1831 to 1840.2 per cem lerl, from 18'11 to 1850,29perce nl , from 1851101860,5 1 per cc nl, and fmm J861 to 1870, 18 per cento Ahnosl ali Madeiran emigranlS welll to one ar lhree regions: lhe WeSl Indies, Norlh America 01' Brazil. The Wesl Indies became lhe major markel , recciving 86 per cenl 01' lhose who depaned legalJy. Madeiran emigrams in lhe Wesl Indies were distributed bCLween SL. Kius, Surinam, Jamaica and Brilish Guiana, arcas well known lo lhe Madeirans because 01' lhe wine trade hilh lhe i!' island. Of lhcse. Br'itish Guiana became lhe m~or deSlinalion among ,hose going LO lhe Caribbean. receiving 70 per cem of emignHllS lO lhe region. EmigranlS to the Uniled Slales made up only 2 pel cem or lhe lotai for lhose }'cars, while Bra7il received lhe rcmaining 12 per cento Numbers lO olheI' parlS or lhe world were insignific.anl. MOla de Vasconcelos estimaled lhal from 18'1 I lo 1889, 36,724 emigr-mts from J\'ladeira arrived in British Guiana.:5S Il i'i figures showed surges in ernigration lO British Guiana in the I840s, lhe 1870s and 18805. The lauer decades coincidcd wilh a spun or cmigralion to Hawaii. A listing uf s hips which Icfl MadeirA wi,h emigrams in lhe

11 January 1855conflrms lhe imponance

of British Guiana Wilh 62 per cem of ali destinations.!Sú ln shon. during

period from IIJ\la y 1854 lO

lhe 18405 and 1850s British Guiana was lhe Madeiran 1::1 Dorado. while in lhe 1870s and 18S0s il was lhe Hawaiian paradise lhal beck· oned. The emigration 01' lhe 18S0s was or ramily groll»s and ),ilrdy or isolaled indi\ idllals. Somclimcs slaLÍslics coumed the number 01' fami- lies which cmignlled. A commcntary on emigr.uion around 1849 Illade in lhe newspaper A flor do Ow:mo poinled OUI lhat family emigration

48 AlbnlQ Vj~ira

fram lhe Machico and Santo António diSlriCIS made up 92 per cenl of lhal lype of depanure for the island, e\ellly dividcd."

If we look ai figures collecled aboul immignmts (O Francisco de Freitas in his 1930 inquiry , wc see tha!

from ~'Iadeira ali togelher. This was lhe fruit of lhe official recruit· menl by lhe local authorilies of lhe archipelago. His figures shaw lhal in lhe main il was lhose with large families who lefl. since lhe nllmber in each family grollp was alway~ abo\'e scvcn. Perhaps for lhis reason lhe sex ralio of lhe adult emigrams belween 1857 and 1872 was in a rough balance. Ir we examine lhe emigration for l-Iawaii from 1878 101913 we find: 7,806 men (34 per cenl). 5,536 women (23 per cem) accompanied by 10,236 children (43 per cem). Let us now ask what were lhe Ix:nefils la Madeira of lhis nineleenlh· celllury emigration. especially thal lO BI"iLish Guiana. Despile lhe nineteelllh-cemury us'lge of lhe word "Demcrarisla" for t110se who reLUrned home from lhe English colony, ~ 1I a svnonym in rnany cases for richcs, wc can conclude lhal overalll\'ladeira W3S lhe laser. Slalislics shaw lhal of 418 emigrants who welll lhere up to 1849, only five ever relurned, while 224 remained lhere and 189 sooo died of fever or lhe hardships endured with lhe lropical he~Il.~9 ln 1850, when 2,199 Madeirdlls lefl for Brilish Guiana. 254 dieel anel onl) 221 relurned.

of whom 120 were sick. Moreover. lhe slate of Iheir finances was nOl cncouraging, since only 107 of those who had lefl impro\'ed Iheir economic silualion subslantially. while 50 were worse off lhan when

I-Iawaii by Joaquim familics emigraled

lhey left.~o

Emigration to lhe "Ilhas Canecas" of Hawaii grew following 1878 thanks lO the aClivilies of lhe agency of W.I-I. l-lillebrand who al Ihal time lived in Funchal. II At lhe requesl of lhe I-Ionolulu governmem he promoted Hawaii as an allernative new deslination for emigrants.

He sent lhe firsl group of married couples la Hawaii on lhe ship Priscilla:l'l The voyage from Funchal to tllis distant archipclago in lhe Pacific had taken 120 days, blll e\'cn so a lrip of such duration and

privation was no obslacle 10 lhe

by lhe Hawaiiao authorities justificd lhe risk of lhe voyage. I~ The

arrival of lhe ship in l-Ionolulu on 30 Seplember 1878 was lhe cause of much satisfaclion in lhe local press.'" ln lhe ensuing pcriod from 1878 la 1913 more lhan lwemY-lhree lhousand I)ortuguese arrived in lhe Hawaiian islands, mostly coming from Madeira and A~ore3. Of lhe twentv·se\'en Porluguese vessels

carrying emigranLS \

emigranls . since the promises made

hich

Illade porl in lhe Ilawaiian islands. len carne

from Madeira during lhe period. nine from lhe Azares and eighl had called aI different places in Madeira, lhe ALOres and mainland Portu- gal before reaching lhe islands in lhe l)atiCie. ln 1882 an emigration trealy belween ('onugal and Hawaii was signed. regularizing emigralion frollllhe island., and mainland Ponu-

AflgrallOrl Irom thl! Portugul!SI! Atúmlu !Jlalld,s

49

ga l lO Hawaii. ln consequence , during lhe lasl 1.\\'0 decades of lhe

ninclcemh celllury ollunigraLion from Madeira rcached ilS highesl

poim and atfecled lhe growlh rale of lhe populalion. Belween 1864

and 1878

bUl lhe growlh rate was a mere 2 per celll for lhe period 1878 lO 1890. 45 This Irend could on ly becollle sl ronger sincc whole fam il ies \Vere leaving.

This mignllion of 1~"lIilies made permancllI sctllemelll in Ilawaii more cenain. ln Brilish Guiana and in I-Iawaii, Madeiran cultural 1raditions remained alive in such lradilional aClivitics as cooking and res1h'als. and many of these CUSlOms wcrc taken on by lhe hoSl soei- clies: 16 The associations crealed in lhe years following 187i and lhe Portuguese-Ianguage newspapers ali had an important place in lhe community :t7 Madeirans and ALOreans soon had a wcll-eslablished place in Hawaiian society. economy and politics. A leading figure was Bishop Estevão de Alencaslre (1876--1940) who was born on I'orto Santo. IS ln Haw.tii lhe Madeirans \Vere able lo adap' easi l) tO their new environmelll Uccause lhey were already familiar Wilh island life. The) had some knowledge of new agricu ltu ral techniques because of lhe long lradilion of sugar cultiv31ion aI home as well as neh melhods being introduced al lhe end of lhe ninelcenlh cenlury . ln Il awaii lhe Madeiran fell himself al hOIllC, while in British Cuiana he rcmained

a forcigner, rccruiled to work in lhe mines or sugal- plamations. lo

lhe lOlal island popu lalion had increased by 18 per cenl,

be

relurned to his native land once his slrcngth was spent or when

he

had saved a lilllc capital. ln any case, lhe considerable distance of

J-Iawaii

only Wilh lhe de\'elopment of air Irallsporl Ihal th is dream became a rea li ly for lhe sccond and lhird gcneralion of emignlllts. Far from their homelands. AlOreans in lhe I-I awaiian islands illler- married with Madeirans. anel produced a kind ofcreole sociely \vhich resulted from lhe assimilation of lhe lraditions of lhe lwO POrlugllese

a rapid rctum. l n fact il was

from Madeira did nOI encourage

archipelagos. The biographical guide Pllblished in 1930 by JO'lquim de Freitas enumenHed Illany weddings: 137 werc between A70reans. 89 between Madeirans, bUl a further 94 werc belween in d i\'idu als

from differem archipelagos. with a panicular tendency for n/lcaelenses

lO marry wilh Madeirans. 19

Clandestine Emigration

A ro)'al decree (alvará) of 4 july 1758 eSlablished lha1 passporls wcre

required for islanders lO leave Madeira.SO Il owever, bcfOl·e lhe 1840s

wc only have information of an iso la lcd occas ion in 1780 when Iwelve Portuguese left wilhom passpons on board an Eng lish vessel.!>J

50 A/~,.,o Vit'lra

Clandesline emigration became common in lhe 1840s and 1850s, with mOSl indi\'idllals bollnd for lhe West Indies and Bra/.:il. Allhough no reliable or exaCl numbers are available, lhe press or lhe lime claimed lhai from Seplember 1834 lO June 1852 lhe c1andcsline departures were double lhose Oflhc legal ones.!\2 Il was reponed lha I in lhe rear 1845-46 six Ihousand clandrstmos leres, Al Iloma do Sol from April

more lhan six hundred c1andesLine emigran15

1841 lO OCLObe r 1852

depaned:'i4

Brilish Guiana ''o'as dearly lhe mOSl J>opular destinalion or lhe dan- desline emigran15, ln October 1846 of 16.297 Madeiram wlto had

arrived there, 5,548 were

made pon Wilh more lhan five hundred claudes/mos, The English ship Palmira bl"oughl 160, while lhe POl"luguese brig Viscorldr ck Broga which lefl Funchal with 25 legal passengers disclllbarked 4 10. 56 A POI"lU- guese Iwo-masled bm'que Duas Anos broughl 171 passengel's LO British Guiana, even though in Funchal onl} 71 passengcrs wilh passporls embarked. This sarne ship appeared seven }ea rs laler with 173 elal/- destinos 011 board. Such numbers spcak for themselvcs. Local aulhor- ilies had difricullY in coping ,yilh such a '"rge illegal em igration , Qnce massive emigralion lO British colonies began lhe civil governor of Madeira caJled for enforcemelll of passpon regu1alions to moder- ale lhe Outnow. ln 1841 lhe civil governor reminded lhe pon offieial who inspeCled depaning vessels lhal no vesse\ was permiued lO leave for British Guiana unlil ali i15 passengers had lhe necessary passpol'15 and licence from lheir parish lha! re\eased thern from any furlher service 01' assessrnelll owing. 57 Howe\"el', il was not umil October 1845 lhal 312 indi\ iduals were imprisoned at ParlO Moni/.: when lhey preparcd lO embark 011 lhe yachl GI6no de Portu.gal deslined for British Guiana. 56 Thc ci,·il govern- Illen! lhen order'ed public3tion of a posteI' (tdiltli) describing lhe punishmenls for Ihose who look pan in, 01" aided, clandestine emigra-

lion: lhe ship's caplain was liable lO a fine of 400,000 I'éis while lhe passengers, according lO lhe law of 9 January 1792, were subjCCl LO

without passporu. 5 !'. ln 1846 lhree vessels

a penal ly of IOQ,OOO réis:~9

These penall ies did not a lt er plans for clandcSl ine emigrarion, bUI

merely

officer found

barque Cloudi1ll! bound for Brilish Guiana.

administraLOr 01' lhe Funchal c01lu/ho surprised eighty-eight persons al Piornais who imendcd LO embark clandestine1y on lhe English vessel Ntwillo. 61 Unlil 1866 lhere were frcqucnt references lO lhe use of coastal shipping in support of this clandestine traffic. The coastline from Caniço tO Ilonta do J>argo offered CQves which lem lhemselves to pick-ups which were habitually made from Caniço. Praia Formosa. Paúl do Mar' and Ponta do Pargo,62 ln J84 7 lhe POl'luguese two-masted

heighlened lhe risk, ln January 1846 lhe CUSLOIIlS' r-eco ,-ding

five passcngers withoul passp'?l"ls 011 the two-masted

60

Two months later lhe

AlIgratiorl Iram tllt Portugutu Allm/tlC Islt/tuu

51

barque Alal1ana was slill al Ponla do Pargo

from Funchal on lhe prelexl of laking on waler; upon inspeclion 187 passcngers were founel on board of whom only 34 hael passpOI'ts,bj The Desertas islands also served as a eontacl point in lhis dml(le~line trame, On various oceasions eoaslal boals were founel there wailing

lO rende z·vous with ships bounel for British Guiana, ln February 18'15

anel April 1847 l\\'O lranspon vessels \\lere lakel1 lhal

from Caniço LO meel lhe Parluguese schooncr Eugt'nia,61 This use af lhe Desenas anel I)ama do Parga as receplion poillls for lhe dandes- une emigrallls was a direcl resuh of lhe greater vigilance in lhe pOrl of Funchal anel surrouneling areas,ti!> Earlier on, lhe c1anelesline emigrams hael I'oregalhered in Funchal in a shop on rua de Sabão and embarkeel 00 ships al nighl fram small boats, bUI lhe increased sUTveillaoce encouraged lhe use of more distam Illccling SpOlS,bó This on-shore aClivily of the island authorilies was reinforceel bya shipboaTd inspeClion of lhe vessels which lefl lhe pon of Funchal, ilnel by surveillancc of lhe emiTe coaSl anel of lhe Desen;ls islanels, At rirSl lhe inspeclion \\Ias earried out using lhe ship of lhe lobacco monop- 01y.67 Later a schedu led service of boals \"as cSlablished to patrollhe

coaSlon lhe days near 10 lhe depanure of any "essel. DII As well as lhe boats, lhe concelho adminisu-.uor had al his disposallwel\"e men anned wilh ba~onels to palrollhe city shoreline, anel along lhe coast of lhe

islanel he was able lO cou m on lhe supporl of lhe chiefs of police anel

gunners. 69 ln Jul) of 1846 lhe depanure

Duas Almas aClivateel

lhis system of control : lhe aelministrator had lhe

entire coaSl walcheel for six days relying on lhe suppon 01" lhe parish adminiSlraLOrs (rege<1ol'ts), chiefs of police and (wo pau'ol \'cssels,70

rineen elays ahel' her sail in g

ere going om

of d1C two-masled barquc

Nc\'crlheless, in order to be mOl'c effecli\'c lhe authol"ities requireel

guerr( 71 )

a warship, ln 1847 lhe rcqucsl for a deSlrO)'e r (t'sol1la de

causeel lhe sending of lhe brig Douro, La ck of money for its mainte· !lance caused its substilulion by a cheapel' schooner, bUl in 1853 lhere was a reversion lO lhe lype 01' vessels useel earlier in patrols,72 ln spite 01' lhese prohibitive measures anel lhe omcial vigilance, lhe

spurred on by lhe grcat

determination of lhe Madeirans and lhe di li gencc of lhe ellligralion agenls (allciadol't'S) and lheir helpcrs, The sharp elrop in depanure s

from 1863. therdare. was nOI as a result oflhe rCSlrictions bUI nllhel'

a consequence of lhe decl ining demand for labour in lhe tl'aditional

eleslinations, Aftel' 1885 the rt:slrietions again becamc neeessary once emigration bcgan lO pick up7' The delermining faclor in the rise of clanelesline emigralion was lhc activilY of lhe emigralion agems. \Vho were the main sLimulalors of lhe nO\\l. Since lhe eigh lcenlh century lhey hael been aClhe on lhe islanel, ln 1779 lhe governol" requested lhe Funchal magisu'ale lo sei punishmenls for lhem, anel in lhat )'ear Alval"O eI'Ornelas Sisne iro was

c1andestine movemenl cOll linueel unabated,

52 AlfMrto Vimo

alTesled. 7 Ilowever, it was only in lhe 1830s lhal lheir activilies beGlme

worrisome.'~

The agents were active ali over lhe island , but especiaJly in lhe norlh-

ern half where thcy masked

hand dealers

church doors and wilh the connivance ar some local nOlables in lhe smal! hamlets, they managed LO emice many labourcrs with lhe pros-

in Bra7il . lhe Wesl Indies or Ilawaii. 77 Transport 10

lhese deslinations was orten free and lhe islander onlr had la pay OUl 5.000 réis for lhe cxpense of geuing a passpon whcn in facl lhe law

fixed lhe amoum as 4,000 réis. During lhe 18405 and 1850s fifteen emigralion agents were doeu-

dajancla. Arco de

Sãojorge and Ribeira Brava.'9ln order la plll a stop to thcir aClivities.

lhe civil governar fixcd a pl"ison term of up la four momhs for lhose found guilty.80 The aClivities or these elllicers somctimes assumed gl"otesque dimcnsions. Thus in j u1r 1851 lhe shoemaker João Pestana sucd lhe poel Francisco who had persuaded hi s wife and sa n lO emigrale LO British Guiana 81 ; in August ofthe same year João Vieira ignored lhe pleas of his wife and children and succumbed to lhe alluring promises of life in British Cuiana 82 ; equally in 1853 a mOlhcr abandoned two children in São Jorge, whilst a girl from Hoaventura Oed tO Funchal. cnticed by Joaquim A. dos Reis. 83

mcmed in Funchal , Caniço, São Vincemc , Ribeira

pect or riches

lheir aClivities by prelending LO be second-

or wine purchasers. 76 Through nOlices tacked up on

78

Politicai Discussion and the Press, 1846-73

During the second half of lhe nineteenlh ce ntury lhe island press conducled an animated debale on lhe risc in cmigration. The discus-

sion focused on lwO opposing views : on one hand werc

lisemenls, descriptions and testimonies which promoted lire in lhe Americas; on lhe olher hand, were opinion and pcrsonal experiences which al"gued against lhe migratory process and invoked an inler- venlion by lhe aUlhoriues. Since lhe socio-economic siLUalion ar Madeirans, Azorcans and Canarians \\'ere idemical. there are many simllarities in lhe emphases

and lrealmenl ar the problem in lhe press of each island or archi- pelago. This is seen in A R~forma. Amigo do Povo, A Ordem, and O

Progressista in Madeira, in lhe El Heroldo ele Cmwnas, EI Eco, and El

Eco dei Comercio in lhe Canaries, and in A Pn-suasão in the Azores. However, in lhe Ponuguese islands of Madeira and lhe Azores perhaps the politic.allllrbulence following lhe rcvolulion or lhe 1820s callsed a panicularly aCUle politicization of lhe problem, \\'ilh lhe newspapers serving as a public extension ar lhe debates in the Córtes

the adver·

~~

CEHA

:.:.-=•.':,'~=:

ln lhe case of Madeira, from lhe 1830s on there \\Ias a livel)' politicai debate bclween lhe polilical faclions \\lho too!.:. opposing sides. Thus ulllil 1875, when lhe Progressive Parly was born under lhe aegis of D. João de Câmara Leme . lhe poliLical scene was ver)' confused. This was evidelll in lhe politicai discussions in lhe pages of lhe local news- papel"S. Many of lhe lallcr \\lere spokesmen for the d ifferent politicai groups; for cxample, Amigo do Povo was lhe organ of the Progressi\'es, while A Ordem supponed Charlisls and O Progressúla lhe Regcnerators, Certainly lhe lreatmelll of emigration bccame increasing!)' inlense in lhe columns of O Progressista and O Ord~m during lhe I850s. The continuing ouunigration also resulled in an intense public discussioll in lhe newspapel"S of lhe lime and in lhe C6rles b)' lhe repn:sentalives of Madeira. Twent)-one Madeiran periodicals conta in a mine ofinfor- malion on lhe (opic. O Progressista, spokesman of lhe Regeneralol"S, is the periodical which gave most allcnlion lO emigralion, which il constaml)' relcrred lO as white sl'J\'cry while describing Bl'itish Guiana and Bra7il as slaughler- houses. 84 For lhe periodicaJ"s edilors lhe importanl thing was 10 block lhis migralory mo\'ement, There werc frequent anonymous artic\es call ing for effeCli\e action by lhe authorilies.tI~!-Io\\'e,·er. in Ihis decade orthe 1850s ali lhe e\idence indiC""dled that loe.ll aUlhurilies W'ere unable lO pre\'ent dandestine emigration. The adminislralOr of lhe cOI/alho""!; and lhe eleClcd judge or Ribeira Brava"7 were denounced for not enforcing lhe laws of 1839, 1842, 1843 and 1849,11" Thus when some emigration agents and seamen involvcd in clandestine emigration wcre arresled and sentenced iII 1852. Ihere was much satisfaction in the

I >ages of lhe ne\\·spaper. 8 ~'

Beyond thi s conSlam ex.hortalion 10 lhe aU lh ori ti es lO intel' vene effectively, O Progressista orten published lellers from emigrants who descril>ed their wretched conditions. Thc firsl one was ii lener from Manuel Joaquim Teixeira, daled 12 OclOber 1851 frorn Rio de Janeiro,

describing

lhe difficulties of the voyage Ihere. 90 Anolher ICHer was

from a Madeiran aboul lhe lragic silUatio n of lhe em igralllS in British Guiana. 91 From Bral.iJ came more leuers 10 corroborate these unhappy conditions. 92 Ooe written from Rio on 14 !\Ia)' 1852 described lhe circumstances of seulcrs senlthere by cmigralion agenlS from Ribeira Brava, Campanário and EstreilO de Câmara de Lobos; Ihirty-ninc had died anel fortY-lwo were slill waiting for work. The letter-writer, João José Basilio Pereira, added lhal "lhe negro slaves were much beuer Ireated."gS Ahhough lhe Ponuguese merchams and citizens in Rio de Janeil"O made a r epresenta lion 10 lh e ambassaclor, dateel 16 July 1852, lhe organiLer of lhis shipmenl or em igrants for Bra7.i1, Cristóvão José de Oliveira, refuled lhe allegalions. He persisted in sending a funher 123 passengers on lhe English ship R~dRos~ lOlhe same destinalion,91

54 Albuto Vitira

While lhis was going on, enlici ng advertisements for new emigrants appeared in lhe pages of O ProgressISta. 011 4 Januaq' 1853 João de Freitas Martins announced lhe recruiunelll of tenaTll farmers (colonos) for Peru,9~ and on 29 March 1853 Diogo Taylor, lhe British Guiana

emigralion agem. a nnounced

pay lhe fare ofthe emigrams upon their anival and upon acceptance

of lhe rcgu lalions of the colony.96

The newspaper A Ordem followed .1 similar cOlllradiClory posilion. Thus in 1853 it gave a prominem place lo josé Silvestre Ribeiro's speech in lhe Cór les on 28 May aimed aI impeding Al:Orean and Madeiran emigration lO British Guiana. and encouraging Ihat lO lhe agricu llUral colony of Moçamedes. 97 BUI in March of the following year i1 opposed lhis gover n mem measure , poiming OUl thal lhe so lu - lion oug hl lO be in ternal a nd not oUlSide lhe island of Madeira ilself. 98

The year 1854 was a terrible one for Madeirans. menaced as lhe}'

were by lhe spectre of famine.

of ambilion but lhe resull of lhe miser}' of the agricultural workers a nd lhe inabililies of lh e gO\'ernment lO provide relief from l he calam-

ily.99 The encouragemenl of emigralion to Rio de janeiro by lhe Brazilian consu l, Luís Tomé de Miranda, was grecled with em husi-

as m , as was

Charles Kun lO take lhree hundred scu lers to British Guiana. 'oo ln

1858 it was said al lhe end of a report on the departure of lhe Portu· guese ship Chrislilla for Rio with fivc emigra11ls: " ln lime lhe beaUliful fields of lhis land, worthy of a bellcr fale, will be deserted."101

O Defe"sor in lh e period 184 1 lO 1846 echoed lhe efforlS of lhe

gene ral administralOr of Funchal, Domingos Olavo COITea A7evedo,

102

in his proclamation againsl emigration to British Guiana and Brazil al lhe sarne time that il published lellers from Madeirans ponraying lhe " hell" of British Guia na. lOs The reaction of lhose mOSl im'olved in lhe movcmenl was prompl, and came f rom Diogo Taylor, em igra- lio11 agem for British Guiana, and from Luís romé de Miranda , vice- consu l of Brazil. lo " We find information aboul the 1840s from other periodicals, among

They "'ere bolh

lO British Gu iana, which

dearly againsl lhe co ntin ued now of emigrants

lhey called lhe Valley of Dealh. The ImjXlrúai summed up lh e malter:

lhem O I mparcial,IOá and lhe Echo da Rroolução. I06

lhat the British govcrnmem would onl}

Then emigration becarne nO I a producl

lhe chanering in 1855 by three Madeirans of lhe vessel

<o lt see m s th all h e cily of Funchal c h anged ilself quickly imo a big fair of white slaves, destined to go la perish in the mos! "i le dimale of lhe

British d omains, Brilish

Guiana is an infamous

loltcry whose lickclS contain o nl y fare gerlUine wins bUl wh ich arc

boug ht with Lh e lives of o ur fellow ciLizcns

Guiana."

It wem on lO warn: "Ern igration to British

107

·

Notes

Ahgra/I01l from llu Por/lIgul!J~A./latl/lc /slllml.s

55

I.

Juan F. Martim Ruiz, f/ NW d~ GrolJ Caflaria (Las Palmas, 1978). p. 12.

2.

Mi

r ial1l I-I alpern Pereira, " poU/iea portllgu~sa da ~migra(ão, /800-/930

(Lisbon. 1981), pp. 7. 9--10.

 

3.

Cçmpare in t hi s regard P. Punchon, La rQld~ d~s ~srlal'~S-tl;grii'J'$ ~t bois d'Eb~tlt Ou XV J/J htlt (Paris, 1980); O trá[uo de escraVOJ lIi'grru . Stlulo$ xv- x/x (Lisbon. 1979). pp. 32-34; Leslie BeLhell. TheAboll/lml of/h/' Bml.llulII Slavl' Tradl': Br(il.Il artd //tl' Slat~QUl!JtlOtI (/807-/969) (Cambridge. 1970).

4.

See furthc l': Julio Hernandez Garcia. "1 emigracion canaria contCI1l- poranea (IR!)~-1898)." in Augustin Millares Torres, ed. , l-Iut6rUl GtIIl'ral de llU ulas Cananas (Las Pa lmas, 1977), \'01. v. pp. 101- 103; Rfimon Dias

,

Hernandez, " La panicipación d e Arucas en 1:1 cmigracion ca lMria de 1850 a 1920,"'11 coloqulodl' his/6t'1a Carwrio-AmencoIIll (Las Palmas, 1980) , pp. 54-57; Fernando Aires de Medeiros Sousa.jos! do Cml/o. Subsltlios para ti hJslÓria Mlcul'lmsl' (1820-/898) (Ponta Delgada. 1982), pp. 103-

108.

 

5.

Noel Deer, Tile 1-115/0') o/ Sugar (London, 1949-50),2 \·ols.

6.

Garcia,

"l

1

emigracion

ca naria

comemporanea:' p. 105--11.

7.

Raquel Soeiro de Bril o. "Aspectos d a em igrdç'ao na ilha de São Miguel,"

in

Es/udos th Hu/órU/ di' Portugal (Lisbon,

1983). \'01. II, pp . 533-46: 541.

CrisL6\'ao de Aguiar, Alguns dados sob" a tmlgra(lJo açonQ1W (Coimbr.l,

1976), p. 17.

 

8.

Fernando AIres de Medeiros de Sousa.jos! do Ctmto, p. 105.

9.

Raquel

Sociro

de BrilO, "Aspec tos da emigração," p. 542 .

10.

Walter Piaaa, "A g rande emigração Açoriana de 17'18-1756." 111 8oft/11II do IrlSti/uto Hul6rico da I lha Tnwra 40 ( 1982): 463-92; J osé Jorge CoU I O.

"A adesfio da ilha de Sfio Miguel à rel'o luç.iO de 1820," in Húlóna t Socüdade 10 (1983): 18-19; Fernando Ain~s de Medeiros de Sousa,jos! do Canto. pp. 105, 107; Francisco Carreiro da Co~ta, Para a hist6ria da

trrllgrarlJo do dis/nlo dI' Ponla Dl'lgatkl (Po nta

Dclgólda, 1972). pp. 22-24 .

II.

Maria José Lagos ' Il'indade, Estudos dI' lust6na mtdin'<l/ (Lisbon, 1981). pp. 36 1-413; Eduardo Ma)'one Dias, "A emigração portuguesa na Cal i- fÓl'Ilia," in Tl'lTa NfJ1JlI 1515. (1972).

12.

See Manuel Crea\'es, Avtr/lllras dt Balmros (lI orta, 1950).

13.

Mota de Vasconcelos. EpoptUl do tmigralllt HUltlar (Lisbon. 1959), p.8;

J oaquim Frdncisco de

Freitas.

PortugueSt HaWOIlarl Ml'morits (lI onoJulu,

1930).

 

14.

Eduardo M3)'011e Dias, "A emigrdção portuguesa na Ca lifórnia," p. 170.

15.

Freilas, Portugul'st Hau'O/Ul1/ Mtmorus.

 

16 . Carreiro da Costa, Hutona da tmigra(ão. p. 31.

17. A)'res de Jacome Co r reia, "A popu laç!lo da ilha de $.'io Miguel durante

o sécu lo XI X," in Rroista MlcOl'/l'TIsl' 3 (1921): 1262. 1267.

18. Afonso Costa, Estudos de uorlOnlla mujannl ( Lisoon, 1911). p. 77.

19. A. Rtforma 6 (1858): I.

20. Michael P. Testa, O ap6s/olo da Mad~/ra (Lisbon, 1963); Re\'. W. Canis Wi lson, Th, Madma Pmuutions (London, n.d.): Re~ional Archi\'e of Mad ei r a, (hcncefol'lh A II.M ): GOVl'rn/J CIVil (hencelorth GC) no. 20. fols . 43\,°-44 .

21. Michael P. Tes ta. ibid., 6, 63-64, 82: O DifnlSor 249, (18'16): 2.

22. AII.I>I CC 644, fols. 262\' 0 263,, - , 9 Sep tember 1847; foi. ISI\'o (1850).

56 Atkrto Vieira

23. Ibid .• 318. rols. 20-27\'°. 2 1 August 1852; A Ord~m 126 .27 May 1854.

24.

25. Ah'aro Rodrigues de Aze\ed o. "Madeira,"

A RM c c

6 32. ro ls. 63-65, 23 April 1873.

in DIClOmirlO "",vnwl d,

Português Ilus/rado (rc:print ) n.d ., p. 728.

26. Sec lhe co mpilalio n or lhe major docuI1\enlS dealing wilh his activities in Uma Ipaca admITIu/mima da M ad~lra (Fu ncha l . 18 49--50),3 \ 0 15 .

27. Uma tpoca admmutra//l'o ( 1849- 1850), I: 64--83: III : 105-106.

do RI /mrD Suo tia ,llw

da J\ ·fOMIrO , ( Fun c hal, 1848): Col/urdo d~ dM'WI~tltos rt'la/wD.l â lnSt da

28. Colluçdo d~ dMUmi!lItos ri!latll'os d conslrnçdo d, PonU

fomt! p or qu~ passamm as ilhas da Madnm t Porto Santo. no (lno di! 1847 (Funchal, 1848).

29.

O Progrmis /a 11 2 (1853); I.

 

30.

O Clamor PúblI CO 27

( 1855):

1-2.

3 1.

A Discwroo 35: 3.

32.

O Clamor P,íbhco 69

( 1855):

1.

33.

O Funchalt'tl$i! 24, (1859): 1-2.

34.

A Ordtm 77 (1853): :J-4; O ProgrtSsula 50 (1852): 3-<1.

35.

Vasconcelos. EPoJJtI(j do ,m igrallt, insular. pp. 19-20.

36.

ARM GC 6-15. 132\'° 133.

 

37.

A flor do Oua1W 273 ( 1849): 1-2.

38.

See th e pia). Afamilio do Dt!mt'ftnulO (Funchal, 1859).

39.

A Flor do Ouallo 273: 1-2.

 

40.

AR\l GC 318. 209,,°-210.

41.

For lhe stud y o r Mad c iran e mi g ration lO lIa""aii the ro llol'o ing books

an: o r part icular import;H1ce: Freitas. PorlugT./t'St HOlJYlI/al' MI"mont.\. a

co ll eclion or fh-e hundr cd llltlSl r.Hcd blographles: J o hn I L FeHx :lml Peter F. Senecal, Tht PortllK1ltSt m fl awa" ( H onolulu , 1978), a com pi- l:nion o r lext5 assemblt.>d lO commemoratc lhe ce mena ry or Madeira n emigralion lO Hawa ii.

42.

Felix aml Senecal. Por/lllruJI' lt1 H awa". pp. 55-58: Horácio Bent o de GouveL.'t. COIlhmhos tMllha (F unchal. 1966). pp. 101-103. 171 - 173: Du'ino

d~ Nol{cl(ll ( Fun c hal ). 29 Jul

) 1883.

43. 8rttN noticra actrc:a das IfllOS tlt! S(JIIdv.·icll , das l'lllllagtns qUt "(IJ oftu"m

d tmigra{llo qUi! 110$

procura (Funcha l. 1878).

44

. Orlando Ribeiro. A ,IJw da .\I adma

( Li soo n . 1985).

p.

11 2.

45

. Fellx and Senecal. Porllllrus, ITI H awall.

p. 27.

46.

Ibid., pp . 111 -34: Ed gar C. Kn oy,· lton. " M<lde iran s in

llay,':lii," a nd Noel

Menezes . "The winged impul se. lh e Madeiran Portugu ese in GlI:I}'ana. an economic social-cultural perspective:' presemcd 10 Col6qwo 1111".- nacronal di! H ISt6ria da Madtlm (f'uncha l. 19 86): Noel MenelCl> . SU ,Uj from thi! Hislory of tllt' Portugll'u //I CIl)'(/1I0 (L.ondon. 1986).

47

. Eduardo Ma yonc= Dias. "A presença portuguesa no

I-I awaii." in 8 olt/lm

ClIllural da Asumblt/a Du /n/al d, Luboa (Lisoo n . 198 1). vo l. I.

235.

48. Vasconcelos, Epoptia do tnllgratllt IIUI/lnr. pp . 9--11.

49 . As qUOIed in ibid .

50. Arqui\ ' o Hisl Óri CO Ultramarino ( h enct'ro rth AHt:). A Madt'ira t no. 154-57.

51. Ibid., no . 548-550.

52. O Progrmista 5: 3.

53. O Dtfmsor 249: 2.

54. ARM CM Ponta de

Sol. No . 33, ro ls. 176_79\'°.

55.

ARM (;Ç 644. rols. 205--206vo.

no . 8:

165-

p ~·to 5011/0.

Migralianfrom Iht Porluglld t Atlanl/c /$Iallds

57

57. ARM cc 17 , 159vo.

58.

59. Ibid ., 19, fo ls. 185-86,24 October 1845. The Eng lish consu l was informcd

of thesc measures in arder that he c:ou ld inform his ow n na!ionals (ibid.,

I bid .,

12 , foi.

115,,".

112. fols . 148vO).

60. Ibid., 19. foI. 209: A R\I Admmislraçlio da Carutlho. FUllcho/318, foi. 24.

61. lbid

62 . Between 1845 to 1866 lhere \'Ie l'e (\>o'em)' references la Ihese along lhe southern coaSl of t. l ad eira island.

63. ARMC(: 112, fols. 175,,°_ 76: 277: 280.

64 . l bid ., 115, fo ls. 165,,°_70: AdmmtSlrO(ão do Carutlho. Ftmrhal318. foI. 84,,°.

aCli\itics

318, fols. 26,,°_27,,°.

134-3:;.

65. ARM cc 113, foI. 150" "-5 1: ibid .• 115, foi. 10h ".

66. Ib id

20, fols. 128-29\,°: 134-35.

67 .

I bid

.•

112 ,

115,

153 .

68.

ARM, Administra(/la do Callulha,

Frmchal 318. fo ls. 25,°_26\,°,29\,°,44,

48,,°.

 

69.

ARM GC 112 , foi . 182; ihid .• Adrn/lltSlmçãa do Con(t/IIO, Fllllrhal3 l S, 1'01. 43\'''_

44.44-48 ; ibid

20, foi. 38,°.

70.

ARM. Admini$tra(fjo do Canulho 358, 1'01. 44-48.

71.

VIn(1

1poca odmmülrari!'<l da Madmo, vai. I. pp. 8-9, 14-22,29-3 0,42-

46.

72.

Ibid

pp. 87-89; ARM (;(: 113, fols. 212,,"-213,235 .

73 . l n Ihc offici;.! phrase "co meça a faler -se l11ais profundamenlc." Ibid., 613, foI. 97.

74. A H\,

Modt ira t Porto Salllo 526-34.

75. AKM Coe 110. 1-2.

76. 17. fui. 132,,"; O Progm.sulo 25 (1851) : 2-3: A Ord~m 190 ( 1855) :

Ibid

3.

77. O Progmúi ta 25 (1851): 2-3: 28: 2-3.

78. ARMGC 77, foI. 132,,°.30 Ap r il 18'11.

79.

AK~I. Ad'1II1Iutru(àO do COllullw. FrHlchal

318, fo i. 58\'°. 69\" °_70 : ibid .• 21,

foI. 62 \,". ibid .• 315, fols. 3:;\'''_36, 183: ibid .• 318, foI. 34\''': O Progrmuto

23 (1851): 2-3; 32: 3: 33: 2.

 

80.

AlUI GC 20, foi. 20\ "_2 1. 67,,"-68, 149-51\' ''; ibid. , 21 . fols.62\' 0: ibid 22. foI. 20,,"; ibid .• 318, fols. 58,,°; ibid .• 3 15. fo ls. 35\"°_36, 38; Unw 1poco

(jdmi'li.stratll'a da Madma \"01. I, pp.2S-2 9: O Progrt.í.íi.sta 23 (1851): 2-

3: 32: 3 : A flor do OctOIlO 273:

1-2: A Ordl!m

11

( 1852): 3.

81.

ARM, Admmi.strll(lio do COIlf:tlho, Frouhaf 315. fo l s. '132\"°_3 4.

82.

Ibid. , fols . 50\'''.

 

83.

Ibid

fols . 181\'°.

84.

O Progrmula 59: p. 'I.

 

85.

Ibid., 23. pp. 2-3.

86.

Ibid.

87.

88.

89.

90.

Ib

Ib id.,

id .•

1' . 2 .

pp . 2-3; p . 2.

23 , pp. 2-3 .

3<1,

25,

32,

I bid.,

I bid.,

Ibid

91. 28, pp. 2-3.

42. pp . 2-3 .

92.

93. Ibid., 45. p. 4.

94. Ibid., 46, pp. 2-3.

95. Ibid., 75, 4.

96.

l bicl., 85, p. 4.

Ibid

ibid .• 91.

p. 2.

58

Albtrlo Vit'ira

97.

A Ord~m, 77. pp. 3-<1.

98.

Ibid

114.

99.

Ibid

132. p.

J.

100.

Ibid., 165 . pp. 2-3.

101.

Ibid ., 94. p.3.

102.

O Dt/nuM, 71: ibid., 96. p. 2; ibid

201, p. I.

103.

104 . Ibid

105. O ImlJareial 38, 1'1'.2-3: ib.d

Ibid

72. 2. 72, 2-3; ibid

201. I.

289, p. 3; ibid., 300 pp. 2-3.

106. Eeho dJJ Rn>olufõo 3. pp. 2-4; ibid., 6, pp. 2-3: ibLd

107. O Imparcial 38, 2-3.

7. pp. 2-3.